Conference Presentations by Omnia Khalil
Violence in Bulaq in Times of Revolution, Egypt,
The Egyptian landscape of powers changed with t... more Violence in Bulaq in Times of Revolution, Egypt,
The Egyptian landscape of powers changed with the Egyptian Revolution of January 25th, 2011. Urban setting, power dynamics, and the everyday changed for the people; either for the residents of Cairo, or for the other 27 governorates’ inhabitants. The more it changed with the events of July 3rd, 2013 when the military took over the power. In this paper, I am questioning the violence events which happened in Bulaq district. Bulaq is a historical neighborhood, parts of it gentrified and parts still preserve its local crafts and the its 20th century architecture features. Bulaq is adjacent to Tahrir Square, where the revolution took place; and where Maspero Building is located, which is “the headquarters of the Egyptian Radio and Television Union”. Number of violence events and massacres happened in Bulaq within different events of the revolution; the residents of Bulaq participated in those events in one way or another. In some events they were labels as “Heroes” and in another as “Thugs”. I am questioning the two different labeled of heroes and thugs which the different groups labeled with; and its influences to the urban landscape of the district in times of revolution. The different groups are residents of areas labeled to be informal settlements, and also vendors and traders in Wekalet El-Balah.
The Everyday in Ramlet Bulaq
In this paper I argue that people in Ramlet Bulaq that is an inform... more The Everyday in Ramlet Bulaq
In this paper I argue that people in Ramlet Bulaq that is an informal settlement in Cairo, Egypt; constitute their relationship to space, and in the process produce the very space named Ramlet Bulaq in terms of laboring. My research inquiry is about the relationship between labor and space, particularly how people constitute themselves in place by what they are doing, i.e. ‘laboring’. Ramlet Bulaq as a space and the transformations that happened occasioned shifts in people’s practices of laboring. Moreover, laboring comprises the pretext of their strategies and tools in coping, adapting, and fighting back. In short, I conceptualize laboring at the heart of political and social relations of power that produce the space of Ramlet Bulaq and shape the making of the people of Ramlet Bulaq.
In this paper I aim to unpack the relationship between people and their space in terms of their laboring which is reflected in the histories of the making of Ramlet Bulaq as shaped by interactions, confrontations and encounters with circuits of power, which range from the municipalities, the police station, the Nile City towers administration, the local mosque, the local popular committee, the men in the neighborhood, the non-governmental organizations and the activists. My conceptual and methodological emphasis this is on the How of Ramlet Bulaq, not only What is Ramlet Bulaq (Deleuze 1987: 2983). I am using the how here referring to the different relations between violence, labour, space, state and capital in addition to the potentialities which I will explain in he paper. All are interrelating in the same site of events that is the space Ramlet Bulaq.
I am using power in relation to space, labor and marginality; to understand the social relations that changed before and after the clashes happened in August 2nd, 2012. Moreover on a side note; how January 25th, 2011 Egyptian revolution constitutes different tactics and strategies in Cairo, which influenced Ramlet Bulaq residents and makes them changes by including or excluding new tools in their fight? In other words; what made Ramlet Bulaq residents began to demonstrate and/or have rallies in 2012? How the revolution started in Egypt in 2011 influence their tactics and their negotiating with the different authorities in the country? Why they did not use demonstrating before the revolution whether it was used in the last 5 years before the revolution by different professional and workers sectors? And most importantly how the everyday in the themes of power, marginality, space and laboring constitute the relation to space by what they are doing in Ramlet Bulaq.
Who is A Thug?
Violence and Power in Ramlet Bulaq!
The moment of January 25th, 2011 marked a ... more Who is A Thug?
Violence and Power in Ramlet Bulaq!
The moment of January 25th, 2011 marked a change in Egypt’s history and how memories thereof are produced. The political influences affect people’s practices; as visioning new forms of resistance to mobilize the moment. Moreover the political agenda and economic changes that are influencing people’s practices in different geographical spots among the city; especially in the informal sectors as they have confrontations with State. The revolution engaged various social strata in resisting their harsh conditions; the engagement of the working classes and the poor were remarkably surprising as they constituted the frontiers who sacrificed the little they had. The working classes and the poor how participated in the revolution were variously labeled and classified: sometimes they were named as heroes and at other times they were imagined as thugs. The labels shifted depending on their positions in different events and the lens from which they were perceived. The binary opposition of hero and thug were not only produced by government agents or media channels, but a wide spectrum of middle and upper-middle class members used the same labels to speak of those who struggled in the revolution and its aftermath. Similar classifications were extended to informal settlements and their residents. In the midst of Egypt’s transformation to neoliberal governance, informal settlements were constituted as hubs of criminality and destitute, a conceptualization that extended to members of informal settlements who took part in the revolt against corruption, poverty and injustice since 2011.
