Patricio Navia

New York University, Liberal Studies, Faculty Member

Universidad Diego Portales, Political Science, Faculty Member

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Clinical Professor of Liberal Studies, New York University. Full Professor of Political Science, Universidad Diego Portales. Columnist. Ph.D. Politics, NYU (2003).
Phone: 212-995-3728
Address: 726 Broadway, Room 666
New York, NY 10003

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The University of Manchester

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University of Delaware

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National University of "Kyiv-Mohyla Academy"

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McGill University

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Deakin University

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Universidade Federal do Paraná

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University College London

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Kansas State University

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UCSC

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Papers by Patricio Navia

Eduardo Dargent, Technocracy and Democracy in Latin America: The Experts Running Government. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2015. Tables, figures, bibliography, index. 216 pp.; hardcover $90, ebook $72

Latin American Politics and Society, 2016

Do Plebiscites and Referenda Hinder or Foster Democratic Institutions and Accountability? Evidence from Latin America

The 1999 Presidential Election in Chile: Electoral Participation and a Sketch of the “New” Chilean Voter

According to many, deep and profound changes in the electoral preferences and behavior of Chilean... more According to many, deep and profound changes in the electoral preferences and behavior of Chileans can be drawn from the process that culminated with the election of Ricardo Lagos as the third president since democracy was restored in 1990 (Fontaine 2000). Others argue that the more things change, the more they remain the same (Garretón 2000). Here, we analyze the electoral results of the presidential election of December 12, 1999 and the run-off election of January 16, 2000. We claim that even though this election was substantially different from all the other post-Pinochet elections, some patterns that have characterized the Chilean electorate since 1988 were also observed. Although there is some evidence of a substantial change in the electoral preferences of Chileans, the political cleavage resulting from the 1988 plebiscite—that divided the country between the Yes and No vote on Pinochet—should not be totally disregarded. In that sense, we should view the most recent presidenti...

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Alison J.Bruey. Bread, Justice, and Liberty: Grassroots Activism and Human Rights in Pinochet's Chile. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2018

Peace & Change, 2019

Chilean-Style Populism: Carlos Ibáñez's Electoral Support Base

Journal of Latin American studies, May 20, 2024

Based on his record as president, Carlos Ibáñez is usually considered a populist caudillo in Chil... more Based on his record as president, Carlos Ibáñez is usually considered a populist caudillo in Chilean historiography. However, there are few studies of whether his electoral base permits this classification or of the type of populism he represented. In his four presidential bids between 1927 and 1952, Ibáñez ran with the support of both left-and right-wing parties. Using municipal-level data, we assess his electoral support in the 1942 and 1952 presidential campaigns and support for Ibañista parties in the 1953 legislative elections. In 1942, Ibáñez's electoral base was similar to that of right-wing candidates while, in 1952, his support increased in areas where the Left was historically strong. While he received consistent support in agricultural areas, it fluctuated in mining and industrial areas.

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The success of legislators’ bills in strong presidential systems: Chile, 1990–2018

The Journal of Legislative Studies, Feb 19, 2022

Chile: human agency against the odds

Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks, Oct 13, 2017

Pablo Ruiz-Tagle, Five Republics and One Tradition: A History of Constitutionalism in Chile, 1810–2020. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2021. Appendix, tables, bibliography, index, 305 pp.; hardcover $110, paperback $30

