CHAPTER - 4

CHANGE AND CONFLICT : EMERGENCE OF NON-BRAHMIN CONSCIOUSNESS IN

ANDHRA DURING NINETEENTH CENTURY

The growth of non-Brahmin movement and its emergence as a

political force in the early 20th century were the spin-off of
the developments that took place during the course of 19th
century. In the light of this, it becomes necessary to delve
into different aspects of non-Brahmin consciousness in the 19th
century. An analysis of the course of events in the development
of non-Brahmin consciousness suggest that it was more a social
upheaval than a political challenge to Brahmins. Hence the focus
here is not from a political perspective.

An attempt is made to consider the growth of non-Brahmin

consciousness during the 19th century from the view point of a

socio-economic and socio-cultural perspective. In doing so, the

non-Brahmin awareness during this period is seen as a 'reformist

drive' from within non-Brahmin castes.

In the absence of any strong corroborative contemporary

documentary evidence to show that non-Brahmin castes were pitted

against Brahmins in absolute political terms, an analysis is made

to view and project non-Brahmin consciousness as a social reform

measure in 19th century.

132
 We have to reason out why the non-Brahmin consciousness
cannot be considered from a political angle during 19th century.
This is followed by another chapter dealing with the developments
in early 20th century wherein an attempt is made to shed more
light on the fusion of non-Brahmin consciousness into a movement.

The impact of colonial policies was seen among different

social groups in the society. The break-up of old political and

social order under the colonial rule affected both social and

traditional relations in society. The new revenue, social and

cultural policies dislocated people from their occupations and

social positions. Amidst these changes various social groups in

the indigenous society began an intense quest for new identities

and alternatives. During this process their reactions to the

colonial rule were multi-dimensional. The growth of public

consciousness and the consequent political awakening emerged out

of these reactions. Since public life in general was less

organised during this period, it can be seen that the emerging

consciousness was found scattered among various social groups.

The term 'consciousness' can be understood in a broader sense

which reflects the sprouting seeds of resistance and protest

among different social groups. In the absence of a strong

ideological force to channel this germinating consciousness, the

latter remained isolated at different levels. The origin of

social consciousness among the non-Brahmin sections in Andhra

during the nineteenth century is to be seen as a part of the

general spread of public consciousness in society since such

133
consciousness among these sections took a definite shape of a

caste movement only during the early decades of 20th century.

The emergence of consciousness among non-Brahmin castes was

one of the most important developments during 19th century In

Andhra. The attack on Brahmin community was spearheaded by

Kamsali (Viswabrahmins), Reddy, Vaisya, Balija and Velama

communities . Before a discussion is initiated on this, three

important points deserve our attention:

a) The emergence of non-Brahmin consciousness was slow but

significant. It gained momentum only by the late 19th century.
The attack on Brahmins was carried forward by different castes
within their own limitations.

b) The attack on Brahmin community was three-pronged viz.,

economic, social and cultural and

c)The emergence of non-Brahmin consciousness was not given

concrete organizational shape and hence it did not form into a
movement. Moreover, the non-Brahmin sections joined hands with
Brahmins during the time when they were demanding the

One of the dominant peasant castes, Kamma which was actively

associated with non-Brahmin movement in 20th century did not
figure in the list of castes that opposed Brahmins in 19th
century. However, there is a stray reference to a village by
name Kammavari Brahmanapally in Rayalaseema region which suggests
that the Sanskritisation process was, perhaps, initiated among
Kammas too. But any conclusive assertion in this regard is not
further corroborated by contemporary evidence. See Education
Department, Consultation No.51, dt. 15.6.1868, Andhra Pradesh
State Archives (APA).

134
introduction of local self-government in Andhra. This was seen
in the public meetings organised in 1882 and the participants
were drawn from all caste groups. This shows the resilience and
flexibility of the non-Brahmin awareness . Such awareness was
given definite institutional shape only during the 20th century
with the formation of Justice Party.

I I

With the consolidation of the colonial authority there was a

change in land relations. This was effected by various land
revenue settlements in Andhra of which the dominant and most
influential was the Ryotwari settlement. The change in property
relations of land badly affected Brahmins for two important
reasons. First, they lost the traditional patronage from the
rulers which they were enjoying earlier. This was the first
development that had its serious bearing on land. Secondly,
political control over land was grabbed by the colonial authority
which displaced the local rulers. For the British who were

It has been observed by a contemporary writer who participated

in the Godavari District Social Conference meetings in late 19th
and early 20th century that the narrow casteist tendencies did
not yet creep into the contemporary political life. He further
asserted that there was no partiality in approach to any public
concern and people were united in fighting for their demands.
For more details see Sripada Subrahmanya Sastry,
Anubhavaloo-Jnapakalunu (Telugu), Vol.111, Rajamahendravaramu,
1966, pp.99-100. It may be noted here that such unbiased and
casteless approach in public life was witnessed in Andhra even
during the heyday of non-Brahmin movement. Gutti Kesava Pillai,
a prominent lawyer in Rayalaseema region disclaimed the
non-Brahmin manifesto. See the letter of G.Harisarvottama Rao,
dt. 23.2.1917 in R.K.Pillai Papers, Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library, New Delhi.

