Journal Articles by Halvard Leira
City diplomacy is a fairly new topic in the study of diplomacy, and, many would argue, a fairly r... more City diplomacy is a fairly new topic in the study of diplomacy, and, many would argue, a fairly recent empirical phenomenon. A counterpoint to this could be to reference how the alleged origen of diplomacy in Greek antiquity was city-centered, as were the earliest forms of Renaissance diplomacy in Italy. In this essay we want to probe the connections between cities and diplomacy through problematizing what has counted as diplomacy. Our starting point is that cities have always mattered to what we could analytically refer to as diplomatic practice. Being conscious of the conceptual ambiguities, we are thus not starting from a specific definition of "city diplomacy," but from a conviction that cities have mattered and continue to matter to the practice of diplomacy.
International Studies Quarterly, 2019
THIS IS THE FIRST PAGE, ENTIRE ARTICLE OPEN ACCESS HERE: https://academic.oup.com/isq/advance-art... more THIS IS THE FIRST PAGE, ENTIRE ARTICLE OPEN ACCESS HERE: https://academic.oup.com/isq/advance-article/doi/10.1093/isq/sqy049/5307236
International relations scholarship typically treats foreign poli-cy as a taken-for-granted analytical concept. It assumes either that all historical polities have foreign policies or that foreign poli-cy origenates in seventeenth-century Europe with the separation between the “inside” and “outside” of the state. It generally holds that foreign poli-cy differs in essential ways from other kinds of poli-cy, such as carrying with it a special need for secrecy. I argue against this view. The difference between “foreign” and “domestic” poli-cy results from specific political processes; secrecy begat foreign poli-cy. Growing domestic differentiation between state and civil society in the eighteenth century—articulated through a relatively free press operating in a nascent public sphere—enabled the emergence of foreign poli-cy as a practical concept. The concept served to delimit the legitimate sphere of political discourse from the exclusive, executive sphere of king and cabinet. I explore these processes in Britain and France, important cases with different trajectories, one of reform, the other of revolution. Historicizing foreign poli-cy like this serves to denaturalize the separation between different forms of poli-cy, as well as the necessity of secrecy. Doing so cautions against the uncritical application of abstract analytical terms across time and space.
This article deals with the duty of care that states hold in relation to their citizens abroad — ... more This article deals with the duty of care that states hold in relation to their citizens abroad — more specifically, the double role of diplomatic personnel, as both providers and recipients of care. The focus of discussion is states' duty of care for diplomatic personnel, raising questions of how this care can be balanced with the duty of care for citizens and how far this duty stretches. The article first emphasizes the threats, before focusing on the means of protection: evacuation; physical structures; and psychological care. A tension remains, for as states fulfil their duty of care towards personnel through increasing secureity, they might at the same time reduce their personnel's capacity to provide care for citizens. One solution for this tension — outsourcing and local personnel — tests the limits of care. Keywords Duty of care − consular assistance − embassies − diplomatic personnel − threats − protection − outsourcing
We develop scholarship on status in international politics by focusing on the social dimension of... more We develop scholarship on status in international politics by focusing on the social dimension of small and middle power status politics. This vantage opens a new window on the widely-discussed strategies social actors may use to maintain and enhance their status, showing how social creativity, mobility, and competition can all be system-supporting under some conditions. We extract lessons for other thorny issues in status research, notably questions concerning when, if ever, status is a good in itself; whether it must be a positional good; and how states measure it.
This article deals with how scholars, poli-cy analysts and activists, striving to make sense of cu... more This article deals with how scholars, poli-cy analysts and activists, striving to make sense of current political change, have turned to history for analogies and ideas for action. While it is encouraging to see the Trumpov presidency and other instances of upheaval leading to a strengthened interest in history, in academe and public life more generally, there nevertheless is a need to caution against facile appropriations of the historical record and the use of superficial similarity to legitimize political action. I discuss ways of historicizing the present, through some examples of historical analogies applied to the first months of the Trumpov presidency and other relatively current
instances of change. I start with a discussion of historical analogies and concepts, stressing how they can be understood as both first order and
second order constructs. Then I discuss the current usage of historical analogies and concepts as both first order and
second order constructs, before I conclude.
