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Nostalgia as a Resource for the Self

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DOI: 10.1080/15298868.2010.521452

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Nostalgia as a Resource for the Self

a b c
Matthew Vess , Jamie Arndt , Clay Routledge , Constantine
d d
Sedikides & Tim Wildschut
a
Ohio University, Athens, Ohio, USA
b
University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, USA
c
North Dakota State University, Fargo, North Dakota, USA
d
University of Southampton, Southampton, UK

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To cite this article: Matthew Vess, Jamie Arndt, Clay Routledge, Constantine Sedikides & Tim
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Nostalgia as a Resource for the Self

MATTHEW VESS
Ohio University, Athens, Ohio, USA

JAMIE ARNDT
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University of Missouri, Columbia, Missouri, USA

CLAY ROUTLEDGE
North Dakota State University, Fargo, North Dakota, USA

CONSTANTINE SEDIKIDES
TIM WILDSCHUT
University of Southampton, Southampton, UK

This research tested whether nostalgia serves as a positive resource for the self. In
Experiment 1, nostalgia was induced and the accessibility of positive self-attributes
was assessed. Participants who thought about a nostalgic experience, relative to
those who thought about a positive future experience, evidenced heightened
accessibility of positive self-attributes. In Experiment 2, participants received
negative or positive performance feedback and then thought about a nostalgic or
ordinary past experience. Subsequently, they were given the opportunity to make
internal attributions for their performance. Participants displayed a typical pattern
of self-serving attributions if they were not given the opportunity to engage in
nostalgia. Nostalgic engagement, however, attenuated this effect. Nostalgia indeed
functions as a positive resource for the self.

Keywords: Feedback; Nostalgia; Self; Self-concept accessibility; Self-serving bias.

When Rick Blaine (Humphrey Bogart) tells Ilsa Lund (Ingrid Bergman) that they
will ‘‘always have Paris’’ in the movie Casablanca, he showcases the human capacity
to revisit psychologically momentous events in the past. If the movie were to have
followed these characters into the future, it is likely that both would have
experienced periods of sentimental longing for the time they spent in the shadow of
the Eiffel Tower. The purpose of the present research was to explore further the
positive psychological benefits that the experience of sentimentality for the past, or

Received 8 February 2010; accepted 6 August 2010; first published online 15 November 2010.
Correspondence should be addressed to: Matthew Vess, 205 Porter Hall, Department of Psychology,
Ohio University, Athens, OH 45701, USA. E-mail: vessm@ohio.edu

Ó 2012 Psychology Press, an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an Informa business
 274 M. Vess et al.

nostalgia, confers to the self. Recent perspectives on nostalgia suggest that one key
benefit of nostalgia is its bolstering effect on self-esteem (Wildschut, Sedikides,
Arndt, & Routledge, 2006). The present work builds from this finding to identify two
additional self-relevant functions served by nostalgic reverie. We examine whether
nostalgia increases the cognitive accessibility of positive self-attributes (Experiment
1) and reduces self-serving attributions in response to performance feedback
(Experiment 2).
Early conceptualizations of nostalgia viewed the emotion primarily as a form of
psychological dysfunction (Hofer, 1688/1934) and linked it to negative states such as
depression (McCann, 1941) and homesickness (Davis, 1979). This is perhaps not
surprising, given that many of the ‘‘symptoms’’ thought to be associated with bouts
of nostalgia were negative (e.g., anxiety, sadness). However, evidence that
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individuals associate affectively warm concepts (e.g., warm, childhood) more

