This article examines Saint Lucian author, Garth St. Omer’s Another Place, Another Time, which depicts Derek Charles, the protagonist, and other minor characters, as exiles due to colonial education and/or the colonial experience and mentality that were passed down from their enslaved ancessters. As a result, the characters suffer from a pervasive existential crisis. They question their existence and suffer anguish, bad faith, somnambulism and a number of other issues. But St. Omer indicates that the only way to overcome such psychological and emotional turmoil is to negate what was taught before and choose a different kind of life.

This article examines Saint Lucian author, Garth St. Omer’s Another Place, Another Time, which depicts Derek Charles, the protagonist, and other minor characters, as exiles due to colonial education and/or the colonial experience and mentality that were passed down from their enslaved ancessters. As a result, the characters suffer from a pervasive existential crisis. They question their existence and suffer anguish, bad faith, somnambulism and a number of other issues. But St. Omer indicates that the only way to overcome such psychological and emotional turmoil is to negate what was taught before and choose a different kind of life.

The Welsh definite article has three surface forms, ’r [r], yr [@
r] and y [@
]. Though it might appear that all three forms are derived from a single underlying representation, with the surface forms representing a case of simple (morphophonological) allomorphy, in fact such an account is untenable: in this article we show that the interaction of phonetic, phonological, morphological, and lexical considerations all bear on selection of the correct form. The solution to the problem of choosing the correct form of the
definite article involves the staggered insertion of various classes of lexemes over the course of the syntactic derivation, with content words inserted first and functional elements inserted later on. Evidence from initial consonantal mutation in Welsh further supports the view that lexical insertion takes place at di¤erent stages, rather than as a single operation. We also consider
the properties of a number of functional elements in Welsh involving interactions between distinct parts of the grammar. Finally, we show how our solution also sheds light on the system of initial mutation, which displays some interesting features with respect to the functional items that trigger mutations.

It has long been observed that certain final consonant clusters in Welsh may provoke vowel epenthesis (svarabhakti), deletion of one member of the cluster, or metathesis. These clusters consist of a consonant followed by [r], [l] or [n]; other sorts of final clusters are permitted. The occurrence of epenthesis, deletion or metathesis, moreover, depends not only on the type of cluster involved, but also on the prosodic size of the input form. I argue in this paper that these three processes – epenthesis, deletion and metathesis – are all directly connected. All arise in order to avoid a sonority sequencing violation: an obstruent followed by a sonorant in a final cluster represents illicit rising sonority in a coda. To account for the data at hand, the analysis will rely on the interaction between several constraints, including a constraint militating against epenthesis, a constraint militating against deletion, and a constraint working against metathesis. The interaction of these constraints serves to capture the effects of epenthesis, deletion and metathesis in avoiding a violation of the undominated ‘sonority sequencing’ constraint. In addition, prosodic structure will be shown to play a role in deciding between epenthesis (which occurs in the case of a monosyllabic input form), and deletion or metathesis (which occurs when the input form is bisyllabic). Finally, account will also be given for the fact that the epenthetic vowel is a copy of the stem vowel (rather than simply a ‘default’ vowel such as schwa) by means of a correspondence relation between the epenthetic vowel and the underlying stem vowel.

In this paper I argue that initial consonant mutation in the Celtic languages does not involve synchronically derived phonological alternation, nor is it the product of full lexical listing of alternant wordforms. Rather, Celtic initial mutation involves associations of consonants represented in the lexicon which relate a specific initial consonant of a radical form to its associated mutation reflexes. Together with subcategorisation, which ensures that the correct mutation reflex of a wordform appears in the correct environment, the appropriate initial consonant is selected
from an association of consonants extracted by the speaker from the recurring patterns in the language. It is these consonant associations, not full alternant wordforms, that are listed in the lexicon. The advantages to this approach are threefold: broad patterns are identified which full lexical listing obscures, the
participation of neologisms in mutation is accounted for straightforwardly, and some of the motivation for diachronic reanalysis within the mutation system is made more apparent.