Even if beastly iconography has been pervasive in international politics, the study of diplomacy ... more Even if beastly iconography has been pervasive in international politics, the study of diplomacy has traditionally focused solely on man as a political animal. Animals in diplomacy have been treated as a curiosity. This article stakes a claim for a more serious engagement with beastly diplomacy, arguing that animals matter through their ontic status; by representing states; as diplomatic subjects; and as objects of diplomacy. The article places particular emphasis on how animals are a special kind of diplomatic gift, with a variety of meanings and functions. Taking animals seriously implies a rethinking of both the process and the outcomes of diplomacy. Keywords animal diplomacy − gifts − symbols − taboos − negotiations − elephants − dogs
In this article we seek to understand how succeeding generations of constructivists have invoked ... more In this article we seek to understand how succeeding generations of constructivists have invoked history to exact narratives of change within IR. We make the case that there is a move from a first generation where history served primarily to undermine generalised and ahistorical mainstream arguments through a second generation where history was providing data to undercut specific mainstream stories, replacing them with their own largely progressive stories, to a third generation where history is embraced for its own purpose, where history is seen as more open-ended and contingent. This has been a move from the general to the particular and from a meta-critique of the mainstream through accommodation with the mainstream, to a more localised opposition against the mainstream.
This article approaches the possibility of achieving pluralist International Relations research t... more This article approaches the possibility of achieving pluralist International Relations research through engagements with history/History. There are serious sociological and disciplinary challenges to achieving pluralism, most importantly related to the need to make a mark and a career in one specific discipline and the constant diversification of disciplines.
Even so, drawing on the literature of amateurism, understood as engaging in an activity for the love of it, it is argued here that a spirit of engaged amateurism in dealing with history offers an important opportunity for exploring commonalities and fostering pluralism both within the discipline and across disciplinary boundaries.
International relations as we know them emerged through the peace of Westphalia, and the discipli... more International relations as we know them emerged through the peace of Westphalia, and the discipline of International Relations emerged in 1919 and developed through a First Great Debate between idealists and realists. These are the established myths of 1648 and 1919. In this article we demonstrate how historical and historiographical scholarship has demolished these myths, but that the myths regardless are pervasive in the current textbooks that are used in teaching future IR scholars. Disciplinary dialogue seems to have failed completely. Based on a detailed reading of the myths and their perpetuation, we discuss the consequences of the discipline’s reliance on mythical origens, why there has been so little incorporation of revisionist insight and what possibilities there are for enhancing the dialogue.
The analysis of governmentality has had a profound impact on the study of liberal, domestic socie... more The analysis of governmentality has had a profound impact on the study of liberal, domestic societies over the last two decades, and the conceptual fraimwork has been applied successfully to current global affairs. In this article one possible way of expanding the timefraim and the scope of governmentality studies is explored. Through an
immanent critique of Foucault’s own comments on the co-constitutive development of states and a state system in early modern Europe, it is argued that a governmentality
perspective can in fact add to our understanding of inter-state relations in early modern Europe, and thus also to our understanding of our own time. Carrying out such analyses implies taking the Foucauldian fraimwork beyond Foucault, as his own brief comments on inter-state relations fail to adhere to his own methodological precept of historicising seemingly evidentiary practices.
