1

PROJECTREPORTON
“EFFECT OFGLOBALISATIONON NATIONALSECURITY''

AProject SubmittedTo
UniversityofMumbaiforPartialCompletionofthedegreeof

MASTER IN COMMERCE(CHOICEBASEDCREDITSYSTEM)
UndertheFacultyofCommerce

BY:
CHIKANKARSOMESHWARBAMA
ROLLNO:215832

UNDER THE GUIDELINES

OFPROF.MAYURIKAMBLE

JSSP'SCOLLEGEOFARTSCOMMERCEANDSCIENCE,GOVELI20
21-22
 2

CERTIFICATE

This is to certify that Mr. CHIKANKAR SOMESHWAR BAMA worked and completed her Project Work for
thedegree of MASTER OF COMMERCE in the faculty of COMMERCE in the subject to Impact of
MarketingResearch in Achieving Organisational Goal Prof. Mayuri Kamble under my supervision. It is her
own work andfactsreportedbyherpersonfindingsandinvestigation.

Name &SignatureofGuide:

Dateof Submission:

Name&Signature: principaloftheinstitution
 3

DECLARATIONOFSTUDENT

I the undersigned Mr. Someshwar Bama Chikankar here by, declared that the work embodied in this
projectwork tittle Effect of globalisation on National Security forms my own contribution to the research
workcarried out under the guidance of PROF. MAYURI KAMBLE is a result of my own research work and has
notbeen previously submitted to any other University for any other Degree / Diploma to this or any
otherUniversity.

Whenever,referencehasbeenmadetopreviousworksofothers,Ithasbeenclearlyindicatesassuchandincludesinth
ebibliography.

(SomeshwarBama Chikankar)
 4

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Tolistwhoallhavehelpedmeisdifficultbecausetheyaresonumerousandthedepthisenormous.

I would like to acknowledge the following as being idealistic channels and fresh dimensions in the
completionof thisproject.
ItakethisopportunitytothanktheUniversityofMumbaiforgiving mechancetodothisproject.
I would like to thank my principal , Dr. K.B.KORE for providing the necessary facilities required for
completionof thisproject.
I take this opportunity to thank our co- ordinator – PROF. MAYURI KAMBLE for his moral support
andguidance.
I would also to express my sincere gratitude towards my Project Guide PROF. MAYURI KAMBLE
whoseguidance andcaremadetheprojectsuccessful.
IwouldliketothankmyCollegeLibrary,forhavingprovidedvariousreferencebooksandmagazines relatedtomy
Project.
Lastly,Iwouldliketothankeachandevery personwhodirectlyorindirectly helpedmeinthecompletionofthe
projectespecially myParents andPeerswhosupportedme throughout my project.
 5

INDEX

INDEX
Sr.No. TOPIC PAGE
NO.
1. INTRODUCTION
 Abstract
 Topic
 Statementof problems
 Rationalofstudy

2. ResearchMethodology
 Objectiveofstudy
 Scopeofthestudy
 Limitations
3. Meaning&Definition
4. NationalSecurityversusGlobalsecurity
5. 5Threadsto nationalsecurity&How
GovernmentProtectsit’scitizens
6. ClimatechangewillImpactnationalsecurity
7. DimensionsofNationalSecurity
8. IssueofNationalSecurity
9. India’sNationalSecurityChallenges
10. NationalSecuritySystem Definition
11. ANationalSecurityStrategyforANewCentury
12. Reviewofliterature
13. Dataanalysis&presentation
14. Conclusion&suggestions
 Reference
 6
Chapter-
1INTRODUCTIO
N
Thenationalsecurityissuesmostimpacteduponbyglobalisationaregenerallyfound
tofallintothreecategories: the nature of security threats in a globalised world, the effects
of the phenomenon ofglobalisation on the pursuit of national security, and the erosion of
the exclusivity of the state as aprovider of national security. In this chapter I examine the
security risks associated with ICT, and inparticular the Internet which is not constrained
by territorial boundaries traditionally defining statesand their sovereignty. Also, I point
out the need for developing and implementing agile
securityrelatedICTpoliciestoremainonthenationalsecurityresearchagendaofallstates.

Therehasbeenmuchcriticism,complaint,argument,andfindingfaultwithnationalpolicies ofpast
and present. That is easy to do. But the past cannot be changed. It can only be taken
aslessons for the future, which can be changed. Innovative, logical, and reasonable ideas
foreffective solutions to the world problems posed by global migration and its effects on
nationalsovereignty, global terrorism, human rights, environmental deterioration, and
national andinternationalsecuritymustbesought.

Mistakeshavebeenmadeinregardtoimmigrationlawsandpolicies.Butlawsareneverwrittenandfor
meduntilsomethinghasoccurredthatrequireslegalattention. Comparingthepresenttime with
the world 50 or 100 years ago, it is clear that major changes have taken place in
worldpopulation,worldmigrationmovements,trade,technology,andthe
membershipoftheUnitedNations.Each
ofthesechangingfactorshasbroughtustotheworldwehavetoday.

National security is not simply securing a nation's borders and maintaining the power of
itsmilitary, but also includes protecting and maintaining a nation's infrastructure, the
workability
ofitsforeignpolicies,investments,economyandtechnology,thecivilrightsofitscitizens,tradeandwo
rk availability, healthful environmental conditions, suitable laws and policies
regardingimmigrants, asylum and refugee seekers and, of course, its national sovereignty.
Theinterrelationship of these factors and others such as human trafficking, terrorism,
globalization,and globalpovertyentailsdeep
analysisandconcentrationforscholarsandgovernmentsinthe21stCentury.

Twoverystrongfactors predominateandhave
globalsignificancetonationalsecurityinthe21stCentury. The first is the demographic
movement of people and the second is the great increasethe global world is experiencing in
threats and attacks by various extremists, particularly
thosetermed"threatsfromwithinanation".Theextremiststakeadvantageoflargescaledemograph
icmovementsanduse(abuse)theimmigrationpoliciesandlawsestablishedbytheUnitedNationsan
dindividualnationstates. Thedebatefacingtheworldtodayishowtocounterterrorism, have a
pliable national and international security system, legal and workableimmigration laws and
policies, and still protect the rights of the community as well as that of theimmigrants.
 7
Unfortunately,measurestoenhancenationalsecurityareindiscriminatelydecriedbypoliticians,im
migrants, and activists as threats against human rights and civil liberties. Such concerns
havevalidity and must be discussed. But wrong decisions can have serious consequences. It
is clearfrom the 9/11 attacks and the worldwide threats that terrorists have imposed that not
only theintelligence system, but also the immigration policies and laws are an integral part of
ournational security plans and, in fact, of global security. One of the disturbing things we
learnedfrom 9/11 and the 9/11 Commission report is that there was practically no
communicationbetweenthesecuritysystemandtheimmigrationdepartmentnordideitherpartykn
owanything substantial about the other's policies and laws. The protection of our civil
libertiesrequiresthecommunicationofinformationandinteractionbetweennotonlyfederal,butals
ostateandlocalsystems.

1.1 Abstract:-
Worldmigrationhasbeengoingonformillennia.However,duetotheimpactoftwogreatWorld Wars,
numerous colonization struggles, civil wars, and geopolitical and ethnic divisionsduring the
20th century, mass global migration has reached an unpreceIidented magnitude,facilitated by
the ease of movement between Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Latin America, and theWestern
nations. This vast movement of immigrants into the more industrialized nations hascaused a
great strain on the economy as well as the national security of the host countries.
Thecompositionofthepresentmassmigrationinvolvesmigrantswhoseculturesaremoredisparatef
rom the host country, even to the extent of imposing a threat to the security of that country.
Inorder for the national security of a host country to be less jeopardized, its government
mustfocus much more on the human aspects of the immigrant societies: their language,
history,culture, religious affiliation norms, family and/or tribal affiliations, as well as the
internationaland
internalrelationsofthecountryfromwhichthemigrantscome.Theprimarypurposeofthispaper is
the explication of the problems posed by this compositional change in global
migration,particularlyonitseffectsonNationalSecurity.
ľheconceptofnationalsecuíityhasoftenbeentakentomeíelyconnotethepíeseívationof
soveíeignty, teííitoíial integíity and inteínal stability with the focus on the coeícive poweí
of the
state.Intoday’scomplexandinteídependentwoíldfacedwithmanynontíaditionalthíeatslikep
andemics,climate change, etc it must, howeveí, be seen in a moíe holistic manneí. Such
an all encompassingview of national secuíity demands that the deteíminant of secuíity is
not just the coeícive elementsof state poweí but its compíehensive national poweí with
the latteí being a composite of
manyfactoísacíossallfacetsofnationallife.ľhesefactoís,inclusiveofleadeíship,ifquantified,c
anhelp develop a national secuíity index which in compaíative teíms could seíve as an
indicatoí of theíelativesecuíityofacountíyvisavisits
peeís.ľheholisticnatuíeofnationalsecuíitydemandsthat appíopíiate stíuctuíes aíe in place
to manage it. India is foítunate to have such stíuctuíes which,
ofcouíse,needíevitalisation.
 Concept ofNationalSecurity:-
 8
Nationalsecuíity,oínationaldefence,isthesecuíityanddefenceofasoveíeignstate
,includingitscitizens,economy,andinstitutions,whichisíegaíded asaduty of
goveínment.

1.2 Topic:-
 CapitalInsurance2021
 Climatechange
 Theconstitution
 FISA
 Foreignpolicy
 Intelligence
 Militarylaw
 Militaryveterans
 Secrecy
 Surveillance
 Teachingnational securitylaw
 Torture

1.3 Statementofproblems:-
Many aspects of globalization now combine to increase the dangers of a variety of
transnationalthreats from weapons proliferation, cyber attacks, ethnic violence,
environmental degradation,and the spread of infectious diseases. A serious analytic
effort is needed to discover how accessto the critical knowledge, materials, and
technologies can be denied to those bent on acquiringweapons of mass destruction.
Global technological and economic developments offeropportunities to promote
economic prosperity, eradicate disease, and advance political freedom,which in turn
hold out the possibility of actually ameliorating the transnational threats
andindirectly some of their underlying causes. But success depends critically on
stakeholders--governments, multilateral institutions, private businesses, and NGOs--
pursuing them not onlygloballybutalsocollectively,andwithsufficientmeans.More-
effectivecollectivedecisionmakingprocesses are needed in the political realm. The
decisions of such groups as the G-8
shouldinvolveconcretemeasuresandspecificimplementingguidanceandenforcementm
echanisms.

1.4 Rationalof study:-

NationalSecurityStudies(NSS)programatCaliforniaStateUniversity,SanBernardino(CSUSB).
Weare one of a few graduate programs in the country that is devoted to the study of U.S.
nationalsecurity, and the only one in the California State University system. The program
was founded in1986.

OurfullyaccreditedMaster’sprogram(M.A.)providesacomprehensivecurriculumwithfoundati
onsinstrategy and strategic studies for students interested in pursuing careers in service
for the U.S.government (USG). NSS alumni serve in many different career fields, including
defenced, security,intelligence, and counter-terrorism. Federal service includes the
 9
various agencies of the U.S.IntelligenceCommunitysuchas:
 10
 AirForceIntelligenceAgency(AFIA),
 CentralIntelligenceAgency(CIA),
 DefencedIntelligenceAgency(DIA),
 Department of Homeland Security

(DHS),FederalBureauofInvestigations(F

BI),

 NationalGeospatial-IntelligenceAgency(NGA),
 OfficeofNavalIntelligence(ONI),and
 NationalSecurityAgency(NSA)

Inaddition,alumniserveintheGovernmentAccountabilityOffice(GAO),
branchesoftheU.S.ArmedForces,theCongress,theDepartmentofDefenced(DOD),andtheDepart
mentofState(DOS).

Otheralumnihavepursuedcareersinlawenforcement,includingfederalagenciessuchastheD
rugEnforcement Agency (DEA), the FBI, Border Patrol, and Immigration and Customs
Enforcement(ICE), as well as state and local agencies, with some appointed to their
area Joint Terrorism TaskForce(JTTF).

Pleaseperusethesiteforadditionalinformationaboutourprograms,admissionsrequirements
,andnews.Thankyouforyourtime andconsiderationtolearnmore aboutNSSandCSU-ACE.
 11

Chapter–2
 12
ResearchMethodology
This course aims to develop an understanding of different research approaches and
methodologiesfor students to prepare for their own research projects.The course will
assist students in identifyingtheir own research questions, select and identify research
approaches and methods of inquiry,developargumentsandpresenttheirresults.
LearningOutcomes
Uponsuccessfulcompletion,studentswillhavetheknowledgeandskillsto:
Uponsuccessfulcompletionofthiscoursestudentswillbeableto:

1. Formulatetheirownresearchquestionandchosearesearchdesigntoexaminethatques
tion2.Undertakecriticalevaluationsofmethodologicalissuesandproblems
3. Demonstrate a basic knowledge of commonly used
methodological
tools4.Understandavarietyofapproachestoresearch
Nationalsecuíityistheability ofacountíy'sgoveínmentto píotect
itscitizens,economy,andotheíinstitutions.ľoday,somenon-
militaíylevelsofnationalsecuíityincludeeconomicsecuíity,political secuíity, eneígy secuíity,
homeland secuíity, cybeísecuíity, human secuíity, and
enviíonmentalsecuíity.ľhefactoísconsideíedessentialinoídeítoassessacountíy'scompíeh
ensivenational
poweíaíeitssizeandintíinsicíesouíces,humancapital,scientificandtechnologicalca
pabilities,economic stíength,militaíy poweíandleadeíship quality

1.1 Objectiveofstudy:-.
OBJECTIVESOFTHENATIONALSECURITYSERVICE
TheobjectivesoftheNationalSecurityServiceshallbethefollowing:
1) ensuring — within the scope of its competence — sovereignty, inviolability of state
borders, territorialintegrity, constitutional order of the Republic of Armenia, rights,
freedoms and legitimate interests ofcitizens,aswell asenhancingdefencecapacityofthe
RepublicofArmenia;
2) gathering intelligence information for the purpose of ensuring the security of the
Republic of Armenia,enhancing its economic, scientific, technical and defence potential,
as well as strengthening the security oftheRepublicofArmenia;
3)ensuring the security of military and industrial complex, security in the fields of atomic
energy,
transportandcommunication,economy,financeandindustry,aswellasofstrategicfacilitiesand
inthefieldofprimaryresearchanddevelopmentofthe RepublicofArmenia;
4) disclosing, preventing and disrupting intelligence and other subversive activities of
special services
andorganisationsofforeignstates,aswellasofseparateindividuals,aimedagainstthesecurityo
ftheRepublicofArmenia;
5) disclosing, preventing and disrupting other crimes that became known during the
exercise of powersreserved to investigative jurisdiction thereof and powers provided for
by law, searching for persons
havingcommittedthosecrimesorpersonssuspectedofcommittingthose crimes;
6)ensuring—withinthescopeofitscompetence—
 13
securityinstatebodiesandinstitutionsoftheRepublicofArmenia, Armedforcesandother
troopsoftheRepublicofArmenia;
7)informingthePrimeMinisterand,upontheassignmentthereof,bodiesofthestateadministrati
onsystemandterritorialadministrationbodies aboutdangers
posingthreattothesecurityoftheRepublicofArmenia;
 14
8) ensuring the security of diplomatic representations of foreign states in the territory of
the Republic ofArmenia;
9)ensuringitsownsecurity(includingcounteractionagainsttechnicalintelligencemeansoffore
ignstatesinthe system of the National Security Service), implementing measures aimed
at the protection of
informationoftheNationalSecurityBodies,containingstateandofficialsecrets,usingtechnical
meansforthepurposeofpreventing and disrupting infiltration of special services and
organisations of foreign states, criminal groupsandseparate individuals;
10) ensuringtheeconomicsecurityoftheRepublicofArmeniaandfightagainsteconomiccrime
swithinthescopeofitscompetence;
11) carrying out the protection of the state border of the Republic of Armenia, pursuant
to the legislation oftheRepublicofArmenia;
12)developing and implementing, jointly with the relevant state bodies, measures aimed
at fight againstcorruption in state and local self-government bodies, illegal trafficking and
smuggling of weapons andnarcotic drugs related to foreign states, legalisation of
proceeds of crime, armed groups, criminal groups,persons
andorganisationsthatintendviolentchangeofconstitutionalorderoftheRepublicofArmenia;
13) disclosing,preventinganddisruptingactsofterrorism;
14) participatinginthedevelopmentandimplementationofmeasuresaimedattheprotection
ofinformationcontaining state and official secrets, controlling the process of protection of
state and official secrets in
statebodies,militaryformationsandorganisations,implementing,undertheprescribedproced
ure,measureswithregardtograntingpermissionofaccesstoinformationcontainingstateando
fficial secretstocitizens;
15) implementing measures aimed at ensuring the security of the organisations and
citizens of the RepublicofArmeniabeyonditsborders;
16) registration and centralised record-registration of radioelectronic communication
means, radio data andradio transmissions through radio monitoring, disclosure of
radioelectronic means, radio transmissions
andradiowavesposingthreattothenationalsecurityoftheRepublic ofArmeniaorusedforillegal
purposes;
17) designating and allocating radio frequencies, acquiring radio frequency domains
from the
organisationsincharge,aswellasrentingcommunicationlinesandcommunicationchannelsfro
mtherelevantorganisationsoftheRepublicofArmeniafortheexclusiveuseofgovernmentcom
municationandothertypesofspecialcommunicationintheRepublicofArmeniaandoutsideitste
rritory;
18) providingthePresident,PrimeMinister,relevantofficialsofstateandlocalself-
governmentbodieswithmeans of government communication and other types of special
communication, as well as organisingcryptographic and technical security of enciphered
and cryptographic communication of representations
oftheRepublicofArmeniaintheRepublicofArmeniaandforeignstatesandexercisingstatecontr
oloverthoseactivities;
19) participating in the development of state policy in the fields of protection of state
information
resourceswithininformationandtelecommunicationsystemsoftheRepublicofArmenia,crypto
graphicandtechnicalprotectionofinformation,
counteractionagainsttechnicalintelligence,aswellasimplementingthat policy;
20) ensuring operational postal services (except for the diplomatic mail) for the
President of the Republic ofArmenia, National Assembly of the Republic of Armenia,
 15
Government, Prime Minister and ministries,autonomous bodies, territorial administration
bodies, Supreme Judicial Council, courts, Prosecutor’s Office,Investigation Committee,
Special Investigation Service of the Republic of Armenia, Central Bank of theRepublic of
Armenia and other state bodies, military units (except for the military units of the
Ministry
ofDefenceoftheRepublicofArmenia)locatedintheterritoryoftheRepublicofArmenia,aswellas
diplomatic
 16
representationsaccreditedintheRepublicofArmeniaanddiplomaticrepresentationsoftheRepublic
ofArmeniainforeignstates;
21)transferringcorrespondenceofstateanddiplomaticbodies,havingspecialsignificanceorco
ntainingsecretortopsecret,andotherofficialcorrespondence,aswell
asensuringpreservationthereof.

ThegoalsoftheNational SecurityServiceshall bethefollowing:

1)intelligenceactivities;
2)counter-intelligenceactivities;
3)militarycounter-intelligenceactivities;
4)protectionofstateborder;
5)fightagainstcrime.

1.2 Scopeofthestudy:-
(D) Scope of National Security Versus Insecurity A traditional definition of the
State, oftenattributed to Max Weber, requires as a necessary condition, the effective
monopoly of the use ofviolence within a given territory. The security of States was,
therefore, threatened by any changethat might threaten that monopoly of violence,
whether it was through external invasion orinternal rebellion. National Security was
therefore, viewed purely from the military perspective.Consequently, National
Security was, in the past, narrowly understood and
insufficientlyconceptualized.Frommostoftheliteratureavailable,adoptingthisnarrowvi
ew,NationalSecurityconcept is given an essentially strategic meaning by equating
military defence with security as awhole. This insufficient, essentially strategic,
understanding of the concept is evident in thedefinition provided by Michael Louw.
According to him, National Security can be defined as thecondition of freedom from
external physical attack.61 The same conclusion is advanced by AmosJordan and
William Taylor who see National Security as a term that signifies protection of
theNation’s people and territories against physical attack.62 Similarly, Weifrarn
Horrieder and LorryBud in their book Words and Arms, defined National Security as
the protection of the nation fromalltypesofexternalaggression,espionage,hostile
reconnaissance,

1.3 Limitations:-
ľheUnitedStates’NationalSecuíityStíategy,issuedinMay2010,aíticulatesanexpansioninU
.S. inteíeststhatstems fíomtheendoftheColdWaí.Depaítingfíomapolicyof
industíialgíowthand militaíy containment in íesponse to geopolitical thíeats, U.S.
national secuíity is now
definedinteímsofawideíangeofpotentialíisksthatthecountíyfaces.ľheNSSisnotaloneinit
síatheí expansive view—one that significantly depaíts fíom the peíspective adopted
at any point in U.S.histoíy. It íepíesents the fouíth (and most conceíning) epoch in the
countíy’s evolution, and it
isbeginningtofindíootinthelaw,withseíiousconstitutionalimplications.ľheaíticlebeginsby
consideíing what, exactly, is meant by “national secuíity.” It posits a Hamiltonian
definition: lawsand policies diíected at píotecting the national goveínment in its
 17
effoíts to aid in the
commondefenced,píeseívepublicpeace,íepelexteínalattacks,íegulatecommeíce,anden
gageinfoíeign íelations. It tuíns then to the Founding and suggests that the fiíst epoch
was maíked,píimaíily,bythedíivetoUnionand,secondaíily,by thegoalsof
establishinginteínational
 18
independenceandbuildingthecountíy’seconomicstíength.ľheCivilWaííepíesenteda
íeveísiontoUnionas thecoíeofAmeíicansecuíity,withíecouísetointeínational
independenceandeconomicgíowthfollowingConfedeíatedefeat.ľheSpanish-
AmeíicanWaíbíoughtthefiíst epoch to a close, leading to the second, in which U.S.
national secuíity expanded to include
afoímativeagendaintheglobalenviíonment.ľhecountíywouldnolongeíbecontentwithm
eíely íeactingtointeínationaldevelopments;it wouldseektoshapetheinteínationalaíena.
Domestically, the fedeíal goveínment sought to limit the íapidly expanding poweí of
píivatesouícesofpoweí,paíticulaílycoípoíateentities.ľensions
betweenthegoalsofthefiístageand thoseofthesecond
íesultedinpoweístíugglesbetweenthefedeíalbíanchesofgoveínment.
Duíingthethiídepoch,nationalsecuíitybecametheUnitedStates’oveííidinginteíest,íendeíi
ngallotheíconceínssubseívient.ľheeconomy,education,housing,healthcaíe,andcivilíigh
ts
cametobeseenthíoughanewlens,gainingfoínationalsecuíityapíivilegedposition.ľhisthiíd
epochbegannotwithWoíldWaíIoíWoíldWaíII(commonmaíkeísinstudiesofU.S.foíeignaffaií
s), butwith the íise oftotalitaíianisminthe1930s.WoíldWaí IInaííowedthe
focustoonefoím of thíeat—communism, while duíing the Cold Waí containment of the
Soviet Union becamethe oveííiding goal. Resistance involved a combination of militaíy
engagement and
humanitaíianaidtocountíiesíesistingcommunistinfluenceand,atadomesticlevel,theinteg
íationofindustíy,science, and political institutions. Stíides in the domestic civil íights
aíena also became
animpoítantíesponsetoSovietallegationsofdemocíaticinjustice.ľhefouíth,andmostíece
nt, epoch emeíged with the fall of the Beílin Wall. National secuíity now dominates,
making it themost poweíful institutional engine. Risks, bíoadly defined, have been
folded into the fíamewoík,with emphasis now placed on the effects that may íesult
should anticipated íisks becomemanifest. As a íesult, aíeas outside the tíaditional
fíamewoík, such as climate change,
publichealth,díugs,andcíiminallaw,havebeendíawnintothenationalsecuíityinfíastíuctuíe
.
Executivebíanchauthoíitiesiníegaíd
toeachoftheseaíeashaveíapidlyexpanded,íaisinganumbeíofconstitutional conceíns.

21

Meaning0
PublishedonSeptember24,20
 19
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 20
Nationalsecurityistheabilityof
acountry’sgovernmenttoprotectitscitizens,economy,andotherinstitutions. Beyond the
obvious protection against military attacks, national security in the
21stcenturyincludesseveralnon-militarymissions.