frequently with nostalgia than with homesickness (Davis, 1979) paved the way for
a conceptualization of nostalgia as a primarily positive experience colored with some
bittersweet elements (Sedikides, Wildschut, Arndt, & Routledge, 2006; Sedikides,
Wildschut, & Baden, 2004). A content analysis of nostalgic narratives provided
direct support for such a conceptualization by showing that nostalgia carries a
predominantly positive affective signature (Wildschut et al., 2006). Moreover, this
content analysis revealed that nostalgic narratives feature the self as an active and
central player, critically hinting at a distinction between nostalgic reverie and other
time-oriented psychological states (e.g., remembering). Thus, the contemporary view
of nostalgia is that it is a self-relevant emotion colored with positive affective
qualities and potential self-relevant benefits (Sedikides, Wildschut, Arndt, &
Routledge, 2008).
Recent work has built from this contemporary conceptualization to elucidate
dynamic functions of nostalgia. Initial research found negative affect and loneliness
to be specific catalysts of nostalgic reverie (Wildschut et al., 2006), inspiring
subsequent forays into the possibility that nostalgia functions to restore positive
moods and feelings of social connectedness. Consistent with this possibility,
experimental inductions of nostalgia increase positive affect and feelings of affiliation
(Wildschut et al., 2006; Wildschut, Sedikides, Routledge, Arndt, & Cordaro, 2010).
Research has also shown that nostalgia confers more direct benefits to the self by
amplifying explicit self-esteem (Wildschut et al., 2006) and buffering individuals from
the negative impact of existential threats on perceptions of meaning in life, death-
related anxiety, and associated defenses (Juhl, Routledge, Arndt, Sedikides, &
Wildschut, 2010; Routledge, Arndt, Sedikides, & Wildschut, 2008). This research has
notably contrasted the effects of nostalgia with relevant control topics, including:
autobiographical memories for ordinary events (e.g., Routledge et al., 2008) and
memories for positive past events (Hepper, Ritchie, Sedikides, & Wildschut, 2010).
These contrasts suggest that nostalgia can be distinguished from simply reflecting on
any positive memory or event. Moreover, similar effects using dispositional measures
of nostalgia, as well as other naturalistic nostalgia inducements (e.g., music), have
been observed and can not be accounted for by variations in mood or self-esteem
(Barrett et al., 2010; Wildschut et al., 2010). The extant research thus supports the
validity of the nostalgia construct and highlights its self-relevant functions (e.g.,
bolstering self-esteem).
Drawing from this previous work, the aim of the present investigation was to
elucidate further the self-relevant benefits of even relatively brief inducements to
 Nostalgia and the Self 275

engage in nostalgic reverie. Experiment 1 moved beyond explicit evaluations of the

self (Wildschut et al., 2006, 2010) to assess whether nostalgia also increases the
accessibility of positive self-attributes. Although research has yet to clarify the effects
of nostalgia on the cognitive activation of self-characteristics, some findings indicate
that nostalgic reflection evokes memories of the self playing an active role in what are
generally positive, or at least redemptive, events (Wildschut et al., 2006). Hence,
reflecting on nostalgic events may activate associations with positive features of the
self and consequently increase the cognitive accessibility of positive self-character-
istics. Experiment 2, in turn, considered another unexplored function of nostalgia by
examining whether nostalgia mitigates self-serving attributions (Campbell &
Sedikides, 1999; Mezulis, Abramson, Hyde, & Hankin, 2004). One of the unique
characteristics of nostalgia is the breadth of benefits that it confers on the self. In
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particular, nostalgia strengthens social bonds and counteracts loneliness (Wildschut

et al., 2010; Zhou, Sedikides, Wildschut, & Gao, 2008), increases self-esteem
(Wildschut et al., 2006), and buffers the negative existential consequences of
reflecting on personal mortality (Routledge et al., 2008). Together, these benefits
implicate nostalgia as a potential mechanism through which individuals buttress the
self against a variety of threats (e.g., social exclusion). Nostalgia may therefore
function similarly to other self-affirmation resources (Kumashiro & Sedikides, 2005;
Steele, 1988) in mitigating defensive responses to self-esteem threats. Experiment 2
assessed this possibility in an effort to broaden the scope of nostalgia’s self-protective
functions.