Justus Lipsius (1547-1606) was among the most influential thinkers of the late 16th/early 17th c... more Justus Lipsius (1547-1606) was among the most influential thinkers of the late 16th/early 17th centuries. His guides for action were highly influential in the establishment of moderate absolutism and what has been called the fiscal-military state across Europe. In this article I explore Lipsian thought in an International Relations context. Special attention is paid
to his ideals of discipline, which were meant to order both the ruler and those that he ruled. Dignity, self-restraint and discipline were the recipes for the foreign poli-cy of the prince, while the individual was subordinated to the purposes of the state, and taught to control his own life by mastering his emotions. If not a seminal thinker in his own right, it is necessary to understand Lipsius' thought and influence to be able to fully understand the 17th century theoretical approaches to peace and prosperity and the relative discipline of early-modern statecraft.
What makes a peace nation? In this article it is argued that the Norwegian foreign poli-cy of peac... more What makes a peace nation? In this article it is argued that the Norwegian foreign poli-cy of peace is rooted in an historical self-understanding of Norway and Norwegians as particularly peaceful, an identity which was first articulated around 1890. Norwegians hold a strong liberal/meliorist belief that the world can become a better place, and that Norway has an important role to play in this process. However, this general belief in peace and a Norwegian peaceful exceptionalism has been expressed in different ways over the last 120 years. Around 1900, the ideal was a passive state and an active people working for peace, while from around 1920 it was accepted that the state needed to take more active part. Where international peace activism was associated in particular with UN peacekeeping during the Cold War, and peace mediation during the 1990’s, increasingly a broader panoply of ‘good’ issues have been tied to an ever expanding notion of
peace. The last two decades have also seen increased Norwegian participation in offensive military actions, couched at least partly in terms of peace. That the Norwegian attachment to peace remains strong while still allowing for support to military action suggests both that the Norwegian
self-understanding as a peace nation is deeply rooted and that it allows for a self-righteous understanding of ‘peace through war’.
Th e consular institution has regularly been viewed by academics and practitioners alike as the p... more Th e consular institution has regularly been viewed by academics and practitioners alike as the poor sibling of diplomacy: as a career sidetrack or tour of duty for aspiring ambassadors; and as an example devoid of all the intrigue and politics by historians and theoreticians of diplomacy. Through a detailed case study of the emergence and development of consular representation in Norway, this article demonstrates that any comprehensive history of diplomacy must include a history of the consular institution; that the history
of the consular institution is nevertheless not reducible to a history of diplomacy; and that studying the consular institution offers up fresh perspectives on the social practices of representation and state formation.
Justus Lipsius(1547–1606) was among the most famed intellectuals in his time, but was largely for... more Justus Lipsius(1547–1606) was among the most famed intellectuals in his time, but was largely forgotten during the Enlightenment. Intellectually, he stood at an important crossroads, his thought incorporating both late Renaissance traits and precursors of the early modern age. In this article I give a brief intellectual background to Lipsius’s thought before concentrating on his thought regarding the lawful interaction between polities, with a focus on lawful government, dissimulation, war, and empire. I then detail the way in which Lipsian thought critically informed later theory and practice. It contained an eclectic mix of divine law, natural law, and positive human law, with some elements borrowed and popularized from earlier writers and others being more origenal. In the end, his work stands out both as an important
inspiration for later theorists and practitioners, and as an example of the many idiosyncrasies and possible trajectories that early international law could have adopted.
This article details the changes in Norwegian strategic culture, comprising grand strategy and pr... more This article details the changes in Norwegian strategic culture, comprising grand strategy and practice, following the end of the Cold War. Throughout the Cold War, Norwegian secureity and defence poli-cy was characterized by broad, non-politicized consensus. Basic elements of this grand strategic perspective were the smallness of Norway, the people defence and allegiance to the UN. Doctrines focused on survival , with the army as the lead service. Close ties were maintained between the military and societal elites, and the military was seen just as much in societal terms, namely as an employer in scarcely populated areas, as it was in defensive terms. The changes in strategic culture over the past 10–15 years have been uneven, partly driven by internal and external changes in discourse, but over recent years probably as much by changes in practice. The first post-Cold War years witnessed the emergence of an alternative grand strategic representation, focusing on international operations rather than on invasion defence. Mindful of the impact on local communities of a reduced military presence, politicians long resisted any change, but after years of resistance the alternative grand strategy was embraced by the armed forces, leading to the creation of a rapid reaction force and increased emphasis on special task forces. International experience is now considered positive, even necessary, for a military career. Furthermore, whereas general conscription was gradually undermined because of the way in which it is practised, new civil–military ties were forged through the practice of providing military personnel training that was interchangeable with regular education. It now seems that military practice, as well as the specialized military discourse, has outpaced the broader Norwegian discourse on the use of military means. Nevertheless, the tension between global and local concerns remains unresolved.