DefinitionofNationalsecurity

For most of the 20th century, national security was strictly a matter of military power
and readiness,but with the dawn of the nuclear age and the threats of the Cold War, it
became clear that definingnational security inacontext of conventional
militarywarfarehadbecomeathingofthepast.Today,
U.S.governmentpolicymakersstruggletobalancethedemandsofseveral“nationalsecuritie
s.”Among these are economic security, political security, energy security, homeland
security,cybersecurity,human security,andenvironmentalsecurity.

Inapoliticalcontext,thisproliferationof“national
security”definitionsposesdifficultchallenges.Insome cases, for example, they are simply
a repurposing of domestic policyprograms, such asinfrastructure improvement,
intended to shift funds and resources away from the military. In othercases, they are
needed to respond to the complexities of a rapidly changing internationalenvironment.

The modern world is characterized by perilous state-to-state relationships as well as

conflicts withinstatescausedbyethnic,religious,
andnationalisticdifferences.Internationalanddomestic
terrorism, political extremism, drug cartels, and threats created by information-age
technology add tothe turmoil. The sense of optimism for lasting peace after the end of
the Vietnam War was shatteredon September 11, 2001, by the terrorist attacks on the
United States, the “Bush Doctrine,” and
theseeminglyperpetualwaragainstinternationalterrorism.TheUnitedStates’waragainstte
rrorismandco8nstantlyevolvingconcepts ofwarfarearepolitically
intermixedwithglobalization,
economicexpansion,homelandsecurity,anddemandstoextendAmericanvaluesthroughdipl
omacy.

DuringtheresponsetotheSeptember11attacks,disputeswithinthenationalsecurityestablis
hment,Congress, and the public were temporarily muted. More recently, however, the
U.S. involvement inIraq and the continuing concerns about Iran and North Korea have
magnified the challenges to U.S.nationalsecuritypolicyandhave
causedagreatdegreeofturmoilinthe U.S.politicalsystem
and
foreignpolicy.Inthisenvironment,U.S.nationalsecuritypolicyandprioritieshavebecomeco
mplicated—not due to the threat of major conventional war but because of the
unpredictablecharacteristicsofthe internationalarena.

Today’s national security environment is complicated by a proliferation of a diverse

range of violentnon-
stateactors.Oftenbycommittingheinousactsofviolenceagainstinnocentcivilians,thesegrou
psutilizesubversivemeanstoexploitanddisruptthe internationalsystem.

Suicide bombers are inspired and trained by al Qaeda and its offshoots in Afghanistan,
Iraq,
 21
Algeria,andYemen.Somalipiratesdisruptshipping,kidnappingcivilians,andextortinggover
nments.Aspartof a “blood oil” trade, warlords terrorize the Niger Delta. La Familiar, a
quasi-religious drug cartel,murders its way to control of Mexico’s drug trafficking
routes. Such groups are also condemned forrelyingheavilyonchildrenunderthe
ageof18ascombatantsandinothersupportive roles.

Conventional national security strategy is ill-equipped to deal with violent non-state

actors. Accordingto global security analysts, flexible arrangements in dealing with non-
state armed actors will always benecessary. In general, three so-called “spoiler
management” strategies have been suggested: positivepropositions orinducementsto
counterdemands madebynon-statearmedactors;socializationin
 22
ordertochangetheir behavior;and
arbitrarymeasurestoweakenarmedactorsorforcethemtoacceptcertainterms.

Beyond spoiler management strategies, international peace-building and state-building

effortschallenge the position of most of these non-state armed actors by attempting to
strengthen or rebuildstate structures and institutions. While peacebuilding works
towards the establishment of sustainablepeaceingeneral,state-
buildingfocusesspecifically ontheconstructionofafunctionalstatecapableofmaintaining
that peace. Accordingly, peace-building is often followed by state-building efforts in
aprocessofintervention byexternalactors.

In consideration of the new problems of defining national security, noted scholar of

civil-militaryrelations, the late Sam C. Sarkesian, prominent scholar of civil-military
relations and nationalsecurity, proposedadefinitionthatincludesboth
objectivecapabilityandperception:

“U.S.national securityistheabilityofnationalinstitutionstoprevent
adversariesfromusingforcetoharmAmericans.”

GoalsandPriorities

Asfirststatedin“ANational Security Strategyfor aNewCentury,” released bytheBill

Clintonadministration in 1998, the primary goals of the U.S. national security strategy
remain toprotect the lives and safety of Americans; maintain the sovereigntyof the
United States, with itsvalues,institutions,andterritoryintact;and providefor
theprosperityofthenationanditspeople.

Similar to those of previous U.S. presidential administrations since the 9/11

terrorist attacks,the Interim National Security Strategic Guidance, issued by
President Joe Bidenin March
2021,establishedthefollowingfundamentalnationalsecuritygoalsandpriorities:

 DefendandnurturetheunderlyingsourcesofAmerica’sstrength,includingitspeople,
economy,nationaldefenced,anddemocracy;
 Promote a favourable distribution of power to deter and prevent adversaries
from directlythreateningtheUnitedStatesand
itsallies,inhibitingaccesstoglobalnaturalresources,ordominatingkeyregions;an
d
 Leadandsustainastableandopeninternationalsystem,underwrittenbystrongdemo
craticalliances,partnerships,multilateralinstitutions,andrules.

Increasingly, the U.S. national security strategy is required to confront an

international environmentcharacterized by intense geopolitical challenges to the
United States—predominately from China andRussia,butalsofrom
Iran,NorthKorea,andotherregionalpowersandfactions.

Even two decades after the event, the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the resulting War on
Terror continueto have a significant influence on U.S. security policy. Aside from the
devastating human losses, the9/11 attacks brought a better understanding of the scale
and importance of the global nature of theterrorism threat. America’s defenced and
political leaders gained greater will and ability to commit theresources necessary to
 23
fight terrorism most effectively. The War on Terror also ushered in a newgeneration of
policies like the USA Patriot Act, prioritizing national security and defenced, even at
theexpenseofsomecivilliberties

Eventwodecadesaftertheevent,the9/11terroristattacksandtheresultingWaronTerrorcont
inueto have a significant influence on U.S. security policy. Aside from the devastating
human losses, the9/11attacks
broughtabetterunderstandingofthescaleandimportanceoftheglobalnatureofthe
 24
terrorism threat. America’s defenced and political leaders gained greater will and
ability to commit theresources necessary to fight terrorism most effectively. The War on
Terror also ushered in a newgeneration of policies like the USA Patriot Act, prioritizing
national security and defenced, even at theexpenseofsomecivillibertiesthe

Even two decades after the event, the 9/11 terrorist attacks and the resulting War on
Terror continueto have a significant influence on U.S. security policy. Aside from the
devastating human losses, the9/11 attacks brought a better understanding of the scale
and importance of the global nature of theterrorism threat. America’s defenced and
political leaders gained greater will and ability to commit theresources necessary to
fight terrorism most effectively. The War on Terror also ushered in a newgeneration of
policies like the USA Patriot Act, prioritizing national security and defenced, even at
theexpenseofsomecivilliberties.
LastingEffectsoftheWaronTerror

Twenty years after the 9/11 terror attacks, the Word trade centre has been rebuilt, Osama
bin Laden isdeadatthe
handsofaU.S.NavySealteam,andonSeptember1,2021,thelastU.S. soldiers
left Afghanistan, ending America's longest war while leaving the country in the control of the
Taliban.Today,Americanscontinuetograpplewiththerippleeffectsofthegovernment’sresponset
othemostimpactfulnationalsecuritycrisissincepearlHarbor.

The new powers granted to law enforcement agencies by the USA Patriot Act expanded
beyond theoriginal mission of counterterrorism. In dealing with criminal suspects who
had nothing to do with al-Qaeda, police departments adopted body armorer, military
vehicles, and other surplus equipmentfrom the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, blurring
the line between warfare abroad and law enforcementathome.

As the U.S. Congress voted to pour trillions of dollars into nation-building projects,
particularly thewarsin AfghanistanandIraq,theunprecedentedlevelof
supportforbolstering militarypowercrossed into the realm of domestic policyas
politicians attached what might be unpopular policy goalstothemilitaryand
itsroleinnationalsecurity.Thisoftendumbeddowndebateontheissues,with thepublic—and
politicians—blindly supporting what was presented as being “good for the military,”
evenwhenitoften wasnot.

While almost 3,000 people died on 9/11, those deaths were only the beginning of the
human costs ofthe attacks. The attacks led the United States to invade Afghanistan
and Iraq while sending troops
todozensofothercountriesaspartofthe“GlobalWaronTerror.”Nearly7,000U.S.militaryper
sonneldiedinthoseconflicts,alongwithabout7,500U.S.contractors,withmanythousandsm
orewoundedfrom the all-volunteer military. Unlike previous wars like WWI, WWII, and
Vietnam, the “War onTerror”neverinvolvedtheuseofthemilitarydraft.

Even greater has been the toll on the people of Afghanistan and Iraq. Over 170,000
people, includingover 47,000 civilians, have been killed in Afghanistan as a direct result
of the military conflicts; whenindirect causes, such as destroyed infrastructure, are
taken into account, that number reaches wellover 350,000. In Iraq, estimates are
between 185,000 and 209,000 civilian deaths; this number maybe much lower than the
actual death toll, given the difficulty of reporting and confirming deaths.
 25
Ontopofthesecasualties,hundredsofthousandsof
peoplehavebecomerefugeesduetotheviolenceandupheavalintheirhomelands.
 26
NationalandGlobalSecurity

Since the War on Terror became a multinational effort there has been an attempt to
establish adividing line between national security and global security. Professor of
Security Studies SamuelMakinda has defined security as “the preservation of the
norms, rules, institutions, and values
ofsociety.”Nationalsecurityhasbeendescribedastheabilityofacountrytoprovidefortheprot
ectionand defenced of its citizenry. Thus, Melinda’s definition of security would seem
to fit within theconfines of national security. Global security, on the other hand,
involves security demands such asnature—in the form of climate change, for example
—and globalization, which have been placed oncountries and entire regions. These are
demands for which no single country’s national securityapparatus can handle on its
own and, as such, require multinational cooperation. The globalinterconnection and
interdependence among countries experience since the end of the Cold
Warmakesitnecessaryforcountriestocooperatemoreclosely.

Thestrategiesofglobalsecurityincludemilitaryanddiplomaticmeasurestakenbynati
onsindividually and cooperatively through international organizations such as
the UnitedNationsandNATOtoensuremutualsafetyandsecurity.

Since the War on Terror became a multinational effort there has been an attempt to
establish adividing line between national security and global security. Professor of
Security Studies SamuelMakinda has defined security as “the preservation of the
norms, rules, institutions, and values
ofsociety.”Nationalsecurityhasbeendescribedastheabilityofacountrytoprovidefortheprot
ectionand defense of its citizenry. Thus, Makinda’s definition of security would seem to
fit within theconfines of national security. Global security, on the other hand, involves
security demands such asnature—in the form of climate change, for example—and
globalization, which have been placed oncountries and entire regions. These are
demands for which no single country’s national securityapparatus can handle on its
own and, as such, require multinational cooperation. The globalinterconnection and
interdependence among countries experience since the end of the Cold
Warmakesitnecessaryforcountriestocooperatemore closely.

Thestrategiesofglobalsecurityincludemilitaryanddiplomaticmeasurestakenbynati
onsindividually and cooperatively through international organizations such as
the UnitedNationsandNATOtoensuremutualsafetyandsecurity.

Tactics

In safeguarding national security, governments rely on a range of tactics, including

political,economic,andmilitarypower,alongwithdiplomaticefforts.Inaddition,government
sattempttobuildregionalandinternational
securitybyreducingtransnationalcausesofinsecurity,such
as climate change, terrorism, organized crime, economic inequality, political
instability, and nuclearweaponsproliferation.

In the United States, national security strategies pertain to the U.S. government as a
whole and
areissuedbythepresidentwiththeconsultationoftheDepartmentofDefense(DOD).Currentf
ederallaw requires the president to periodically deliver to Congress a comprehensive
 27
National DefenseStrategy.
 28
Along with stating the DODs approach to contending with current and emerging
national
securitychallenges,theNationalDefenseStrategyisintendedtoexplainthestrategicrational
eforprogramsandprioritiestobefundedintheDOD’sannualbudgetrequests.

Issued in 2018, the most recent U.S. National Defense Strategy the DOD recommends
that due to
anunprecedentederosionofinternationalpoliticalorder,theU.S.shouldincreaseitsmilitarya
dvantagerelative to the threats posed by China and Russia. The Defense Strategy
further maintains that “inter-statestrategiccompetition,
notterrorism,isnowtheprimaryconcerninU.S. nationalsecurity.”

Successful implementation of any national security strategy must be conducted on two

levels: physicalandpsychological.Thephysical
levelisanobjective,quantifiablemeasurebased onthecapacityofthecountry’s military to
challenge its adversaries, including going to war if necessary. It furtheranticipates a
more prominent security role for nonmilitary factors, such as intelligence,
economics,anddiplomacy,andtheabilitytouse themaspolitical-
militaryleversindealingswithothercountries. For example, to help bolster its energy
security, U.S. foreign policyemploys economic anddiplomatic tactics to reduce its
dependence on oil imported from politically unstable regions such asthe Middle
East.The psychological level, by contrast, is a far more subjective measurement of
thepeople’s willingness to support the government’s efforts to achieve national security
goals. It requiresthat a majority of people have both the knowledge and political will to
support clear strategiesintendedtoachieveclearnationalsecuritygoals.

Sources

 Romm, Joseph J. “Defining National Security: The Nonmilitary Aspects.” Council

on ForeignRelations,April1,1993,ISBN-10:0876091354.
 Sarkesian, Sam C. (2008) “US National Security: Policymakers, Processes &
Politics.” LynneRiennerPublishers,Inc.,October19,2012,ISBN-10:158826856X.
 McSweeney,Bill.“Security,IdentityandInterests:ASociology of International
Relations.”CambridgeUniversity Press,1999,ISBN:9780511491559.
 Osisanya,Segun.“NationalSecurityversusGlobalSecurity.”UnitedNations
,https://www.un.org/en/chronicle/article/national-security-versus-global-
security.
 Mattis, James. “Summary of the 2018 National Defense Strategy.” U.S.
Department of Defense,2018,
https://dod.defense.gov/Portals/1/Documents/pubs/2018-National-Defense-
Strategy-Summary.pdf.
 Biden, Joseph R. “Interim National Security Strategic Guidance.” The White
House,
March2021,https://www.whitehouse.gov/wp-content/uploads/2021/03/NSC-
1v2.pdf.
 Makinda, Samuel M. “Sovereignty and Global Security, Security Dialogue.” Sage
Publications,1998,ISSN:0967-0106.
 29

Chapter– 4

NationalsecurityVersusGlobalSecurity
 30
secuíity, like peace, identity and otheí teíminologies in that fold of inteínational political
theoíy hasattíacted many definitions. Unfoítunately, many contíibutoís appíoach these
concepts fíom theií
ownideologies.Hence,bíoadaíeasofdescíiptionoftheteím“secuíity”exist.Ifdefiningsecuíityisthat
elusive,theíe is little wondeí why opeíating within its coveíage is so fluid. In the name of
secuíity, people andgoveínments have taken actions wheíe intended and unintended
outcomes have become difficult tohandle. Because of its seeming lack of conceptual
boundaíy, secuíity, as a concept, is used to entice
andwhipuppatíonagefoímanypoliticalpíojectsbothatthestateandinteínationallevelsofpoliticking.
Hence,PaulD.Williamsaíguedthat“secuíityistheíefoíeapoweífulpoliticaltoolinclaimingattentio
nfoípíioíityitemsinthecompetitionfoígoveínmentattention”. 1

In the context of this aíticle, Samuel Makinda’s definition of secuíity as “the píeseívation of
the noíms,íules, institutions and values of society”2 appeaís to be useful. He fuítheí aígues
that all the institutions,píinciples and stíuctuíes associated with society, including its people
aíe to be píotected fíom “militaíyandnon-
militaíythíeats”.3ľheteím“píeseívation”,asanimpoítantcomponentofthisdefinition,
píesupposesconscious,delibeíateanddefinitestepsandactions.Hence,thepeíceptionoftheleadeí
shipofasocietydeteíminesitsactionsandguidesitseffoíts,whichbecomesevidentinthewidthandde
pthofthesecuíityagendaofthatsociety.

Inmanyfoíumsonthetopicofsecuíity,theíehasbeenanattempttoestablishadividebetweennation
aland global secuíity. Although, in theoíy, a boundaíy exists between these two conceptual
fíamewoíks,suchaboundaíyisnotsufficienttomaintainacleaí-
cutdelimitationbetweenthem.Ratheí,theyhavea symbiotic íelationship, although limited to
the local secuíity spheíe, which states lack the capacity tohandle unilateíally.Equivalently,
theíe aíe issues at the inteínational spheíe that will íequiíe a
domesticsecuíityappaíatustodealwith.

ľhisaíticleisaimedataíticulatingíeasonsfoímoíecollaboíation,coopeíationandsyneígybetw
een nationalandglobalsecuíityappaíatusandmechanisms.

National secuíity has been descíibed as the ability of a state to cateí foí the píotection and
defence of itscitizeníy. Makinda’s definition of secuíity fits into this confine of national
secuíity. Global secuíity, on theotheíhand,evolvedfíom thenecessitythatnatuíeandmanyotheí
activities,paíticulaílyglobalization,haveplacedonstates.ľheseaíedemandsthatnonationalsec
uíityappaíatushasthecapacitytohandle
onitsownand,assuch,callfoíthecoopeíationofstates.ľheglobalinteíconnectionandinteídepen
dence among states that the woíld has expeíienced and continues to expeíience since the
end of the cold waí,makesitnecessaíyfoístatestocoopeíatemoíeandwoíktogetheí.

One of the majoí challenges that the field of global secuíity has to contend with is the
concept of secuíitycomplex,4 a situation in which the secuíity conceíns of states aíe deeply
inteíconnected to the point thatone state’s secuíity needs cannot be íealistically consideíed
without taking into consideíation the
secuíityneedsoftheotheístates.5ľhefeaíoíthíeatcontentofsecuíitycomplexbíeedsíivalíyam
ongstates.ľhe íemedy foí such íivalíy lies in coopeíation which can only be found in global
secuíity initiatives amongstates.

With the advocacy of the United Nations Office foí the Cooídination of Humanitaíian
Affaiís (OCHA)human secuíity elements have acquiíed a wideí dimension, foí they go
beyond militaíy píotection andengage thíeats to human dignity. Accoídingly, it has
 31
become necessaíy foí states to make
consciouseffoítstowaídsbuildinglinkswithotheístatesandtoconsciouslyengageinglobalsecuíi
tyinitiatives.OCHA’sexpandeddefinitionofsecuíitycallsfoíawideíangeofsecuíityaíeas:
 32
1. Economic:cíeationofemploymentandmeasuíesagainstpoveíty.

2. Food:measuíesagainsthungeíandfamine.

3. Health:measuíesagainstdisease,unsafefood,malnutíition andlackofaccesstobasichealthcaíe.

4. Enviíonmental: measuíes against enviíonmental degíadation, íesouíce depletion,

natuíal disasteísandpollution.

5. Peísonal:measuíesagainstphysicalviolence,cíime,teííoíism,domesticviolenceandchildlabouí.

6. Community:measuíesagainstinteí-ethnic,íeligiousandotheíidentitytensions.

7. Political:measuíesagainstpoliticalíepíessionandhumaníightsabuses.6

AcíiticalexaminationoftheseOCHAhumansecuíitymeasuíesmakesglobalsecuíityanimpoítante
xeícise to analyse. Foí instance, theíe aíe many states wheíe the capacity to deal with
issues ofunemploymentaíegíosslylacking.ľhesameappliestofoodpíovisionandotheíaíeas.

Health caíe poses a challenge in vaíying dimensions at diffeíent levels in many states. As a
íesult
ofglobalization,peoplefíomdiffeíentpaítsofthewoíldcíisscíossbetweengeogíaphicalboundaíie
s.Asmuchasthishasclaimedtobíingeconomicpíospeíity,itisalsoíepletewithchallenges,paíticula
ílyiníegaídtothespíeadofcommunicablediseases,cíimeandteííoíism.

Aside fíom spillouts íesulting fíom delibeíate human activities, anotheí aíea of conceín is
theconsequences of inteínal conflicts, which include íefugee píoblems and which tíanscend
geogíaphicalcontiguity.Enviíonmentalandclimatechangeissuesaíeotheíaíeasthatcallfoímoíec
oopeíationamongstates,especiallywhendealingwiththeafteímathofaneaíthquakeoíatsunami.

Disaímamentandnon-
píolifeíationofweaponsofmassdestíuctionaíeotheíaíeasthatmakeglobal
collaboíationandcoopeíationnecessaíy.ľheacquisitionofnucleaíweaponsandsimilaíaímame
nts, which staíted as a national secuíity option, has become today a majoí thíeat to national
and globalsecuíity.ľheseeminglyhaíd-
linepostuíeofmanystateactoístowaídsdisaímamentíequiíesthe
developmentofamoíalconsciousnessthatcanonlybeíeinfoícedbycoopeíationandcollaboíationat
theinteínationallevel.

Itmightbetíuethatstatesaíeincompetition,asaíguedbyJabeenMusaííat.7ľoagíeatextent,
theíe
seemstobedistíustatthegloballevel,evenafteítheendofthecoldwaí.ľhisleadsonetothinkt
hat peíhapsthecoldwaídidnotactuallycometoanendbutmeíelychangeditsnatuíe.

Louis Beíes’ obseívation oveí 40 yeaís ago that “woíld leadeís continue to act as if secuíity
of theiííespective states is based upon national militaíy poweí” 8 íemains valid even today. His
advice that
statesneedtoembíaceanewspiíitofonenessiscíucialfoíall.ľheíeis,theíefoíe,anuígentneedto
íe-evaluate Beíes’ aígument that states “continue to misundeístand that theií only safe
couíse is one in which thewell-being and secuíity of each is deteímined fíom the standpoint of
what is best foí the system as awhole”.9Heíeliestheattíactioninglobalsecuíity
—“whatisbestfoíall”.
 33

ľheglobalcommunitystandstobenefitfíomgíeateíintía-
statescollaboíationandcoopeíation,foí
gíeateíinteíactionwillhelpbuildtíustandconfidence.Nationalandíegionalsecuíitybíeakdownsaí
ea
 34
globalsecuíitypíoblem.ľheíefoíe,itisintheinteíestofallthatnonationalsecuíitychallengebeal
lowed toescalateintoaglobalpíoblem.

Chapteí–5

5ľhíeatstoNationalSecuíity&HowGoveínmentPíotectsit’sCitizen
s

Every nation faces threats. These threats can be social, such as aggression from a neigh
boring
country,infiltrationfromaterroristgrouporglobaleconomictrendsthatcompromisethenation’swelf
are.Inothercases,threatscanbenatural,suchashurricanesorviralpandemics.Anythreatchallenges
anation’spoweranddisruptsitswell-being.

The field of national security safeguards against such threats. National security protects not
only citizensbut also the economic stability of national institutions. In the U.S., national
defense has been a guidingprinciple of the government at least since 1947, when then-
President Harry S. Truman signed into law
theNationalSecurityAct.Amongotherthings,thislegislationcreatedthesecretaryofdefensecabinet
position,underwhoseleadershipallbranchesofthemilitaryoperated.
 35
Crucially, national security and global security aren’t the same thing. National security
involves a
nationalgovernmentworkingautonomouslytoprotectitscitizensfromthreats.Globalsecurityinvol
vesacoalitionof nations working together to ensure that each of them may enjoy peace and
stability; this is a guidingprincipleoforganizationsliketheUnitedNations.

Oneofthecoreresponsibilitiesofnationalsecurityisidentifyingpotentialdangersandreadyingtheri
ghtresponse. This article will highlight five of the most consequential national security
threats and provideinsightintohowgovernmentsrespondtothem.

WhatisNationalSecurityTheatre?

Anythingthatthreatensthephysicalwell-
beingofthepopulationorjeopardizesthestabilityofanation’seconomy or institutions is
considered a national security threat. National security threats can be
furtherbrokendownintogroups.

HostileGovernment

Somenationalsecuritythreatscomefromforeigngovernmentswithhostileintentions.Thesethreat
smayinclude direct acts of war and aggression. but they can also be subtler and harder to
detect. Examplesincludeespionageandelectioninterference.

Terrorism

Countries also face threats from groups who don’t formally represent a foreign government but
may
besponsoredortoleratedbyforeignpowers.Terroristgroupsmayseektocausechaosanddisruptionthrou
ghphysicalviolenceor,insomecases,cybercrime.