135
primarily interested in land revenue they were not inclined
towards extending patronage to any social group. As a result it
3
was Brahmins who were adversely affected. Moreover, under
Ryotwari settlement the holder of the land was recognized as its
proprietor provided that the fixed amount of land revenue was
paid to government. This amount was generally heavy and in
practice the Madras Presidency was the highly taxed of the three
Presidencies and the amount of tax collected for every one lakh
of people was more than the double that collected in Bengal . It
means that the ryots, in order to meet the revenue demand, had to
till the land themselves or leave it. These changes had wider
implications specially for Brahmin land holders. Most of the
time the Brahmins remained absentee landlords renting their lands
to other peasant groups. They were hardly involved in any
agricultural operations. This was possible in earlier period as
they received political protection from the local ruling
dynasties . Under the colonial rule the land relations of
Brahmins were threatened. They began to lose control over their
Manyam, Srotrium and Agrahara lands due to the excessive revenue

3
This was brought out clearly in the petitions from Brahmin land
holders to the Governor of Madras. One such petitioner
represented that the references from old documents would reveal
that the rulers generously donated lands to Brahmins where as the
British government did nothing in this direction. The welfare of
Brahmins was completely ignored by the colonial rulers. See for
details petitions No.22 and 23 in G.J.Somayaji (ed.), Jateeya
Likhlta Bhandagaramandali Telugu Lekhalu (Telugu), Waltair, 1957.
The neglect of the colonial government in extending favours to
Brahmin landlords was a conscious attempt since such favour would
ultimately affect the revenue interests of the British.
4
A.Sarada Raju, Economic Conditions in the Madras Presidency,
1800-1858, Madras, 1941, p.50.

136
demand from the government . The loss of political patronage
further aggravated the problems for Brahmins. As a result, the
relative isolation of these people from land in the earlier
period was gradually giving way to their total alienation from
the same. When the hold of Brahmins over land relations was
weakened under the British rule, some of the non-Brahmin
Zamindars in Andhra began using force in grabbing the lands held
by Brahmins. Such a forceful usurpation was evidenced by the
late 18th century and the beginning of 19th century . The
non-Brahmin castes began, thus, asserting their supremacy over
land. By the middle of 19th century the emergence of non-Brahmin
castes as landed magnates picked up momentum.

The construction of Godavari and Krishna anicuts was a major

development which largely contributed to the rise of non-Brahmin

castes such as Reddies and Kammas. The areas which benefitted

from these two anicuts were earlier reeling under poverty. The

conditions in society were characterised by stagnation, heavy

taxation on cultivators, depression in agricultural prices and

the like . The construction of Godavari and Krishna anicuts

Manyam, Srotrium and Agrahara denote the land donations to

Brahmins.
In an exhaustive report on the economic conditions in Northern
Circars, the Commissioner refers to grabbing of Brahmin lands.
The Zamindar of Ramachandrapuram, Kochherlamudi Ramachandra Raju,
dispossessed many Brahmins and usurped their Inam lands by force.
The Zamindar was much despised by the people for such an act.
See for details the communication addressed to the B.O.R. by the
Commissioner for Northern Circars (February, 1796) in Godavari
District Records, Vol.842, pp.313-317, APA.
For a detailed description of these conditions see G.Niranjana
Rao, "Changing conditions and Growth of Agricultural Economy in
the Krishna and Godavari Districts, 1840-1890", Ph.D Thesis,

137
resulted in unprecedented changes in the agrarian economy of
Q

Andhra . The net results of the anicut construction were the

growth of surplus grain production, increase in the value of
land, growth of commercial agriculture, development of market
towns etc. It was estimated that the shift from dry to wet crops
in the post-anicut period would raise the productivity of paddy
and in fact rice acted as a catalyst of commercialisation in
9
agriculture . In course of time agricultural lands were passing
from non-cultivating castes to the cultivating peasant castes
like Kamma, Kapu, Reddi and others .

The concomitant results of new canal irrigation schemes

virtually obliterated subsistence agriculture and created a near

mono crop economy in delta regions, thus transforming them from

areas of frequent famine to one of intense wet rice cultivation.

Paddy quickly became a commercial crop, being cultivated largely

Andhra University, Waltair, 1973, pp. 13-78.

The construction of the anicuts was accomplished by the
brilliant engineering skill of Arthur Cotton. He was already
famous by then with the construction of irrigation projects
across Coleroon in 1835. Cotton, with his able assistant
C.A.Orr, could complete the Godavari anicut construction and the
Krishna anicut work was looked after by his other associates
including C.A.Orr. For more details see Lady Hope, General Sir
Arthur Cotton : His Life and Work, Calcutta, Reprint, 1964 (first
edition, 1900), pp.80-90 and 117-130. Also see A.Prasanna Kumar
and I.Dosagiri Rao, "Sir Arthur Cotton and the Growth of Godavari
District" in Indo-British Review,. Vol.VIII, Nos.1-2, pp.116-120.
9
For details see G.N.Rao, Changing conditions and Growth,
Op.Clt., pp.286-294. Also see by the same author, "Transition in
the Agrarian Economy of Andhra", Presidential Address to Modern
Andhra Session, A.P. History Congress, 1988, Passim.
G.N.Rao, Transition, ibid. However, middle and rich peasant
communities could not emerge in other areas like Rayalaseema due
to various factors like heavy land assessment, non-completion of
irrigational projects like Kurnool-Cuddapah Canal, old
agricultural technology etc. For details see, Ibid.

138
for the market and the region became an important supplier of
rice for other parts of Madras Presidency.

The growth of rice production and trade stimulated the

development of local agro-processing particularly rice mills in
towns and larger villages. The expansion of trade and
communication resulted in the 'money economy' of delta region .

Changes in land revenue policy contributed to the

commercialisation of agriculture. The gradual removal of

intermediary class of Zamindars, who controlled much of the land

in the region, gave an impetus to agricultural growth by allowing
greater part of profit to the cultivator 12. The introduction of

Ryotwari system promoted production for the market and by

confirming ownership rights in land, it also paved the way for

the development of a market in land. The enhanced productivity

of the delta lands after irrigation and increase in population

meant that there was a growing demand for land and consequently

land prices also rose .