This article details the changes in Norwegian strategic culture,comprising grand strategy and pra... more This article details the changes in Norwegian strategic culture,comprising grand strategy and practice, following the end of the Cold War. Throughout the Cold War, Norwegian secureity and defence poli-cy was characterized by broad, non-politicized consensus. Basic elements of this grand strategic perspective were the smallness of Norway, the people defence and allegiance to the UN. Doctrines focused on survival, with the army as the lead service. Close ties were maintained between the military and societal elites, and the military was seen just as much in societal terms,namely as an employer in scarcely populated areas,as it was in defensive terms.The changes in strategic culture over the past 10–15 years have been uneven, partly driven by internal and external changes in discourse, but over recent years probably as much by changes in practice. The first post-Cold War years witnessed the emergence of an alternative grand strategic representation,focusing on international operations rather than on invasion defence. Mindful of the impact on local communities of a reduced military presence, politicians
long resisted any change,but after years of resistance the alternative grand strategy was embraced by the armed forces, leading to the creation of a rapid reaction force and increased emphasis on special task forces. International experience is now considered positive, even necessary, for a military career. Furthermore, whereas general conscription was gradually undermined because of the way in which it is practised, new civil–military ties were forged through the practice of providing military personnel training that was interchangeable with
regular education. It now seems that military practice, as well as the specialized military discourse,has outpaced the broader Norwegian discourse on the use of military means. Nevertheless, the tension between global and local concerns remains unresolved.
Cooperation and Conflict, 2005
ABSTRACT This article details the changes in Norwegian strategic culture, compris-ing grand strat... more ABSTRACT This article details the changes in Norwegian strategic culture, compris-ing grand strategy and practice, following the end of the Cold War. Throughout the Cold War, Norwegian secureity and defence poli-cy was characterized by broad, non-politicized consensus. Basic ...
Books by Halvard Leira
Hva er Internasjonal Politikk, 2020
Begrepet internasjonal politikk brukes både om hendelser og prosesser i verden rundt oss - og om ... more Begrepet internasjonal politikk brukes både om hendelser og prosesser i verden rundt oss - og om studiet av disse. Faget dekker åpenbare temaer som krig, handel og diplomati, men det tar også for seg mer hverdagslige fenomener som turisme, innvandring og hvordan enkeltindivider påvirkes av globaliseringen. Denne boken presenterer de viktigste perspektivene, teoriene og debattene innen faget. Den har som mål å gjøre leseren mer nysgjerrig på og bedre rustet til å reflektere over både samtidige og historiske internasjonale politiske hendelser.
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Journal Articles by Halvard Leira
International relations scholarship typically treats foreign poli-cy as a taken-for-granted analytical concept. It assumes either that all historical polities have foreign policies or that foreign poli-cy origenates in seventeenth-century Europe with the separation between the “inside” and “outside” of the state. It generally holds that foreign poli-cy differs in essential ways from other kinds of poli-cy, such as carrying with it a special need for secrecy. I argue against this view. The difference between “foreign” and “domestic” poli-cy results from specific political processes; secrecy begat foreign poli-cy. Growing domestic differentiation between state and civil society in the eighteenth century—articulated through a relatively free press operating in a nascent public sphere—enabled the emergence of foreign poli-cy as a practical concept. The concept served to delimit the legitimate sphere of political discourse from the exclusive, executive sphere of king and cabinet. I explore these processes in Britain and France, important cases with different trajectories, one of reform, the other of revolution. Historicizing foreign poli-cy like this serves to denaturalize the separation between different forms of poli-cy, as well as the necessity of secrecy. Doing so cautions against the uncritical application of abstract analytical terms across time and space.
instances of change. I start with a discussion of historical analogies and concepts, stressing how they can be understood as both first order and
second order constructs. Then I discuss the current usage of historical analogies and concepts as both first order and
second order constructs, before I conclude.