Experiment 1
Experiment 1 examined the effects of nostalgia on the accessibility of positive self-
attributes. Participants considered either a nostalgic event or a positive event in
their future, and subsequently categorized positive and neutral personality traits as
self-descriptive or not. We used categorization speed as an index of concept
accessibility (Bargh & Chartrand, 2000). Past research has contrasted the effects of
nostalgia with reflections on ordinary events and past autobiographical events, as
in experiments showing that reflections on nostalgic events engender greater
explicit self-esteem than do reflections on ordinary past events (Wildschut et al.,
2006). This research has also often used state nostalgia manipulation checks and
confirmed that the treatment does in fact increase in-the-moment nostalgia
(Wildschut et al., 2006, 2010; Zhou et al., 2008). However, research has yet to
assess whether nostalgic reflection has unique effects relative to the consideration
of a positive event in the future. We remedied this deficiency in Experiment 1.
Moreover, we measured positive and negative affect immediately after the nostalgia
induction to assess whether any observed effects were driven by general affective
consequences of nostalgic reverie. This is a crucial addition to the experimental
procedure, given previous findings that nostalgic reflection improves mood
(Wildschut et al., 2006).
We hypothesized that nostalgic engagement would increase the accessibility of
positive self-attributes relative to the consideration of a future positive event.
Reflecting on a nostalgic event and considering a future positive event may engender
comparable degrees of positivity, but nostalgic reverie has the potential to bring on-
line specific memories where the self is a central player in a positive chain of events
(Wildschut et al., 2006). We expected the activation of these cognitive structures to
 276 M. Vess et al.

bring online positive features of the self, thus increasing the speed at which nostalgic
participants categorized positive self-attributes.

Method
Participants and Procedure
Thirty (15 female)1 psychology students (age: M ¼ 18.8, SD ¼ 1.19) participated in a
study on ‘‘personality and categorization speed’’ for course credit. They completed
all materials on computers.

Materials
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Event reflection. Participants were randomly assigned to either the nostalgic

event reflection or future positive event reflection (control) task. Participants in the
nostalgia condition were instructed to ‘‘bring to mind a nostalgic event in your life.
Specifically, try to think of a past event that makes you feel most nostalgic.’’
Participants in the control condition were given parallel instructions about a
positive event in their future. All participants were then asked to generate four
keywords associated with the corresponding event and to take a few moments to
think about the event and how it makes them feel. These instructions remained on
the screen for 30 seconds. Previous research using this manipulation attests to its
validity, as the manipulation has consistently been shown to elicit the desired
differences in state nostalgia (Routledge et al., 2008; Wildschut et al., 2006, 2010;
Zhou et al., 2008).

Affect. Next, participants completed the Positive and Negative Affect Schedule
(PANAS; Watson, Clark, & Tellegen, 1988). The PANAS asks participants to
indicate the extent to which they currently feel a variety of emotions (e.g., ‘‘excited,’’
‘‘scared’’) on a 1 (very slightly or not at all) to 5 (extremely) scale. Both positive
(M ¼ 3.15, SD ¼ 0.85, a ¼ .87) and negative affect (M ¼ 1.60, SD ¼ 0.47, a ¼ .73) are
assessed.

Me/Not Me task. Finally, participants completed a Me/Not Me task (Markus,

1977) used in recent self-concept accessibility research (Schlegel, Hicks, Arndt, &
King, 2009). Participants were presented with a series of personality traits and
instructed to press the ‘‘Z’’ key (labeled Me) if the trait was descriptive of them or
the ‘‘/’’ key (labeled Not Me) if the trait was not descriptive. Each trait was
presented randomly in the center of the screen and remained there until
categorization. After categorization, a blank screen appeared for 1 second,
followed by the next trait. The response latency from stimuli onset to
categorization was recorded with shorter latencies indicative of greater concept
accessibility (Bargh & Chartrand, 2000). Following six practice trials, participants
categorized 13 positive and 20 neutral traits. We included a disproportionate
number of neutral traits so that an adequate number would be selected to allow for
a computation of mean response latencies. We selected positive traits from the
positive evaluative items that Greenwald and Farnham (2000) used to develop an
Implicit Association Test of self-esteem. We selected neutral traits from those rated
in the middle range of Anderson’s (1968) likeability ratings of 555 personality traits
(M ¼ 254.14, ranking range ¼ 189–334).
 Nostalgia and the Self 277