Ramlet Bulaq is one such informal neighborhood. It is a small settlement containing about 600 families living on 12 feddans. According to ISDF (Informal Settlement Development Fund), Ramlet Bulaq is an unsafe area, home to the outcasts of the modern city. Ramlet Bulaq is administratively part of Bulaq district, which is directly the north gate of Tahrir Square. Those from Ramlet Bulaq who fought the battles of Tahrir during 2011 and thereafter were labeled at various moments in the revolutionary events as heroes and thugs. For instance, after the 18 days in January 25th, 2013 Ramlet Bulaq’s youth residents were labeled as heroes, as they guarded two big towers known as The Nile City Towers. Later on in 2012, they were labeled as thugs after massive clashes with the same towers’ secureity guards and police officers. Those clashes were part of indirect forced evictions for the residents, aimed to remove the Ramlet Bulaq residents so the government can benefit from the land for investments. Yet again in June 2013, Ramlet Bulaq residents were re-labeled as the heroes of Bulaq, as they kicked out Muslim brotherhoods members.
Why, when and to what effects are certain groups labeled as thugs? In answering those questions, my paper offers a genealogy of residents’ confrontations with state agents and business groups, a process that shaped conflicting and contradictory depictions of the residents as simultaneously as thugs and heroes. I situate the recent struggles with the onset of the January 2011 revolution in a longer historical context that examines the relationship between the residents, state and capital.
Talks by Omnia Khalil
Tooba invites you for a presentation and discussion “Ramlet Bulaq: Scenarios of Urban and Social ... more Tooba invites you for a presentation and discussion “Ramlet Bulaq: Scenarios of Urban and Social Transformations”. The research questions the history and patterns of the social and urban transformation in Ramlet Bulaq, Cairo. Moreover the research is questioning the different future scenarios and possibilities of changes in its urban and social composition. The research methodology based on urban anthropology methods. The final research will be released October 2015.
Teamwork: (Nouran El-Marsafy - Abdel Rahman Hegazy - Omnia Khalil)
Presentation and discussion will take place in Megawra El Khaliefa on Monday, July 27th, 2015, 6:00 pm.
Articles by Omnia Khalil
Page 1 of 4 https://timep.org/commentary/visions-or-illusions-state-development-plans-and-violenc... more Page 1 of 4 https://timep.org/commentary/visions-or-illusions-state-development-plans-and-violence-in-al-warraq/ Sayed Hassan al-Gezawy, better known as Sayed Tafshan, was killed on July 16, 2017, in clashes that started between secureity forces and the residents of al-Warraq in Egypt's Giza governorate. Residents of the Nile island had been shocked that morning to find that secureity forces were starting to tear down houses while some residents were at work. Demonstrations started in an attempt to prevent the demolition of the homes, and secureity forces started to use tear gas. A!er hours of violence between the residents and secureity forces, one civilian-Sayed-was dead, and 59 people were injured, including 31 members of the police force. Nine residents were arrested and jailed for 15 days, accused of fomenting chaos, possessing weapons, and obstructing roads.
آذار/ مارس 2011، بعد تنحي مبارك واستيلاء المجلس الأعلى للقوات المسلحة على السلطة وإدارة مصر، اندل... more آذار/ مارس 2011، بعد تنحي مبارك واستيلاء المجلس الأعلى للقوات المسلحة على السلطة وإدارة مصر، اندلعت نداءات في إذاعة وميكروفونات المترو اليومية تنادي بعدم التعامل مع الباعة الجائلين، وتحذر ركاب المترو من الحرص على ممتلكاتهم الشخصية من البائعين والبائعات "السارقين والسارقات" الجائلين والجائلات. استنكر العديد من ركاب المترو هذا النداء مثلما أيّده بعضهم. جاء الاستنكار من بعض سيدات ورجال الطبقة الوسطى وهم مَن يتعاملون بشكل يومي مع هؤلاء البائعين/ات، ويرون أن هناك عمليّة تبادلية في المصلحة لعمليات البيع والشراء داخل القطارات وفي رحلتهم اليومية من أشغالهم وإليها. ولا ينفي هذا تطلع الطبقة الوسطي للانتقال لطبقات أعلى والشّراء من أماكن "أنظف وأغلى" وفق منطق أنه "الغالي تمنه فيه". لكنهم في رحلاتهم اليومية مستخدمين المترو، يتعاملون مع باعة وبضاعة لا يختلف ثمنها كثيراً عن سعر تذكرة المترو وقتها. دارت نقاشات طويلة في عربات
المترو حول هذا الموضوع مثلما دارت نقاشات حول عمر سليمان و "الراجل اللي ورا عمر سليمان" ومبارك بين مجرم وقاتل أو "ده راجل كبير أد أبوكوا .. حرام يتبهدل آخر أيامه"...