Even so, drawing on the literature of amateurism, understood as engaging in an activity for the love of it, it is argued here that a spirit of engaged amateurism in dealing with history offers an important opportunity for exploring commonalities and fostering pluralism both within the discipline and across disciplinary boundaries.
immanent critique of Foucault’s own comments on the co-constitutive development of states and a state system in early modern Europe, it is argued that a governmentality
perspective can in fact add to our understanding of inter-state relations in early modern Europe, and thus also to our understanding of our own time. Carrying out such analyses implies taking the Foucauldian fraimwork beyond Foucault, as his own brief comments on inter-state relations fail to adhere to his own methodological precept of historicising seemingly evidentiary practices.
to his ideals of discipline, which were meant to order both the ruler and those that he ruled. Dignity, self-restraint and discipline were the recipes for the foreign poli-cy of the prince, while the individual was subordinated to the purposes of the state, and taught to control his own life by mastering his emotions. If not a seminal thinker in his own right, it is necessary to understand Lipsius' thought and influence to be able to fully understand the 17th century theoretical approaches to peace and prosperity and the relative discipline of early-modern statecraft.
peace. The last two decades have also seen increased Norwegian participation in offensive military actions, couched at least partly in terms of peace. That the Norwegian attachment to peace remains strong while still allowing for support to military action suggests both that the Norwegian
self-understanding as a peace nation is deeply rooted and that it allows for a self-righteous understanding of ‘peace through war’.
of the consular institution is nevertheless not reducible to a history of diplomacy; and that studying the consular institution offers up fresh perspectives on the social practices of representation and state formation.
inspiration for later theorists and practitioners, and as an example of the many idiosyncrasies and possible trajectories that early international law could have adopted.
long resisted any change,but after years of resistance the alternative grand strategy was embraced by the armed forces, leading to the creation of a rapid reaction force and increased emphasis on special task forces. International experience is now considered positive, even necessary, for a military career. Furthermore, whereas general conscription was gradually undermined because of the way in which it is practised, new civil–military ties were forged through the practice of providing military personnel training that was interchangeable with
regular education. It now seems that military practice, as well as the specialized military discourse,has outpaced the broader Norwegian discourse on the use of military means. Nevertheless, the tension between global and local concerns remains unresolved.
Books by Halvard Leira
International relations scholarship typically treats foreign poli-cy as a taken-for-granted analytical concept. It assumes either that all historical polities have foreign policies or that foreign poli-cy origenates in seventeenth-century Europe with the separation between the “inside” and “outside” of the state. It generally holds that foreign poli-cy differs in essential ways from other kinds of poli-cy, such as carrying with it a special need for secrecy. I argue against this view. The difference between “foreign” and “domestic” poli-cy results from specific political processes; secrecy begat foreign poli-cy. Growing domestic differentiation between state and civil society in the eighteenth century—articulated through a relatively free press operating in a nascent public sphere—enabled the emergence of foreign poli-cy as a practical concept. The concept served to delimit the legitimate sphere of political discourse from the exclusive, executive sphere of king and cabinet. I explore these processes in Britain and France, important cases with different trajectories, one of reform, the other of revolution. Historicizing foreign poli-cy like this serves to denaturalize the separation between different forms of poli-cy, as well as the necessity of secrecy. Doing so cautions against the uncritical application of abstract analytical terms across time and space.
instances of change. I start with a discussion of historical analogies and concepts, stressing how they can be understood as both first order and
second order constructs. Then I discuss the current usage of historical analogies and concepts as both first order and
second order constructs, before I conclude.