For details see, A.V.Ramana Rao, Economic Development of Andhra

Pradesh, 1766-1959, Secunderabad, 1972, pp.64-67.
Nata Duvvuri, "Tobacco Trading and forms of Market organisation
: A case study of Guntur District" in the Economic and Political
Weekly (EPW), Vol.27, p.1329.
13
A.V.Ramana Rao, Op.Cit., p.72.

139
 Continuous rise in grain prices during most of this period
contributed to the growth of economy and a general increase in
prosperity. The commercialisation of agriculture picked up
momentum and this is proved by the fact that 427. of rice produced
in Guntur District during 1920s was exclusively meant for
marketing purpose .

The most important outcome of these economic changes was the

emergence of a relatively large class of prosperous peasants or
owner cultivators . Kammas, Reddys, Kapus and Velamas

constituted the neo rich peasant class . These rich cultivators

began to participate directly in the market both as sellers and

buyers. Consequent upon this, they came into contact with towns

while transacting their business. With the shooting up of higher

productivity rate, big farmers could accumulate substantial

surplus from their agricultural operations during the early

decades of 20th century . These cultivators began investing

14
Nata Duvvuri, Op.Cit., pp.46-47.
It is observed that the social structure that developed in this
region contrasts sharply with that found in most of the dry land
of Madras Presidency in which rural society was dominated by a
small land owning elite. For more details see Baker.C.J. and
Wash Brook, D.D., "South India : Political Institutions and
Political Change, 1880-1940", Delhi, 1975, p. 164.
There were several land owning cultivating castes in Coastal
Andhra, the dominant among them being Kamma cultivators. Kapus
were probably more numerous than Kammas, but they had in their
possession less amount of land. Given any village in the delta
region one caste was dominant in so far as land ownership is
concerned. For more details see, Upadya Card Boyock, "The Farmer
Capitalist of Coastal Andhra Pradesh" in EPW, Vol.XXIII, No.27,
1988, p. 1378.

"ibid.

140
money In agro-industries and it was this capital that resulted in

the rapid growth of rice mills in the delta region.

In addition to new urban and rural Interaction the spread of

literacy and higher education among the cultivating peasant
castes was another important development. The importance of
education, in particular, English education was realised by them

as it provided the real key to public employment under the

18
colonial administration, political power and social status .

The chain of developments in the post anicut construction

period clipped the wings of Brahmin landlords and they became

19
unsuccessful as agriculturists . On the other, newly emerging

non-Brahmin peasants employed workers from their respective

castes and successfully conducted all agricultural operations.

This phenomenon explains the steady decline of Brahmins in

agricultural sector and the consequent rise of non-Brahmins.

This, in turn, provided the required momentum to social and

political developments in the first half of 20th century 20. With
a spurt in economic status of non-Brahmin peasants, they began to

seek to improve their social status in contemporary society.

18
The Madras Banking Enquiry Committee (1933) reported that in the
delta region, substantial sums of money were made available to
educate the children of local inhabitants.
19
For a detailed discussion on this aspect see, C.Haragopal,
"Evolution of Modern Andhra : A socio-economic perspective",
Presidential Address : Section HI in the Proceedings of Andhra
Pradesh History Congress, Kurnool, 1985.
20
Ibid.

141
 Once the economic position of non-Brahmin castes was
strengthened and secure, they started demanding equal rights with
Brahmins in education, employment and executive bodies like
Municipalities and Local Fund Boards. It may be noted here that
the new English education under the British admitted people of
all sections in society to reap its benefits irrespective of
caste, creed and religion. The introduction of English education
had two major implications. On one hand it introduced new
syllabus and subjects of learning vis-a-vis the contents of
traditional indigenous learning where Brahmin teachers had a
monopoly. The new education sought to create an educated class
of Indians who would fill up the lower rungs of colonial
bureaucracy. This was one of the cherished objectives of
colonial rulers apart from using the centres of education for
proselytising purposes. Under the new educational system all
sections of society began to train themselves in the new
subjects. Though people of all castes in society joined these
institutions, the lion's share was appropriated by Brahmins.
Even the members of traditional Brahmin families took to new

education who earlier were engaged in professional activities

21
like performing traditional rituals and rites . Such a tendency

A few contemporary autobiographies of nineteenth century

intellectuals from Andhra reveal this. It is stated that the new
employment opportunities created by English education displaced
many Brahmin families from traditional occupations. Under the
discouraging economic conditions of the colonial rule these
people increasingly took to English education which fetch them an
easy earning in the form of employment. For details see, Sripada
S.Sastry, Anubhavaloo - Jnapakalunu, Vol.1, Rajamahendravaramu,
1955, pp.37-41.

142
loosened the grip of Brahmins over the indigenous system of
education.