Results
Primary Analyses
‘‘Me’’ categorization. A repeated-measures analysis of variance (ANOVA) on
the number of words categorized as ‘‘me’’ revealed no difference between positive
(M ¼ 11.13, SD ¼ 2.08) and neutral (M ¼ 10.07, SD ¼ 3.44) words, F(1, 29) ¼ 2.00,
p ¼ .16, Zp2 ¼ .07. Despite the disproportionate number of neutral traits, participants
still manifested a directional tendency to endorse more strongly positive traits, as
would be expected from past research (Sedikides & Gregg, 2003, 2008). Also,
participants did not differ in the number of positive words, (Mnostalgia ¼ 10.80,
SD ¼ 2.48 vs. Mfuture ¼ 11.47, SD ¼ 1.60); t(28) ¼ 0.87, p ¼ .39, d ¼ 0.32, and neutral
words, (Mnostalgia ¼ 9.73, SD ¼ 3.03 vs. Mfuture ¼ 10.40, SD ¼ 3.88); t(28) ¼ 0.52,
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p ¼ .61, d ¼ 0.19, that they categorized as ‘‘me.’’

Self-attribute accessibility. We log-transformed response latencies (RTs; in

milliseconds) for traits categorized as ‘‘me,’’ and replaced values more than 3 SDs
above and below the mean RT with those cut-off values. We used the resulting
transformed values to create mean positive self-attributes (M ¼ 3.00, SD ¼ 0.09) and
mean neutral self-attributes (M ¼ 3.05, SD ¼ 0.09) RTs. We then calculated a
positive self-attribute accessibility index (PSA) that controlled for individual
differences in categorization speed as the standardized residual of a regression with
neutral self-attribute RTs predicting positive self-attribute RTs (Robinson, 2007).
These residuals contained only the variance in categorization speed associated with
positive self-attributes. Lower residual values indicate quicker response latencies and
hence greater positive self-attribute accessibility (Schlegel et al., 2009).
We proceeded to subject PSA scores to a t-test comparing the two conditions.
Participants in the nostalgia condition evidenced faster RTs to positive self-
attributes (M ¼ 70.40, SD ¼ 0.61) than participants in the future positive event
condition (M ¼ 0.20, SD ¼ 0.97), t(27) ¼ 4.05, p ¼ .05, d ¼ 0.74.2

Ancillary Analyses
A set of analyses focused on affect indicated that participants in the control con-
dition reported more positive affect, (M ¼ 3.45, SD ¼ 0.83 vs. M ¼ 2.85, SD ¼ 0.79);
t(28) ¼ 2.05, p 5 .05, d ¼ 0.74, and marginally more negative affect, (M ¼ 1.76,
SD ¼ 0.54 vs. M ¼ 1.43, SD ¼ 0.33); t(28) ¼ 2.00, p 5 .06, d ¼ 0.73, than participants
in the nostalgia condition. However, controlling for positive and negative affect did
not attenuate the primary results described above, F(1, 25) ¼ 4.10, p ¼ .05, Zp2 ¼ .14.
Furthermore, we conducted analyses controlling for the number of attributes
categorized as ‘‘me.’’ The primary results remained unaltered, F(1, 25) ¼ 4.98,
p 5 .05, Zp2 ¼ .17.

Discussion
Experiment 1 showed that nostalgic reverie amplifies the accessibility of positive self-
attributes. Participants who reflected on a nostalgic (vs. future positive) event were
faster to categorize positive self-attributes, and controlling for individual differences
in categorization speed and affect could not account for this effect. Moreover, the
nostalgic and future positive event conditions did not differ in the overall number of
traits categorized as ‘‘me,’’ helping to rule out an alternative explanation for the
 278 M. Vess et al.

observed effects. One might argue that the latency differences emerged due to
participants in the positive event condition categorizing more marginally descriptive
traits as ‘‘me.’’ Such categorization tendencies would consequently take longer to
make, leading to larger response latencies. The data rule out this possibility. Thus,
the results support a previously unrecognized function of nostalgia: the cognitive
activation of positive self-attributes. These results are particularly evocative, given
that they were obtained with a relatively brief inducement of nostalgic engagement
and without specific direction for participants to reflect on positive memories
involving the self.