Proliferation

An enemy state doesn’t have to take direct aggressive action for it to register as a potential
threat tonational security. The idea of proliferation, specifically with regard to advanced
weaponry, may also betaken into account. If a hostile state is known to be stockpiling
chemical weapons, developing
nuclearcapabilitiesorotherwiseescalatingitscapacityfordestruction,itqualifiesasanationalsecurit
ythreat,evenwithoutusingthoseweaponsinadirectattack.

Cybercrime

Online criminals pose a danger to national security, including those not associated with
hostilegovernmentsorterroristgroups.Cybercriminalsmayhackeconomicinstitutions,governme
ntwebsitesorpower infrastructures as a way of stealing or extorting money. They may also
commit cybercrimes toadvanceanideologicalagenda.

NaturalDisastersandDiseases

Notallthreatstonationalsecurityinvolvethemalignantinfluenceofbadactors.Hurricanes,earthquakes
andothernaturaldisasterscanposeseriousdamagetoanation’speopleandphysicalinfrastructure.
PandemicslikeCOVID-19weakenhealthcaresystemsandeconomies.

1. PandemicThreads
 36
Forarecentexampleofanationalsecuritythreat,looknofurtherthantheCOVID-
19pandemic.Whilepandemicscanunfoldonaglobalscale,differentcountriesfacethemindifferent
ways,oftentovaryinglevelsofsuccess.

This still-unfolding global health crisis demonstrates how widespread disease endangers not
only
thephysicalwellnessofcitizensbutalsosocioeconomicstructures.Meanwhile,globalresponsestoC
OVID-19havehighlightedhowgovernmentscanprotectagainstsuchcrises.

HowDiseaseDisrupts

The COVID-19 pandemic has impacted almost every country in the world. In addition to
causing
alarmingandtragicdeathtolls,thevirushasshownthewidespreadsocialandeconomichavocthatap
andemiccanyield.

 Thehighlyinfectiousnatureofthediseasehasforcedmanybusinessestoclosetheirdoors,ei
thertemporarilyorpermanently.Thishasresultedinsignificantrevenuelosses.
 Asbusinesseshaveclosedorlimitedtheirservices,it’sresultedinlayoffsandreducedworkhours.In
theU.S.alone,COVID-19hassent thejoblessnessratefromunder4%toover10%.
 Theeffectsofthepandemichaveimpacteddifferentindustriesatdisproportionatelevels,with
someindustrieshitespeciallyhard.Examplesincludethetravelandhospitalityindustries.
 Thecumulativeimpactoflostrevenuesandrisingunemploymenthasputmanynationsontheb
rinkofrecessionandresultedinturbulentstockmarketactivitythathasimpactedmanyU.S.inv
estors.
ProtectingAgainstDisease

COVID-19isareminderthatthethreatofaglobalpandemicisever-
present.It’sacallfornationalgovernmentstobeprepared.Governmentshaveanumberofwaystosa
feguardtheircitizenryfromdiseasesandviralthreats.

ConnectingLaboratories

Byconnectingresearchlaboratories,governmentscancreateaninfrastructureforeasy,collaborati
veworktowardvaccinesandothertreatments.

GovernmentCommunication

Governmentcommunicationcanalsoplayanimportantrole;for
example,throughclearcommunicationabout the importance of hand-washing, social
distancing and mask-wearing, governments can
educatecitizensonhowtokeepthemselvessafe.

EconomicIntervention

Governmentsmayalsoofferinterventionintheeconomy,whetherthroughwidespreadpaymentsto
citizensorwithamoretargetedstimulustoindustrieshithardestbyshutdowns.

EmergencyManagement

Emergencymanagementsystemsmaybeputintoplace,ensuringthatgovernmentshavealltherigh
ttoolstodecisivelycommunicatewithcitizensintheeventofanemergency.
 37
2. Biologicalwarfare
 38
Somediseasesoccurnaturallyandnotthroughanyactofmalignancyorhostility.However,historyal
soprovides many examples of biological weapons being harnessed to cause widespread
terror. Biologicalwarfare poses a significant threat to national security, yet governments can
put into place importantsafeguardstominimizethisrisk.

BotulinumToxin

Botulinum toxin, classified by scientists as a neurotoxic protein, has a number of commercial

uses, both
infoodprocessingandinthemanufacturingofcosmeticproducts.However,whenweaponizedandde
ployed,itcancausesignificanthealtheffects,includingthediseasebotulism.

TheuseofbotulinumtoxinasaweaponoriginatedinWorldWarII.Sincethen,it’sbeenwidelyclassifieda
sapotential agent of biological warfare. In the 1990s, a Japanese cult, Aum Shinrikyo,
deployed this toxin onthestreetsofTokyo,causingpanicbutthankfullyresultinginnofatalities.

Anthrax

Another potential agent of biological warfare is anthrax. Anthrax is a highly infectious,

potentially lethaldisease that’s caused by the bacterium Bacillus anthracic. This naturally
occurring bacterium has
beenaroundforcenturies,butwasfirstharnessedandweaponizedinWorldWarI.DuringWorldWarII,
theU.S.,GreatBritainandJapanallexperimentedwithanthraxasaweapon.

Inthemodernera,anthraxisacommonagentofbiologicalwarfare.Thisisbecausethebacteriaiseasil
yfoundinnatureorsynthesizedinalaboratoryandbecauseitcanbereleasedquicklyandsecurely.

TheU.S.CantersforDiseaseControlandPreventionnotesthatanthraxhasbeenweaponizedinthepas
t.“In2001, powdered anthrax spores were deliberately put into letters that were mailed
through the U.S. postalsystem,”theagencyreports.“Twenty-
twopeople,including12mailhandlers,gotanthrax,andfiveofthese22peopledied.”

ProtectingAgainstBiologicalWarfare

Thesearejusttwobioterrorthreatsnationsface.Crucially,governmentscanprepareforsuchattacks
withapproacheslikethefollowing:

 Governmentscantrainpublichealthworkersonhowtodeployrapidresponses.
 Governments can direct funding to help public health departments stockpile
medications andtreatments.
 Lawscanregulatethepossessionandtransferofhazardousingredientsthatmaybeusedtocr
eatebiologicalweapons.
 Laboratoriescanbekeptattheready,preparedtoconducttestingatthefirstsignofbiologi
calwarfare.
3. Cyberterrorism

Cyberterrorismprovidesanothernationalsecuritythreat.TheCenterforStrategicandInternationalS
tudies,aglobalthinktank,reportsdozensofincidentsofcyberterrorismin2020alone.InIndia,agroup
ofhumanrights activists was targeted by terrorists who infected their computers with
malware. Suspected
NorthKoreanhackerscompromisedtwoprominentEuropeandefensefirms,sendingthemfakejoboff
ersasawaytoinfiltratetheirsystemsandretrieveclassifiedinformation.Thesearejusttwoofthecount
 39
lessexamplesofcriminalsusinghackingandothernefariousdigitalschemestocausedisruptionandc
haos.
 40
TypesofCyberterrorism

Experts place cyberterrorist attacks into three distinct categories: simple-

unstructured, advanced-structuredandcomplex-coordinated.

 Simple-
unstructuredattack.Aterroristdeploysbasichackingtoolsagainstasingletarget;usually,t
hetoolsusedweremadebysomeoneelse.
 Advanced-
structuredattack.Aterroristconductsamoresophisticatedandtargetedattackagainstmul
tipletargets.
 Complex-
coordinatedattack.Aterroristemployshighlyadvancedhackingtoolstocausemassdisr
uption,targetinganentirebusiness,stateornation.
ThreatofCyberterrorism

Cyberterroristactivityposesathreattonationalsecurityforanumberofreasons:

 Becausebankingandfinancialsystemsareincreasinglydigitizedandconnectedtotheint
ernet,many cybersecurity experts fear that hackers could cause widespread
economic instability,potentiallycausingarecessionordepression.
 Therearealsofearsthatillicitlyacquiredinformationcouldbepublicized.Inotherwords,hac
kerscouldbreachgovernmentagenciesaswellastheprivacyofcitizens.
 Stillanotherfearregardingcyberterrorismisthatbyhackingintopowerorutilityinfrastruct
ures,terroristscouldcausechaosthroughoutmajormetropolitanareas.
Cyberthreatsarealarmingbecausetheycanbedeployedremotely,anonymouslyandcheapl

y.ProtectingAgainstCyberterrorism

Governmentsmaytakemultipleprecautionsagainstcyberterroristactivity.IntheU.S.,forexample,
theDepartmentofDefensemonitorsU.S.interestsincyberspaceandmaintainsalistofthosewho’ve
beenassessed as potential threats. Former President Barack Obama signed an executive
order allowing
U.Sofficialstoimposesanctionsonthosesuspectedofparticipationincyberterrorismagainstthecou
ntry.

Additionally, governments may provide guidance to businesses and local municipalities,

equipping themwithbestpracticesforenforcingstrongencryptionandcybersecuritymeasures.

4. Climatechangeandnationalsecurity

Climate change may also be considered a national security threat as its long-term effects
may bringdisastrous ecological consequences. However, because this is a threat that all
nations face, and
becausemuchoftheworkdonetofightclimatechangeisdonethroughinternationalcoalitions,clim
atechangeismoreoftenregardedasaglobalsecurityissue.

ImpactofClimateChange

Climatechangeadverselyimpactsnationaleconomiesinmanyways.Someexamplesincludethefollowing
:
 41
 Risingsealevelsresultinflooding,whichdoessignificantdamagetorealestateandinfrastruct
ureincoastalareas.
 42
 Droughtsandirregularrainpatternshavebothbeenlinkedtoclimatechangeandcouldc
ausedisruptiontoagriculturalpracticesandsupplychains.
 Climatechangemayalsoresultinextremestormsandnaturaldisasters,whichcausewides
preadpropertydamageandclaimhumanlives.
SpecificThreatstotheUnitedStates

Climatechangeisathreatfacingtheentireworld;atthesametime,someofitsimplicationshaveauni
queimpactontheU.S.

For example, a Pentagon report noted that climate change threatens the stability of a number
of mission-
criticalU.S.militarybases.Thereportfocusedon79militaryinstallationsacrosstheglobeandfoundth
at53ofthemcurrentlyfaceperilduetoflooding;43,duetodrought;and36,duetowildfires.

CombatingClimateChange

Climatechangepresentsseriousrisks.Governmentscantakemeaningfulstepstoprotectnationals
ecurityinterestsagainstclimatechangeanditsravages.

 Governmentscansetlocalemissionsgoals,reducingtheprevalenceofairpollution.
 Governmentscanencouragetheuseofelectricorhybridvehicles,suchasthroughtaxincentives.
 Governmentscaninvestinpublictransportinfrastructures,reducingtheneedforcarsontheroad.
 Governmentscienceagenciescanraisepublicawarenessaboutthethreatofclimatechan
geandabouttheactionsindividualscantaketominimizethisthreat.
 Governmentscanincentivizecarbonfarmingandotherecologicallyneutralpractices.
 Governmentscanalsoimposepenaltiesonbusinessesthatdon’tmeetenvironmentalstandards.

5. Transnationalcrimes

Animportantadditionalnationalsecuritythreatisatransnationalcrime.TheFBIdefinestransnat
ionalcrimegroupsasgroupsthatseektheirownpower,influence,orfinancialgainsthroughilleg
alactivity,regardlessofphysicalgeography.

ExamplesofTransnationalCrime

Transnational crime groups work across geographic boundaries and violate the laws of
multiple nations;because of this, they pose a threat to many countries at the same time.
Stopping this activity may requireseparatenationalsecurityagenciestoworktogether —
achallengingtaskgivenquestionsofjurisdictionaswellasfrictionpointsbetweennations.

Transnationalcrimemaytakeanumberofforms,includingthefollowing:

 Theprocurementofillegalgoods,includingdrugtrafficking
 Illicitservices,suchashumantrafficking
 Businessinfiltrationandracketeering
 43
PrecautionsAgainstTransnationalCrime

Differentcountriesrespondtotransnationalcrimeindifferentways.IntheU.S,theFBIhasatransnati
onalcrimeprogramdevotedtoeliminatinganycriminalactivitythatposesathreattoU.S.interests.

Specifically,theFBIuseslawssuchastheRacketeerInfluencedandCorruptOrganizations(RICO)Act,
whichprovidesthemwithlegalavenuestodisruptanddismantleentirecriminalenterprises,ratherth
antargetingindividualcriminalactorsoneatatime.

AccordingtotheFBI,theagencyuses“amultifacetedapproach”tolocatetransnationalcrimegroupsandto
disabletheirinfrastructuresforcriminalactivity.

Keepingthecountry &it’speoplesafe

Wide-
rangingthreatsimperileverynation.It’svitalforgovernmentstoputnationalsecurityandemergency
response efforts in place, allowing them to identify and thwart any natural or human-made
disruptions topeace,safetyandstability.

If you’re passionate about these goals, and if you want to pursue a career keeping nations
safe, you canbegin by finding out more about opportunities to prepare yourself. Enrollment in
an academic programdevotedtonationalsecurityandemergencyresponsecanhelpyoudevelop
theskillsrequiredforsuccessinthisfield.

Chapter-6
 44
climatechangewillimpactnationalsecurity
Howclimatechangewillimpactnationalsecurity

Arizona'sLakePowell,thesecondbiggestreservoirintheUnitedStates,droppedtorecordlowwaterlevelswhendroughthittheregionthispastsum

mer.PhotobyBillClarkviaAP
 45
Rising temperatures and intensifying weather due to climate change, along with the unlikelihood
ofmeeting the 2030 emissions goals of the Paris Agreement, will exacerbate geopolitical tensions,
socialinstability, and the need for humanitarian aid, according to a joint reportby the U.S
intelligencecommunity last month. The National Intelligence Estimate lays out the likely security
implications overthe next two decades of the mounting climate crisis. Calder Waltonis assistant
director for research atthe Belfer Center’s Intelligence Project, which organized Harvard Kennedy
School’sfirst conference onclimate change and national security last spring. He spoke to the Gazette
about the report and theimportant role the intelligence community should play in addressing the
crisis. Interview is edited forclarityandlength.

Q& A

CalderWalton

GAZETTE: We hear about the threats posed by climate change from an environmental standpoint,
butrarelyabouttherisksandthreatsitposesto
nationalsecurity.HowdoestheU.S.intelligencecommunityview climatechange,andisthisanew domain?
WALTON: The purpose of the U.S. intelligence community, established after the Second World War
inthe wake of Pearl Harbor, was to provide policymakers with decision advantage and forewarning
ofthreatstonationalsecurity.Iftheprimarypurposeistogivedecisionadvantagesaboutnationalsecuritythrea
ts, obviously, by definition, the U.S. intelligence community has to have a role giving key decision-
makers theirassessmentsaboutthegreatestexistentialthreatinhumancivilization: climatechange.
Whatisgoingtobetheimpactofchangingclimateonnationalsecurity,economicsociety,civilsociety?And this
isn’t just national security; this is international, globalized security. If we look at it like
that,clearly,theU.S. intelligencecommunityhastohavearole. Andthey’revery,verylatetothegame.
GAZETTE: How are other intelligence services responding to climate change? Is any country leading
theway?
WALTON: I don’t think anyone is a shining star in terms of taking this seriously. I have yet to find
anexample of a country that has an intelligence bureaucracy set up to really deal with this and to
provideassessments about the national security implications of climate change to policy leaders in a
sufficientway.
Theoverwhelming focusofintelligencecommunities across theglobeisstillonpost-ColdWarstructures
— stealingotherpeople’ssecrets.Andwearenowinanageofglobalizedchallenges,theprimaryonebeing
climate change, but also the bio revolution and biosecurity, cyber, and disinformation. Climatechange
and pandemics are linked; climate change will, scientists tell us, create more new diseaseoutbreaks.
And then, add in synthesized biology; we have cyber, artificial intelligence, and machinelearning.
Theseareglobalizedchallengesthatwill affectsocietiesacrosstheworld.

We are really at an inflection point in terms of the way that we understand intelligence and
nationalsecurity. U.S. national security and intelligence were built up to deal with blocs of states, first the
fasciststates and thenSovietcommunism.Nine-elevenwas thefirstwake-up callaboutnon-
stateactors,butthe
U.S. intelligence community still used the same framework of established bureaucracies built up
inpostwaryears todealwith non-stateactors.Andnow,withapandemicandclimatechange,we’reseeingtruly
globalized challenges. It seems to me that we need to rethink how we understand intelligence
todealwithit, gearedtosharingglobalintelligencetodeal withglobalchallengesweface.

“Scarceresourcesleadingtopoliticalviolence,terrorism—that’sthekindofsecondarythreat
progressionthattheU.S.intelligencecommunitywillbelookingat.”

— CalderWalton
 46
GAZETTE:Whatarethemostimportanttakeawaysfromthisreport?
WALTON: Let’s start with the basics: that climate change does pose a threat to U.S. national security.
TheNational Intelligence Estimate is a joint assessment produced by the entire U.S. intelligence
community,18 agencies. That’s significant. There are no naysayers; there’s no doubt. So that’s a
breakthrough. In thisextraordinarilypolarizedandpoliticizedenvironment,thatisabigmilestoneitself.
There is a series of direct and indirect security threats that the report lays out. First and foremost, it
saysthatitis likelythatthetemperaturewillriseby1.5degreesby2030,which istheParis Agreementtarget.So,
we are unlikely to stop that from happening. And then, the report reveals the direct and
indirectconsequences of climate change: raising temperature and the inability of, as they see it,
ourdecarbonization effortstopreventthattemperatureriseintheU.S.Directconsequencesrelateto
territorial integrity. The U.S. military’s been talking about rising sea levels on bases since the 1970s, if
notearlier. Rising sea level, which is affecting how we’re undertaking military operations. And then,
thesecondary knock-on effects of population displacement, of civil disorder as key essentials become
scarce,damage to crops, and economic realignment. Also, refugee crises or population displacement,
andradicalization of people angry with their own government or willing to take action against countries
thatthey regard as the big polluters. Scarce resources leading to political violence, terrorism — that’s the
kindofsecondary threatprogressionthattheU.S.intelligencecommunitywill belookingat.

GAZETTE: China accounts for 30 percent of the world’s carbon emissions, followed by the U.S. Are
therisksfromclimatechangemultiplyingtheexistingconcernsU.S.intelligencehasaboutChina,anddoesitcha
ngetheirapproach?
WALTON: It is. What we’re witnessing is the combination of these global challenges to
internationalsecurity—
biosecurity,naturalandsynthesizedbiologyandpandemics,climatechange,disinformation
— being fused with great power, geopolitical conflicts. There’s this idea that we can either deal with
theinternational security threats of climate change or China. But in reality, they are not mutually
exclusive;they’reall interwoven.Climatechangeisnow fusedwithgeopolitics.
How is the U.S. intelligence community thinking about China and these issues? This is an area
firmlywithin the traditional wheelhouse of what the U.S. intelligence community can do. The
absolutelyimportant information will be verification and attribution: whether China is adhering to its
publicstatements about its carbon reduction. Is it being truthful or is it not being truthful? That’s
whereintelligence collection — human intelligence, signals intelligence, imagery intelligence from
satellite,overhead reconnaissance, and open-source intelligence — is going to be absolutely key.
Seniorpolicymakers in Washington will say, “I need to know whether China is adhering to what they
profess tobe doing in terms of decarbonization.” So that will be a requirement set to the U.S.
IntelligenceCommittee,tostealthosesecrets.Thatis
notthatdifferentfromwhatwe’vedoneinthepast,andwillbeincreasinglyimportant.

Thereis asignificantroletheU.S.intelligencecommunitycould playandreally,inmyview,mustplay

goingforward.It’sdisseminatingitsassessments,particularlyfromoverheadsatellitemapping,whatthe
U.S. intelligence community is observing both on the territorial integrity of countries and
populationdisplacement. During the Ebola crisis, the U.S. National Geospatial Intelligence agency,
through
itssatelliteplatforms,collectedandthenpubliclydisseminatedviaitswebsiteinformationaboutthespreadofE
bolain WestAfrica. Thatisexactlythedirection thatweneedtogoin withclimatechange.

GAZETTE: Whatcomesafter this report?Is thereanextstep?

WALTON: The next step is for the U.S. intelligence community to say, “This is what we can deliver.
Weknow what we need; we know what policymakers need to know; we know what the public needs
toknow; and this is how we can contribute to assessments and messaging and help shape public
policy.”Theworstthing theycoulddowouldbetosetupanewbureaucracywithin
aparticularagencyandsay,“We’re now doing climate change.” It’s time for some bold thinking. This is a
 47
profound existential crisisforthewayweliveour lives,
andit’stimeforprofoundthinkingaboutintelligencetoinform decision-
 48
making. Instead of the traditional focus of intelligence agencies to retain information because it
isclassified,itseemsto methatwhenitcomesto climatechangetheemphasis
shouldbeaboutpubliclydisseminatingthatintelligence.Inotherwords,areversal oftradition.
It’s incumbent for assessments to be as widely read as possible so that we understand this, so
thatmembersofthepubliccanholdpolicymakers’feetto thecoalsaboutmakingchanges.There’sno
goodifwefindoutin50years’time, theywerebeingbriefedonthis.Thestakesaretoohighfor that.

NationalSecurityandtheThreatofClimateChange

Climate change's anticipated impacts such as sea level rise and forced migration can have

multipliereffects,acceleratingtraditionalsecuritythreats,conclude11retiredflagofficers

inanewreportfromtheCNACorporation.

Climate change's anticipated impacts such as sea level rise and forced migration can have

multipliereffects, accelerating traditional security threats. This concern is the conclusion of 11 retired

flag officersin a new report from the CNA Corporation, National security & the threat of climate change.

The reportrecommends defining climate change as a national security threat, and integrating the

consequences ofsuch a threat into military planning. At an event sponsored by the Environmental

Change and

SecurityProgramonMay14,2007,threeoftheretiredgeneralsjoinedrepresentativesfromCNAandtheBritish

Embassytodiscussthereport'sfindingsandrecommendations.

"[I]fthereisonething themilitarydoeswell,itisplan,"said retired

GeneralPaulJ.KernoftheU.S.Army."Whenweplan, welookattheextremesofoperations…

[and]createdifferentalternativesforhow

you can solve them, from the very worst-case scenario to the best case."
RetiredLieutenantGeneralLawrenceP. FarrellJr.oftheU.S. AirForceagreed: "Theplanning wedothatgoesinto
 49
organizing,training,and equippingourmilitaryconsidersalltherisksthatwemayface.

Andoneoftherisksweseerightnowisclimatechange."

FindingsandRecommendations

InSeptember2006,theCANcorporationconvened11retiredthree-andfour-starU.S.militarygeneralsand

admirals—comprising a Military advisors board—to study the threats posed by climate change

andpropose ways in which the United States could address the consequences of climatic shifts. After

eightmonthsofdeliberation,theboardoutlinedfourfindings:

 ProjectedclimatechangeposesaseriousthreattoAmerica'snationalsecurity;

 Climatechangeacts asathreatmultiplierforinstabilityinsomeofthemostvolatileregionsoftheworld;

 Projectedclimatechangewilladdto tensionseveninstableregionsoftheworld;and

 Climatechange,nationalsecurity,andenergydependencearearelatedsetofglobalchallenges.

According to Sherri Goodman, general counsel for the CNA Corporation and
executivedirectoroftheMilitaryAdvisoryBoard,thedeliberationperiodhelpedsolidifythegroup'sperspecti
ve:

"Ourbottomlineisthatclimatechangeisathreattonationalsecurityandnowis

thetimetotakesensibleaction,tointegrateitintonationalsecurityframeworks,andto

buildthenecessarycapacity andresilience to address it responsibly in the future." Out of their bottom line

stemmed the board's fiverecommendations:

 50
 The national security consequences of climate change should be fully integrated into

nationalsecurityandnationaldefensestrategies;

 TheUnitedStatesshouldcommittoastrongernationalandinternationalroletohelpstabilizeclimat

echangestoavoiddisruptiontoglobal securityandstability;

 The United States should commit to global partnerships that help less developed nations

buildcapacityandresiliency toclimateimpacts;

 TheDepartmentofDefense(DoD)shouldadoptinnovateprocessesandtechnologiesto improve

U.S.combatpowerthroughenergyefficiency;and

 DoDshould

conductanassessmentoftheimpactonU.S.militaryinstallationsworldwideofrisingsealevels,extreme

weatherevents,andotherpossibleimpactsofclimatechangeoverthenext30to40years.

Drawing the security community into the climate change discussion has a number

ofadvantages, said David Thomas, first secretary of energy and environment at the British

Embassy:"Security is seen as an imperative, not an option. And when it comes to security, you

prepare for theworst case scenario—you don't sit around and hope for the best. If we wait to act on

climate change,somethingbadisgoingtohappenindeed."