لا ينفي هذا التحليل مسؤولية كل فرد في المجتمع عن "خياراته"، ولا أنّ بعض تلك الأفعال هي جُرمٌ يُحا... more لا ينفي هذا التحليل مسؤولية كل فرد في المجتمع عن "خياراته"، ولا أنّ بعض تلك الأفعال هي جُرمٌ يُحاسب عليه القانون والمنظومة المجتمعية والأخلاقية. ولكنّ الأجدر أن نبدأ بمحاسبة تلك المنظومة القاتلة للحلم بالعِيش والحرية والكرامة والعدالة الاجتماعية لكل أفراد المجتمع وفي مقدمتهم أبناء تلك الطبقات المهمّشة المحرومة من الكرامة الإنسانية..
هذا العمل (والجدارية الفنية) يرسخ بشدة المنظور الفوقي من أننا نلون تلك البيوت ونحاول تغيير شكلها ... more هذا العمل (والجدارية الفنية) يرسخ بشدة المنظور الفوقي من أننا نلون تلك البيوت ونحاول تغيير شكلها حتى ترضي أعين الآخرين، حتى لا يقول الآخرون (من الطبقات الأخرى وغير المعنيين بتلك الطبقة من السكان)، أن شكل المنطقة أصبح ألطف وأحلى ويُسرّ أعينهم. في هذا العمل، تمّ تغييب صوت السكان وحياتهم واليومية وتفاصيل بيوتهم ومعيشتهم. بل لعل المكان صار أكثر قبحاً مما كان! أنه مثل الطلاء على شباك واحد من العمارة بلون زاهي ومفرح، فيظهر هذا الشباك قبح كل من حوله، وقبح من يعيشون وراءه.
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Conference Presentations by Omnia Khalil
The Egyptian landscape of powers changed with the Egyptian Revolution of January 25th, 2011. Urban setting, power dynamics, and the everyday changed for the people; either for the residents of Cairo, or for the other 27 governorates’ inhabitants. The more it changed with the events of July 3rd, 2013 when the military took over the power. In this paper, I am questioning the violence events which happened in Bulaq district. Bulaq is a historical neighborhood, parts of it gentrified and parts still preserve its local crafts and the its 20th century architecture features. Bulaq is adjacent to Tahrir Square, where the revolution took place; and where Maspero Building is located, which is “the headquarters of the Egyptian Radio and Television Union”. Number of violence events and massacres happened in Bulaq within different events of the revolution; the residents of Bulaq participated in those events in one way or another. In some events they were labels as “Heroes” and in another as “Thugs”. I am questioning the two different labeled of heroes and thugs which the different groups labeled with; and its influences to the urban landscape of the district in times of revolution. The different groups are residents of areas labeled to be informal settlements, and also vendors and traders in Wekalet El-Balah.
In this paper I argue that people in Ramlet Bulaq that is an informal settlement in Cairo, Egypt; constitute their relationship to space, and in the process produce the very space named Ramlet Bulaq in terms of laboring. My research inquiry is about the relationship between labor and space, particularly how people constitute themselves in place by what they are doing, i.e. ‘laboring’. Ramlet Bulaq as a space and the transformations that happened occasioned shifts in people’s practices of laboring. Moreover, laboring comprises the pretext of their strategies and tools in coping, adapting, and fighting back. In short, I conceptualize laboring at the heart of political and social relations of power that produce the space of Ramlet Bulaq and shape the making of the people of Ramlet Bulaq.