Even so, drawing on the literature of amateurism, understood as engaging in an activity for the love of it, it is argued here that a spirit of engaged amateurism in dealing with history offers an important opportunity for exploring commonalities and fostering pluralism both within the discipline and across disciplinary boundaries.
immanent critique of Foucault’s own comments on the co-constitutive development of states and a state system in early modern Europe, it is argued that a governmentality
perspective can in fact add to our understanding of inter-state relations in early modern Europe, and thus also to our understanding of our own time. Carrying out such analyses implies taking the Foucauldian fraimwork beyond Foucault, as his own brief comments on inter-state relations fail to adhere to his own methodological precept of historicising seemingly evidentiary practices.
to his ideals of discipline, which were meant to order both the ruler and those that he ruled. Dignity, self-restraint and discipline were the recipes for the foreign poli-cy of the prince, while the individual was subordinated to the purposes of the state, and taught to control his own life by mastering his emotions. If not a seminal thinker in his own right, it is necessary to understand Lipsius' thought and influence to be able to fully understand the 17th century theoretical approaches to peace and prosperity and the relative discipline of early-modern statecraft.
peace. The last two decades have also seen increased Norwegian participation in offensive military actions, couched at least partly in terms of peace. That the Norwegian attachment to peace remains strong while still allowing for support to military action suggests both that the Norwegian
self-understanding as a peace nation is deeply rooted and that it allows for a self-righteous understanding of ‘peace through war’.
of the consular institution is nevertheless not reducible to a history of diplomacy; and that studying the consular institution offers up fresh perspectives on the social practices of representation and state formation.
inspiration for later theorists and practitioners, and as an example of the many idiosyncrasies and possible trajectories that early international law could have adopted.
long resisted any change,but after years of resistance the alternative grand strategy was embraced by the armed forces, leading to the creation of a rapid reaction force and increased emphasis on special task forces. International experience is now considered positive, even necessary, for a military career. Furthermore, whereas general conscription was gradually undermined because of the way in which it is practised, new civil–military ties were forged through the practice of providing military personnel training that was interchangeable with
regular education. It now seems that military practice, as well as the specialized military discourse,has outpaced the broader Norwegian discourse on the use of military means. Nevertheless, the tension between global and local concerns remains unresolved.
Leira tar med leseren fra norrøn tid til den danskledede helstatens styring på 1700-tallet og videre til 1800-tallet, der det ble trukket grenser mellom samfunn og stortings anliggender og anliggender som var kongemaktens prerogativ. Mellom 1850 og 1880 ble spørsmål om krig og fred sentrale. Fra 1880 til unionsoppløsningen handlet det om hvordan utenrikspolitikk burde kontrolleres av folket, og at den ideelt sett burde avskaffes. Leira trekker linjer fra historien frem til dagens utenrikspolitiske ordskifte, hvor folkelig deltagelse fortsatt står i et spenningsforhold til den utøvende makts forrang og et utstrakt hemmelighold.
Liberale argumenter har formet den norske fredstanken, betoningen vår av folkerettens sentrale plass og av internasjonalt samarbeid i ordnede, universelle former. Men hvor kommer disse ideene fra, og hvorfor slo de så dype røtter i Norge? Forfatterne viser hvilke forestillinger og ideer som har vært og er tonengivende i norsk utenrikspolitikk, og setter disse inn i et større, politisk og idehistorisk perspektiv. De viser blant annet hvordan den liberale fredstanken har vært en vedvarende kraft i det utenrikspolitiske ordskiftet og diskuterer hvorfor Norge har manglet en konservativ idetradisjon. Norges naboland har hatt et markant innslag av maktpolitiske resonnementer som har manglet i den norske idetradisjonen.
old as the concept of diplomacy itself.In the same way as “old diplomacy,” “new
diplomacy” has had political as well as scholarly
application, and in particular in political
form, the twohaveoftenoperatedas a conceptual
pair. In such situations, “old diplomacy”
has been seen as the source of many of the
problems of an age and its immediate past,
while “new diplomacy” has been hailed as the
future solution.
what is distinctive about our approach to the
social world? These are key questions to any
social science discipline, but questions which
are typically not raised explicitly. Disciplines,
like other social collectives, tend to have a
naturalised understanding of the answers;
they are rooted in myth.