In April, the UN Security Council for the first time debated climate change and its security

implications.Guided by the British Foreign Secretary Margaret Beckett, whose country then held the UN

SecurityCouncil'srotatingchair,the debate drewskepticismfromdevelopingnationswho

questionedwhethertheissuewasgermaneto

thecouncil'smandate.Butdespitesomecriticism,thediscussionearnedclimate
 51
change much-needed international prominence, said Thomas: "[The UN Security Council] debate

alongwith [theCNA]reporthassuccessfullydrawnattentiontothisissue."Hewentonto

quoteBeckett:"Whilean unstable climate has obvious hard security implications, the traditional tools of

hard security—bombsand bullets—are not going to be able to solve that problem. Instead we are going to

have to think a lotmore imaginatively and a lot more broadly about how we can act together to guarantee

that kind ofsecurity.Wearegoingtohavetogetalotmore hard-headedaboutsoft-power."

ClimateasThreatMultiplier

During his military service, Kern witnessed the connections between security and the availability

ofenergy,water,environment,andfood,especiallyinareasofhighvulnerability:"Youoftensawinstabilityresul

ting when disruption occurred in one or more of these factors." Climate change can add stress

bydisruptingaccessto thesebasicneeds.Inaddition,extremeweatherandothernaturalphenomenahadabig

impact on his operational decision-making, he said: "Climate shifts, sea state, and hurricanes

wereplaying into military operations. The degree to which they became intensified certainly changed

the waywebehavedinouroperations."

In2003,retiredGeneralCharlesF.WaldoftheU.S.AirForce,thendeputycommander

ofU.S.European Command(USEUCOM),wasinstructedto

conductastrategicevaluationofthreatstothecommand. USEUCOM includes 43 of the 54 countries in Africa

where climate shifts could disruptlivelihoods and stability. Using examples from Darfur and Mozambique,

his evaluation concluded thatclimatechangeposesaseriousrisk,ifignored. InDarfur,thelossofarableland

duetoprolongeddrought
 52
forcedfarmerstomigrateintoareastraditionallyusedbyherders,sparkingconflictthatcontinuestoday,albeit

under significantly new dynamics. In 1996, Mozambique experienced consistent flooding thatplaced

most of the country under water. "The U.S. military was the only group that had the capacity todeal

with[theMozambique]humanitariancrisis,"hesaid.

KernalsoobservedcreepingdesertificationoftheSahara:"Eachyearthedesertwasexpanding,causingmore

refugees…. If you don't have water and you don't have food and the environment becomes too hotor too

cold, then you move." The resulting migration became a security concern: "When you have thesegreat

instabilities which push people out of the places…then you have a multiplying effect on

theconsequences."

NewThreatsandEngagementStrategies

Contemplatingnewthreatstonationalsecurityservesdualpurposes,saidWald.Ithelpsguidetrainingexercise

sandoperations, andalsopreparestroopsfor thephasesofmilitaryengagement:

 PhaseOne: planning;

 PhaseTwo:deployment;

 PhaseThree:employment;and

 PhaseFour:redeployment.

Two other important areas of military engagement fall outside this four-phase rubric, he said: post-

conflict reconstruction ("Phase Five"); and conflict prevention and capacity building ("Phase Zero").

"InAfrica there is a significant opportunity for engaging in Phase Zero operations," he said. In this

earlyphase—essentiallyaconflictpreventionstrategy—themilitaryengagesitscounterpartstobuildcapacity,
 53
goodgovernance,andinfrastructure,therebyprovidingcountrieswiththenecessarytoolstoaddresstheirown

problems.

ClimateChange'sUnknownQuantities

If climate change can disrupt weak and vulnerable governments, Farrell said, then the

securitycommunity must consider what effect—by extension—it will have on extremism and terrorism:

"Wheredo terrorists go? They go to weak places where governance is weak and society is weak. If the

stress ofclimatechangeontheseweaksocieties causes someof

themtocollapse,itopensawindowforterrorists."

Population change is another important factor in sparking instability, Farrell continued. World

populationisprojectedtoreach9.5billionby 2050,withgrowthlargelyoccurringinAsia

andAfrica.Intheseregions, the combination of climate change and population growth could produce a

potent—andpotentially lethal—mix. According to the three retired generals at the meeting, the military

should bemindful of these situations when planning its strategies. "We believe the smart thing to do is to

plan now:look at the extremes of what can happen and be prepared for those extremes," said Kern, who

argued thatthemilitaryshould"takeadvantageofthistimethatisavailabletoustoreduce…extremesto

something…manageable."
 54

Chapter– 7

DimensionsofNationalSecurity

Potentialcausesofnationalinsecurityincludeactionsbyotherstates
(e.g. military or cyber), violent (e.g. terristit attract), organized criminal group such as narcotic castles,
andalso the effects of natural disaster (e.g. flooding, earthquakes(3)v,1–8 (8)(9) Systemic
drivers
ofinsecurity,whichmaybetranslation,includeclimatechange,economicandmoralization,political,
andministration(8)(9)
Inviewofthewiderangeofrisks,thesecurity ofanationstatehas severaldimensions,
including economic security, energy security, physical security, environmental security, food security,
bordersecurity,andcybersecurity.Thesedimensionscorrelatecloselywith
elementsofnationalpower.
Increasingly, governments organise their security policies into a national security strategy
(NSS); as of2017, Spain, Sweden, the United Kingdom, and the United States are among
the states to have doneso. Some states also appoint a National Security Council and/or a
National Security Advisor which isan executive government agency, it feeds the head of
the state on topics concerning national securityandstrategicinterest.
Thenationalsecuritycouncil/advisorstrategies longterm,shortterm,
 55
contingency national security plans. India holds one such system in current, which was
established on19November 1998.
Althoughstatesdifferintheirapproach,withsomebeginningtoprioritisenon-
militaryactiontotackle systemic drivers of insecurity, various forms of coercive power
predominate, particularly MilitaryCapabilities. The scope of these capabilities has
developed. Traditionally, military capabilities weremainly land- or sea-based, and in
smaller countries, they still are. Elsewhere, the domains of potentialwarfare now include
the air, space, cyberspace, and psychological operations Military capabilitiesdesigned for these
domains may be used for national security, or equally for offensive purposes,
forexampletoconquer andannexterritoryandresources.
Seealso:Elementsof national securityandElementsofnationalpower
PhysicalSecurityEdit
Mainarticle:Militarysecurity
In practice, national security is associated primarily with managing physical
threats and
withthemilitarycapabilitiesusedfordoingso.Thatis,nationalsecurityisoftenunderstoo
d asthe
capacityofanation tomobilisemilitaryforcestoguaranteeits
bordersandtodeterorsuccessfullydefendagainstphysicalthreatsincludingmilitaryaggressiona
ndattacksbynon-stateactors,such
asterrorism.Moststates, suchasSouthAfricaandSweden,
configuretheirmilitaryforcesmainlyforterritorialdefence;others,suchasFrance,Russia,theU
KandtheUS,investinhigher-
cost expeditionary capabilities, which allow their armed forces to project power and sustain
militaryoperationsabroad.
Seealso: Terrorism,Borderguard,andMilitaryaggression
InfrastructuresecurityEdit

TheSUPOheadquarters inPunavuori,Helsinki
Infrastructure security is the security provided to protect infrastructure, especially
criticalinfrastructure, such as airports, highways rail transport, hospitals, bridges, transport
hubs, networkcommunications, media, the electricity grid, dams, power plants, seaports, oil
refineries, and
watersystems.Infrastructuresecurityseekstolimitvulnerabilityofthesestructuresandsyste
ms
tosabotage,terrorism,andcontamination.
Many countries have established government agencies to directly manage the security
of criticalinfrastructure, usually, through the Ministry of Interior/Home Affairs, dedicated
security agencies toprotect facilities such as United States Federal Protective Service, and
also dedicated transport policesuch as the British Transport Police. There are also
 56
commercial transportation security units such
astheAmtrakPoliceintheUnitedStates.Criticalinfrastructureisvitalfortheessentialfunctionin
g ofa
 57
country.Incidentalordeliberatedamage can
haveaseriousimpactontheeconomyandessentialservices.Someofthethreatstoinfrastructu
reinclude:
 Terrorism: person or groups deliberately targeting critical infrastructure for political gain.
IntheNovember2008Mumbaiattacks,theMumbaicentralstationandhospitalweredeliberatelytar
geted.
 Sabotage: person or groups such as ex-employees, anti-government groups, environmental
groups.RefertoBangkok'sInternationalAirportSeizedbyProtestors.
 Informationwarfare:privatepersonhackingforprivategainorcountriesinitiatingattackstoglean
informationanddamageacountry'scyberinfrastructure.Cyberattackson
Estoniaand cyberattacks during the2008SouthOssetiawarareexamples.
 Natural disaster: hurricane or other natural events that damage critical infrastructures such as
oilpipelines, water, and power grids. See Hurricane Ike and Economic effects of Hurricane Katrina
forexamples.

Computersecurity
Computer security, also known as cybersecurity or IT security, refers to the security of
computingdevices such as computers and smartphones, as well as computer networks such
as private and publicnetworks, and the Internet. It concerns the protection of hardware,
software, data, people, and alsothe procedures by which systems are accessed, and the
field has growing importance due to theincreasing reliance on computer systems in
most societies Since unauthorized access to critical civiland military infrastructure is
now considered a major threat, cyberspace is now recognised as adomain of warfare.
One such example is the use of Stuxnet by the USA and Israel against the
Iraniannuclearprograme[15]
PoliticalsecurityEdit
BarryBuzan,OleWæver,JaapdeWildeandothershavearguedthat nationalsecuritydepends
onpolitical security:the stabilityofthesocialorderOthers,such asPaulRogers,have
addedthattheequitabilityofthe internationalorderis equally vital.Hence,politicalsecurity
dependson therule
of international law (including the laws of war), the effectiveness of international political
institutions,as well as diplomacy and negotiation between nations and other security actors
It also depends on,among other factors, effective political inclusion of disaffected
groups and the human security of thecitizenry.
EconomicSecurityEdit
Mainarticle: Economicsecurity
Economic security, in the context of international relations, is the ability of a nation state to
maintainand develop the national economy, without which other dimensions of national
security cannot bemanaged.Economiccapabilitylargelydeterminesthe
defencecapabilityofanation,andthusasoundeconomic security directly influences the
national security of a nation. That is why we see
countrieswithsoundeconomy,happentohavesoundsecuritysetuptoo, suchasThe United
States, China, India among others. In larger countries, strategies for economic security
expect to accessresources and markets in other countries and to protect their own
markets at home. Developingcountries may be less secure than economically advanced
states due to high rates of unemploymentandunderpaidwork. [citationneeded]
EcologicalsecurityEdit
Ecologicalsecurity, alsoknownasenvironmentalsecurity,referstotheintegrityofecosystemsand
the biosphere, particularly in relation to their capacity to sustain a diversity of life-forms (including
human
life).Thesecurityofecosystemshasattractedgreaterattentionastheimpactofecologicaldamagebyhu
 58
grown The degradation of ecosystems, including topsoil erosion, deforestation, biodiversity loss, and
climatechange,affecteconomicsecurityandcanprecipitatemassmigration,
leadingtoincreasedpressureonresourceselsewhere. Ecological security is also important since
most of the countries in the world are developing anddependent on agriculture and agriculture gets
affected largely due to climate change. This effect affects theeconomyof the nation,which inturn
affectsnationalsecurity.
Thescopeandnatureofenvironmentalthreats tonationalsecurityandstrategiestoengagethemare
a subject of debate29–33 Romm (1993) classifies the major impacts of ecological changes on
nationalsecurityas15
 Transnational environmental problems. These include global environmental problems
suchasclimatechange duetoglobalwarming, deforestation, andlossofbiodiversity15
 Local environmental or resource pressures. These include resource scarcities leading to
localconflict, such as disputes over water scarcity in the Middle East; migration into the United
Statescaused by the failure of agriculture in Mexico; 15 and the impact on the conflict in Syria of
erosionof productive land Environmental insecurity in Rwanda following a rise in population
anddwindlingavailabilityoffarmland,mayalsohavecontributedtothegenocidethere
 Environmentally threatening outcomes of warfare. These include acts of war that degrade
ordestroy ecosystems. Examples are the Roman destruction of agriculture in Carthage;
SaddamHussein's burning of oil wells in the Gulf War15–16 the use of Agent Orangeby the UK in
theandtheUSAintheVietnamWarfordefoliatingforests;andthehighgreenhouse gas
emissionsofmilitary forces.

Climatechangeisaffectingglobalagricultureandfoodsecurity

adequate natural resources is important for a nation to develop its industry and economic
power. For example,inthePersianGulfWarof1991,IraqcapturedKuwaitpartlyinorderto secureaccessto
its oil wells, andonereason for the US counter-invasion was the value of the same wells to its
own economy.[citation needed]
Waterresourcesaresubjecttodisputesbetweenmanynations,includingIndiaandPakistan,
andintheMiddleEast.

Refugees fleeing war and insecurity in Iraq and Syria arrive at Lesbos Island, supported by
Spanishvolunteers,2015
 59
Securityof energyandnaturalresourcesEdit

Thedimensionsofnationalsecurityoutlined
abovearefrequentlyintensionwithoneanother.Forexample:

 The high cost of maintaining large military forces can place a burden on the economic security of a
nationAnd annual defence spending as percent of GDP varies significantly by country Conversely,
economicconstraintscanlimitthescaleofexpenditureonmilitary capabilities.
 Unilateralsecurityactionbystatescanunderminepoliticalsecurityataninternationallevelifiterodesthe rule of
law and undermines the authority of international institutions. The invasion of Iraq in 2003
andtheannexationofCrimeain2014havebeencitedasexamples.
 Thepursuitofeconomicsecurityincompetitionwithothernationstatescanunderminetheecologicalsecurit
y of all when the impact includes widespread topsoil erosion, biodiversity loss, and climatechange
Conversely, expenditure on mitigating or adapting to ecological change places a burden on thenational
economy.

Iftensionssuch asthese
arenotmanagedeffectively,nationalsecuritypoliciesandactionsmaybeineffectiveorcounter
productive.

NationalversustransnationalSecurity
Increasingly,nationalsecuritystrategieshavebeguntorecognisethatnations
cannotprovidefortheirown security without also developing the security of their regional
and international context. Forexample,Sweden'snational
securitystrategyof2017declared:
"Widersecuritymeasuresmustalsonowencompassprotectionagainstepidemicsand
infectiousdiseases, combating terrorism and organised crime, ensuring safe transport and
reliable foodsupplies, protecting against energy supply interruptions, countering devastating
climate change,initiativesfor peaceandglobaldevelopment,andmuchmore."

AUSfighterjetovera burningoilwell in Kuwaitduring thePersianGulfWar,1991

Theextenttowhichthismatters,andhowitshouldbedone,isthesubjectofdebate.Someargueth
atthe principal beneficiary of national security policy should be the nation state itself,
which shouldcentre its strategy on protective and coercive capabilities in order to
safeguard itself in a hostileenvironment (and potentially to project that power into its
environment, and dominate it to the pointof strategic supremacy). Others argue that
security depends principally on building the conditions inwhich equitable relationships
between nations can develop, partly by reducing antagonism betweenactors, ensuring
that fundamental needs can be met, and also that differences of interest can
benegotiated effectively. In the UK, for example, Malcolm Chalmers argued in 2015 that
the heart of
theUK'sapproachshouldbesupportfortheWesternstrategicmilitaryallianceledthroughNATOb
 60
ythe
 61
United States, as "the key anchor around which international order is maintained The
AmmerdownGrouparguedin2016thattheUKshouldshiftitsprimaryfocustobuildinginternati
onalcooperationtotacklethesystemicdriversofinsecurity,includingclimatechange,economic
inequality,militarisationandthepoliticalexclusionoftheworld'spoorestpeople
Impact oncivillibertiesandhuman
Approaches to national security can have a complex impact on human rights and civil
liberties. Forexample, therightsandlibertiesofcitizensareaffectedbytheuseofmilitary
personnel and militarised police forces to control public behaviour; the use of
surveillance,includingmasssurveillanceincyberspace,whichhasimplicationsfor
privacy;military
recruitmentandconscriptionpractices;andthe effectsofwarfareonciviliansandcivilinfrastructure.
This has led to a dialectical struggle, particularly in liberal democracies,
betweengovernmentauthorityand therightsand
freedomsofthegeneralpublic.

The NationalSecurityAgencyharvestspersonaldataacrossthe internet.

Even where the exercise of national security is subject to good governance, and the rule of
law, a riskremains that the term national security may become a pretext for suppressing
unfavorable political andsocialviews.IntheUS,forexample,thecontroversialUSAPatriot
Actof2001,andtherevelation
by Edward Snowden in 2013 that the National Security Agency harvests the personal data of the
generalpublic, brought these issues to wide public attention. Among the questions raised
are whether andhow national security considerations at times of war should lead to the
suppression of individualrightsandfreedoms,andwhether
suchrestrictionsarenecessarywhena stateisnotatwar.
In the US, for example, the military has installed solar photovoltaic microgrids on their
bases in caseofpoweroutage.
 62

Chapter–8

IssueofNationalSecurity

Consistencyofapproach
Thedimensionsofnationalsecurityoutlined
abovearefrequentlyintensionwithoneanother.Forexample:

 The high cost of maintaining large military forces can place a burden on the economic security of
anation And annual defence spending as percent of GDP varies significantly by country
Conversely,economicconstraintscanlimitthescaleofexpenditureonmilitarycapabilities.
 Unilateral security action by states can undermine political security at an international level if
iterodes the rule of law and undermines the authority of international institutions. The invasion
ofIraqin2003andtheannexationofCrimeain2014havebeencitedasexamples
 The pursuit of economic security in competition with other nation states can undermine
theecological security of all when the impact includes widespread topsoil erosion, biodiversity
loss,andclimatechangeConversely,expenditureonmitigatingoradaptingtoecologicalchangeplacesa
burdenonthenationaleconomy.

Iftensionssuch asthese
arenotmanagedeffectively,nationalsecuritypoliciesandactionsmaybeineffectiveorcounter
productive.

Nationalversustransnationalsecurity.
Increasingly,nationalsecuritystrategieshavebeguntorecognisethatnationscannotprovidefo
rtheirown security without also developing the security of their regional and international
context. Forexample,Sweden'snational securitystrategyof2017declared:
"Wider security measures must also now encompass protection against epidemics and
infectiousdiseases, combating terrorism and organised crime, ensuring safe transport and reliable
food supplies,protecting against energy supply interruptions, countering devastating climate change,
initiatives forpeaceandglobaldevelopment,andmuchmore
 63

AUSfighterjetoveraburningoil wellin Kuwaitduring thePersianGulfWar,1991

Theextenttowhichthismatters,andhowitshouldbedone,isthesubjectofdebate.Someargueth
atthe principal beneficiary of national security policy should be the nation state itself,
which shouldcentre its strategy on protective and coercive capabilities in order to
safeguard itself in a hostileenvironment (and potentially to project that power into its
environment, and dominate it to the pointof strategic supremacy). Others argue that
security depends principally on building the conditions inwhich equitable relationships
between nations can develop, partly by reducing antagonism betweenactors, ensuring
that fundamental needs can be met, and also that differences of interest can
benegotiated effectively. In the UK, for example, Malcolm Chalmers argued in 2015 that
the heart of theUK's approach should be support for the Western strategic military
alliance led through NATO by theUnited States, as "the key anchor around which
international order is maintained The AmmerdownGroup argued in 2016 that the UK
should shift its primary focus to building international
cooperationtotacklethesystemicdriversofinsecurity, includingclimatechange,economic
inequality,militarisationandthepoliticalexclusionoftheworld'spoorestpeople
Impact on civil liberties and human rigtsEditApproaches to national security can have a
compleximpact on human rights and civil liberties. For example, the rights and liberties of
citizens are
affectedbytheuseofmilitarypersonnelandmilitarisedpoliceforcestocontrolpublicbehaviour;theu
se
of surveillance, including mass surveillance in cyberspace, which has implications for privacy;
militaryrecruitmentandconscriptionpractices;andthe effectsof
warfareonciviliansandcivilinfrastructure.
This has led to a dialectical struggle, particularly in liberal democracies,
betweengovernmentauthorityand therightsand

freedomsofthegeneralpublic.

TheNationalSecurityAgencyharvestspersonaldataacrosstheinternet.
Even where the exercise of national security is subject to good governance, and the rule of
law, a riskremains that the term national security may become a pretext for suppressing
unfavorable political andsocialviews.IntheUS,forexample,thecontroversialUSAPatriot
Actof2001,andtherevelation
 64
by Edward Snowden in 2013 that the National Security Agency harvests the personal data of the
generalpublic,broughttheseissuestowidepublicattention.Amongthequestionsraisedarewhet
herand
 65
hownationalsecurityconsiderationsattimesof warshouldleadtothe
suppressionofindividualrightsandfreedoms,
andwhethersuchrestrictionsarenecessarywhena stateisnotatwar.

Chapteí–9

India'sNationalSecurityChallenges

The controversial text of the Naval chief's address where his remarks on 'Coping with China' -- specifically
that'it would be foolhardy to compare India and China as equals' -- have attracted a lot of media attention
andcriticism.
1 AdmiralArumPrakash(ChairmanNationalMaritimeFoundation),ChiefoftheAirStaff(AirChiefMarshalPVNaik),
Mr Raj Liberians (Chairman India Habitat Centre), Cmde Uday Bashar (Director National MaritimeFoundation),
Members of the NMF and Habitat Centre, Distinguished Guests, Senior Officers of the
ArmedForces,FriendsfromtheMedia, Ladies andGentlemen…
2 Iamindeedverydelightedtobeherethisevening attheinvitationoftheNationalMaritimeFoundation,
to share a few thoughts on our country’s national security challenges. The India Habitat Centre and
theNMFdeserveourunqualifiedappreciationforperiodicallyconductinglecturesandbrain-
stormingsessionsthat focus our thinking on core national security issues. It is also a great pleasure to see
so many friendsand erstwhile colleagues as well as distinguished professionals from many walks of life in
the audience,whosethoughtsand actionssignificantlyimpactournational
securityoutlook.Therefore,morethan whatIhavetosay,Ilookforwardwithmuchanticipation,tohearing
yourcomments andobservations atthe
endofmytalk.Iamconfidentthatbythe timeweare through,therewouldbevaluable‘takeaways’forall
ofus.
3 Since the subject of National Security is immense in its scope and expanse, to even attempt a
completetreatment of all issues involved would be decidedly unwise. Therefore, I propose to speak for
about
45minutesoncertainkeyaspectsofnationalsecuritythatimpactthefunctioningoftheArmedForcesandleaves
ocial,economicandenvironmentaldimensions outofthe ambitof today’s discourse
4 Let me first make some very brief comments about the concept of ‘Security’. The traditional view
ofsecurity focussed on the application of force at the state level and was therefore a fairly narrow
view,hinging onmilitarysecurity.Itisnowwidely acknowledgedthatthereismoretosecuritythanpurely
 66
militaryfactors.Today’sdefinitionofsecurityacknowledgespolitical,economic,environmental,socialandhuman
among other strands that impact the concept of security. In the most basic terms, the concern
forsecurityofthelowestcommondenominatorofeverysociety,namely the‘humanbeing’,hasresultedin
the development of the concept of ‘human security’, which focuses on the individual. Therefore,
thedefinition of security is definitely broad – and is related to the ability of the state to perform the
functionof protecting the well-being of its people. This formulation harks back to the days of Chanukah
andArthashastra.
5 However,theproblemwithsuchabroaddefinitionofsecurityisthatanythingthatgeneratesanxietyor
threatens the quality of life gets labelled as a ‘security problem’, with a consequent loss of focus. In
ademocracy,itisfortheelectedgovernmenttoprovidethispriorityandfocus,asonlyafterthis,acoherentNational
Security Strategy can be articulated. I am glad to learn that this exercise has commenced, and
isbeingsteered bytheNSAB.
6 We often hear that our rise to global prominence is inevitable. It is an incontestable fact that
thesignificance of India as a rising power is being widely acknowledged, as has been witnessed by
severaleventsintherecentpast,themostdefiningofwhichhasperhapsbeentheinking
oftheAgreementonCivil Nuclear Cooperation with the United States. Our growing economic status
fuelled by a 300 millionstrong middle class, the demographic advantage of a burgeoning ‘young
population’, our increasingventures into high-technology areas such as Space, and future projections
of national growth peg usamongsttheworld’s top5economies by2020.Thatisjust11yearsaway.
7 The professionalism and military might of the Armed Forces of India are respected the world over.
Thevery recent launch of our very own nuclear submarine ‘Arihant’ has also sent out a strong signal of
ourdesiretoacquiretheappropriatestrategicmilitarytechnologyandcapability.Despiteourseveralinternalcha
llenges anddiversities,we are‘rock solid’as ademocraticcountry,surroundedbyanextended
periphery of varying instability. It is therefore not surprising that the role of a ‘natural’ regional power
isexpectedofus.OuraspirationsforinclusionasapermanentmemberoftheUNSecurityCouncilandforagreaterv
oiceininternationaldiplomacyare a resultof thesedevelopments.
8 However, there is a sense that we may not have done adequately rigorous thinking on how to
‘manage’our pre-ordained rise to global prominence. With the realisation of our aspirations and
greaterinternationalrecognitionwillcomemanymoreadditionalresponsibilities.Thecountrycannotaffordtobe
indifferentandnon-committalonany regionalorglobalissue– we musthave anobjective‘national
interestassessment’onallquestionsofimportance.AsmilitaryforcesofIndia,wewouldbeexpectedtofunctiona
sinstrumentsofpeaceandstabilityinthisrather fragileenvironmentoftheIndianOcean
Region. We have to get our ‘hands dirty’ in addressing common concerns in our respective domains.
Thiswill call for increased participation in peace operations, efforts such as anti-piracy as also capacity-
buildingand capability-enhancement of smaller and economically weaker nations which look up to us, for
supportand security. We must also be seen far away from our shores, working with friendly nations and
shapingperceptions, in furtherance of India’s foreign policy. Quite evidently, the Navy would lead efforts
ofmilitary diplomacy, given the medium in which it operates and the distinctive characteristics of
itsplatforms. If we pursue a meaningful foreign policy to advance national objectives – as we do - then
themilitary instrumentcancomplementthiscollectiveendeavour.
9 Itisquiteevidentthatcoping withChinawillcertainlybeoneofourprimarychallenges
intheyearsahead.Chinaisintheprocess of‘consolidating’ its
comprehensivenationalpowerandcreatingformidablemilitary capabilities. Once that is done, China is likely
to be more assertive on its claims, especially in
itsimmediateneighbourhood.Our‘trustdeficit’withChinacanneverbeliquidatedunlessourboundary
 67
problemsareresolved.China’sknownpropensityfor‘interventioninspace’and‘cyber-warfare’would
alsobemajorplanningconsiderationsinourstrategicandoperationalthinking.