On the other hand, non-Brahmin sections of the society also

began to avail the new opportunities. Though the growth of
education was very slow in the first part of 19th century, they
were not ignorant of the benefits of new education. Members from
upper castes from among the non-Brahmin sections began to educate
themselves in English schools. The mid peasant castes of
non-Brahmin sections also realised the importance of new
education by the middle of 19th century. This is best

exemplified by their efforts in establishing Rate Schools in

Andhra. Rate School is a school which was maintained by local
contributions from society. This experiment was first initiated

in Godavari delta region and later on spread to other parts of

22
Andhra . The completion of Godavari anicut provided ample

For details see Selections from the Records of the Madras

Government No. XXVI - Papers Relating to the Establishment of
Village Vernacular Schools In the Sub-Division of Rajahmundry,
Madras, 1856. This is an exclusive report on the Rate School
experiment and other related aspects in the Godavari region.
G.N.Taylor, sub-collector of Rajahmundry played an important part
in this experiment. He adopted the idea of Subscription or Rate
Schools from North Western Provinces where the village schools
under the system of Hulkbandee were successfully run by local
contributions. A recent monograph gives us various details about
these schools in the Godavari delta. See J.Mangamma, 7'he Rate
Schools of Godavari, Hyderabad, 1973. The desire for Rate
Schools was simultaneously expressed from the Cuddapah region in
Rayalaseema. Edward Porter of London Mission Society informed
the Government that the people of this region belonging to
cultivating and weaving castes were anxious in extending elements
of plain and secular education to their children. He added
further that he had already received a contribution of RS.12OO
from people towards this object. For details see, Public
Department, Vol.932, Consultation No.46, dt. 3.10.1854, Tamilnadu
Archives (TNA).

143
opportunities for the emergence of mid peasant castes from the
non-Brahmin sections. Their enthusiasm in coming forward in
establishing Rate Schools was active till the end of 19th
century. The motivation for the system was purely indigenous
reflecting the inherent urge of these people towards
self-improvement and social development. The experiment picked
up momentum in the second half of the 19th century with Rate
Schools being established in almost all districts of Andhra
region. Most of these schools were dominated by people belonging
to non-Brahmin castes. For example, out of 980 boys under
instruction in 55 Rate Schools spread over three taluqs of
Godavari during the first year of operation of the schools, only
23
284 were Brahmins and the rest (696) were non-Brahmin students .
So also out of 37 Committee Members of Rate Schools in Nellore
district, only 8 members belonged to Brahmin caste and the
remaining 29 members were drawn from different non-Brahmin
24
castes . The preponderance of non-Brahmins on the school
committees as well as the rolls of attendance in these schools

unmistakingly refer to the existence of strong sentiments of

self-reliance and an urge towards social improvement among

non-Brahmins. It also reveals the slow but significant spread of

For more details see Papers Relating to Op.Clt., pp.54-55.

Even in those Rate Schools some of which have been transferred to
the control of the Government, non-Brahmin boys were more in
number. When calculated, in eight of such schools during the
same period (1854), 290 boys out of 442 under instruction
belonged to non-Brahmin castes (excluding Muslim students). For
details see Ibid.
24
The information is based on Edu.Dept., No.10, dated 2.3.1867;
No.73 dt. 2.3.1868; No.72 dt. 24.4.1868; No.7 dt. 4.7.1868 and
CO. (Education) No.142, dt. 29.4.1869, APA.

144
public spirit among these sections. It is with this new
enthusiasm that the people from the non-Urahmlii castes began to
demand equal opportunities with Brahmins and challenge their
supremacy over traditional observances and spiritual pursuits.
However, it is to be remembered that these people never attacked
Brahmins on the basis of their caste but only questioned their
supremacy in the contemporary society. This is attested by the
fact that educated members of non-Brahmin sections increasingly
associated themselves with social reform movements and took
active part in establishing public libraries and public
associations during the course of 19th century.

III

From the mid 19th century till the late 19th century,

non-Brahmin castes from different regions of Andhra sent a number

of memorials to the Madras Government demanding equal rights and

share with Brahmins. It is observed that between 1850 and 1880

there were specific petitions addressed to the Governor of the

Presidency against Brahmins. The major demands of these

petitioners related to employment, share in Local Boards and

economic grievances. The following table gives the details of

25
these petitions .

The table is based on the Petition Registers, TNA for the years
1854-1879.

145
Place of Origin Year Petition Caste Groups Nature of Compl-
(DISTRICT) Number Involved aint or Demand

Nellore Town 1854 2771 Anonymous For fair share

from Sudras in employment

Nellore Town 1854 2983 Anonymous For fair share

from Sudras in employment

Cuddapah 1859 1545 Reddy Against Brahmin

Curanam and for
enquiry by non-
Brahmin officers

Bellary Town 1861 2965 From Vaisyas For equal share

and other in Local Boards
traders

Nellore 1863 2242 Vaisyas and For equal share

(Ongole Tq) others in employment

Bellary 1863 2848 Sudras Against decisions

(Rayadurgam Tq) of Brahmins in
Local Board -
Request for
discontinuance
of Brahmans

Bellary Town 1863 3235 Non-Brahman Against revenue

peasant castes payments to
Brahmins -
Refusal to do so

Cuddapah 1879 1928 Not available Against Brahmin

(Madanapalli) employees

Vizagapatnam 1879 2113 Not available Against Brahmin

(Sarvasidhi Tq) judge and his
partiality in
recruitment

The contents of the above table are significant to our

analysis since all these memorials have been categorically

opposed to Brahmins and every petition specifically mentions the

name of Brahmin caste vis-a-vis the non-Brahmin castes. This

146
awareness was a novel development in the 19th century . The
vertical division and a broad-based caste opposition between
Brahmins and non-Brahmins were recent happenings in the society.