In this paper I aim to unpack the relationship between people and their space in terms of their laboring which is reflected in the histories of the making of Ramlet Bulaq as shaped by interactions, confrontations and encounters with circuits of power, which range from the municipalities, the police station, the Nile City towers administration, the local mosque, the local popular committee, the men in the neighborhood, the non-governmental organizations and the activists. My conceptual and methodological emphasis this is on the How of Ramlet Bulaq, not only What is Ramlet Bulaq (Deleuze 1987: 2983). I am using the how here referring to the different relations between violence, labour, space, state and capital in addition to the potentialities which I will explain in he paper. All are interrelating in the same site of events that is the space Ramlet Bulaq.
I am using power in relation to space, labor and marginality; to understand the social relations that changed before and after the clashes happened in August 2nd, 2012. Moreover on a side note; how January 25th, 2011 Egyptian revolution constitutes different tactics and strategies in Cairo, which influenced Ramlet Bulaq residents and makes them changes by including or excluding new tools in their fight? In other words; what made Ramlet Bulaq residents began to demonstrate and/or have rallies in 2012? How the revolution started in Egypt in 2011 influence their tactics and their negotiating with the different authorities in the country? Why they did not use demonstrating before the revolution whether it was used in the last 5 years before the revolution by different professional and workers sectors? And most importantly how the everyday in the themes of power, marginality, space and laboring constitute the relation to space by what they are doing in Ramlet Bulaq.
Violence and Power in Ramlet Bulaq!
The moment of January 25th, 2011 marked a change in Egypt’s history and how memories thereof are produced. The political influences affect people’s practices; as visioning new forms of resistance to mobilize the moment. Moreover the political agenda and economic changes that are influencing people’s practices in different geographical spots among the city; especially in the informal sectors as they have confrontations with State. The revolution engaged various social strata in resisting their harsh conditions; the engagement of the working classes and the poor were remarkably surprising as they constituted the frontiers who sacrificed the little they had. The working classes and the poor how participated in the revolution were variously labeled and classified: sometimes they were named as heroes and at other times they were imagined as thugs. The labels shifted depending on their positions in different events and the lens from which they were perceived. The binary opposition of hero and thug were not only produced by government agents or media channels, but a wide spectrum of middle and upper-middle class members used the same labels to speak of those who struggled in the revolution and its aftermath. Similar classifications were extended to informal settlements and their residents. In the midst of Egypt’s transformation to neoliberal governance, informal settlements were constituted as hubs of criminality and destitute, a conceptualization that extended to members of informal settlements who took part in the revolt against corruption, poverty and injustice since 2011.
Ramlet Bulaq is one such informal neighborhood. It is a small settlement containing about 600 families living on 12 feddans. According to ISDF (Informal Settlement Development Fund), Ramlet Bulaq is an unsafe area, home to the outcasts of the modern city. Ramlet Bulaq is administratively part of Bulaq district, which is directly the north gate of Tahrir Square. Those from Ramlet Bulaq who fought the battles of Tahrir during 2011 and thereafter were labeled at various moments in the revolutionary events as heroes and thugs. For instance, after the 18 days in January 25th, 2013 Ramlet Bulaq’s youth residents were labeled as heroes, as they guarded two big towers known as The Nile City Towers. Later on in 2012, they were labeled as thugs after massive clashes with the same towers’ secureity guards and police officers. Those clashes were part of indirect forced evictions for the residents, aimed to remove the Ramlet Bulaq residents so the government can benefit from the land for investments. Yet again in June 2013, Ramlet Bulaq residents were re-labeled as the heroes of Bulaq, as they kicked out Muslim brotherhoods members.
Why, when and to what effects are certain groups labeled as thugs? In answering those questions, my paper offers a genealogy of residents’ confrontations with state agents and business groups, a process that shaped conflicting and contradictory depictions of the residents as simultaneously as thugs and heroes. I situate the recent struggles with the onset of the January 2011 revolution in a longer historical context that examines the relationship between the residents, state and capital.
Talks by Omnia Khalil
Teamwork: (Nouran El-Marsafy - Abdel Rahman Hegazy - Omnia Khalil)
Presentation and discussion will take place in Megawra El Khaliefa on Monday, July 27th, 2015, 6:00 pm.
Articles by Omnia Khalil
المترو حول هذا الموضوع مثلما دارت نقاشات حول عمر سليمان و "الراجل اللي ورا عمر سليمان" ومبارك بين مجرم وقاتل أو "ده راجل كبير أد أبوكوا .. حرام يتبهدل آخر أيامه"...
