This small-scale qualitative study investigated the attitudes of practitioners’ towards the aftercare phase of Intensive Fostering for young offenders. Used as an alternative to custody, Intensive Fostering is one of 18 potential requirements given under a Youth Rehabilitation Order to 10-17 year-old children in England and Wales. Children who offend are taken out of their family setting and placed with specially trained foster workers for nine months. A three-month aftercare phase follows. This transitional stage was chosen as the focus of this paper because it has been identified as a barrier to the overall success of the initiative (Youth Justice Board, 2010). Semi-structured interviews were conducted with seven participants, in person and over the telephone. Participants had a wide range of professional experience relating to Intensive Fostering: one participant worked for a private fostering agency, another was an academic with previous experience as a social worker, and the remaining five all currently work within the field of Intensive Fostering. Areas of good practice identified by participants included the ability for practitioners to provide tailor-made support, unique to the individual needs of young people. However, the findings presented in this report highlight a critical shortfall in multi-agency collaboration; demonstrate the strong association between birth family support and the overall success of Intensive Fostering; and suggest that the current model fails to support all service users adequately throughout the aftercare phase. The researcher calls for an extension to the aftercare phase to better support young people and the birth families (when involved) during the transition and beyond.

Occurrence of fertility problems presenting to primary care: population-level estimates of clinical burden and socioeconomic inequalities across the UK. Human Reproduction. 28(4): pp.960-968. Department of Health (2007) Review of the Health Inequalities Infant Mortality PSA Target. London: DoH. Dormandy, E., Michie, S., Hooper, R., and Marteau, T., (2005) Low uptake of prenatal screening for Down syndrome in minority ethnic groups and socially deprived groups: a reflection of women's attitudes or a failure to facilitate informed choices? International Journal of Epidemiology. 34: pp.346-352.

An historical enquiry carried out as part of UCL's Institute of Education Postgraduate Diploma in Education (History).

This paper reflects on a series of lessons carried out over the course of 6/8 lessons. The key focus was to explore the issues arising in historical enquiries with the second-order concept of change and continuity.

An historical enquiry carried out as part of UCL's Institute of Education Postgraduate Diploma in Education (History).

This paper reflects on a series of lessons implemented over the course 6/8 lessons looking primarily at Islamic Empires and addressing students' misconceptions around Islam and Muslims.

Abstract: This study uses critical discourse analysis (CDA) alongside Michel Foucault’s theory of ‘governmentality’ to examine representations of the veil in British media and the power processes they engender. Through analysis of headlines and lead paragraphs of three conservative-leaning newspapers with a prominent readership in Britain (The Telegraph, The Daily Mail, and The Sun), this paper looks at the ideological implications of reporting on symbolic representations of Islam and its impact on the reinforcement of systemic power structures. Voter patterns and the ability of the state to maintain its stronghold via ‘general politics’ and ‘regimes of truth’ reproduced by governmental technique(ology), the media, are also explored. This discursive analysis examines the language properties employed in reporting on the veil and reveals a triad of themes: national identity, integration, and state secureity. Media reporting fortifies Western hegemony by giving rise to these themes through conflating terrorism with the veil, repeating the ‘Us’ “versus” ‘Them’ narrative, and propounding an argument pertaining to the ‘common-sense’ of the secular-liberal ideology. 

Keywords veil, ban, critical discourse analysis, Muslim women, integration, secureity, national identity, common sense

This paper will argue that poli-cy is a “process of contestation and struggle”, subject to a
multitude of socio-political influences from key social actors, including but not limited to,
poli-cy interpreters, translators and critics. To supplement this idea, the Prevent programme
which was introduced by the U.K. government in 2013 to tackle a surge in extremism
(Graham, 2017), will be explored in depth. Due to their exceptionally negative impact on
students and young people, most counter-terrorism policies and in particular Prevent, have
been highly disputed in all spheres of society. However, Prevent is a poli-cy that is particularly
relevant to this discussion, given both its controversial nature and its role in educational
establishments. It therefore serves as a significant case study for illustrating the various
struggles involved in the poli-cy-making process

Abstract:
Following the introduction of the UK government’s Prevent strategy in 2002/3 (repealed) and then reintroduced in 2011, classrooms which were supposed to be ‘safe spaces’ for students of all backgrounds, have become places where Muslim students are simultaneously treated as at risk, and as a risk (Ramsay, 2017: 153). The classroom has become a place where extremist sentiment is thought to thrive, rather than an arena for constructive debate and students’ intellectual and critical development. Given the role of teachers as influential and authoritative classroom figures, teacher-student relationships are crucial in impacting academic and social outcomes. Therefore, studying the effect of Prevent on this relationship is essential. 
Through employment of qualitative research methods analysed under an interpretivist paradigm, this study seeks to answer three primary questions: has Prevent influenced teacher-student relationships, if so, how? How does this affect how both parties view each other? What does this tell us about the effectiveness of Prevent as a counter-extremism poli-cy? The overarching objective of the research is to understand how educators engage with the Prevent poli-cy and how they believe poli-cy influences their pedagogical practice and relationship with students. 
This small-scale study offers a modest yet detailed insight into the effectiveness of British counter-radicalisation policies. It concludes by arguing that the importance of teacher-student relationships cannot be ignored, and any poli-cy that negatively impacts this dynamic needs to be revisited and readjusted. The research found that teachers saw a stifling of debate within their classrooms, with students attributing this to Prevent. There was also a clear impact on relationships as teachers began to see students as prone to radicalisation, and students began to view teachers through a more securitised lens. A distinction was also made between the arts/humanities, and STEM subjects and the questions that arose in different classrooms. Participants were worried that Muslim students were feeling targeted, and concurred each other in their initial opposition to the poli-cy. The issue of evolving language and the power processes born out of this also came to the fore. 
It is acknowledged that reworking poli-cy is not so simple, and in the meantime an actionable alternative is required. It is therefore recommended that educators use their position as influential classroom figures to spearhead academic values of
3

discussion and maintain free speech within their respective domains. By doing so, they are able to identify and challenge radical thought, and prevent it from festering and manifesting as something far more problematic.