The major demand or the petitioners from Nellore was a fair

share in employment and requested the government "to cause
enquiry to be made and a fair distinction of appointments among
27
all castes impartially" . For the people of Cuddapah the Brahmin
curanam who was supporting other Brahmins out of fear were
causing much trouble. They requested for an enquiry by Europeans
or any other officer of non-Brahmin caste .28 These people

complained of the excesses committed by Brahmin subordinates

working under a few corrupt European Officers 29 . The

non-Brahmins from Bellary were opposed to the Brahmin monopoly in

It is also true that there were a number of conflicts between

upper castes (both Brahmins and non-Brahmins) and 'low castes'.
Even among the 'low castes' (Malas and Madigas) tensions existed.
For example see the protest petition by high castes against
paraiahs in Masulipatnam in Pet. Reg., No.3339 of the year 1861,
TNA. For conflicts between Malas and Madigas see Pet.Reg.,
No.2227 of the year 1863, TNA. These conflicts were seen more
between Right Hand and Left Hand Castes. For details see
V.Ramakrishna, Social Reform, Op.Cit., pp.8-9. Also see the
protest letter of Right Hand Caste people who took objection to
the use of a palanquin by a Left Hand Caste man and to the
interference by the acting Magistrate, G.N.Taylor in Pet. Reg.,
Vol.59, No.2787, TNA.
27
See Anonymous petition as well as the one by inhabitants of
Nellore town in Pet., Reg., Vol.58, No.2983 and Vol.59, No.2771,
TNA.
28
A ryot from Kattakindapalli (Doopad taluq) in Cuddapah district
complained of the excesses. He, in fact requested for an enquiry
by the sub-collector of Nellore, Minchin. See Pet., Reg.,
Vol.68, No.1545, TNA.
29
For details see the petition by Venkata Narasu, Madanapalli in
Cuddapah district, Pet., Reg., No. 1928 dt. 17.10.1879,TNA.

147
 30
the Local Board and the adverse decisions taken by the Brahmin
31
members . Hence, they demanded for an equal share in the
management of Local Boards and the discontinuance of the biased
decisions by Brahmins. The ryots in Bellary district also
opposed the decisions of the Deputy Collector of Inam Commission
who granted patta lands to Brahmins superseding the claims of
32
non-Brahmin ryots . The Vaisyas, along with the inhabitants of

all the villages in Ongole taluq of Nellore district, were much

worried that every taluq and village office was filled with
Brahmins and a combination of all Brahmins was playing havoc with
their lives . They demanded that "Europeans may be appointed to

the above offices or in case of appointing natives, persons may

34
be selected in all classes proportionately" . In Vizagapatnam too
the grievance was related to the question of biased attitude of a

Brahmin Munisif in appointing his relatives in public offices In

the district .

The mercantile community launched this protest under the

guidance of Narayanaswamy, Kuppuswamy and others. See Pet. Reg.,
No.2965, dt. 29.9.1861, TNA.
l
Ibld. Also see Pet. Reg. No.2848, dt. 20.10.1863, TNA.
32
Ibtd., No.3235, dt. 26.11.1863.
33
The Vaisyas and other inhabitants representing every village in
Ongole taluq under the leadership of E.Subbaiah and Kistum Chetty
sent their petition to the Government. For details see Pet. Reg.
No.2242, dt. 28.3.1863, TNA.
34
Ibtd.
35
The petitioner complained against the present District Munisif,
Maddirala Sundararao Pantulu, that he was indulging in unfair
practices like bias in appointments, amassing huge amounts of
wealth etc. See for details Pet. Reg., No.2113, dt. 99.11.1879,
TNA.

148
 The study of these petitions and the nature of the

grievances show that most of these are related to a fair share in

employment and decision making bodies like Local Fund Boards. It
is to be observed that the growth of education gained momentum
after mid 19th century. Hence, these demands reflect the
concerns of the gradually growing members of the educated middle
classes among non-Brahmin castes. Their demand for employment
and a share in Local Bodies on par with Brahmins point out the
direction in which they would agitate in future. The growing
consciousness among these caste groups formed the backdrop to the

emergence of non-Brahmin movement during the 20th century.

Another important aspect is that these people were ready to shed

down, at least in 19th century, the narrow caste aspirations In

the face of a public issue facing all. It was revealed by their

association with Brahmins in the public meetings to discuss the

issue of local self-government and arriving at unanimous

resolutions. Pursuant to Ripon's resolution on Local

Self-Government, the Madras Government tried to garner public
opinion in this regard. It asked various district collectors and

Municipal Board Members to contact people and know their mind on

the present proposal. When the local board members and colonial

officials did so accordingly, people from different parts of

Andhra assembled in meetings and intimated their opinions to the

government in the form of resolutions. These resolutions

favoured the immediate introduction of Local Self-Government.
These public meetings had a wide social base representing all
sections in society. For example, the meetings at Vizianagaram

149
and Ongole were attended both by Brahmin and non-Brahmin members

of those towns . An analysis of the social base of signatories

to the resolutions adopted in these meetings testifies this.

I V

By the late 19th century the educated members from among the
non-Brahmin castes began their attack on the Brahminical world
view. The monopoly of Brahmins over spiritual and ritual spheres
was opposed by various non-Brahmin castes. Viswabrahmins (earlier
known as Kamsalis), Gowda, Reddy, Balija, Velama and Vaisya were
the major castes which opposed Brahmins in these fields. The
attack was two dimensional. First, most of these non-Brahmin
castes began undergoing the process of Sanskritisation by
adopting Brahminical titles and performing their rituals. It was
a process of Brahmanisation of intra-caste rituals of various
non-Brahmin castes. Secondly, these people questioned the
superiority of Brahmins, claimed equal status with them and at
times even claimed superiority over them. These two strands went
hand in hand in opposing Brahminical traditions.

The opposition of Viswabrahmin (Kamsali) caste people was

not new to 19th century. It can be traced back to the Vijayanagar

period 37 . They claimed equal status with Brahmins by performing

For more details see the proceedings of the public meetings at

Vizianagaram and Ongole in Pub.Dept., Sundries, Vols. 130 and
131, TNA.
37
See V.Ramakrishna, Social Reform, Op.Cit., Chap.l, Foot Note.30.