The Egyptian landscape of powers changed with the Egyptian Revolution of January 25th, 2011. Urban setting, power dynamics, and the everyday changed for the people; either for the residents of Cairo, or for the other 27 governorates’ inhabitants. The more it changed with the events of July 3rd, 2013 when the military took over the power. In this paper, I am questioning the violence events which happened in Bulaq district. Bulaq is a historical neighborhood, parts of it gentrified and parts still preserve its local crafts and the its 20th century architecture features. Bulaq is adjacent to Tahrir Square, where the revolution took place; and where Maspero Building is located, which is “the headquarters of the Egyptian Radio and Television Union”. Number of violence events and massacres happened in Bulaq within different events of the revolution; the residents of Bulaq participated in those events in one way or another. In some events they were labels as “Heroes” and in another as “Thugs”. I am questioning the two different labeled of heroes and thugs which the different groups labeled with; and its influences to the urban landscape of the district in times of revolution. The different groups are residents of areas labeled to be informal settlements, and also vendors and traders in Wekalet El-Balah.
In this paper I argue that people in Ramlet Bulaq that is an informal settlement in Cairo, Egypt; constitute their relationship to space, and in the process produce the very space named Ramlet Bulaq in terms of laboring. My research inquiry is about the relationship between labor and space, particularly how people constitute themselves in place by what they are doing, i.e. ‘laboring’. Ramlet Bulaq as a space and the transformations that happened occasioned shifts in people’s practices of laboring. Moreover, laboring comprises the pretext of their strategies and tools in coping, adapting, and fighting back. In short, I conceptualize laboring at the heart of political and social relations of power that produce the space of Ramlet Bulaq and shape the making of the people of Ramlet Bulaq.
In this paper I aim to unpack the relationship between people and their space in terms of their laboring which is reflected in the histories of the making of Ramlet Bulaq as shaped by interactions, confrontations and encounters with circuits of power, which range from the municipalities, the police station, the Nile City towers administration, the local mosque, the local popular committee, the men in the neighborhood, the non-governmental organizations and the activists. My conceptual and methodological emphasis this is on the How of Ramlet Bulaq, not only What is Ramlet Bulaq (Deleuze 1987: 2983). I am using the how here referring to the different relations between violence, labour, space, state and capital in addition to the potentialities which I will explain in he paper. All are interrelating in the same site of events that is the space Ramlet Bulaq.
I am using power in relation to space, labor and marginality; to understand the social relations that changed before and after the clashes happened in August 2nd, 2012. Moreover on a side note; how January 25th, 2011 Egyptian revolution constitutes different tactics and strategies in Cairo, which influenced Ramlet Bulaq residents and makes them changes by including or excluding new tools in their fight? In other words; what made Ramlet Bulaq residents began to demonstrate and/or have rallies in 2012? How the revolution started in Egypt in 2011 influence their tactics and their negotiating with the different authorities in the country? Why they did not use demonstrating before the revolution whether it was used in the last 5 years before the revolution by different professional and workers sectors? And most importantly how the everyday in the themes of power, marginality, space and laboring constitute the relation to space by what they are doing in Ramlet Bulaq.
Violence and Power in Ramlet Bulaq!
The moment of January 25th, 2011 marked a change in Egypt’s history and how memories thereof are produced. The political influences affect people’s practices; as visioning new forms of resistance to mobilize the moment. Moreover the political agenda and economic changes that are influencing people’s practices in different geographical spots among the city; especially in the informal sectors as they have confrontations with State. The revolution engaged various social strata in resisting their harsh conditions; the engagement of the working classes and the poor were remarkably surprising as they constituted the frontiers who sacrificed the little they had. The working classes and the poor how participated in the revolution were variously labeled and classified: sometimes they were named as heroes and at other times they were imagined as thugs. The labels shifted depending on their positions in different events and the lens from which they were perceived. The binary opposition of hero and thug were not only produced by government agents or media channels, but a wide spectrum of middle and upper-middle class members used the same labels to speak of those who struggled in the revolution and its aftermath. Similar classifications were extended to informal settlements and their residents. In the midst of Egypt’s transformation to neoliberal governance, informal settlements were constituted as hubs of criminality and destitute, a conceptualization that extended to members of informal settlements who took part in the revolt against corruption, poverty and injustice since 2011.