Experiment 2
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The results of Experiment 1 contribute to the growing literature documenting the

utility of nostalgia for the self. Nostalgia serves a diverse array of functions, ranging
from its buffering effects on loneliness (Sedikides, Wildschut, Routledge, Arndt, &
Zhou, 2009; Zhou et al., 2008) to its enhancing effects on explicit self-esteem
(Sedikides et al., 2009; Wildschut et al., 2006). The breadth of these functions
suggests that nostalgic reverie serves to affirm the self, protecting it from threat.
Indeed, research inspired by self-affirmation theory (Steele, 1988) has shown how
affirmations of the self can reduce the defensiveness that typically occurs in
response to self-relevant threats (Sherman & Cohen, 2006). Might nostalgic reverie
operate in a similar fashion to affirm the self and thus foster self-security in the face
of threat?
If nostalgic engagement affirms the self, then it should function as a protective
resource that mitigates the potentially self-defeating consequences of self-esteem
threats (Alicke & Sedikides, 2009; Green, Sedikides, & Gregg, 2008). One well
documented response to self-esteem threat is an attributional pattern where
individuals take more credit for their successes and less credit for their failures
(Campbell & Sedikides, 1999; Sedikides, Campbell, Reeder, & Elliot, 2002). Such
judgments have a range of consequences, many of which bode poorly for self-
improvement (Sedikides, 2009; Sedikides & Strube, 1997). However, typical self-
affirmation exercises that ask participants to affirm their core values reduce these
defensive responses (Sherman & Cohen, 2006). Given its affirming effect on social
bonds and self-worth, we expected nostalgia to operate similarly.
Participants in Experiment 2 thus received either positive or negative feedback
regarding their performance on a purported test of analytic reasoning (The Remote
Associates Test or RAT; Mednick, 1962) and subsequently completed the reflection
task(s) used in Experiment 1. Afterwards, they indicated the extent to which their
test performance was due to their ability. Based on the foregoing analysis, we
hypothesized that participants in the nostalgia condition would attribute failure
more to their ability, and would attribute success less to their ability, than control
participants.

Method
Participants and Procedure
Fifty-six (29 female) psychology students (M ¼ 18.5, SD ¼ 0.91) participated for
course credit in a study ostensibly interested in the ‘‘relationship between personality
and analytical reasoning.’’ We excluded three participants from analyses due to their
suspicions about the legitimacy of the RAT.
 Nostalgia and the Self 279

Materials
Feedback manipulation. The experimenter distributed the RAT, and further
described it as an analytic reasoning test that accurately predicts professional and
academic success. The RAT presents participants with sets of three words that are
linked together in some way by a fourth word. The objective is to identify correctly
the linking fourth word for each set. Following previous research (McFarlin &
Blascovich, 1984), participants were randomly assigned to a difficult (negative
feedback) or easy version of the RAT (positive feedback). Participants were allotted
3 minutes to solve 10 RAT items and were then given a scoring key. The scoring key
provided the correct answers to each RAT item and indicated how one’s score
compared to other students’ scores: 0–4 were labeled ‘‘below average for university
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students,’’ 5–6 were labeled ‘‘average,’’ and 7–10 were labeled ‘‘above-average.’’ Thus,
participants in the difficult RAT condition received negative performance feedback
and participants in the relatively easy condition received neutral to positive
performance feedback.

Affect. Following the RAT, participants completed the PANAS (Watson et al.,
1988) described in Experiment 1 (positive affect, a ¼ .90; negative affect, a ¼ .88).

Event reflection. Participants next completed the event reflection task manipula-
tion. The task was identical to that of Experiment 1, except we used a different
control topic: an ordinary event that occurred during the last week. As noted earlier,
this topic has been used in previous research, which has shown that this
manipulation yields the predicted differences on measures of state nostalgia
(Routledge et al., 2008; Wildschut et al., 2006, 2010; Zhou et al., 2008).