150
rituals like Upanayana and the tendency continued 38. A new entrant
in this field during the 19th century was Gowda caste and it also
39
claimed an equal status with Brahmins by adopting their titles .

The Reddy caste people under the inriuence of Arya Samaj began

wearing 'sacred threads' according to Vedic rituals 40. A person

from this caste, Chinta Raghunatha Reddy of Vayalpadu village in

on
Upanayana means thread marriage ceremony, the performance of
which alone entitles a person to chant Cayatrl Manta in
accordance with the Brahmanical tradition. That they were still
following Vedic rituals is attested by an anonymous petition from
Viswabrahmins at Masulipatnam who demanded that "in conformity to
the proclamation of Her Majesty an order may be issued to the
collector to allow the goldsmith and carpenters to go through all
the public streets in procession mounting an palanquin on
condition of their paying Rs.8.00 per each marriage ceremony and
Rs.4.00 per each Upanayanam ceremony". Pet. Reg. 1787, dt.
4.7.1863, TNA. As per the available evidence it is known that the
earliest caste journal was published by Viswabrahmins entitled
Vlswakarmakula Sampradaya Prabodhinl. The First issue of the
journal was issued in July 1876. However, the journal did not
live long and became defunct within six months. Its last issue
was released in December, 1876. See Report on the Administration
of the Madras Presidency during the year 1876-77, Appendix,
pp.ccxlvii - ccxlix.
39
This is revealed by a petition by Sunderlala who claimed to be a
priest to Gouda Brahmins of Bellary. See Pet. Reg., No.2295,
30.6.1859, TNA. Goudas are a toddy-drawing caste of Andhra.
They are called Gamallas in South Coastal Andhra. In Cuddapah
district they are known as Asilivandlu. 1901 census entered
Idigas as a sub-sect of Gamallas. Sometimes they claimed to be
Balijas or Telagas who adopted toddy-drawing as a profession.
The above Census Report returned some of the Gamallas also as
Settigadu or Chetty. They are known as Yatas in Visakhapatnam
and Ganjam districts. For more details see Edgar Thurston,
Castes and Tribes of Southern India, Vol.11, Delhi. Reprint, 1975
(first edition, 1909), pp.253-57 and Vol.111, pp.435-37. The
Setti Baliljas in Godavari region also claimed themselves to
belong to toddy-drawing caste. As noted above some of the
toddy-drawers were shown in census reports as Balija and Chetty.
Perhaps, Setti Balija is a corrupt form of Chettu (Tree) Balija
or Chetty Balija. Thus, Goudas or Gamallas, Idigas, Yatas and
Setti Balijas belong to toddy-drawing caste. The Srisayana
(Segidi) caste in Srikakulam area of Andhra also is a
toddy-drawing community and belongs to the group of foregoing
castes.
40
V.Ramakrishna, Social Reform, Op.Cit., p.8, F.N.30.

151
Chittoor district put on 'sacred thread' and came to be called
41
Raghunatha Varma . He further induced people from Balijas, Boyas
and other 'lower castes' to wear 'sacred thread' 42

The efforts of Balija caste people were reflected in the

activities of Kokku Hanumantha Rao 43 . His family migrated from
Nellore to Cuntur district during the mid 19th century 44. He used
to chant 'mantras' even during his boyhood and claimed that he
had a 'darshan' of Lord Hanuman in his dream when he was fourteen
45
years of age . Then onwards he began learning traditional folk
arts and concentrated on Brahmanical literature . Though it is
not known whether he adopted Brahmanical rituals, he strongly
disputed the superiority of Brahmins and on one occasion he even
entered into a philosophical discussion with an
beggarly'old
47
Brahmin' at Vijayawada on the issue of Sanatanadharma . He

constantly referred to the existence of non-Brahmin opposition to

48
Brahmin monopoly in the contemporary society

41
Ibtd.
42
IbW.
43
These are revealed by his Autobiography. In fact it is a
pseudonym as the author, Hanumantha Rao, claims that this
autobiography narrates the life history of the descendants of his
father's second wife to which line he also belongs. This book is
entitled "Autobiography by Kokku Hanumantha Rao" and categoriesed
under call number Q22VV M71 N37 in Tamilnadu Archives. For other
details see K.Hanumantha Rao, Autobiography (pseudo.).
44
Ibtd., p.3.
45
Ibtd.. p.5.
6
Jbtd., pp.4-5. By the time he attained thirty five years of age
he was initiated into Adwaita Philosophy.
47
Ibtd., p. 19.
48
Hanumantha Rao narrates his difficulties in facing the Brahmin

152
 The reaction of Velama caste members was more vigorous when
compared to other castes. Velamas even claimed superiority over
Brahmins and such awareness was percolating down to younger
generations too. Such an attitude was reflected by Velama
students at Bobbili when they refused to attend the town school
because they had to sit on the same benches along with Brahmin
49
boys . Only with the intervention of the BobbiliRaja, Velama
boys reconciled and agreed to attend the school