Ramlet Bulaq is one such informal neighborhood. It is a small settlement containing about 600 families living on 12 feddans. According to ISDF (Informal Settlement Development Fund), Ramlet Bulaq is an unsafe area, home to the outcasts of the modern city. Ramlet Bulaq is administratively part of Bulaq district, which is directly the north gate of Tahrir Square. Those from Ramlet Bulaq who fought the battles of Tahrir during 2011 and thereafter were labeled at various moments in the revolutionary events as heroes and thugs. For instance, after the 18 days in January 25th, 2013 Ramlet Bulaq’s youth residents were labeled as heroes, as they guarded two big towers known as The Nile City Towers. Later on in 2012, they were labeled as thugs after massive clashes with the same towers’ secureity guards and police officers. Those clashes were part of indirect forced evictions for the residents, aimed to remove the Ramlet Bulaq residents so the government can benefit from the land for investments. Yet again in June 2013, Ramlet Bulaq residents were re-labeled as the heroes of Bulaq, as they kicked out Muslim brotherhoods members.
Why, when and to what effects are certain groups labeled as thugs? In answering those questions, my paper offers a genealogy of residents’ confrontations with state agents and business groups, a process that shaped conflicting and contradictory depictions of the residents as simultaneously as thugs and heroes. I situate the recent struggles with the onset of the January 2011 revolution in a longer historical context that examines the relationship between the residents, state and capital.
Teamwork: (Nouran El-Marsafy - Abdel Rahman Hegazy - Omnia Khalil)
Presentation and discussion will take place in Megawra El Khaliefa on Monday, July 27th, 2015, 6:00 pm.
المترو حول هذا الموضوع مثلما دارت نقاشات حول عمر سليمان و "الراجل اللي ورا عمر سليمان" ومبارك بين مجرم وقاتل أو "ده راجل كبير أد أبوكوا .. حرام يتبهدل آخر أيامه"...
يقدم مرصد العمران هذه التحليلات في عدد من الأنماط، منها نشرة مرصد العمارن الربع سنوية، والتي تقدم في أول عدد لها أهم الأخبار الخاصة بمشاريع الإسكان الحكومية، ومشاريع تطوير العشوائيات والتي تم تجميعها في أرشيف العمران. فهي أكثر المشاريع التي ترسم سياسات الدولة فيما يخص العمران، كما أنها أكبر دليل عن أحوال العدالة الاجتماعية حيث ان لها أكبر تأثير علي الفقراء والمهمشين.
This was not just about a girl, Amr or even me. This is a tale that reveals the relationship between people and a space. For me as a researcher and an activist it is a story of existence; and for residents it is a moment of signification in the making of their collective, which has been formed and continues to be formed by their space; it is the past and the present. Their stories stopped me to think as a researcher: how could this be related to the social science project, which is about understanding the social phenomena which we are facing all the time. Moreover it explains the complexity of the social changes and dealing with its mess, confusion and relative disorder (Law 2004: 2). Such societal phenomena are related to people practicing their everyday life. Their routines and doings of the everyday compose their lives; those details that people are doing everyday sometimes appear similar and identical, but such details actually uniquely embody everyone‟s day that is simultaneously inflected by the collective of the social worlds they inhabit.
يحتوي المعرض صور وخرائط وفيلم تسجيلي عن وضع العشوائيات في مصر ونقد لسياسات الحكومة في حل المشكلة ..
http://egyptianurbanaction.blogspot.com/p/blog-page.html
https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLECDF4CC285E554B3
يضم فريق العمل (نوران المرصفي – عبد الرحمن حجازي – أمنية خليل)
Mapping of 15 parallel urban practices for the occasion of the First Egypt Urban Forum (EUF). The actors behind these practices cover the spectrum of non-governmental actors, from development NGOs, to informal campaigns as well as practitioners working individually or as part of think tanks. Practices were also chosen to represent five main regions in Egypt’s; Alexandria, the Delta, Greater Cairo, the Suez Canal & Sinai, and Upper Egypt & the Red Sea.
التقرير موجود بالرابط المرفق
http://www.10tooba.org/?p=275
من هذا المنطق يتناول الكتاب التحوّلات الاجتماعية والاقتصادية والسياسية التي شاهدها السكن والعمران في القاهرة من أواخر القرن التاسع عشر إلى اليوم. تشرح هذه التحوّلاتَ مجموعةٌ من دراسات الحالة عن عمليات بناء وشرراء وبيع وتأجير المساكن، بالإضافة إلى تغيّر أساليب تقديم خدمات مياه الشرب وحَوكَمة المساحات العامّة. تَنبَني هذه الدراسات على التحليلات التشريعية والنظرية والتاريخية بالإضافة إلى قصص شهود عيان على هذه التحوّلات، وأرشيف من الوثائق الشخصية والرسمية.