10 Common sense dictates that Cooperation with China would be preferable to Competition or Conflict, as
itwouldbefoolhardytocompareIndiaandChinaasequals.China’sGDPis morethanthricethatofoursandits per
capita GDP is 2.2 times our own. China’s early steps to liberalise its economy and invest heavily
tomodernise its physical infrastructure gave it a substantial edge over India, and made China a more
preferreddestination for FDI. India’s annual defence expenditure (approx $30 Bn for 2008-09) is less than
half ofwhat China spends on defence. China’s official figure is under $ 40 billion but it is widely believed
thatChinaactuallyspends morethantwiceasmuch.RAND Corporation,theUS DIAandotherstudiespeg
China’s defence spending to be anything between $ 70 billion to S 200 billion. Whether in terms of
GDP,defence spending or any other economic, social or development parameter, the gap between the two is
justtoo wide to bridge (and getting wider by the day). In military terms, both conventional and non-
conventional, we neither have the capability nor the intention to match China, force for force. These
areindeedsoberingthoughtsandthereforeourstrategytodealwithChinawouldneedtobeinconsonancewiththesere
alities.

12. The economic penalties resulting from a military conflict would have grave consequences for
bothnations. It would therefore, undoubtedly be in both our interests, to cooperate with each other in
mutuallybeneficial endeavours, and ensure that the potential for conflict is minimised. This would require
pro-activeeconomic, diplomatic, cultural and people-to-people engagement. Our relations with other major
powers,notably USA, Russia, Japan and other East Asian nations need to be nurtured and leveraged to this
end. Ourgrowing relations with South East and East Asian countries would increase opportunities for
cooperativeengagement with China as well. Since resolution of the border problems, autonomy of Tibet,
the China-Pakistan connection, competition for strategic space in the Indian Ocean and management of
waterresourceswouldbe theprime
causativefactorsforanypotentialtensionwithChina,ourdiplomaticfocusontheseissueswould haveto
bemaintained.

13. On the military front, our strategy to deal with China must include reducing the military gap and
counteringthegrowingChinesefootprintintheIndianOceanRegion.Thetraditionalor‘attritionist’approachofmatchi
ng‘Division for Division’ must give way to harnessing modern technology for developing high
situationalawareness and creating areliablestand-off deterrent.

TheNon-stateActor
14. Today, we have come to live in an era characterised by the rise of sinister non-state forces which
haveredefined security responses the world over. We have witnessed an even more worrying phenomenon
of theoccasional coalescing of the ‘State’ with some ‘non-State’ entities which has created an evil-hybrid.
Thishybrid, to my mind, has been at the very root of the tragic events in Mumbai in November 2008.
Whereshould we direct our security efforts? Towards the State-sponsor or the non-State entity? How do we
exposethe linkages, if any? We have been grappling with this problem for some time now with no
satisfactorysolutionemerging.
 68
15. Asia today, is witnessing the historical and simultaneous rise of at least four major powers
namely,India, China, Japan and the ten countries of ASEAN. Even in these recessionary times, the
economicperformances of India, China and Indonesia are quite impressive. On the other hand, Asia is also
theideological crucible of some of the world’s ominous non-state forces. Maintaining economic growth,
socialdevelopment and harmony in the face of such disruptive forces will be a thorny problem for many
years tocome.

ResponsestoThreats
16. This is a formidable challenge and no country, however large or powerful, has the wherewithal to
insulateitself from such omnipresent threats, of which terrorism stoked by distorted religious radicalism is the
latest andmost grotesque manifestation. Other universal concerns include threats from traffickers of drugs, arms,
humanbeings, organised poachers, ships that clandestinely discharge oil and toxic cargo into the sea or onto the
shoresof unsuspecting and ill-informed states, mercenaries and modern-day pirates. In addition, there are
several ‘non-traditionalsecuritythreats’aswell.These commonchallengescanonlybefacedthroughthe
commonresolveoflike-minded states, facilitated through multilateral structure as well as opportunities and
mechanisms forconstructive engagement. It will need a transformation in the way we think, and in the way we
look at oneanother.Itwouldalsorequirethosenations
whichhavethenecessaryresourcesandwherewithaltotaketheleadin ensuring all forms of security to life, trade and
property. Concerted efforts at capability-enhancement andcapacity-building of the smaller countries of the
region, through active assistance of larger neighbours would becrucialto such effortsin thelongterm.

ShapingourImmediateNeighbourhood
17. Specifically, we have to be mindful of the need to assist our smaller neighbours in helping
themselves.Our capability-enhancement and capacity-building initiatives with Sri Lanka, Seychelles,
Maldives andMauritiuscouldbeenhancedtoamuchgreaterdegree,withoutthe
needforanykindof‘quidproquo’.IamconvincedthatasIndiagrowsineconomic
andmilitarystature,itwouldhavetotake uponitself,therole of further enabling its neighbours in ways that
would not only enhance their own security, butcontribute positively to regional stability as well. On the
Navy-to-Navy level, the Indian Ocean NavalSymposium or IONS, which was launched in February last
year, is a significant military maritime
constructtobringtogetherregionalnaviesandaimedataddressingcommonconcerns.Ourdiplomaticutteranceswit
hregard to our maritime neighbours must be backed by cohesive engagement. This requires much
greaterintegration of thought and action between the Ministries of External Affairs, Defence and the Indian
ArmedForces. Our maritime neighbours are the gateways to our strategic frontiers. We need to engage them
asmuch as they need our presence and support. It would be imprudent of us to leave voids in this
strategicneighbourhoodand watch othersextendtheir influencein ourbackyard.

SecuringOurMaritimeBorders
18. Awordoncoordinationofmaritimesecurityclosertoourcoast.Preventingingressofterrorists fromtheseais an
abiding challenge. Our long and porous coastline and several island territories, many of which
areuninhabited,offeravenuesforinfiltrationofmenandmaterialintoourheartland,as wellassafehavens for
 69
clandestine activities. Intrusions via the sea are extremely difficult to prevent with our current state of
materialand organisational preparedness, as we were rudely shocked to realise, when the perpetrators of the
Mumbaiterror attacks of 26 Nov 2008 breached the shores of Mumbai with impunity. With a host of ministries
andagencies being stake holders in the maritime arena, any attempt at coastal security will warrant a
serious‘Whole-of-Government’ approach, and robust coordination. The entire sequence of surveillance
extending outwell beyond our Exclusive Economic Zone, suspicion indication, risk and threat assessments and
finallyinvestigationandprosecutionisaverycomplexprocess,demandingahighlevelofsituationalawareness,rapidre
sponse and total synergy between all concerned enforcement agencies. This kind of a capability is
alsotechnology-intensive, and obviously very expensive to set up and maintain. However, it must be done in
theinterest of national security, if we are to prevent intrusions and attacks through the sea route. Our
acuteconsciousness of ‘turf guarding’ must give way to a more synergistic way of functioning. A modest
beginninghas been made, which has to be sustained through concerted efforts of all stake holders, adequate
funding andmostof all,publicawareness– whichiswhyforaliketheHabitatCentreareimportant.

InternalSecurity
19. I also need to flag our growing involvement in internal security tasks. Over the past decade and a
half,‘internal security’ requirements have grown phenomenally. There are unrests of various shades and
hues indifferentstates
ofourcountry,borneoutofequallydiversecausativefactors.Theaddressingofthesecausesand maintenance of
order are, nearly in all cases, a matter of internal governance and therefore, squarelywithin the purview of
the civil administration and the police forces. The rampant spread of Left-WingExtremism is particularly
worrying and tackling the problem requires a well-thought out strategy. However,the increasing demand on
the Armed Forces to assume ‘law and order’ responsibilities is clearly
anundesirabletrend.While‘aidtocivilauthority’isamandatedroleoftheArmedForcesandtheywilldeliver
whenever ordered, this must always be a ‘last resort’ and ‘temporary’ measure to be
expeditiouslywithdrawn when the critical need is met. The Armed Forces must never be seen as being used
‘against’ ourownpopulation–theirreversibledamageofsuchactionisthereforallofus toseeinourneighbourhood.

Intelligence
20. Much has also been reported about our handling of intelligence in the past and also in the aftermath of
the1999War and more recently, the Mumbai terror attacks. Our intelligence agencies need to be more
focussedtowards long term intelligence forecasting and therefore, must direct efforts towards anticipatory
securityplanning – predicated on actionable intelligence inputs, in addition to immediate and short-term
requirements.Cohesion amongst intelligence agencies and sharing of intelligence in a far more integrated
manner is anoperational necessity. Integration between all organs of government dealing with intelligence and
seamlessacquisition, processing of strategic, operational and tactical intelligence and its timely dissemination
is
ofessence.Informationexchangemechanismswithotherfriendlycountriesalsoneedtobefacilitatedtoenhancedomai
nawarenessin differentarenas.

CyberWarfareand Web Espionage

 70
21. One field, in which awareness is, at best, nebulous, is Cyber Warfare. The annual Virtual
CriminologyReport of 2007, authored by McAfee, warned that international cyber espionage was set to be
the biggestsingle threat to national security in 2008. It claimed that some 120 plus countries are already on
the webespionage bandwagon. Primary targets include critical national infrastructure network systems
withelectricity, air traffic control, financial markets and Government computer networks taking centre-
stage.Reports suggest that the USA, Russia and China have acquired considerable capability in this
domain. TheIndian Armed Forces are increasingly investing in networked operations, both singly and a
joint fashion.We cannot, therefore, afford to be vulnerable to cyber attacks. Information Technology is our
country’sknown strength and it would be in our interest to leverage this strength in developing a
formidable‘offensive’ and ‘defensive’ cyber warfare capability. Harnessing the gene pool available in
academia,privateindustryand theyoungergeneration oftalented individuals is imperative.

Integration&Jointness
22. Let me now address the important issue of Jointness and Integration. It has been said that “War is
acontinuation of policy by other means”. That was in an age when the military was used exclusively to
wagewar. Today, the scope of activity of the Indian Armed Forces spans a wide bandwidth. It ranges
frominternal security tasks, augmenting diplomatic effort, bilateral and multi-lateral cooperative efforts
withothercountries, humanitarianassistanceanddisasterreliefand go onto covertheentirerangeof tasksacross
the full spectrum of conflict. The armed forces are instruments of policy execution as much in
peaceasinwar.TheneedforgreaterintegrationoftheArmedForceswiththeMinistriesofDefence,andExternalAffai
rs, as well as establishment of effective coordination mechanisms with several other ministries
andagencies,isthereforeincontestable.Ifthisisnotrecognisedandorganisationalcorrectivesarenotinstituted,we
will not be able to effectively deal with the various security challenges that confront us - and indulge
infutilepost-facto blamegames.

23. AmongsttheServices,aswedevelopleaders,organisations,systemsanddoctrines,wemustcontinuetostrength
en trust and confidence amongst the Services and between Service components that are committedto joint
operations. Let me also state quite unequivocally that migration from a single Serviceto a ‘Joint’one,
essentially calls for enlightenment, borne out of a willingness to transform, and a realistic assessmentof our
operational needs. To this end, the Armed Forces and think-tanks such as NMF, CENJOWS,CLAWS,
CAPS, USI and IDSA have been conducting seminars and round-tables, the last being the NMF-
CENJOWS Seminar on ‘Jointness’ held just last month. However, a consensus view is yet to emerge
on‘whereand howto moveon’ from‘whereweare’.

24. The Strategic Forces Command is a good example of how the Services can work together
seamlesslyand synergistically, in a ‘Functional’ Command. The ANC was an experiment which was
meant to havebeen a test case for possible future initiatives towards the creation of joint ‘Theatre’ or
‘Geographical’commands. There are strong and divergent opinions about whether this experiment has
really succeeded tothe degree envisaged in 2001. I think we now have adequate experience to undertake a
dispassionateassessment,withtheaimofadministeringcoursecorrections as may benecessary.
 71
25. I believe that ‘Functional’ Commands are more likely to succeed in our environment – if SFC has
worked,how about a Joint Information Warfare Command or a Joint Air Defence Command? At the staff and
planninglevels, jointness is sought to be achieved through joint capability development, joint planning, joint
targetting,joint training, joint logistics and other functions that lend themselves to ‘jointness’. During the
recentlyconcluded Unified Commanders’ Conference, the Chief of the Air Staff opined that “Jointness does
notnecessarily implyequalpartnership”andthattherewasaneedto “adoptcorrect
combinations,whilstrespectingthecoreexpertiseofindividualServices”.Thisis awidelyheldview anddeserves
serious consideration.

26. Thereisalsoaneedtomovebeyondthepresentsetupofourhigherdefencemanagement.Wemuststartthinking in
terms of command and control structures and linkages, when we have the CDS in place.However, as we
work towards creation of more joint commands, we must continue to critically examine theexisting joint
command for operational effectiveness, make amends and then only move on. We have togenerate an India-
specific model since blindly aping an existing model elsewhere would be akin to forcing a‘square peg into a
round hole’. Each individual Service will, quite understandably, continue to have strongviews on the subject
but if true jointness has to be ushered in, with a well-deliberated India-specific model,there is a need to
foster much greater understanding of the subject amongst our apex level decision-makersand perhaps even
work towards enacting our own version of a ‘Goldwater-Nichols’ Act (which, as you
areaware,wastheguiding legislationfortheUSArmedForcesto go‘Joint’).

27. Integration and jointness are as much required between the Service Headquarters and MoD, as
amongstthe Services. This is a transformational change and I believe that greater delegation of powers and
crosspostingsofseniorofficersarestepsthatmustbetaken,withoutwhichthis transformationalprogress
cannotberealised.

NuclearIssues
28. Just a brief mention of nuclear issues… Speaking at the launch of our first indigenously designed
andbuiltnuclear-poweredsubmarine‘Arihant’on26Jul2008,ourPrimeMinisterDrManmohanSinghsaid:-

“We do not have any aggressive designs nor do we seek to threaten anyone. We seek an
externalenvironmentinourregionandbeyond,thatis
conducivetoourpeacefuldevelopmentandtheprotectionofour value systems. Nevertheless it is incumbent
upon us to take all measures necessary to safeguard ourcountry and to keep pace with technological
advancements worldwide. It has rightly been said that eternalvigilanceisthepriceof liberty.”

29. We have had a well-thought our nuclear policy from the 1980s. India is committed to building
acapability that will serve her interests and despite several attempts to ‘isolate’ us in the field of
nucleartechnology,especiallypost-
1998,wehavewalkedthepathaloneandcreatedacapabilitythatisrecognisedtoday, albeit grudgingly. We have a
draft nuclear doctrine in place, which is restrained, in keeping with ourtraditionalnationalculture.Ourefforts
atachievingcredibledeterrencearenotjustaboutweaponsand
 72
platformsbutalsoincludewell-thoughtoutstrategies,policies,targettingplans,commandandcontrolstructures
aswellasanoccasionaldemonstrationofcapability.

30. Our increasing forays in the nuclear field, both military and civilian, would require the
highestassurancesofnuclearsuretyandsecuritywithinthecountry.Thiscallsforsubstantialinvestmentsinsafetya
nd security procedures, testing of environmental parameters, accident prevention and disaster control
aswell as management. It also requires a very high degree of awareness and public transparency in
provingthatournuclearassets andestablishments donotposeahazardinanywaytothepopulationatlarge.

Reducing‘Defence’DependenceonForeignCountries
31. Let me now make a brief mention of the critical aspect of self-reliance in the field of defence. Our
pastexperiences of sourcing military hardware from abroad have been varied, depending on the
relationshipbetween the source nation and India at different points in time. However, the common strain
runningthrough each and every experience has been painfully, one of ‘technology denial’ and ‘post-
procurementdependency’. Our material preparedness has often received setbacks due to these reasons. The
only long-termsolution tothisproblemisamuchgreaterthrusttowardsindigenisationandtransfer
oftechnology.The Indian defence industry is gradually coming of age and we must, in due course of time,
wean ourselvesawayfromforeigndependencies.MeasurestoenhancetheefficiencyofourDPSUsas
wellasputtingmuchgreater premium on time and cost consciousness amongst all agencies concerned are
long overdue. There isalso a need for greater accountability from our research organisations and defence
public
sectorundertakings,whichtodayrestassuredofordersandmodernisationfundingfromthemilitaryestablishmentw
ithout having commensurate results to show. The Hon’ble Raksha Mantri has initiated some long
overduein-house reviews of our procurement procedures, aimed at enhancing the efficiency of the
processesinvolved.Whilstthe‘bottomline’ of‘operationalreadiness’shouldremainthedeterminingfactorforour
‘Buy’or‘Make’decisions,wewouldneedtopragmaticallyconsidersomepresent-
daycompromiseforamoresecurefuture.

DefenceOutlay
32. I will now address some more routine and mundane issues but ones that have serious implications
ondefence preparedness and hence, national security. With regard to defence spending, India will most
likely,continue to maintain a high growth rate of between 7 and 8 % over the medium term. A vibrant
economicenvironment will need to be supported by strong defence forces. It is in this context that I have to
observe,thatformanyyears,ourdefencebudgetas apercentageofGDP,has beenhoveringonthefringes
ofthe2%mark, notwithstanding an increase in rupee terms. Let alone bridging the gap between us and our
potentialadversaries, without a substantial increase, the gap may widen further and dilute our operational
edges. Itmust never be forgotten that India’s growth as a military power is an essential component of its
ascendancyto ‘great power’ status and the security underpinning of economic development can never be
over-emphasised.

ProcurementProcedures
 73
33. While the Armed Forces have been seeking enhanced outlays, you would also be aware that we
areunable to completely expend our capital budget, year after year. The problem is not of inadequate
planningorinsufficientdesiretoenhancecapabilities,butoneofprocedure.Ourprocedures
discourageparticipationby international and private players, who run out of patience with our protracted
dealings. Measures tomake the process more responsive and faster include closer integration of Service
HQs with the MoD,simplification of financial vetting procedures, downward delegation of powers for
capital procurements,increasing the capacity of concerned bodies to process cases; and a much greater
realisation of the adverseimplications of delayed decisions on national security. In short - ‘Pragmatism’
must prevail over‘Procedure’.

TheCultureofStrategicThinking
34. I will now return to two somewhat larger issues. Firstly, a word about the intellectual framework
tosupport our National Security Planning. Any coherent National Security Strategy is the outcome of a
long-term vision. Envisioning any long-term perspective calls for a deep and involved thought process. In
otherwords,acultureofstrategicthinking. JohnFKennedy hadonceremarked:-

“Toooften…weenjoythecomfortofopinionwithoutthediscomfortofthought”

Strategic decision-making cannot be guided by ‘opinion’ but by serious ‘thought’ – but the reverse is
sometimestrue. It is unfortunate that discussions on National Security in our country have been left largely to
think-tanksand academics, and whilst they may do some valuable work in this direction, they lack the executive
powers toput thought into action. For a country of our size and stature, institutionalised strategic thinking
mechanismwithinand outsidegovernmentiswoefully inadequate.

35. In several established democracies, specialist think-tanks have access to government information on
agradedbasis.Theyare oftengivencontractsforstudiestobe done forthe government departments.InIndia, we
often, jealously guard information, even if it may be required by other government agencies in theexecution
of their legitimate official duties. Our media too, barring honourable exceptions, has very fewpeople who
specialise in defence, though of late a welcome start has been made. We have to develop
muchgreatermutualinteractionbetweenthink-
tanks,thegovernment,itsagenciesandthemedia.Inademocracy,media must be critical – it is intrinsic to the
profession – but not needlessly adversarial, which is often thecase in our country. Actually, I was tempted
to include some light-hearted humour during my talk thisevening - but considering some media experiences
that I have had in the recent past, I decided to resist thattemptation.

36. In the same breath, let me add that I have the greatest respect for the Indian media and its vibrancy –
butI would urge some self-introspection in this matter. Concurrently, there is a need to sustain greater Track
IIinteractions involving the civil society and the private sector as well in our efforts to bring about
greaterawareness on critical national security issues – and I am happy to note that some commendable
initiativeshavebeentakenbytheCII andFICCIamong someother institutions.
 74
Governance
37. And finally, a brief remark about the all-important aspect of ‘governance’. Speaking to IAS
probationersinAprilthisyear, our PrimeMinisterremarked that:-

“Governance
isabuzzwordtoday.Therearemanyareaswheregovernanceisnotkeepingincontactwiththerequirementsof
thesituation.”

38. It is indisputable that no amount of discussion will translate automatically into result-oriented policy
andfirm action – with the existing lacunae that the Hon’ble Prime Minster referred to. Politicians,
bureaucrats,security forces, industry, academia, media and indeed, any other organ of the state or agency
involved in themanagement of national security must work in close coordination and where necessary,
integrate, so thatthey complement each other’s efforts. The need for reforms in several sectors is indeed
being recognised,and these must be implemented without delay. Governance obviously needs to focus on
securing ournational interests and addressing our peoples’ needs and aspirations. The Armed Forces must
be an integralpart of the ‘decision-making’ process on issues of national security that involve them, directly
or indirectly.On their part, the Army, Navy and Air Force, individually and jointly need to contribute in
every way thatthey can, so that the readiness of the Armed Forces and their employment in war and peace
can beoptimised.

Epilogue
39. Let me once again say how gratified I am, to be in your midst today. My thanks once again to the
NationalMaritime Foundation for providing me this opportunity to speak to such a distinguished audience, in
what isperhaps my last major public interaction on National Security before I demit office at the end of this
month.Some of you in the audience, as the next generation of leaders of the Armed Forces and major
stakeholders
inthesecurityofthenation,willneedtofindwaystobringaboutmuchgreaterintegrationofthoughtandactiontomeettheva
riouschallenges thatloomlargeoverthehorizon.

40. It is indeed a matter of great satisfaction to note that the three Services and the HQIDS have think-tanks
oftheir own and their activities too are ‘deepening’ and ‘widening’ by the day. There is a need for
theseorganisations to synergise their efforts with bodies such as the India Habitat Centre and others, in a
combinedeffort to raise the level of consciousness on matters relating to National Security – and here again, the
role of themediaiscriticalasan‘awarenessmultiplier’.
 75

Chapter–10

NationalSecuritySystemDefinition

Nationalsecuritysystemmeansanytelecommunicate-
tionsorinformationsystemoperatedbytheUnitedStatesGovernment,thefunction,operation,
oruseofwhich—

National security systemmeans any information system (including any

telecommunications system)used or operated by an agency or by a contractor of an
agency, or other organization on behalf of anagency, the function, operation, or use of
which involves intelligence activities; involves cryptologicactivities related to national
security; involves command and control of military forces; involvesequipment that is an
integral part of a weapon or weapons system; or is critical to the direct fulfilmentof
military or intelligence missions (excluding a system that is to be used for routine
administrativeand business applications, for example, payroll, finance, logistics, and
personnel managementapplications); or is protected at all times by procedures
established for information that have beenspecifically authorized under criteria
established by an executive order or an Act of Congress to
bekeptclassifiedintheinterestofnational defenseorforeignpolicy(44 U.S.C.§ 3552).