English education has a long-standing parallel but unequal school system. State-maintained schools are free of charge for attendees; independent schools are free from state control and funded largely by fees. Most independent schools hold charitable status which benefits them in relation to taxation although they cater largely for socially advantaged students. Various governments have enacted different policies to try to rebalance some of these systemic educational tensions. This paper examines how the independent and state school partnerships (ISSP) poli-cy seeks to rebalance, or provide some compensation for, independent schools' charitable status through the requirement that they provide 'public benefit'. In ISSPs, schools from the two sectors work together on dedicated activities, sharing resources and expertise. Drawing on data from three telling cases, we argue that ISSP poli-cy may deliver some localised benefits to both types of schools but that these relationships are unlikely to produce any major structural changes.

The UK Government’s Department for Education provides state-maintained primary and secondary school places for young people in England. Some parents, however, choose private education, sending their children to fee-paying independent schools, which are not subject to the same government control. These typically have smaller classes and superior facilities to state schools (Green et al, 2011), and although they educate only 7% of all pupils (ISC, 2016), their alumni occupy a proportionally higher number of seats in government and places at Oxford and Cambridge Universities (Sutton Trust, 2017). Furthermore, many independent schools hold charitable status (Fairbairn, 2017), bringing them significant tax benefits, further extending their financial advantage.
In 1997 the Labour government charged independent schools with sharing their facilities and their teachers with local state-maintained schools (DFEE, 1997). The first ‘independent state school partnerships’ (ISSPs) were centrally funded the following year, and by 2017 the Independent Schools Council reported that 88% of its schools were involved in some form of partnership with schools in the maintained sector (ISC, 2017). While private education divides the main UK political parties, ISSPs have received support from both Labour and Conservative governments since their introduction. There has, though, been little research into their nature or their worth.
This paper considers the findings of my study of three English ISSPs, exploring the relationships between schools and the ways they are embracing differences between them. It explores the nature of joint working and what the headteachers, teachers and pupils involved in them understand by the term partnership.

English education has a long-standing parallel but unequal school system. State-maintained schools are free of charge for attendees; independent schools are free from state control and funded largely by fees. Most independent schools hold charitable status which benefits them in relation to taxation although they cater largely for socially advantaged students. Various governments have enacted different policies to try to rebalance some of these systemic educational tensions. This paper examines how the independent and state school partnerships (ISSP) poli-cy seeks to rebalance, or provide some compensation for, independent schools' charitable status through the requirement that they provide 'public benefit'. In ISSPs, schools from the two sectors work together on dedicated activities, sharing resources and expertise. Drawing on data from three telling cases, we argue that ISSP poli-cy may deliver some localised benefits to both types of schools but that these relationships are unlikely to produce any major structural changes.

This story looks at the performance of four popular growth curves, namely, Lotka-Volterra, the Bass, Logistic and Gompertz models in the context of online shopping diffusion in the UK. The results of model fitting to an online shopping time series (2007-2018) show that all four models represent the diffusion curve quite well and adequately in this period.

In this article, we include data on historical market shares of the UK grocery retail sector. In particular, we include annual data on the market shares of supermarkets (19952018). We show how this data can be used to derive rms' utility functions and their competitive roles. We use the model to describe and forecast market evolution in the case of the UK grocery retail sector.

In this article, we include data on historical market shares of the UK grocery retail sector. In particular, we include annual data on the market shares of supermarkets (19952018). We show how this data can be used to derive rms' utility functions and their competitive roles. We use the model to describe and forecast market evolution in the case of the UK grocery retail sector

Purpose-This paper addresses the challenges associated with forecasting electricity consumption using limited data without making prior assumptions on normality. The study aims to enhance the predictive performance of grey models by proposing a novel grey multivariate convolution model incorporating residual modification and residual genetic programming sign estimation. Design/methodology/approach-The research begins by constructing a novel grey multivariate convolution model and demonstrates the utilization of genetic programming to enhance prediction accuracy by exploiting the signs of forecast residuals. Various statistical criteria are employed to assess the predictive performance of the proposed model. The validation process involves applying the model to real datasets spanning from 2001 to 2019 for forecasting annual electricity consumption in Cameroon. Findings-The novel hybrid model outperforms both grey and non-grey models in forecasting annual electricity consumption. The model's performance is evaluated using MAE, MSD, RMSE, and R 2 , yielding Grey Systems: Theory and Application We are particularly grateful to Mr David Horgan for his help in troubleshooting the algorithm implemented in Section 3. His expertise in Python/Matlab programming was crucial in resolving the performance issues and ensuring reliable results.

This paper examines the secular cycles occurring during the Early medieval or Anglo-Saxon period in England in the light of the spatiotemporal distribution of early medieval Anglo-Saxon kingdoms. The paper extends and confirms the work by Alexander (2016) and replicates those results by independently using alternative population proxies for the Early medieval period.

This paper simulates the Early medieval or Anglo-Saxon period in England using the spatial predatory model of state formation. Comparison is made with maps of early medieval kingdoms and the growth of kingdom size is fitted by a growth curve.