Performance attribution. Finally, participants responded to the question: ‘‘To

what extent was your performance on the Remote Associates Test caused by your
ability?’’ (1 ¼ not at all; 7 ¼ totally). Higher scores reflect a stronger internal
attribution for one’s performance.

Results
Manipulation Checks
Participants in the difficult RAT condition (M ¼ 1.36, SD ¼ 1.66) solved fewer
problems than those in the easy RAT condition (M ¼ 6.43, SD ¼ 1.83), t(51) ¼ 10.51,
p 5 .001, d ¼ 2.90. These means corresponded to the feedback provided in the RAT
interpretation key (e.g., scores 0–4 were ‘‘below average’’). Moreover, a t-test
comparing the feedback conditions revealed that, as expected, ‘‘failure’’ participants
(M ¼ 1.80, SD ¼ 0.84) reported more negative affect than ‘‘success’’ participants
(M ¼ 1.44, SD ¼ 0.35), t(51) ¼ 2.07, p ¼ .04, d ¼ 0.56. No differences emerged for
positive affect, but the pattern was consistent with expectations: Mfailure ¼ 2.82,
SD ¼ 1.07 versus Msuccess ¼ 3.09, SD ¼ 0.75, t(51) ¼ 1.02, p ¼ .31, d ¼ 0.29. We
conclude that the manipulations were effective.

Primary Analyses
We subjected performance attributions to a 2 (Event Reflection: nostalgia,
ordinary)62 (Feedback: failure, success) ANOVA. There was no main effect of
Event Reflection condition, F(1, 49) ¼ 1.41, p ¼ .24, Zp2 ¼ .03, but the Feedback
 280 M. Vess et al.

main effect was significant, F(1, 49) ¼ 61.22, p 5 .001, Zp2 ¼ .56. Participants in the
failure condition (M ¼ 3.29, SD ¼ 1.56) attributed their performance to their ability
less than participants in the success condition (M ¼ 5.64, SD ¼ 0.78). More
importantly, the Event Reflection6Feedback interaction was also significant, F(1,
49) ¼ 12.65, p ¼ .001, Zp2 ¼ .21.
There was a pronounced difference in performance attributions among success
and failure participants who reflected on an ordinary past event, F(1, 49) ¼ 69.18,
p 5 .001, Zp2 ¼ .59. However, within the nostalgia condition, the self-serving
attribution pattern, while still significant, was attenuated, F(1, 49) ¼ 8.56, p ¼ .01,
Zp2 ¼ .15. Indeed, as seen in Table 1, within the failure condition, participants in the
nostalgic event condition attributed their performance more to their ability than
ordinary event participants, F(1, 49) ¼ 10.57, p ¼ .002, Zp2 ¼ .18. In contrast, within
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the success condition, nostalgia participants attributed their performance to their

ability marginally less than participants in the ordinary event condition,
F(1, 52) ¼ 3.00, p 5 .09, Zp2 ¼ .06.

Discussion
Experiment 2 elucidates an additional way that nostalgia functions as a self resource.
Consistent with previous research (Campbell & Sedikides, 1999; Mezulis et al., 2004),
participants in the failure condition attributed their performance less to their ability
than those in the success condition. However, participants in the failure condition
who engaged in nostalgic reflection attributed their performance more to their ability
than those who considered an ordinary event and nostalgia attenuated self-serving
attributions. These results confirm the guiding hypotheses and indicate that nostalgic
reverie serves as a self-affirming resource that mitigates the deleterious consequences
of self-esteem threat.