National security system. ’ means an informal- tion system that is protected at all
times by policiesand procedures established for the processing, maintenance, use,
sharing, dis- semination ordispositionofinformationthathas
beenspecificallyauthorizedundercriteriaestablishedbystatuteorExecutiveOrdertobe
keptclassifiedintheinterestofnational defenseorforeignpolicy.

Examples of National security systemin a sentence The National security system

represents anormatively, structurally and functionally regulated entity whose activity
provides protection andrealisation of the national interests of the Republic of Serbia. The
National security system predictsand pro-actively works on preventing the challenges,
risks and threats to security of the Republic ofSerbia from occurring.Cooperability.
Through responsible boards, it supervises and exercisesdemocratic and
civiliancontrolintheNationalsecuritysystem.PresidentoftheRepublicexpressesthestate
unity in management of the National security system, chairs the National Security
Council,unifiesanddirectsthefunctioningoftheNationalsecuritysystemandcommandstheSe
 76
rbianArmed
 77
Forcesin accordance withthe Constitutionandlaw.The governingpartof
theNationalsecuritysystem creates strategic and doctrinal, normative and legal,
organisational, material and otherconditions for its functioning. Preservation of national
values and protection and achievement ofnational interest by means of pursuing the
defined national security policy, is the primary role of theNational security system. If
several modes are capable of following the reference test cycle undercharge-
depletingoperatingconditionsandatleasttwoofthosemodes areaconfigurablestart
mode,the worst case mode for electric energy consumption shall be selected from these
configurable startmodes. Openness in work of the National security system is enabled to
the extent which does notjeopardise the protection of classified information.
Professionalism. The framework of the Nationalsecurity system provides an all-
encompassing and harmonised management and action in theexecution of work and
tasks on prevention, mitigation and neutralisation of challenges, risks andthreats to
security and elimination of effects of their manifestation. The National security
systemharmonises its functioning with changes in strategic environment.Continuity. The
National securitysystem functions as a unified unit, within which all its elements
cooperate, make connections andmutually adjust their actions for the purpose of
reaching the common goal.Prevention. MoreDefinitions of National security system
National security system as used in this p@ means anytelecommunications or
information system operated by the United States the operation, or use ofwhich-

NationalsecuritysystemmeansanyNASAinformationsystemdesignatedasbeing
authorizedtoprocessCNSI.

Related to National security systemNational security means the national defense or

foreignrelations of the United States. National Securities Exchange means an exchange
registered with
theCommissionunderSection6(a)oftheSecuritiesExchangeActof1934,asamended,supple
mentedorrestated from time to time, and any successor to such statute, or the Nasdaq
Stock Market or anysuccessor thereto. National Ambient Air Quality Standards or
“NAAQS” means national ambient
airqualitystandardsthatarepromulgatedpursuanttoSection109oftheAct,42U.S.C.§ 7409.
Renewable energy system means a fixture, product, device, or interacting group of
fixtures, products,or devices on the customer's side of the meter that use 1 or more
renewable energy resources togenerate electricity. Renewable energy system includes a
biomass stove but does not include anincinerator or digester. technical and
organizational security measures means those measures aimedat protecting personal
data against accidental or unlawful destruction or accidental loss,
alteration,unauthorizeddisclosureoraccess,inparticularwheretheprocessinginvolvesthe
transmission ofdataover a network, and against all other unlawful forms of processing.
Small municipal separate stormsewer system or "small MS4" means all separate storm
sewers that are (i) owned or operated by theUnited States, a state, city, town, borough,
county, parish, district, association, or other public body(created by or pursuant to state
law) having jurisdiction over disposal of sewage, industrial wastes,stormwater, or other
wastes, including special districts under state law such as a sewer district,
floodcontroldistrictordrainagedistrict,
 78
orsimilarentity,oranIndiantribeoranauthorizedIndiantribal
 79
organization, or a designated and approved management agency under § 208 of the
CWA thatdischarges to surface waters and (ii) not defined as "large" or "medium"
municipal separate stormsewer systems or designated under 9VAC25-870-380 A 1. This
term includes systems similar toseparate storm sewer systems in municipalities, such as
systems at military bases, large hospital orprison complexes, and highway and other
thoroughfares. The term does not include separate stormsewers in very discrete areas,
such as individual buildings. International air transportation meanstransportation by air
between a place in the United States and a place outside the United States orbetween
two places both of which are outside the United States. commercial air transport means
anaircraft operation involving the transport of passengers, cargo, or mail for
remuneration or hire.relevant system means a relevant system for the holding and
transfer of shares in uncertificated form;technical and organisational security measures
means those measures aimed at protecting personaldata against accidental or unlawful
destruction or accidental loss, alteration, unauthorised disclosureor access, in particular
where the processing involves the transmission of data over a network, andagainst all
other unlawful forms of processing. Safety Management System has the meaning given
toit in the ISM Code. Delivery System means Buyer's delivery scheduling system and
electronic dataexchange
billingandinvoicingsystem,andtheirrespectivedocumentprocesses.AdditionalSecuritiesme
ans such Securities which have been deposited pursuant to Section 2.05 to effect an
increase overthe number of Units initially specified in the Reference Trust Agreement.
Municipal separate stormsewer system (MS4 means a conveyance or system of
conveyances (including roads with drainagesystems, municipal streets, catch basins,
curbs, gutters, ditches, man-made channels, or storm drains):Non-transient non-
community water system means a public water system that is not a
communitywatersystem andthatregularlyserves
atleast25ofthesamepersonsover6monthsper year.

NAľIONALSECURIľYCOUNCIL

The National Security Council (NSC) is the principal advisory body on the proper
coordination andintegrationofplansandpoliciesaffectingnationalsecurity.

TheNSCconsistsoftwodistinctbodies -
theCouncilProperandtheNationalSecurityCouncilSecretariat.

TheCouncilProperisacollegialbodychairedbythePresident.Itincludesconcernedofficialsofth
eCabinet and Congress, as members, as well as other government officials and private
citizens whomaybeinvitedbythePresident.

TheCouncilwascreatedduringtheQuirinoAdministrationthroughExecutiveOrder(EO)No.33
0,dated01July1950.Itwasreorganized byvirtueofEONo.115,seriesof1986.
 80
TheNSCSecretariatisapermanentbodythatprovidestechnicalsupporttotheCouncilProper.It
isheadedbytheDirectorGeneral/NationalSecurityAdviser.

NSAYEARENDSľAľEMENľ

PressStatementbytheNationalSecurityAdviserandDirectorGeneral,NationalSecurityCouncil

TheNationalSecuritySituation in 2018,and outlookfor2019

ThePhilippineswasstableandsecurein2018.

The National Security Council and the security sector succeeded in adequately managing
nationalsecurity in the face of numerous issues and concerns that continue to challenge
the security of thenation.

The National Security Strategy (NSS) that was issued by President Rodrigo Roa Duterte in
May
wasinstrumentalinnintegratingthecountry'smajorsecuritypolicies,definingresponsibilities,a
ndcoordinating the actions of all concerned agencies, to effectively address security
threats, issues andconcernsbothwithinandoutsidethecountry.

Werecallthatin2018,thesecuritysectorwaspreoccupiedwiththefollowing:

Intheexternalenvironment, theWest PhilippineSeaissueremainedtobecontentious

duetooverlapping territorial claims and maritime domain concerns among various
claimants. The greatpowers contest had actually shifted focus towards the contested
waters if the South China Sea/WestPhilippineSea,andinAsiaingeneral.

Amidst this renewed global interest on Asia, the Détente Administration adopted a
"middle ground"position signifying that the Philippines has embarked on an independent
foreign policy that forges newpartnerships with China and Russia, while maintaining ties
with traditional partners such as the UnitedStates.

Insecuringthecountry'sterritorialintegrityandsovereigntyintheWestPhilippineSea,wecontin
uetheuse of diplomatic engagements with China and other claimant states without
compromising Philippinenational interest. The Bilateral Consultative Mechanism with
China was established while the ASEAN-
centerednegotiationsfortheCodeofConductintheSouthChinaSeawasformalized.

The Philippines also pursued the development of its deterrence capabilities for a credible
defenseposture,particularlythroughtheincreasedfundingallocationbyCongress.Theimprove
mentoffacilitiesinthePhilippine-
occupiedfeaturesintheWestPhilippineSeawerealsoundertaken.

Trans-boundaryissuessuchasterrorism,drug-
trafficking,piracy,smuggling,andhumantraffickingarebeing addressed through the strong
collaborative mechanisms within the ASEAN framework. ThePhilippines remains an active
member-state that recognizes the ASEAN way in undertaking
concertedactionsagainstsecuritythreatsandchallengesintheregion.
 81

In the Philippines, illegal drugs have become a national security threat. The campaign
against illegaldrugs has become a primary mission and the campaign will even be more
intensified to eradicatethemenace.
 82
Theterroristthreatposedbylocalcommunistterroristgroupscontinuetothreatenthelives,prop
erties,andfreedomsoftheFilipinopeople.Theyhamperthecountry'spotentialeconomicgainsa
ndprogress.

The threat form ISIS-affiliated groups remains despite their resounding defeat in Marawi,
which is nowundergoingreconstructionandrehabilitation.

Elsewhere,inareaswheretherearelocalterroristgroupssuchastheAbuSayyaf,MauteandtheBI
FF,theoperationswillberelentless.Moresecurityforceswillbedeployed,asnecessary.

Onlyafewweeksago,PresidentDétenteissuedExecutiveOrder70(EO70)providingforaWhole-
of-Nation approach in defeating the Local Communist Terrorist Groups. A National Task
Force to EndLocal CommunistArmed Conflict (NTF-ELCAC) was created to synchronize the
utilization of
thegovernment'sinstrumentalitiesofpowerwiththecapabilitiesofprivatesectorstakeholderst
ofinallyendthe50-
yearlongdeceit,liesandatrocitiescommittedbythecommunistterroristsagainstthepeople.

The President himself is leading the way by taking the role of National Task Force
Commander, he
isdemonstratingresolvetofulfillhisvowtoprovideabetterfuturefortheFilipinopeople.

The "Whole-of-Nation Approach" gives importance to inclusive and sustainable

framework towardsattaining peace. In this light, the government remained persistent in
implementing the EnhancedComprehensiveLocalizedIntegrationProgram(E-
CLIP),whereinrebelreturneeshavefoundalternativestoalifeofcrimeandviolence.

On the Mindanao situation, the recent Congressional approval to extent Martial Law
demonstratesgovernment's commitment at maintaining peace and order and eliminating
extremist influence in theregion. The extended implementation of Martial Law will be
vital in ensuring the success of
theupcomingplebisciteoftheBangsamoroOrganicLawinJanuary2019.

Prospectscarebrightforanevenmorestableandsecurenationin2019.WiththeNSSandthe"Who
le-of-
NationApproach"inplace,thesecuritysectorwillbecomemorerobustinaddressingfuturesecuri
tychallenges. We are optimistic that as we are able to provide continuing stability, more
developmentalprospects, small and big - such as our Build, Build, Build projects -- will see
fruition. All these
willtranslatetoimprovedeconomicstandingandbetterlivingconditionsofmostFilipinos.

We,inthesecuritysector,standwiththePresidentandremaincommittedtosecureourterritory,e
nsuresovereignty, and implement law and order - all for the well-being of the Filipino and
for our futuregenerations.

HERMOGENESC.ESPERONJR.

ľhuísday,May26,2022,1:59:41PM
83
 84

Measuíestakentoensuíenationalsecuíityinclude:

 Usingdiplomacytoíallyalliesandisolatethíeats.

 Maíshallingeconomicpoweíto facilitateoí compelcoopeíation.

 Maintainingeffectiveaímedfoíces.

 Implementingcivildefenseandemeígencypíepaíednessmeasuíes(includinganti-
teííoíism legislation)

Nationalsecurity
Thegovernmentwantstoprotectsocietyfromdisruptionowing
toadisasterorcrisis.WithitsNationalSecurityStrategy,itisexamining the
threats,howtopreventthem,andwhattodoifadisasteroccurs.

Nationalsecurityisatstakewhenoneormoreofourcountry’svitalinterestsarethreatened.Thoseinterests
are:

 territorialsecurity:thiswouldbejeopardisedbyamilitaryoccupation,butalsobyprolongedflooding;
 economicsecurity:amajorinternetorelectricalbreakdownwoulddisruptonlinefinancialtransactions;
 ecologicalsecurity:damagetotheenvironmentfrompollutionorextremeheatordrought;
 physicalsecurity:deaths,injuriesandchronicillnessescausedbyfloodingorapandemic;
 socialandpoliticalstability:violationsoftheruleoflawcausedbytensionsbetweencommunities,forinstance
.

Analysing,comparinganddealingwiththreats

Eachyear,thegovernmentinvestigatespotentialthreatstotheNetherlands,howseriousthey areandhowwe
candealwiththem.This processis roughlydivided intothreesteps:

 Describingthreats:whatthreatsmaybefacing theNetherlands?
 Comparing threats: how serious would the consequences of a threat be, and how likely is it to
becarriedout?
ThisisbasedontheNationalRiskAssessment.AsummaryoftheNationalRiskAssessmentwillgiveyouanideao
fthemethodused.
 Determining the approach: how the risk of an incident can be reduced (prevention) and how we
candealwithanincidentifit occurs(preparationandresponse).
 85
This approach is described in more detail in the summary of the National Security Operating

Procedure.NationalSecurityStrategy:findingsandscenario

In 2007, the government published its National Security Strategy (2007), which is summarised in the
NationalSecurityStrategyFactsheet.Theproceduresforanalysing,comparinganddealingwiththreatsareexploredi
nadedicatedsubsection.

The National Security Strategy implementation method is explained in the document Guidelines for
theNationalSecurityImplementationMethod:Scenarios,RiskAssessmentandCapacities(2009).Thescientificallytes
ted method and guidelines were drawn up by a group of experts from government, research institutes andthe
businesssector.

In2007and2008,thefollowing threatswereanalysed:

 floods:coastalandriverflooding;
 extremeweather:extremeheatanddrought,wildfires,heavy(snow)storms,blackice;
 energysecurity:power failures,gasfailuresandoilscarcity;
 infectiousdiseases:aflupandemic;
 polarisationandextremism:masspolarisationandghettoisation;
 ICTbreakdowns:lackofdigitalsecurity;
 seriousaccidents:nuclearandchemicalincidents;
 criminalinfiltrationofmainstreamsociety:criminalinfluenceinpublicadministrationandthestockmarke
t,criminalinterferenceinthebusiness sector.

The results of the 2008 analysis can be found in the Findings of the National Security Strategy 2008/2009.
Theresults of the 2007 analysis can be found in the Findings of the National Risk Assessment 2007/2008.
Thethreatsaredescribedintheformofscenarios.Thesescenarios,togetherwiththe2007scenarios,areincludedinthe
documentNationalRiskAssessmentScenarios2008/2009.

Preventinganddealing withcrises

The government regularly examines whether public bodies, business enterprises and individual citizens
arewell prepared for crises and disasters. If necessary, it will introduce additional measures such as
continuityplans, which ensure that business enterprises and public bodies continue to function after a
crisis such as apandemic.
 86

Chapter –11

ANationalSecurity StrategyforANew Century

Preface
Protecting the security of our nation--our people, our territory and our way of life--is my foremost mission
andconstitutional duty. As we enter the twenty-first century, we have an unprecedented opportunity to make our
nationsaferandmoreprosperous.Ourmilitarymightisunparalleled;adynamicglobaleconomyoffersincreasingopportunitiesf
or American jobs and American investment; and the community of democratic nations is growing, enhancing
theprospectsforpoliticalstability,peacefulconflictresolutionandgreaterhopeforthepeopleoftheworld.

Atthesametime,thedangerswefaceareunprecedentedintheircomplexity.Ethnicconflictandoutlawstatesthreaten
regional stability; terrorism, drugs, organized crime and proliferation of weapons of mass destructionare global
concerns that transcend national borders; and environmental damage and rapid population
growthundermineeconomicprosperityand politicalstabilityin many countries.

This report, submitted in accordance with Section 603 of the Goldwater-Nichols Defense
DepartmentReorganization Act of 1986, sets forth a national security strategy to advance our national interests
in this era ofunique opportunities and dangers. It is premised on the belief that both our domestic strength and
our leadershipabroad are essential to advancing our goal of a safer, more prosperous America. Building upon
America'sunmatchedstrengths, thestrategy'sthreecoreobjectivesare:

 Toenhanceoursecuritywitheffectivediplomacyandwithmilitaryforcesthatarereadytofightandwin.
 TobolsterAmerica'seconomicprosperity.
 Topromotedemocracyabroad.

To achieve these objectives, we will remain engaged abroad and work with partners, new and old, to
promotepeace and prosperity. We can--and we must--use America's leadership to harness global forces of
integration,reshapeexistingsecurity,economicandpoliticalstructures,andbuildnew
onesthathelpcreatetheconditionsnecessaryfor our interestsand values to thrive.

As we approach this century's end, the blocs and barriers that divided the world for fifty years largely
havefallen away. Our responsibility is to build the world of tomorrow by embarking on a period of
construction--onebased on current realities but enduring American values and interests. In constructing
international frameworks,institutions and understandings to guide America and the world far into the next
century, the following strategicpriorities advanceour corenationalsecurity objectives:
 87
First,wemusthelpfosterapeaceful,undivided,democraticEurope.WhenEuropeisstableandatpeace,Americaismore
secure.WhenEuropeprospers, sodoesAmerica.

NATO was created to strengthen Europe's west. Now, it can do the same for Europe's east. This summer,
wewill hold a special summit to continue the process of adapting our alliance to new demands while enlarging it
totakeinnew membersfromamongEurope's newdemocracies.Countriesthatwereonceouradversariesnow
canbecome our allies. We aim to build a strong NATO-Russia partnership that provides for consultation and,
whenpossible, joint action on common security challenges and contributes to a democratic Russia's
activeparticipation in the post-Cold War European security system. We will strengthen the Partnership for
PeaceProgramand createanenhanced NATO-Ukrainerelationship.

Second, America must look across the Pacific as well as across the Atlantic. Over the last four years, we
havemade significant progress in creating a stable, prosperous Asia Pacific community. In this endeavor, we
mustreinforce our close ties to Japan, the Republic of Korea, Australia and our ASEAN friends and allies. As
westrengthenoursecurityandpromoteourprosperity,wemustremainalerttothechallengesthatremain.Wemustensure
that North Korea continues to implement its agreement to freeze and dismantle its nuclear weaponsprogram, and
we must fund America's contribution to this effort. Together with South Korea, we must advancepeace talks
with North Korea and bridge that armed divide. And we must sustain the remarkable growth fueledby
increasingly open markets and the integration that all the region's economies are attaining through the
AsiaPacificEconomicCooperation forum.

We must pursue a deeper dialogue with China. An isolated, inward-looking China is not good for America
ortheworld.A Chinaplayingits rightfulroleas aresponsibleandactivememberoftheinternationalcommunityis. I
will visit China and I have invited China's president to come here not because we agree on everything,
butbecause engaging China is the best way to work on common challenges such as ending nuclear testing--
and todealfrankly with fundamentaldifferences such ashuman rights.

Third, the American people must prosper in the global economy. We have made it our mission to tear
downtradebarriers abroadinordertocreatejobs athome.Overthelastfouryears wehaveconcludedmorethan200trade
agreements, each one of which opened a foreign market more widely to American products. Today,America is
again the world's number one exporter--leading in agriculture and aviation, automobiles
andentertainment,semiconductorsand software.

Now, we must build on that momentum, especially in Asia and Latin America. If we fail to act now,
theseemerging economies will find their economic future with other nations--and we will be left behind. That is
whyI am traveling to Latin America and the Caribbean this year--to continue the work we began at the Summit
ofthe Americas in Miami in building a community of democracies linked by shared values and expanding
trade.We must continue to help nations embrace open markets, improve living standards and advance the rule
of lawand we must support the World Bank and other organizations that multiply our contributions to progress
manytimes over.

Fourth, America must continue to be an unrelenting force for peace--from the Middle East to Haiti,
fromNorthern Ireland to Central Africa. Taking reasonable risks for peace keeps us from being drawn into far
morecostlyconflicts.It encouragesothernationstofocusonfuturehopes,notpasthatreds.Itcreatespartnerswillingto
seize the opportunities of a new century. The habits of peace crafted in Bosnia must take hold, helped by
theNATO-ledStabilizationForcethatis allowingreconstructionandreconciliationtoaccelerate.

Fifth, we must continue to move strongly to counter growing dangers to our security: weapons of
massdestruction, terrorism, international crime, drugs, illegal arms trafficking, and environmental damage.
We areacting to prevent nuclear materials from falling into the wrong hands and to rid the world of
antipersonnellandminesandchemicalweapons.TheAmericanpeoplearemoresecurebecausewewonhistoricaccor
ds to
 88
end nuclear testing and to ban chemical weapons. Together with Russia, we are working to cut our
nucleararsenals by 80 percent from their Cold War height within a decade. We are working with others, with
renewedintensity, to improve civil aviation security, to defeat drug traffickers and to stop terrorists before they
act--andto hold them accountable if they do. We are protecting the global environment--managing our forests,
stoppingthespreadoftoxicchemicals,working
toclosetheholeintheozonelayer,reducingthegreenhousegassesthatchallengeour health asthey changeour climate.

Finally,wemusthavethediplomaticandmilitarytoolstomeetallthesechallenges.Wemustmaintainastrongand ready
military. We will achieve this by selectively increasing funding for weapons modernization andtaking care of
our men and women in uniform. They are doing a remarkable job for America-- must do right bythem.

We must also renew our commitment to America's diplomacy--to ensure that we have the superb
diplomaticrepresentation that our people deserve and our interests demand. Every dollar we devote to
preventing conflicts,promoting democracy, and stopping the spread of disease and starvation brings a sure
return in security andsavings.Yetinternationalaffairsspendingtodaytotals justonepercentofthefederalbudget--
asmallfractionofwhat America invested at the start of the Cold War when we chose engagement over isolation.
If America is tocontinue to lead the world by its own example, we must demonstrate our own commitment to
these prioritytasks.Thisis also why wemustpay ourdebtsand dues to areformingUnited Nations.

Inherent in this final priority is the need to examine our overall national security posture, programs,
structureandbudget.WithintheDepartmentofDefensesuchareviewiscurrentlyunderwayandtheStateDepartmentan
d other international affairs agencies are reorganizing to confront the pressing challenges of tomorrow.
Weneed to continue looking across our government to see if during this time of transition we are
adequatelypreparingtomeetthenationalsecurity challenges of thenextcentury.

Each of these six priorities is essential to keeping America strong, secure and prosperous and to advancing
ournational security objectives. Our strategy requires the patient application of American will and resources.
WecansustainthatnecessaryinvestmentonlywiththecontinuedsupportoftheAmericanpeopleandthebipartisansuppo
rt of their representatives in Congress--a bipartisanship that was clearly displayed in the recent ratificationof the
Chemical Weapons Convention. The full participation of Congress is essential to the success of ourcontinuing
engagement, and I will consult with members of Congress at every step as we formulate
andimplementAmerican foreign policy.

America has an unparalleled record of international leadership. Through our leadership comes rewards.
Themore America leads, the more willing others are to share the risks and responsibilities of forging our
futures.We have repeatedly seen this over the last four years--in Bosnia and Haiti where we worked with many
othernations for peace and democracy, in the Summit of the Americas and APEC Leaders Forum where we
agreedwithourpartnerstobuildafreeandopentradingsystem,andinmanyotherinstances.Ourachievementsofthelastf
our yearsarethespringboard fortomorrow'sbetterworld.

We are at the dawn of a new century. Now is the moment to be farsighted as we chart a path into the
newmillennium. As borders open and the flow of information, technology, money, trade, and people across
bordersincreases,thelinebetweendomesticandforeignpolicycontinuestoblur.Wecanonlypreserveoursecurityandwe
llbeingathomeby beingactively involved intheworldbeyond our borders.