The adoption of Brahminical rituals and questioning their

traditional authority could be seen in the efforts of Chilambu

Adinarayanappa Naidu . He was well read in traditional

domination at Masulipatnam. He was appointed as a clerk in the

District Munsiff Court in 1896 at Masulipatnam and for many years
his promotion was withheld owing to the "machanisations of
Brahmin influence rampant in the district court". He remarks
that the Brahmin sect became a stumbling block in the way of
non-Brahmin uplift and screened the divine knowledge and
philosophic studies from them". Later he got transferred to
Munisif Court at Peddapuram where he could get easily promoted
with the help of the District Munisif, T.Varadarajulu Naidu of
his own caste. See Ibid., pp.10-11. it is to be noted that
caste-based patronage was widely prevalent in the society and
this tendency was severely protested by the vernacular press.
See Vivekavardhani, August 1885 in NNPR, TNA. It took strong
objection to caste-oriented favouritism and said that it would
create disunion among people.
49
This was reported to the Madras Government by the Director of
Public Instruction in his communication dated 14.1.11873. It is
cited in G.Ranganaikulu Patrudu, A Brief Account of the Bobbili
Zamindari : Chiefly Compiled from the Samsthanam Records. Madras,
1889, pp.66-68. The author of the book was a manager of Bobbili
Samsthanam at the time of compilation. The D.P.I, further
reported that there was a proposal to establish a school for
Velamas only. Raja's interference finally resolved the issue.
50
Ibtd., p.66.
He was born into Adivelama caste in 1837. After his education
he worked as revenue inspector and police inspector at Pithapuram

153
literature and even contributed a few articles to the
contemporary Telugu journals. He often entered into scholarly
disputes with Brahmins. On one such occasion differences of
opinion over a poem In Mahabharata led to heated exchanges
between himself and Somanchl Bheemasankaram Pantulu at
Rajahmundry . As against the traditional practice of consulting
Brahmins, Chilambu began helping his caste people in fixing
auspicious timings [muhurtam) for rituals connected with birth,
naming ceremonies, travel and marriage .

The efforts of Venkatagiri Raja, Kumara Yachama Naidu are

more noteworthy in opposing the Brahmanical superiority 54. In his

book entitled Manassakshi he criticised Brahmanical notions of

morality, multiplicity of Hindu Cods and divine origin of Vedas .

He condemned traditional fastings, cumbersome rituals, charity to

Brahmins and strongly objected to the prohibition of non-Brahmins

and Bellary. For more biographical details see Chilambu

Chandrasekhara Rao, Chilambu Adlnarayanappa Naidu Garl
Pavltramagu Charitramu (Telugu), Rajahmundry, 1923, pp. 1-4.
52
Jbtd., pp. 17-18.

Ibid., pp.54-55. This process came to be popularly called

Swasangha Paurohttyamu and was more visible among Kammas in early
20th century.
54
He is also known as Kumara Yachendra Bahadur. For more details
on his activities see Alladi Jagannadha Sastri, Op.Cit.,
pp. 108-110.
Ibid. He also authored Gitasara Sangraham and Hindumatha
Vlrodhabhanjanl. His books including Manassakshi are in Telugu.
The latter was translated into English by two scholars (a)
C.Arvamudu Aiyangar, Manassakshyam [The Mind's Testimony) of Sri
Velugoti Kumara Yachendra Bhupala, Madras, 1888 and (b) Sripati
Suryanaryana, The Manassakshimatam of Sri Velugoti Sarvajna
Kumara Yachendra Bahadur, Madras, 1894.

154
from learning Vedas . In order to propagate his views he began
delivering lectures on his book at Venkatagirl. For the same
purpose a separate society, Manassakshi Kutam, was established at
Bobbili by its Raja, Venkata Swetha Chalapati Ranga Rao Bahadur .

The Vaisyas too did not lag behind in opposing the

superiority of Brahmins and such an opposition could be seen In

CO

the efforts Initiated by Atmuri Lakshminaraslmham . He was

moderate in his views and a staunch supporter of social reform
issues like women's education and widow marriage 59. At the same
time he rebelled against Brahmanical superiority in denying his

community access to Vedas. He started studying Vedas and even

established a school to teach Vaisya students and the teaching

started after the celebration of 'Sacred Thread Marriage' . He

went on extensive tours lecturing on Vedas at different places

like Gutti, Vizianagaram in Andhra and Satyamangalam,

Sripati Suryanarayana, Op.Clt., pp. 1-2.

Ibid. Ranga Rao Bahadur was the third son of Venkatagiri Raja
and was given in adoption to the ruling family at Bobbili in
1872. He was ten years of age at the time of adoption.
58
Ibld.
59
He was all praise for the British rule and his view, like in the
case of other educated middle class intellectuals, reflects his
misguided notion of colonialism. He believed that Britishers
were first cousins of Indians as both belonged to the same Aryan
stock and hence there was no reason in opposing the colonial
rule. However, this 'false consciousness' did not influence his
activities in supporting social reform endeavours initiated by
Veeresalingam. For more details see Ibid., pp.39-41, 131-33 and
168-69.
60
Ibtd., p.33.

155
Chidambaram, Coimbatore and Kumbhakonam in Tamilnadu . In these
lectures he emphasised that Vaisyas should be given free access
to Vedas and that the meaning of Vedas should be informed to the
entire society . To propagate his ideas he established a Telugu
Journal, Vedardha Prakaslka in 1901 and various topics relating
to Bhagavadgita, Vedas and Upanishads were discussed In its
columns . Symbolising his efforts in opposing the upper hand of
Brahmins over traditional rituals he performed Agnlstoma Vagna at
Masulipatnam and claimed the title of Somayaji