General Discussion
Two experiments illustrated how nostalgia serves as a resource for the self. In
Experiment 1, nostalgic reverie led to faster categorizations of positive self-attributes
than did contemplating a future positive event. This finding indicates that nostalgia,
in addition to elevating explicit self-esteem (Wildschut et al., 2006), amplifies the
accessibility of positive self-attributes. In Experiment 2, thinking about a nostalgic,
compared to an ordinary, event reduced self-serving attributions in response to
performance feedback. The use of two different control conditions across the
experiments and the affect measures in Experiment 1 suggest that these results are
not due simply to thinking about general past events, future positive events, or

TABLE 1 Attributions of RAT Performance to Ability as a Function of RAT and

Event Reflection in Study 2
Feedback Nostalgic event Ordinary event
Success 5.29a (0.61) 6.00a (0.78)
Failure 4.00b (1.55) 2.57c (1.28)
Note: Standard deviations are in parentheses. Means with different subscripts differ from
one another at p 5 .01.
 Nostalgia and the Self 281

mood. Taken together, the findings contribute to an emerging literature focused on

understanding the self-relevant functions of nostalgia. Whereas previous research
has explored how nostalgia affects social bonds (Zhou et al., 2008), meaning in life
(Routledge et al., 2008), and explicit self-esteem (Wildschut et al., 2006), the present
investigation shows that the benefits of nostalgic reflection extend to implicit self-
positivity and responses to self-esteem threats.
The latter findings suggest that reflecting on nostalgic events counteracts the
motivation to self-enhance through other potentially damaging behaviors. For
example, following self-relevant threats, individuals may derogate those who are
different (Fein & Spencer, 1997), may self-handicap (Berglas & Jones, 1978), and
may even display higher levels of aggression (Baumeister, Smart, & Boden, 1996).
As evidenced by Experiment 2, nostalgic reflection protects the self from the types of
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ego-relevant threats that may provoke destructive responses. Although there might
be affective consequences of not defending the self from evaluative threat,
Experiment 2 suggests that nostalgia may confer self-affirming benefits that serve
to buttress self-integrity and value in the face of negative events.
Future research could further explore the merits of this analysis by examining the
effects of nostalgia on other defensive responses to threats (e.g., social comparison
processes, openness to threatening information) and by further explicating the
dynamics that underlie this process. For example, recent work has demonstrated that
nostalgic reverie elicits a more abstract cognitive mindset (Stephan, Wildschut,
Sedikides, & Robertson, 2010), a mindset also engendered by typical self-affirmation
exercises (Wakslak & Trope, 2009) and associated with less defensive orientations to
self-relevant threats (Freitas, Salovey, & Liberman, 2001). It is possible that this shift
in cognitive abstraction may account for the self-buttressing effects of nostalgia. The
present research provides a foundation for empirical efforts to assess the merits of
this analysis and to harvest the wide range of positive benefits associated with
nostalgia.
The current research also contributes to the understanding of how temporal
thought can be used to maintain positive self-views. For instance, individuals
show a temporal distance bias in their recollection of past success and failure:
they construe negative past events farther away from one’s current self and
construe positive events as relatively recent (Ross & Wilson, 2002). In addition,
individuals will take steps to protect special memories from corruption and decay
(Zauberman, Ratner, & Kyu Kim, 2009). The self-enhancing benefits of nostalgia
are consistent with this literature and point to a new line of research. Nostalgia
may not only influence self-esteem, but self-esteem considerations may also help
to structure the content and temporal priority of the events upon which one
reflects nostalgically. For example, individuals who derive self-worth mostly from
relationships (as opposed to personal achievements) may be particularly likely to
become nostalgic about past interpersonal events (cf. Wildschut et al., 2010). Such
possibilities highlight the integrative potential of nostalgia research with other
central theories of self-esteem (e.g., contingencies of self-worth; Crocker & Wolfe,
2001).
Taken together, the present findings provide further insight into the self-relevant
function of nostalgia. They suggest that reflecting on nostalgic aspects of the past
bolsters the positivity of self-conceptions and prepares individuals to respond less
defensively to the challenges and threats of the present. Thus, the ability to wax
nostalgic about that romantic time in Paris may have served as an ever-present self-
resource for Casablanca’s unforgettable lead duo, Rick and Ilsa.
 282 M. Vess et al.

Notes
1. Given that no effects involving gender were observed in either experiment, such effects
will not be discussed further.
2. An outlier (z-residual ¼ 3.0) was excluded from these analyses.

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