TheneedforAmericanleadershipabroadremainsasstrongasever.WiththesupportoftheAmericanpublic,Iam
committed to sustaining our active engagement abroad in pursuit of our cherished goal--a more secure
andprosperous America in a more peaceful and prosperous world where democracy and free markets know
nolimits.
 89

I. Leaderships dep Today For

a
Safer,MoreProsperousTo
morrow
Our national security strategy must always be judged by its success in meeting the fundamental purposes set out in
theConstitution:

...provideforthecommondefense,promotethegeneralWelfare,andsecuretheBlessingsofLibertytoourselvesandour
Posterity,...

Since the founding of the nation, certain requirements have remained constant. We must protect the lives
andpersonal safety of Americans, both at home and abroad. We must maintain the sovereignty, political
freedomandindependenceoftheUnitedStates,withitsvalues,institutionsandterritoryintact.And,wemustprovideforth
ewell-being and prosperity ofthenationand itspeople.

ChallengesandOpportunities
The security environment in which we live is dynamic and uncertain, replete with numerous challenges. Ethnic
conflictand outlaw states threaten stability in many regions of the world. Weapons of mass destruction, terrorism,
organizedcrime and environmental damage are global concerns that transcend national borders. Yet, this is also a period
of greatpromise. America's core values of representative governance, market economics and respect for fundamental
humanrightshavebeenembracedbymanynationsaroundtheworld,creatingnewopportunitiestopromotepeace,prosperitya
nd greater cooperation among nations. Former adversaries now cooperate with us. The dynamism of the
globaleconomyistransforming commerce, culture,communicationsandglobalrelations.

During the first Clinton Administration we assessed America's role in a radically transformed
securityenvironment and outlined a national security strategy to advance our interests. Our strategy highlighted
that thedemise of communism in the former Soviet Union brought with it unprecedented opportunities in
globalrelations as well as a host of threats and challenges with the potential to grow more deadly in a world
growncloser.Thisstrategytookintoaccounttherevolutionintechnologythatnotonlyenrichesourlives,butmakesitposs
ible for terrorists, criminals and drug traffickers to challenge the safety of our citizens and the security ofour
borders in new ways. Our strategy focused on the security implications for both present and long-termAmerican
policy raised by transnational problems that once seemed quite distant--such as resource depletion,rapid
population growth, environmental degradation and refugee migration. Faced with these circumstances, wedid
not set objectives for separate and distinct foreign and domestic policies, but rather for economic andsecurity
policies that advance our interests and ideals in a world where the dividing line between domestic
andforeignpolicy isincreasingly blurred.

Theseprinciples continuetoguideusatthebeginningofthesecondClintonAdministrationandpromptus
tomakesomegeneralobservations aboutAmerica'srolein theworldin which welive.

Because we are a nation with global interests, we face a variety of challenges to our interests, often far
beyondourshores.Wemustalwaysretainoursuperiordiplomatic,technological,industrial
andmilitarycapabilitiestoaddress this broad range of challenges so that we can respond together with other
nations when we can, andalone when we must. We have seen in the past that the international community is
often reluctant to actforcefully without American leadership. In many instances, the United States is the only
nation capable ofprovidingthenecessary leadershipfor aninternationalresponsetosharedchallenges.

TheImperativeofEngagement
These observations make our strategic approach clear. First, we must be prepared and willing to use all
appropriateinstruments of national power to influence the actions of other states and non-state actors. Second, we
 90
must have
thedemonstratedwillandcapabilitiestocontinuetoexertgloballeadershipandremainthepreferredsecuritypartnerfor
 91
thecommunityofstatesthat
shareourinterests.Inshort,Americanleadershipandengagementintheworldarevitalforoursecurity,
andtheworldisasaferplace asaresult.

Three-quarters of a century ago, the United States squandered Allied victory in World War I when it
embracedisolationism and turned inward. After World War II, and in the face of a new totalitarian threat,
Americaaccepted the challenge to lead. We remained engaged overseas and, with our allies, worked to
createinternational structures--from the Marshall Plan, the United Nations, NATO and 42 other defense
arrangements,totheInternationalMonetaryFundandtheWorldBankthatenabledustostrengthenoursecurityandprospe
rityandwin theColdWar.

By exerting our leadership abroad, we can make America safer and more prosperous--by deterring
aggression,fostering the resolution of conflicts, opening foreign markets, strengthening democracies, and
tackling globalproblems. Without our leadership and engagement, threats would multiply and our opportunities
would narrow.Our strategy recognizes a simple truth: we must lead abroad if we are to be secure at home, but
we cannot leadabroadunlesswearestrong athome.

Underpinning that international leadership is the power of our democratic ideals and values. In designing
ourstrategy, we recognize that the spread of democracy supports American values and enhances both our
securityand prosperity. Democratic governments are more likely to cooperate with each other against common
threatsand to encourage free and open trade and economic development--and less likely to wage war or abuse
therights of their people. Hence, the trend toward democracy and free markets throughout the world
advancesAmericaninterests.TheUnitedStatesmustsupport
thistrendbyremainingactivelyengagedintheworld.Thisis thestrategy to takeusintothenextcentury.

ImplementingtheStrategy
Though we must always be prepared to act alone, when necessary, or as a leader of an ad hoc coalition that may
formaround a specific objective, we cannot always accomplish our foreign policy goals unilaterally. An important
element ofour security preparedness depends on durable relationships with allies and other friendly nations.
Accordingly, a centralthrust of our strategy is to strengthen and adapt the security relationships we have with key
nations around the worldand create new structures when necessary. Examples of these efforts include NATO
enlargement, the Partnership forPeace, and the commitment by the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum
and the Summit of the Americas toexpandfree trade andinvestment.

At other times we must harness our diplomatic, military and economic strengths to shape a
favorableinternational environment outside of any formal structures. This approach has borne fruit in areas as
diverse asthe advancement of peace in the Middle East and Northern Ireland, the elimination of nuclear
weapons fromUkraine, Kazakhstani and Belarus and in our support for the transformation of South Africa, and
is
furtherexemplifiedthroughourcomprehensiveassistancepackagetoRussiaandotherNewIndependentStates(NIS).

Inimplementingourstrategyforasafer,moreprosperoustomorrow,weareguidedbythestrategicprioritiesPresidentCl
inton laid outin his1997 StateoftheUnion Address:

 fosteranundivided,democraticandpeacefulEurope
 forgeastrongandstableAsiaPacificcommunity
 continueAmerica'sleadershipastheworld'smostimportantforceforpeace
 createmorejobsandopportunitiesfor
Americansthroughamoreopenandcompetitivetradingsystemthatalsobenefitsothersaroundtheworld
 increasecooperationinconfrontingnewsecuritythreats thatdefybordersandunilateralsolutions
 strengthenthemilitaryanddiplomatictoolsnecessaryto meetthesechallenges
 92
As we stand at the edge of a new century, our national security strategy will continue to make a real
differencein the lives of our citizens by promoting a world of open societies and open markets that is
supportive of U.S.interests and consistent with American values. We know that there must be limits to
America's involvement inthe world. We must be selective in the use of our capabilities, and the choices we
make always must be guidedby advancing our objectives of a more secure, prosperous and free America. But
we also recognize that if wewithdraw U.S. leadership from the world today, we will have to contend with the
consequences of our neglecttomorrow.Americacannotwalkawayfromits
globalinterestsandresponsibilities,orourcitizens'securityandprosperitywillsurely suffer.

We also know that our engagement abroad rightly depends on the willingness of the American people and
theCongresstobearthecostsofdefendingU.S.interestsindollars,energy,and,whenthere
isnootheralternative,American lives. We must, therefore, foster the broad public understanding and bipartisan
congressional supportnecessary to sustain our international engagement, always recognizing that some
decisions that face popularopposition must ultimately be judged by whether they advance the interests of the
American people in the longrun.

II.AdvancingU.S.NationalInterests
Asstated,thegoalofthenationalsecuritystrategyistoensuretheprotectionofour nation'sfundamentalandenduringneeds:
protect the lives and safety of Americans; maintain the sovereignty of the United States, with its
values,institutionsandterritoryintact; andprovidefortheprosperityofthenationanditspeople.

We seek to create conditions in the world where our interests are rarely threatened, and when they are, we
haveeffectivemeans ofaddressingthosethreats.Ingeneral,weseekaworldinwhichnocriticalregionis
dominatedbyapowerhostiletotheUnitedStatesandregions ofgreatestimportancetotheU.S.arestableandatpeace.
Weseekaclimatewheretheglobaleconomyandopentradearegrowing,wheredemocraticnorms andrespectfor
human rights are increasingly accepted and where terrorism, drug trafficking and international crime do
notundermine stability and peaceful relations. And we seek a world where the spread of nuclear,
chemical,biological and other potentially destabilizing technologies is minimized, and the international
community iswilling and able to prevent or respond to calamitous events. This vision of the world is also one
in which theUnited States has close cooperative relations with the world's most influential countries and has
the ability toinfluencethepoliciesand actionsofthosewho canaffectour nationalwell-being.

The overall health of the international economic environment directly affects our security, just as
stabilityenhances the prospects for prosperity. This prosperity, a goal in itself, also ensures that we are able to
sustainourmilitaryforces,foreigninitiativesandglobalinfluence.Itisthat
engagementandinfluencethathelpsensuretheworld remains stableso
thattheinternationaleconomicsystemcanflourish.

Webelievethatourstrategy willmoveus closerto thevision

outlinedaboveandthereforewillachieveourobjectivesofenhancingoursecurity,bolsteringoureconomicprosperitya
ndpromotingdemocracy.

EnhancingSecurity
To ensure the safety of our nation, the United States will continue its integrated approach to addressing the
numerousthreatstoourinterestsandpreserveafullrangeofforeignpolicytools.Wemust maintainsuperiormilitaryforces.
Similarly, we must retain a strong diplomatic corps and a foreign assistance program sufficient to maintain
Americanleadership.Ourtoolsofforeignpolicymust
beabletoshapetheinternationalenvironment,respondtothefullspectrumof potential crises and prepare against future
threats. Our military forces will have the ability to respond to challengesshort of war, and in concert with regional friends
and allies, to win two overlapping major theater wars. We will continuepursuing diplomatic, economic, military, arms
 93
control, and nonproliferation efforts that promote stability and reduce thedangerofnuclear, chemical,
biologicalandconventionalconflict.
 94
ThreatstoU.S.Interests
Thecurrenterapresentsadiversesetofthreatstoourenduringgoalsandhencetooursecurity.Thesethreatsaregenerallygroup
ed intothree, often intertwined, categories:

 Regional or State-entered Threats: A number of states still have the capabilities and the desire to threaten
ourvital interests, through either coercion or cross border aggression. In many cases, these states are also
activelyimproving their offensive capabilities, including efforts to obtain nuclear, biological or chemical weapons.
Inothercases,unstablenations,internalconflictsorfailedstatesmaythreatentofurtherdestabilizeregionswhereweha
ve clearinterests.
 Transnational Threats: Some threats transcend national borders. These transnational threats, such as
terrorism,the illegal drug trade, illicit arms trafficking, international organized crime, uncontrolled refugee
migrations, andenvironmental damage threaten American interests and citizens, both directly and indirectly.
Not all of these arenewthreats,but advances intechnologyhave, insomecases, madethesethreatsmorepotent.
 Threats from Weapons of Mass Destruction: Weapons of mass destruction pose the greatest potential threat
toglobal security. We must continue to reduce the threat posed by existing arsenals of such weaponry as well
aswork to stop the proliferation of advanced technologies that place these destructive capabilities in the hands
ofparties hostile to U.S. and global security interests. Danger exists from outlaw states opposed to regional
andglobal security efforts and transnational actors, such as terrorists or international crime
organizations,potentiallyemployingnuclear,chemicalorbiological
weaponsagainstunprotectedpeoplesandgovernments.

TheNeedforIntegratedApproaches
No one nation can defeat these threats alone. Accordingly, a central thrust of our strategy is to adapt our
securityrelationships with key nations around the world to combat these threats to common interests. We seek to
strengthencooperation with friends and allies to address these threats by, for example, denying terrorists safe havens,
crackingdown on money laundering and tightening intelligence cooperation to prevent weapons proliferation,
terrorist attacksandinternational crime.

Building effective coalitions of like-minded nations is not enough. That is why we are continuing to
strengthenourowncapabilities:sowecanmoreeffectivelyleadtheinternationalcommunityinrespondingtothesethreats
, and act on our own when we must. Our response to these threats is not limited exclusively to any oneagency
within the U.S. Government. National security preparedness particularly in this era when domestic
andforeignpoliciesareincreasinglyblurredcrossesagencylines;thus,ourapproachplacesapremiumonintegratedinter
agencyeffortstoenhanceU.S. security.

Many aspects of our strategy are focused on shaping the international environment to prevent or deter
threats.Diplomacy, international assistance, arms control programs, nonproliferation initiatives, and overseas
militarypresenceareexamplesofshapingactivities.Asecondelementofthisintegratedapproachistherequirementtom
aintain an ability to respond across the full spectrum of potential crises, up to and including fighting
andwinning major theater wars. Finally, we must prepare today to meet the challenges of tomorrow's
uncertainfuture.

ShapingtheInternational Environment
The United States has a range of tools at its disposal with which to shape the international environment in
waysfavorable to U.S. interests and global security. Shaping activities enhance U.S. security by promoting regional
securityand preventing and reducing the wide range of diverse threats outlined above. These measures adapt and
strengthenalliances, maintain U.S. influence in key regions and encourage adherence to international norms. When
signs ofpotential conflict emerge, or potential threats appear, we undertake initiatives to prevent or reduce these
threats. Sucheffortsmightaimtodiscouragearmsraces,halttheproliferationof
weaponsofmassdestructionandreducetensionsincriticalregions.Shaping activitiestakemanyforms.
 95
...throughDiplomacy
Diplomacyisourfirstlineofdefenseagainstthreatstonationalandinternationalsecurity.Thedailybusinessofdiplomacycondu
ctedthroughourmissionsandrepresentativesaroundtheworldis avitalshapingactivity.
These efforts are essential to sustaining our alliances, forcefully articulating U.S. interests, resolving
regionaldisputes peacefully, averting humanitarian catastrophe, deterring aggression against the United States
and ourfriendsandallies,creatingtrade
andinvestmentopportunitiesforU.S.companies,andprojectingU.S.influenceworldwide.

One of the lessons that has been repeatedly driven home is the importance--and cost effectiveness--of
preventivediplomacy in dealing with conflict and complex emergencies. It is far more effective to help prevent
nationsfrom failing than to rebuild them after an internal crisis; far more beneficial to help people stay in their
homesthan it is to feed and house them in refugee camps; and far less taxing for relief agencies and
internationalorganizationstostrengthentheinstitutionsofconflictresolutionthan
tohealethnicandsocialdivisionsthathave already exploded into bloodshed. In short, while crisis management and
crisis resolution are necessarytasks for our foreignpolicy, preventivediplomacyisobviouslyfar preferable.

Military force and the credible possibility of its use are essential to defend our vital interests and keep
Americasafe. But force alone can be a blunt instrument, and there are many problems it cannot solve. To be
mosteffective,forceanddiplomacymustcomplementandreinforce
eachotherfortherewillbemanyoccasionsandmanyplaces wherewemustrelyon diplomaticshapingactivities
toprotectandadvanceourinterests.

...throughInternationalAssistance
FromtheU.S.-ledmobilizationtorebuildpost-warEuropetothemorerecentcreationofexportopportunitiesacross
Asia, Latin America and Africa, U.S. foreign assistance has helped expand free markets, assistedemerging
democracies, contained environmental hazards and major health threats, slowed population growthand defused
humanitarian crises. Crises are averted--and U.S. preventive diplomacy actively reinforced--through U.S.
sustainable development programs that promote voluntary family planning, basic education,environmental
protection, democratic governance and rule of law, and the economic empowerment of privatecitizens.

When combined effectively with other bilateral and multilateral activities, U.S. initiatives reduce the need
forcostly military and humanitarian interventions. Where foreign aid succeeds in consolidating free
marketpolicies, substantial growth of American exports has frequently followed. Where crises have occurred,
actionssuch as the Greater Horn of Africa Initiative have helped staunch mass human suffering and created a
path outof conflict and dislocation through targeted relief. Other foreign aid programs have worked to help
restoreelementarysecurity andcivicinstitutions.

...throughArmsControl
Arms control efforts are another important shaping tool. By increasing transparency surrounding the size
andstructureofmilitaryforces,armscontrol effortsbuildnationalconfidence,reduceincentivestoinitiateanattackand
allow countries to direct resources to safer, more productive relations. Our various arms control initiativesare an
essential prevention measure that can yield disproportionately significant results, often eliminating theneedfor
amoresubstantialU.S. responselater.

Reductionsinstrategicoffensive armsand thesteadyshifttowardlessdestabilizingsystemsremainessentialtoour

strategy. Under START II, the United States and Russia will each be limited to no more than 3,000-3,500total
deployed strategic nuclear warheads. START II ratification by Russia will open the door to the next
roundofstrategicarmscontrol.

AttheHelsinkiSummit,PresidentsClintonandYeltsinagreedtoSTARTIIIguidelines
thatifadoptedwill,bytheendof2007,capthenumberofstrategicnuclearwarheads deployedineachcountryat2,000-
2,500--
 96
reducing both our arsenals by 80 percent from Cold War heights. They agreed that START III will, for the
firsttime,requiretheU.S.andRussiatodestroynuclearwarheads,notonlythemissiles,aircraftandsubmarinesthatcarry
them, and they opened the door to possible reductions in shorter-range nuclear weapons. Also at Helsinki,the
Presidents reaffirmed their commitment to the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty and the necessity ofeffective
theater missile defence’s and reached agreement on demarcation between systems to counter strategicandtheater
ballisticmissiles.

Regional and multilateral arms control efforts, such as achieving a comprehensive global ban on
antipersonnellandmines as soon as possible, strengthening the 1972 Biological Weapons Convention (BWC)
andimplementingandenforcingthe
ChemicalWeaponsConvention(CWC)increasethesecurityofourcitizensandprevent or limit conflict. That is why
the Administration aggressively pursued Senate ratification of the CWC.Similarly, Senate approval of the CFE
Flank Agreement is important because the agreement underpins newnegotiations to adapt the 30-nation CFE
Treaty to the changing European security environment. And, Senateapproval of the Comprehensive Test Ban
Treaty (CTBT) banning all nuclear test explosions is also a priorityobjective.

Other arms control objectives include securing Indian and Pakistani accession to the CTBT to allow that
treatytoenterintoforce;obtainingSenateapprovalofprotocolstotheSouthPacificNuclearFreeZoneTreatyandtheAfric
an Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty, and protocols to the Convention on Conventional Weapons dealingwith
landmines and blinding lasers; and obtaining Russian, Ukrainian and Belarusian ratification of the OpenSkies
Treaty.

Wealsopromote,throughinternationalorganizationssuchastheOrganizationforSecurityandCooperationinEurope
(OSCE), implementation of confidence and security-building measures in regions of tension andinstability--
even where we are not formal parties to such agreements. Agreements in the Balkans as
mandatedbytheDayton Accordsareexcellentexamples.

...throughNonproliferationInitiatives
Nonproliferationinitiatives,whichdetertheuseofweaponsofmassdestruction(WMD)nuclear,biologicalandchemical
and stem their spread and that of their component parts or delivery systems, enhance global security.The
Administration supports international treaty regimes that prohibit the acquisition of weapons of
massdestruction, including the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), the CWC and the BWC. We also seek
toachieveaFissileMaterialCutoffTreatytocapthenuclearmaterials availableforweapons purposes.

The Administration also seeks to limit access to sensitive equipment and technologies through participating
inand fostering the efforts of multilateral regimes, including the Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls
forConventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods and Technologies, the Australia Group (for chemical and
biologicalweapons),theMissileTechnologyControlRegime(MTCR),andtheNuclearSuppliers
Group.Weareworkingto harmonize national export control policies, increase information sharing, refine control
lists and expandcooperationagainstillicittransfers.

Regional nonproliferation efforts are particularly critical in three proliferation zones: the Korean
Peninsula,wherethe1994AgreedFrameworkrequiresNorthKorea'sfullcompliancewithitsnonproliferationobligatio
ns;the Middle East and Southwest Asia, where we encourage regional arms control agreements that
addresslegitimate security concerns of all parties and continue efforts to thwart and roll back Iran's development
ofweapons of mass destruction and Iraq's efforts to reconstitute its programs; and South Asia, where we seek
topersuade India and Pakistan to bring their nuclear and missile programs into conformity with
internationalnonproliferationstandards.

Through programs, such as the Nunn-Lugar Cooperative Threat Reduction Program and other initiatives,
weaimtopreventthetheftordiversionofWMD orrelatedmaterialortechnology.Wearepurchasingtons of
 97
highly enriched uranium from dismantled Russian nuclear weapons for conversion into commercial reactor
fuelforU.S.use.AndwearealsoworkingtogethertoredirectformerSovietfacilitiesandscientists
frommilitarytopeacefulpurposes.

We are working with China to resolve a number of important proliferation issues and they have committed
nottotransferMTCR-
controlledmissiles.Ourprioritynowistogaintheiragreementtoimplementnationalexportcontrols
thatmeetinternationalstandards.

...throughMilitaryActivities
TheU.S. militaryplays an essentialroleinbuildingcoalitions and shapingtheinternationalenvironmentinways that
protect and promote U.S. interests. Through means such as the forward stationing or deployment offorces,
defense cooperation and security assistance, and training and exercises with allies and friends, our
armedforceshelptopromoteregionalstability,deteraggressionandcoercion,preventandreduceconflictsandthreats,an
dserveasrolemodelsformilitariesinemergingdemocracies.

Ourmilitarypromotesregionalstabilityinnumerousways.InEurope,EastAsiaandSouthwestAsia,wherethe
U.S. has clear, vital interests, the American military helps assure the security of key allies and friends. We
arecontinuing to adapt and strengthen our alliances and coalitions to meet the challenges of an evolving
securityenvironment and to improve other countries' peacekeeping capabilities. With countries that are neither
staunchfriendsnorknownfoes,militarycooperationoftenservesasapositivemeansofengagement,buildingsecurityre
lationships todayinanefforttokeepthesecountries frombecomingadversaries tomorrow.

Deterrence of aggression and coercion on a daily basis is another crucial aspect of the military's shaping
role.Our ability to deter potential adversaries in peacetime rests on several factors, particularly on our
demonstratedwill and ability to uphold our security commitments when they are challenged. We have earned
this reputationthrough both our declaratory policy, which clearly communicates costs to potential adversaries,
and thecredibility of our conventional warfighting capability, as embodied in forces and equipment
strategicallystationedordeployedforward,ourrapidlydeployablestateside-
basedforces,ourabilitytogaintimelyaccesstocriticalinfrastructureoverseas,andourdemonstratedabilitytoformandle
adeffectivemilitarycoalitions.

U.S. military forces prevent and reduce a wide range of potential conflicts in key regions. An example of
suchanactivityisourdeploymenttotheFormerYugoslavRepublicofMacedoniatopreventthespreadofviolencetothat
country.

Our armed forces also serve as a role model for militaries in emerging democracies around the world.
Throughmodest military-to-military activities and increasing links between the U.S. military and the
militaryestablishmentsofPartnershipforPeacenations,forinstance,wearehelpingtotransform
militaryinstitutionsincentraland eastern Europe.

Finally, our nuclear deterrent posture is one of the most visible and important examples of how U.S.
militarycapabilities can be used effectively to deter aggression and coercion. Nuclear weapons serve as a hedge
againstan uncertain future, a guarantee of our security commitments to allies and a disincentive to those who
wouldcontemplate developing or otherwise acquiring their own nuclear weapons. In this context, the United
Statesmustcontinuetomaintainarobusttriadofstrategicforces
sufficienttodeteranyhostileforeignleadershipwithaccess to nuclear forces and to convinceitthatseeking anuclear
advantagewould befutile.

RespondingtoCrises
Because our shaping efforts alone cannot guarantee the international environment we seek, the United States must
beable to respond to the full spectrum of crises that may arise. Our resources are finite, however, so we must be
 98
selectivein our responses, focusing on challenges that most directly affect our interests and engaging where we can
make themostdifference.Ourresponsemightbediplomatic,economic,lawenforcement,ormilitaryinnature--or,morelikely,
 99
some combination of the above. We must use the most appropriate tool or combination of tools--acting in alliance
orpartnership whenourinterestsaresharedbyothers,butunilaterallywhencompellingnationalinterestssodemand.

Since there are always many demands for U.S. action, our national interests must be clear. These interests
fallinto three categories. The first includes vital interests those of broad, overriding importance to the
survival,safetyandvitalityofournation.Amongthesearethephysicalsecurityofourterritoryandthatofourallies,thesaf
ety of our citizens, and our economic well-being. We will do whatever it takes to defend these
interests,including--whennecessary--using ourmilitary mightunilaterally anddecisively.