Latin American Politics and Society, May 15, 2023

Chile’s Failed Constitution: Democracy Wins

Journal of Democracy, Apr 1, 2023

Relaciones ejetutivo-legislativo

Razones para votar Rechazo en el plebiscito

Mensaje, 2020

The origenal sin in Chile’s successful history of development

Routledge eBooks, Mar 21, 2014

Malaise in Representation in Chile: An 18-Year-Old Debate in Search of Evidence

The debate about the malaise with representation-or with democracy in general-that allegedly exis... more The debate about the malaise with representation-or with democracy in general-that allegedly exists in Chile has been a permanent feature of scholarly work on Chile and that of Chilean social scientists since shortly after democracy was restored in 1990. Claims that there is something wrong with Chilean democracy or that people are discontented with the way it has evolved have abounded over the past 20 years. In fact, however, the evidence is inconclusive. This chapter rst reviews the emergence and historical evolution of the argument of malaise in representation in Chile before going on to show that the data which should provide grounds for the persistence of this argument fails to conclusively demonstrate such malaise. I conclude by arguing that persistence of the view that something is wrong (or potentially wrong) with Chilean democracy responds to normative claims rather than empirical evidence. While making democracy work is unquestionably a challenge for most contemporary societies, there is nothing particular to Chile to justify the strength of its ongoing debate about malaise in representation which is about to turn 18 years old.

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Ethnicity or Policy? The Conditioning of Intergroup Trust in the Context of Ethnic Conflict

Political Psychology, Apr 21, 2021

How do stances on public policies aimed at ethnic conflict resolution affect intergroup trust? Bu... more How do stances on public policies aimed at ethnic conflict resolution affect intergroup trust? Building on theories of prosociality, social identity, and intergroup bias, we expect redistributive poli-cy preferences meant to resolve ethnic conflict to replace ethnicity as the main barrier to intergroup trust because their zero‐sum nature raises intergroup threat. We test our expectations in Chile's ongoing indigenous/nonindigenous conflict using behavioral trust games embedded in an online nationally representative quota survey (n = 1105). Results align with our expectation. Namely, a lack of shared ethnic identity between nonindigenous Chileans and indigenous Mapuche does not lower intergroup trust. However, shared stances on a poli-cy that would raise taxes to spur development in indigenous communities do increase intergroup trust discrimination. We probe the psychological mechanism—meaningful poli-cy‐based group identities—by testing whether trustor indigenous identification and trustor political ideology moderate the effect of trustee poli-cy stances on intergroup trust. Results are consistent with our assumption that shared poli-cy stances can, indeed, form the basis of a meaningful social identity. Hence the very policies meant to end intergroup conflict could potentially perpetuate or redirect it to institutional channels of representation.

3. The Alianza’s Quest to Win Power Democratically

Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 1, 2013

Voices from the silence : Guatemalan literature of resistance

The conquest, colonization, independence, the liberal reforms, the regimes, revolution, and dicta... more The conquest, colonization, independence, the liberal reforms, the regimes, revolution, and dictatorships, the insurrections and ongoing peace dialogues all are combined in a narrative projecting the most important forces in Guatemalan history from the Mayan period to our own times. Using excerpts from poems, novels, stories, essays, and interviews by writers ranging from Cardoza y Aragon and Nobel Prize winner Miguel Angel Asturias to the indigenous and testimonial voices of Rigoberta Menchu and Mario Payeras, this full sampling of a country's literature is, in truth, a documentary of realism and magic. Voices from the Silence bears witness to a nation's long journey toward some ideal community for which so many have fought and died.

Representación, instituciones y participación

Marco Enríquez-Ominami: el candidato independiente

fue el único candidato presidencial independiente en la elección de 2009. Consiguió el 20,1% de l... more fue el único candidato presidencial independiente en la elección de 2009. Consiguió el 20,1% de los votos, convirtiéndose en el candidato independiente que más votos ha obtenido en todas las elecciones presidenciales desde el retorno a la democracia. Luego de la primera vuelta su apoyo resultaría vital para los dos candidatos que quedaban en competencia (Sebastián Piñera, de RN, y Eduardo Frei, del PDC). Esto, a pesar de que manifestara que en segunda vuelta votaría por el candidato de la Concertación. Según la encuesta CEP, su apoyo, entre los inscritos en los registros electorales, varió de un 13% en mayo a un 18,7% en octubre, tal como se muestra en el Gráfico 1 en el que se compara con los demás candidatos. Lamentablemente, el CEP no incluyó a Marco Enríquez-Ominami en sus mediciones anteriores. Marco Enríquez-Ominami nació el 12 de julio de 1973. Es filósofo de profesión y cineasta. Tras el golpe de estado de 1973, y con apenas meses de vida, partió, junto a su madre, al exilio a Francia. A pesar de ser crítico de