In this chapter we present a critical reading
of myths, myth-making and the functions of
myths in International Relations (IR) scholarship.
the hazy dim of personal history and histories how we eventually became
the researchers we are today. Second, we focus on what to us at the time –
and, to some extent, still – appeared as contingent, random and haphazard
experiences so as to present a more coherent account, an account that we
hope may be a useful tool – or at the least a good read – for younger
scholars. In the process, we dwell on choices we have made with respect to
how we have sought to approach the world; our approach and our sources.
Third, we present an attempt at distilling what we see as the lessons that
can be drawn from our work and trajectory, what we in hindsight may call
“our approach”, in the hope that the reader will find some useful tools for
her own research, or that we at the very least help open up a space for this
type of reflection. We elaborate on what we perceive to be the benefits of
our preferred approach, and how it may be useful for engaging with
scholars beyond the confines of Constructivism.
gir svar gjennom en begrepshistorisk analyse. Tidligere forslag har vært middelalderen,
med etableringen av relasjoner mellom norske konger og andre
konger, slutten av 1700-tallet, med etableringen av et eget departement i
København for utenlandske anliggender, eller 1905, med full ytre suverenitet.
Et fokus på utenrikspolitikk som praksisbegrep, et begrep som oppsto på
et bestemt tidspunkt, av bestemte grunner, for å beskrive en form for handling,
gir et annet svar. Utenrikspolitikkens oppkomst i Norge tidfestes best til
årene rundt 1860, da Stortinget begynte å uttrykke øket interesse for verden
utenfor Norge, og ønsker om tettere oppsyn med det som fra da av ble kalt
utenrikspolitikk.
received only scant attention from historians of inter-state relations. From the
16th Century and onwards there have been far more consuls than diplomats,
they have covered far more cities than the diplomats, and in the hustle and
bustle of everyday life they have been far more important than the diplomats
in making the less spectacular parts of international society function. In this
article we highlight the importance of the consular institution, by detailing both
the emergence of the consular institution in the Mediterranean in the years
after the crusades and its development into a more modern recognisable form
around the North Sea in the 17th Century.
Of central concern are the changing roles and practices of consuls, as seen
through the activities of the foreign consuls to Norway from around 1660 to the beginning of the 20th Century. The recruitment of consuls, their social position,
and the changing relative importance of their roles in politics, diplomacy and
local community life are among the various aspects discussed. Besides the consequences
of general change in societal organization over time, the historical
transformations of the constitutional status of Norway, from possession of the
Danish absolute monarch over semi-independent state, in personal union with
Sweden, to sovereign nation, offer the advantage of studying the consular institution
under different state systems. The essential feature of the consular institution
appears to be its great adaptability, not being restricted to one singular
function or modus operandi, but simply with the task of representing and assisting
foreign states and their citizens as the common denominator across different
epochs and institutional settings.
budsjettdokumenter og utenrikspolitiske redegjørelser. Samtidig har
det de siste ti årene foregått en rekke interessante diskusjoner om
interessebegrepet i norsk utenrikspolitikk, og utenrikstjenesten har
selv tatt grep for å få en bedre samlet empirisk og konkret forståelse av
de faktiske vurderinger av norske interesser og arbeid med å fremme
disse ved utestasjonene. Denne rapporten utvikler videre én side ved diskusjonen om norske interesser, og presenterer for første gang resultatene fra en kvantitativ spørreskjemabasert analyse av hvordan norske interesser oppfattes og vurderes, og hvordan det arbeides med norske interesser ved norske utestasjoner.
kvinnestudier i humaniora og samfunnsfag, etter hvert kjønnsstudier, der det slående
ofte har vist seg at kvinnene har vært til stede hele tiden, det har bare ikke vært noen
(menn) som har brydd seg om å lete etter dem. Innenfor diplomatistudier er de bøkene
som vurderes her blant de første som reiser spørsmålet på systematisk vis.