61
Jbtd., pp.70-72 and p. 140 ff.

62
Ibid., pp. 165-66.

63
Ibld., pp.112-13.

Ibid., pp.70-74 and p.87 ff. Agnistoma Yagna is the most

Important as well as the most intricate Soma (Ritual Liquor)
sacrifice in Vedic rituals. These sacrifices would normally
incorporate animal sacrifices along with a number of other rites.
Agnlstoma is an annual ritual in praise of fire God (Agni) and
spans over four days "culminating in morning, afternoon and
evening soma pressings on the final day and including two goat
sacrifices". However, cow is the main animal of sacrifice. Its
performance generally includes seventeen Brahmin Priests. The
other important and ambitious Soma sacrifices are Aswamedha
(Horse Sacrifice), Rajasuya (Royal Consecration) and Vajapeya
(booty or Victory Draft). For details see Encyclopedia of
Religion, New York. 1987, Vol.6, pp.339-340 and Vol.15,
pp.280-30. Atmuri was condemned by the Sankaracharya of Sringerl
Peetham since Vaisyas were debarred from Yagnic rituals. The
Peetham sent a court notice to Vaisya community at Satyamangalam
whom the notice claimed, were violating the Hindu traditions
under the influence of Lakshminarasimha Setty. It may be noted
here that the notice used the suffix, Setty, to his name which is
generally used for Vaisyas only. During the performance of
Agnlstoma Yagna, Atmuri Lakshminarasimham deviated from the
traditional Brahmanical practice of cow sacrifice for it
symbolised an act of violence and instead used a replica of cow
made of flour called 'pista pasuvu'. Condemning the practice of
cow sacrifice he published a tract entitled 'Pasuvadha
Khandanam'. For details see Ibid., pp.70-74, 98-100 and p.259
ff. He delivered a few lectures on caste condemning the hold of
Brahmins over Hindu caste structure. For example see his

156
 V

The foregoing efforts of non-Brahmin caste people In

asserting themselves during the course of the 19th century

signify the fact that awareness was gradually spreading among

these sections regarding the issues of social importance. A few

aspects assume significance in the growth of non-Brahmin

consciousness. Though the beginnings were noticed in their

consciousness, it was consolidated into a definite non-Brahmin

movement only during the 20th century. The spared of non-Brahmin

consciousness was more complementary in its role in society

during the entire course of 19th century and did not assume the

shape of exclusive caste Identity. The pervasive influence of

social reform campaign in the second half of nineteenth century

played an important role and under its impact narrow caste

divisions were submerged. Even the caste associations in the

early 20th century concentrated on internal reforms under the

impact of vigorous social reform campaign by people like

Veeresalingam. A few contemporary autobiographies of nineteenth

century Andhra intellectuals bring out the fact that social life

in Andhra during this period did not attain narrow caste

identities.

On the other, non-Brahmin sections could readily give up

narrow caste aspirations in the face of a popular demand. They

"Lecture on Caste Delivered in the Museum Hall, Rajahmundry in

September 1882", TNA (Under the call number Y 592.2 M84). Also
see C.J.Baker and D.A.Washbrook, Op.Cit., pp. 152-155.

157
did not hesitate joining hands with Brahmins in demanding a free
hand in the management of local bodies when this question became
a bone of contention between Indians and the Colonial government.
These evidences provide enough proof to the non-sectarian nature
of non-Brahmin consciousness. Above all, there was no
interference of Colonial state in this field unlike in the early
20th century when it extended an implicit support to the Justice
Party, organised on the social basis of non-Brahmins in Madras
Presidency including the Andhra region. In the light of these
facts it can be safely assumed that the emergence of non-Brahmin
consciousness served as yet another instrument of public opinion,
and, at least during the nineteenth century, It did not cocoon
itself into a narrow shell of caste consciousness.

While the available evidence points to non-sectarian nature

of non-Brahmin consciousness, a few writings on 19th century

present us a distorted notion of caste consciousness during this

period. It is argued by some scholars that under the Company

administration the preponderating influence of Brahmins over

Hindu Law and the Imperial system of dispute management viz., the

Anglo-Indian Legal System, which initially associated Brahmins

with them were responsible for the Brahmin supremacy in the

nineteenth century . Precisely for this reason they described

nineteenth century as a "Brahmin Century" which represented the

For details, see D.A.Washbrook, "Law, State and Agrarian Society

in Colonial India" in Modern Asian Studies, Vol.15, No.3, 19981,
pp. 652-653.
66
Ibid.

158
"Brahman Raj" . According to them the 20th century which

witnessed the emergence of non-Brahmin movement against the

SQ

dominance of Brahmins was an "Anti-Brahmin Century"

It cannot be denied that Brahmins were associated with
Company administration not only in the field of dispensing law
but also in various other capacities such as dubashees and small
job holders. However, it is not historical to label periods of
history on the basis of caste as It is equally erroneous to
compartmentalise it on the basis of religion. Under the British
rule there was a perceptible change in the socio-economic
conditions. The new policies introduced by the British created
an altogether different atmosphere where one has to look for and
carefully analyse new social interactions and relationships.
Increasing dependence on a single set of factors in our analysis
of social set-up may often lead us in developing historical
inattitudes in our conclusions. The available evidence strongly
suggests that the nomenclature of "Brahmin Century" to describe
the social change in 19th century is a historical misnomer. It
also proves at the same time that the emergence of non-Brahmin
consciousness was fairly witnessed during this period. It
further suggests that such consciousness was highly complementary
in public life and at least during the nineteenth century it was
non-sectarian in its nature, role and scope.

This expression is employed in Pamela G.Price, "Ideology and

Ethnicity under British Imperial Rule : 'Brahmins', Lawyers and
Kin-Caste Rules in Madras Presidency" in Modern Asian Studies,
Vol.23, Part.I, 1989, p. 162. It is argued that utilisation of
Brahminical codes in the legal system under the Company
administration resulted in the supremacy of Brahmins.
68
D.A.Washbrook, Op.Ctt., p.653.

159