The second category includes situations where important national interests are at stake. These interests do
notaffectournationalsurvival,buttheydoaffectournationalwell-beingandthecharacteroftheworldinwhichwe live.
In such cases, we will use our resources to advance these interests insofar as the costs and risks
arecommensurate with the interests at stake. Our intervention in Haiti and participation in NATO operations
inBosniaarerelevantexamples.

The third category involves humanitarian interests. In the event of natural or manmade disasters or
grossviolationsofhumanrights,ournationmayactbecauseourvaluesdemandit.Moreover,insuchcases,theforceof our
example bolsters support for our leadership in the world. Whenever possible, we seek to avert suchhumanitarian
disasters through diplomacy and cooperation with a wide range of partners, including othergovernments,
international institutions and nongovernmental organizations. By doing so, we may not only savelives
butalsopreventthedrain onresourcescausedby interventioninafull-blown crisis.

The U.S. military is at once dangerous to our enemies and a bulwark to our friends. Though typically not
thebest tool to address long-term humanitarian concerns, under certain circumstances our military may
provideappropriate and necessary humanitarian assistance. Those circumstances include: a natural or manmade
disasterthat dwarfs the ability of the normal relief agencies to respond; the need for relief is urgent and the
military hasa unique ability to respond quickly; and the U.S. mission is narrowly defined with minimal risk to
Americanlives.Inthese cases,theUnitedStatesmayintervene
whenthecostsandrisksarecommensuratewiththestakesinvolved and when there is reason to believe that our
action can make a real difference. Such efforts by theUnited States and the international community will be
limited in duration and designed to give the affectedcountry the opportunity to put its house in order. In the
final analysis, the responsibility for the fate of a nationrests with itsown people.

One final consideration regards the central role the American people rightfully play in how the United
Stateswieldsits powerabroad:theUnitedStates
cannotlongsustainacommitmentwithoutthesupportofthepublic,and close consultations with Congress are
important in this effort. When it is judged in America's interest tointervene,wemustremain clearin purposeand
resolutein execution.

TransnationalThreats
Today, American diplomats, law enforcement officials, military personnel and others are called upon to respond
toassortedtransnationalthreatsthathavemovedtocenterstagewiththeColdWar'send.Combatingthesedangerswhichrange
from terrorism, international crime, and trafficking in drugs and illegal arms, to environmental damage andintrusions in
our critical information infrastructures requires far-reaching cooperation among the agencies of ourgovernment
aswellaswithothernations.

TheUnitedStateswillcontinueappropriatesharingofintelligenceandinformationwithothernationstocounterterrorism
, corruption and money-laundering activities, and fight drug trafficking. We will also further seek toprevent
arms traders from fueling regional conflicts and subverting international embargoes and will imposeadditional
sanctions on states that sponsor terrorism. International cooperation to combat these transnationalthreats
willbevitalfor building security inthenextcentury.
 10
Terrorism 0
U.S.counterterrorismapproachesaremeanttoprevent,disruptanddefeatterroristoperationsbeforetheyoccur,and, if
terrorist acts do occur, to respond overwhelmingly, with determined efforts to bring the perpetrators tojustice.
Our policy to counter international terrorists rests on the following principles: (1) make no concessionsto
terrorists; (2) bring all pressure to bear on state sponsors of terrorism; (3) fully exploit all available
legalmechanisms to punish international terrorists; and (4) help other governments improve their capabilities
tocombatterrorism.

The U.S. has made concerted efforts to deter and punish terrorists and remains determined to apprehend
thosewho terrorize American citizens. Similarly, as long as terrorists continue to target American citizens
andinterests, we reserve the right to strike at their bases and attack assets valued by those who support them--a
rightwe exercised in 1993 with the attack against Iraqi intelligence headquarters in response to
Baghdad'sassassinationattemptagainstformer PresidentBush.

Countering terrorism effectively requires day-to-day coordination within the U.S. Government and
closecooperation with other governments and international organizations. We have seen positive results from
theincreasing integration of intelligence, diplomatic, investigative and prosecutorial activities among
theDepartments of State, Justice, Defense, Treasury, Transportation, and the CIA. The Administration is
alsoworkingwithCongress
toincreasetheabilityoftheseagenciestocombatterrorismthroughaugmentedfundingandmanpower.

Placing terrorism at the top of the diplomatic agenda has increased international information sharing and
lawenforcement efforts. At the 1996 Lyon Summit the industrial powers joined in condemning Iran's support
forterrorism and continued efforts to achieve global adoption of all current counterterrorism treaties by the
year2000. Last year Congress and the President worked together to enact the Iran-Libya Sanctions Act which
willincrease economic pressure on these two state sponsors of terrorism. We further seek to uncover, reduce
oreliminate foreign terrorist capabilities in our country; eliminate terrorist sanctuaries; counter state-
supportedterrorismandsubversionofmoderateregimesthroughacomprehensiveprogramofdiplomatic,economican
dintelligenceactivities;improveaviationsecurityworldwideandatU.S.airports;ensurebettersecurityforall
U.S.transportationsystems;andimproveprotectionforourpersonnelassignedoverseas.

DrugTrafficking
The U.S. response to the global scourge of drug abuse and drug trafficking is to integrate domestic
andinternational efforts to reduce both the demand and the supply of drugs. Its ultimate success will depend
onconcertedeffortsbythepublic,alllevelsofgovernmentandtheprivatesectortogetherwithothergovernments,private
groups and international organizations. Domestically, we seek to educate and enable America's youth toreject
illegal drugs; increase the safety of America's citizens by substantially reducing drug-related crime andviolence;
reduce health and social costs to the public of illegal drug use; and shield America's air, land and seafrontiers
fromthedrug threat.

Abroad, the U.S. National Drug Control Strategy seeks to reduce cultivation of drug producing crops,
interdictthe flow of drugs at the source and in the transit zone (particularly in Central and South America, the
Caribbeanand Mexico), and stop drugs from entering our country. The strategy includes efforts to strengthen
democraticinstitutions; root out corruption; destroy trafficking organizations; prevent money laundering;
eradicate illegaldrug crops in this hemisphere, Asia and the Middle East; and encourage alternate crop
development. The UnitedStates is aggressively engaging international organizations, financial institutions and
non-governmentalorganizations in counter narcotics cooperation. For instance, the President has invoked the
InternationalEmergency Economic Powers Act (IEEPA) to attack the finances, companies and individuals
owned orcontrolled by the Cali Cartel as well as other Colombian drug cartels, freezing their assets in the
United States,identifyingfrontcompanies and barring Americans fromdoingbusinesswith them.
 10
Our strategy recognizes that at home and abroad, prevention,
1 treatment and economic alternatives must go hand-
in-hand with law enforcement and interdiction. Long-term efforts will be maintained to help nations
developeconomies with fewer market incentives for producing drugs. We have also increased efforts abroad to
fosterpublicawarenessand supportfor foreign governments'effortsto reducedrug abuse.

InternationalOrganized Crime
Internationalorganizedcrimeunderminesfragilenewdemocraciesaswellasdevelopingnationsandchallengesour own
security. In parts of the former Soviet Union, for instance, organized crime poses a threat to ourinterests because
of the potential for theft and smuggling of inherited nuclear materials remaining in thosecountries.

To fight organized crime, we seek to mount an international effort to combat the major international
criminalcartels, most notably those based in Italy, the former Soviet Union, Colombia, Southeast Asia, and
Nigeria. Inparticular, in the context of the P-8 and bilaterally, we are promoting legal assistance and
extraditioncooperation. We also are working to combat money laundering and other criminal activities in the
majoroffshorefinancialcenters,createindigenouscriminal
investigationandprosecutioncapabilitiesinkeycountriesand implement specific plans to address several other
financial crimes, including counterfeiting, large-
scaleinternationalfraudandembezzlement,computerintrusionofbanks andcellularphones,andaliensmuggling.

TheAdministrationhas launchedamajorinitiativetostopcriminalorganizations frommovingfundsthroughthe

international financial system. We will identify and put on notice nations that fail to bring their
financialsystems into conformity with international standards and appropriate Financial Action Task Force
(FATF)recommendations. We also seek to target the criminal enterprises that are developing the gray market
trade inillegal weapons. By using forged documents and diverting deliveries of armaments, these networks
servecriminals and terrorists alike and move weapons to areas of conflict and instability, often
subvertinginternationalarmsembargoes.

International organized crime organizations target nations whose law enforcement agencies lack the
capacityandexperiencetostopthem.TohelpthenewdemocraciesofCentralEurope,theUnitedStatesandHungaryes
tablished an international law enforcement academy in Budapest. The President proposed last year at
theUnited Nations to establish a network of such centre’s around the world to share the latest crime-
fightingtechniques and technology.

EnvironmentalandSecurityConcerns
Environmental threats do not heed national borders and can pose long-term dangers to our security and well-
being. Natural resource scarcities often trigger and exacerbate conflict. Environmental threats such as
climatechange,ozonedepletionandthetransnationalmovementofdangerouschemicalsdirectlythreatenthehealthof
U.S.citizens.Wemustworkcloselywithothercountriestorespondaggressivelytotheseandotherenvironmentalthreat
s. <

Decisionstodayregardingtheenvironmentandnaturalresourcescanaffectoursecurityforgenerations;conseq
uently, our national security planning is incorporating environmental analyses as never before.
Inaddition, we have a full diplomatic agenda, working unilaterally, regionally and multilaterally to
forgeagreements to protecttheglobalenvironment.

Smaller-ScaleContingencies
Wheneffortstodeteranadversaryoccurinthecontextofacrisis,theybecometheleading
edgeofcrisisresponse.Inthissense,deterrencestraddlesthelinebetweenshaping theinternationalenvironment
andresponding tocrises.
Deterrence in crisis generally involves signaling the United States' commitment to a particular country or interest
byenhancingourwarfightingcapabilityinthetheater.Forcesinornearthetheatermaybemovedclosertothecrisisandotherfor
cesrapidlydeployedtothearea.TheU.S.mayalsochoosetomakeadditionaldeclaratorystatementsto
 10
communicatethecostsofaggressionorcoerciontoanadversary,andinsomecasesmaychoosetoemployU.S.forcesinalimited
2
mannertounderlinethemessage anddeterfurtheradventurism.

The U.S. military conducts smaller-scale contingency operations to vindicate national interests.
Theseoperations encompass the full range of military operations short of major theater warfare,
includinghumanitarian assistance, peacekeeping, disaster relief, no-fly zones, reinforcing key allies, limited
strikes, andinterventions. These operations will likely pose the most frequent challenge for U.S. forces and
cumulativelyrequire significant commitments over time. These operations will also put a premium on the
ability of the
U.S.militarytoworkcloselyandeffectivelywithotherU.S.Governmentagencies,nongovernmentalorganizations,re
gionaland internationalsecurity organizationsandcoalition partners.

NotonlymusttheU.S.militarybepreparedtosuccessfullyconductmultipleconcurrentoperations worldwide,it must

also be prepared to do so in the face of challenges such as terrorism, information operations, and thethreat or
use of weapons of mass destruction. U.S. forces must also remain prepared to withdraw fromcontingency
operations if needed to deploy to a major theater war. Accordingly, U.S. forces will remain multi-
missioncapableand willbetrainedand managedwith multiplemissionsinmind.

Attimes itwillbeinournationalinteresttoproceedinpartnershipwithothers
topreserve,maintainandrestorepeace.Americanparticipationinpeaceoperationstakesmanyforms,suchastheNATO
coalitioninBosnia,theAmerican-ledUN forcein Haitiandourinvolvementin amultilateralcoalition intheSinai.

Thequestionofcommandandcontrolincontingencyoperationsisparticularlycritical.Undernocircumstanceswill the
President ever relinquish his constitutionally mandated command authority over U.S. forces, but theremay be
times when it is in our interest to place U.S. forces under the temporary operational control of acompetent allied
or United Nations commander. This is consistent with well-established practice from the siegeofYorktown
duringtheRevolutionaryWarto thebattles of OperationDESERTSTORM.

MajorTheaterWarfare
Atthehighendofrespondingtocrisesisfightingandwinningmajortheaterwars.Thismissionwillremaintheultimatetest of our
Total Force our active and reserve military components and one in which it must always succeed. For theforeseeable
future, the United States, in concert with regional allies, must remain able to deter credibly and defeatlarge-
scale,cross-borderaggressionintwodistanttheatre’sinoverlapping time frames.

As long as countries like Iraq and North Korea remain capable of threatening vital U.S. interests,
thisrequirement is only prudent. Maintaining such a capability should, when we are heavily engaged in one
region,deter opportunism elsewhere and provide a hedge against the possibility that we might encounter larger
or moredifficult than expected threats. A strategy for deterring and defeating aggression in two theaters ensures
wemaintain the flexibility to meet unknown future threats, while continued global engagement helps preclude
suchthreats fromdeveloping.

Fighting and winning major theater wars entails three particularly challenging requirements. First, we
mustmaintain the ability to rapidly defeat initial enemy advances short of enemy objectives in two theaters, in
closesuccession.TheU.S.mustmaintainthisabilitytoensurethatwecanseizetheinitiative,minimizeterritorylostbefor
ean invasionishalted,and ensuretheintegrityofour warfightingcoalitions.

Second, the United States must plan and prepare to fight and win under conditions where an adversary may
useasymmetric means against us unconventional approaches that avoid or undermine our strengths while
exploitingourvulnerabilities.This is
ofparticularimportanceandasignificantchallenge.Becauseofourdominanceintheconventional military arena,
adversaries who challenge the United States are likely to do so using asymmetricmeans,such asWMD,
informationoperationsor terrorism.
 10
Finally, our military must also be able to transition to fighting
3 major theater wars from a posture of
globalengagementfromsubstantiallevelsofpeacetimeengagementoverseasaswellas multipleconcurrentsmaller-
scale contingencies. Withdrawing from such operations would post significant political and
operationalchallenges. Ultimately, however, the United States must accept a degree of risk associated with
withdrawingfromcontingencyoperationsandengagementactivitiesinordertoreducethegreaterriskincurredifwefail
edtorespond adequatelytomajor theater wars.

Ourpriorityistoshapeeffectivelytheinternationalenvironmentsoastodetertheonsetofmajortheaterwars.Should
deterrence fail, however, the United States will defend itself, its allies and partners with all meansnecessary.

PreparingNowforan UncertainFuture
At the same time we address the problems of today, we must prepare now for tomorrow's uncertain future.
Thisrequires that we support shaping and responding requirements in the near term, while at the same time evolving
ourunparalleledcapabilitiestoensurewecaneffectivelyshapeandrespondtomeetfuturechallenges.Keytothisevolutionis the
need to foster innovation in new operational concepts, capabilities, technologies and organizational
structures;modernize our forces; and take prudent steps today to position ourselves to respond more effectively to
unlikely butsignificant future threats.

We must continue aggressive efforts to construct appropriate twenty-first century national security
programsandstructures.TheQuadrennialDefenseReviewisdoingthiswithintheDepartmentofDefense,andtheState
Department and other international affairs agencies are similarly reorganizing to confront the
pressingchallenges of tomorrow as well as those we face today. We need to continue looking across our
government tosee if during this time of transition we are adequately preparing to meet the national security
challenges of thenextcentury.

It is critical that we renew our commitment to America's diplomacy-- to ensure we have the
diplomaticrepresentation required to support our global interests. This is central to retaining our ability to
remain aninfluential voice on international issues that affect our well-being. We will preserve that influence so
long as weretain the diplomatic capabilities, military wherewithal and economic base to underwrite our
commitmentscredibly.

The United States is approaching the point where a major modernization of our military forces is required.
Themilitary procurement buys of the late-70s and early-80s permitted us to defer large-scale recapitalization of
theforce for over a decade. In order to maintain the technological superiority of U.S. forces, we must
selectivelyincrease modernization funding to both introduce new systems, and replace aging Cold War-era
equipment as itreaches theend of itsservicelife.

Closely related to our modernization efforts is the requirement to invest in selected research and
prototypesystems while monitoring trends in likely future threats. These prudent steps provide insurance
against thepossibilitythatsomeofoureffortstoshape theinternationalenvironmentinwaysfavorable
toU.S.interestsdonot succeed. Although such insurance is certainly not free, it is a relatively inexpensive way to
manage risk inan uncertain, resource-constrained environment--that is, the risk of being unprepared to meet a
new threat, therisk of developing the wrong capabilities, and the risk of producing a capability too early and
having it becomeobsoleteby thetimeitisneeded.

The United States cannot hedge against every conceivable future threat. Instead, we should focus our
insuranceefforts on threats that, while unlikely, would have highly negative consequences for U.S. security and
would
beveryexpensivetocounterweretheytoemerge.OurcurrentresearchanddevelopmentefforttopositiontheU.S.to
deploy a credible national missile defense system within three years of a deployment decision is an
exampleofthisapproach.
 10
Without preparing adequately today to face the pressing4 challenges of tomorrow, our ability to exert
globalleadership and to create international conditions conducive to achieving our national goals would be in
doubt.Thus, we must strive to strike the right balance between the near-term requirements of shaping and
respondingand the longer-term requirements associated with preparing now for national security challenges in
the twenty-firstcentury.

OverarchingCapabilities
Critical to our nation's ability to shape the international environment and respond to the full spectrum of crises--
todayand tomorrow--are technologies, capabilities and requirements to enable the continued worldwide application
of U.S.nationalpower.

Intelligence
Our intelligence capabilities are critical instruments for implementing our national security
strategy.Comprehensive
intelligencecapabilitiesareneededtoprovidewarningofthreatstoU.S.nationalsecurity,giveanalytical support to the
policy and military communities, provide near-real time intelligence in times of
crisiswhileretainingglobalperspective,andtoidentifyopportunities foradvancingournationalinterests.

Today, intelligence operations must cover a wider range of threats and policy needs than ever before and
workmore closely with policymaking agencies. We place a high priority on preserving and enhancing
thoseintelligencecollectionandanalyticcapabilitiesthatprovideinformationonstatesandgroupsthatposethe
mostserious threatsto U.S. security.

Current intelligence priorities include states whose policies and actions are hostile to the United
States;countries that possess strategic nuclear forces or control nuclear weapons, other WMD or nuclear
fissilematerials; transnational threats; potential regional conflicts that might affect U.S. national security
interests;intensifiedcounterintelligence againstforeignintelligencecollectioninimicaltoU.S.interests;andthreatsto
U.S.forcesandcitizensabroad.

Intelligence support is also required to develop and implement U.S. policies to promote democracy
abroad,protect the environment, identify threats to modern information systems, monitor arms control
agreements, andsupport worldwide humanitarian efforts. The fusion of all intelligence disciplines will provide
the most effectivecollectionand analysisof dataon thesesubjects.

Space
Weare
committedtomaintainingourleadershipinspace.Uninhibitedaccesstoanduseofspaceisessentialforpreservingpeacea
ndprotectingU.S.nationalsecurityaswellascivilandcommercialinterests.Itisessentialtoour ability to shape and
respond to current and future changes in the international environment. Our spacepolicy objectives include
deterring threats to our interest in space and defeating hostile efforts against U.S.space assets if deterrence fails,
preventing the spread of weapons of mass destruction to space, and enhancingglobal partnerships with other
space-faring nations across the spectrum of economic, political and securityissues.

MissileDefense
We have highly effective missile defense development programs designed to protect our country, deployed
U.S.forces and our friends and allies against ballistic missiles armed with conventional weapons or WMD.
Theseprograms and systems complement and strengthen our deterrence and nonproliferation efforts by
reducingincentives for potential proliferators to develop or use WMD. Significantly, Presidents Clinton and
Yeltsinagreed at the Helsinki Summit to maintain the ABM Treaty as a cornerstone of strategic stability, yet
adapt it tomeet the threat posed by shorter-range missiles a threat we seek to counter through our theater missile
defense(TMD)systems.TheagreementisconsistentwithplannedU.S.TMDprograms,allofwhichhavebeencertifiedby
theUnited StatesascompliantwiththeABMTreaty.
 10
Although the intelligence community does not believe it5 likely that any hostile state will develop
anintercontinental-range missile capability that could threaten our nation in the foreseeable future, we
aredevelopingmissiledefenseprogramsthatpositiontheU.S.todeployacrediblenationalmissiledefensesystemshoul
dathreatmaterialize.

InformationInfrastructure
The national security posture of the United States is increasingly dependent on our information
infrastructures.These infrastructures are highly interdependent and are increasingly vulnerable to tampering
and exploitation.Concepts and technologies are being developed and employed to protect and defend against
thesevulnerabilities;wemustfullyimplementthemtoensurethefuturesecurityofnotonlyournationalinformationinfra
structures,butour nation aswell.

NationalSecurityEmergencyPreparedness
We will do all we can to prevent destructive forces such as terrorism, WMD use, sabotage of our
informationsystems and natural disasters from endangering our citizens. But if an emergency occurs, we must
also beprepared to respond effectively to protect lives and property and ensure the survival of our institutions
andnational infrastructure. National security emergency preparedness is imperative, and comprehensive, all-
hazardemergency planning by Federal departments and agencies continues to be a crucial national
securityrequirement.

Chapter –

12Reviewofliteratu

re

NationalSecurityeditedbySumitGanguly andothersis ascholarlyandtimely additiontothegrowing

literature on India’s national security. The editors and contributors have done a commendable job of telling
uswhat the contents of India’s national security are and what can be done to improve its various aspects.
Beforewe take a closer look at what the book offers, let’s ask the basic question: what, after all, is national
security?Is it merely about the state or does it include individuals as well? The three well-regarded editors
have offereda nuanced definition of security — ‘an area of inquiry of the sources and management of direct
threats to thephysical integrity of a country’s population’ including ‘violence between individuals and groups
of individuals.’Definitions are important: they not only set the tone of the argument but also instruct the
reader on what toexpect.Inthis case, the editors’definitionof security is refreshing andsufficiently
accommodative
 10
6

Chapter – 13
DataAnalysis&Presentation

NSIA 810 - National Security Policy and the Intelligence

CommunityCredits:3
ThiscourseprovidesstudentsanintroductiontoUnitedStatesnationalsecuritypolicyandtheroleo
ftheintelligence community. Current and historical case studies will highlight the functions
and limits ofintelligence activities in support of decision makers policy making and
implementation. In this course wesurvey political, institutional, and cultural challenges
confronting analysts as they strive to
provideintelligenceproductsrelevanttostrategicandtacticalpolicygoals.
GradeMode:LetterGrading

NSIA 820 - Intelligence

AnalysisCredits:3
Inthisclasswedefineintelligenceandfocusonanalysis.Weidentifyintelligenceorganizationsrelatio
nshipswith policymakers and the types of intelligence products they produce. Students will
learn to identify
andcreateintelligencerequirementsandtherelatedvariablesandcollectiontargets.Wewillexplore
analytical
 10
approachesanddevelopcriticalthinkingskills.Inthisclasswewilldefinedata,thecausesofintelligen
7
cefailures,andidentifycreativityinintelligenceanalysis.
GradeMode:LetterGrading

Chapter14Conclus
ion&Suggestions

Nationalsecuíityholdsa
íelevanceandimpoítancethatgoesbeyondmeíeinteínalstability.Itssignificanceinclu
desthewell-
beingandpíospeíityofcitizensandthepopulationstheyfoím,aswellastheíelationsbetweenall
countíies onaíegional andglobal basis.
No president has ever made national security policy in the National Security Council.
The NSC
wasnotcreatedasapolicymakingbodybutasanadvisorybodytothepresident.TheColdWarbr
oughtinto the policy process various agencies and groups whose views were important
but rarelycoordinated. Foreign policy was no longer just in the hands of the State
Department. The DefenseDepartment and the JCS, joined by the CIA and the Treasury
Department, were all players on thefieldofU.S.globalpower.

Therefore, even when presidents avoided the formal structure created early in the Cold
War, theyfound it necessary to find a substitute. Interdepartmental committees and the
 10
Committee of Principalswereallcreatedtofillthisrole.
8
 10
The turning point in the history of the NSC came
9 in 1961 with the election of John F.
Kennedy.
WhenKennedybroughtintotheWhiteHouseanationalsecurityadviserwithastaff,hebegananin
exorablemove toward a completely new process. Even though it continued to meet
sporadically, after 1961 theNSC was nothing more than the president's adviser and his
staff, which soon evolved into just thepresident'sstaff.
Personality has been more important to the policy process than structure. That each
president
usestheNSCdifferentlyispartofthereceivedwisdomaboutthepolicyprocess.Everypresident
usestheNSC differently in order to differentiate himself from his predecessor as
campaign promises for newpoliciesaresubsequentlytranslatedintonewprocesses.

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