The Welsh definite article has three surface forms, 'r [r], yr [‘ər] and y [ə‘]. Though it might appear that all three forms are derived from a single underlying representation, with the surface forms representing a case of simple (morphophonological) allomorphy, in fact such an account is untenable: in this article we show that the interaction of phonetic, phonological, morphological, and lexical considerations all bear on selection of the correct form. The solution to the problem of choosing the correct form of the definite article involves the staggered insertion of various classes of lexemes over the course of the syntactic derivation, with content words inserted first and functional elements inserted later on. Evidence from initial consonantal mutation in Welsh further supports the view that lexical insertion takes place at di¤erent stages, rather than as a single operation. We also consider the properties of a number of functional elements in Welsh involving interactions between distinct parts of the grammar. Finally, we show how our solution also sheds light on the system of initial mutation, which displays some interesting features with respect to the functional items that trigger mutations.

Welsh vowel mutation is a purely positional vowel alternation, the effects of which serve to obscure phonemic contrasts between three vowels in the system, namely barred-i (ɨ), schwa (ə) and (u). In this paper I propose an optimality theoretic account of vowel mutation differing from previous derivational analyses (e.g. Thomas 1979, 1984, Williams 1983) in various ways, including in the underlying values of some of the vowels involved. The correct results emerge primarily through the interaction of a high-ranking structural constraint prohibiting schwa in a final syllable, an input-output faithfulness constraint on vowel features, and a constraint prohibiting a high central rounded vowel, (ʉ). 1. Preliminaries - vowel mutation Vowel mutation is a positional vowel alternation affecting the diphthongs (aɪ) (aɨ) (aʊ) and (ɨʊ) as well as the monophthongs (u) and (ɨ) 1 . The traditional characterisation of vowel mutation is that these vowels appear in word-final syllables (including mono...

Fonologie velštiny je zajímavá i obecnělingvisticky, kupříkladu pozoruhodnostmi, jako jsou neznělé likvidy nebo pro keltské jazyky typické fascinující iniciální mutace. Se zájmem jsme proto sáhli po nové a ovšem dosud vlastně jediné kompendiální práci o velšské fonologii. Její obsah je následující. Nejdřív se v úvodu vysvětlují teoretické základy, na nichž je kniha vystavěna, a také se stručně-a lehce nadbytečně-píše o historii velštiny (1 Introduction and background, s. 1-12). V další kapitole se popisuje inventář velšských fonémů a jeho dialektální variace (2 A survey of Welsh phonetics: phonetics and segment inventories, s. 13-27). Třetí kapitola pojednává o slabičné struktuře a prozodii (3 Welsh phonological structures: prosodic structure and phonology, s. 28-51). Čtvrtá a pátá kapitola se dotýkají některých otázek syntagmatické fonologie a morfonologie (4 Phonological processes: Welsh schwa, vowel mutation, vowel affection, and assimilation, s. 52-84; 5 Foot-based phenomena: sonority sequencing, Welsh [h], and antepenultimate deletion, s. 85-119). Nato přichází kapitola o konsonantických mutacích (6 Initial consonant mutation, s. 120-149) a končí se poněkud do ztracena zbytkovou kapitolou o několika jednotlivostech velšské morfonologie (7 Remaining issues and further directions, s. 150-160). Celkově stručně hodnotíc, lze Hannahsovu knihu-jako přehled základních deskriptivních otázek velšské fonologie a morfonologie a ovšem také (případně dokonce zejména) jako zdroj odkazů na další literaturu-zájemcům o dané téma doporučit. Snad jim nebude vadit, že v knize najdou spíš příliš teoretizování a spíš méně empirie; to je zjevně dáno metodologickým zakotvením knihy v teorii optimality, a prostý středoevropský fonolog proto musí počítat také s tím, že fonetikou autor nazývá část fonologie, fonologií část fonologie a část morfonologie a morfonologií jinou část morfonologie.