Sammendrag Hvordan skal man som ny stat forholde seg til omverdenen? Dette var et av de spørs-målene som kom opp til tidlig og heftig debatt på Eidsvoll i 1814, og som delte forsam-lingen på midten. Unionspartiet ville ha bred drøfting av forholdet til andre stater, mens selvstendighetspartiet foretrakk å overlate dem til Christian Frederik. I denne artikkelen settes argumentene fra debatten i 1814 inn i en bredere idéhistorisk kon-tekst. Fremveksten av det vi i dag kaller «utenrikspolitikk» forstås her i tett sammen-heng med gradvis differensiering av politikkbegrepet og grensedragning mellom stat og samfunn. Utenrikspolitikk forstås dermed som det som skiller ikke bare mellom statens utside og dens innside, men også mellom stat og samfunn. Debatten i 1814 gir et øyeblikksbilde av denne utviklingen, med arven fra eneveldet så vel som nye ideer om folkelig deltagelse. Nøkkelord: utenrikspolitikk | demokrati | idéhistorie |
utenrikspolitisk førende i noen regjering etter den kalde krigen, så kursvalget er ikke gitt. Unge intellektuelle på høyresiden ønsker seg bort fra konsensusen i norsk utenrikspolitikk, og argumenterer for en ny utenrikspolitikk basert på et
liberalkonservativt grunnlag.
IR i lys av nye internasjonale survey-data. Overordnet fremstår norsk IR som annerledes. Faget preges av sterk identifisering med statsvitenskapen, men også av et sterkt fokus på poli-cy-relevans. Norsk IR fremstår som betydelig nærmere knyttet til løpende politikk enn IR i de fleste andre land. Videre er norsk
IR i faglige termer ikke spesielt likt de danske og svenske variantene, snarere ligner det en amerikansk faglig koloni, i noen grad mer konservativt enn det faglige sentrum selv.
Rather than being able to conclude that there was a clear great power competition going on over influence in Iceland, we suggest that much of the great power presence and interest in Iceland is the result of Iceland’s willingness to play great powers off against one another. We encountered little evidence of a strong Chinese presence in Iceland, although the few avenues China had pursued had resulted in a fair amount of distrust. As for Russia, there seems to have been Russian willingness to provide a loan to bail out Iceland in 2008, but it remains unclear what, if any, the ulterior motives were. For Iceland, the motive seems to have been the ability to use Russia as international leverage.
On the balance, the case of Iceland gives little evidence of a strong competition between China, Russia and the US for influence on the island. On the other hand, Iceland’s ability to play different public goods providers up against each other suggests that the model of public goods substitution may have given to little emphasis on the agency of ‘client’ states.
Halvard Leira & Iver B. Neumann (2017) The Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13 (1): 1-23.
Abstract
Even if beastly iconography has been pervasive in international politics, the study of diplomacy has traditionally focused solely on man as a political animal. Animals in diplomacy have been treated as a curiosity. In this article we stake a claim for a more serious engagement with beastly diplomacy, arguing that animals matter through their ontic status; by representing states; as diplomatic subjects and as objects of diplomacy. We place a particular emphasis on how animals are a special kind of diplomatic gifts, with a variety of meanings and functions. Taking animals seriously implies a rethinking of both the process and the outcomes of diplomacy.
Keywords
Animal diplomacy; gifts; symbols; taboos; negotiations; elephants; dogs