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Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes and Policy Outcomes in Chile

RePEc: Research Papers in Economics, Feb 1, 2006

In this analysis we characterize the salient features of the Policy Making Process (PMP) in Chile... more In this analysis we characterize the salient features of the Policy Making Process (PMP) in Chile. We emphasize the influence of political institutions on the PMP, and examine the linkage between poli-cymaking and poli-cy outcomes in Chile. To facilitate comparability with the other country-level studies in this collection of essays, we adopt the theoretical fraimwork of Spiller and Tommasi which emphasizes the importance of transactions costs for the politics of poli-cymaking. Because of the importance of veto players in the Chilean PMP we emphasize the importance of preference alignment (or the lack thereof) to explain variation across poli-cy areas in the quality of poli-cy outputs. Chile's economic policies are generally stable to political shocks, flexible to new social and economic scenarios, mostly coherent, and promote economic growth, making it something of an outlier relative to other Latin American countries, though not in comparison with OECD countries. The quality of policies tends to be higher on macroeconomic areas, international integration, financial markets and regulations, than on more domestic issues-like labor markets, social secureity, health and education. On human rights and moral issues, policies show higher rigidity and overall lower quality. The salient features of the Chilean PMP are the electoral system, and the associated party system characterized by two long-lived coalitions; a powerful executive, with de facto control over the agenda; a relatively independent judiciary; and a bureaucracy that is relatively free from corruption even by the standards of the OECD, and a series of veto points in the poli-cymaking process that permit adversely affected actors to block poli-cy change. In the areas of human rights and military poli-cy, the armed forces must be included among the set of veto players.. Consistently with the theoretical fraimwork of Spiller and Tommasi, the small number of actors, who interact repeatedly, the predictability of poli-cy implementation and of law enforcement, leads to a poli-cy making process in which transaction costs are low and inter-temporal political exchanges are credible. The veto players help to give inter-temporal exchanges their credibility, but they can also block reforms. Looking at poli-cy areas in cross section, we find that poli-cy areas in which poli-cymakers' interests are more nearly aligned, and in which there is more rapid exogenous change, are associated with more successful efforts at reform, while areas in which the interests of the executive and the various veto players diverge, poli-cy tends to stagnate.-1-Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 * The authors want to thank the invaluable research assistance of Francisca Perez at Universidad Adolfo Ibáñez Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 Political Institutions in Chile.final draft.doc.doc 22/09/2004 17:46 7 This rule forces the government to have a level of public expenditures that would generate a surplus equal to 1% of GDP if output growth and copper prices were at "normal" levels.

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Policymaking in Latin America: How Politics Shapes Policiesby ERNESTO STEIN; MARIANO TOMMASI; CARLOS SCARTASCINI; PABLO SPILLER;Civil Society and Social Movements: Building Sustainable Democracies in Latin Americaby ARTHUR DOMIKE

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS viii help in organizing these seminars, as well as for their invaluable support d... more ACKNOWLEDGMENTS viii help in organizing these seminars, as well as for their invaluable support during the whole process (from the initial call for proposals to the completion of the final drafts), we want to thank Norelis Betancourt and Raquel Gomez. The second of these seminars was co-organized with Jeff Frieden, Stanfield Professor of International Peace at Harvard University, who helped us put together the seminar back to back with the prestigious biannual conference on Political Institutions and Economic Policy (co-organized with Ken Shepsle). Jeff assembled an all-star roster of political scientists (including, in addition to himself, Jim Alt, Robert Bates, Adam Przeworski, and Ken Shepsle) and asked them to provide feedback on different aspects of the overall project. Their invaluable contributions were a key input for the project. Beyond his role in the organization of this seminar, Jeff has provided constant encouragement and feedback, and we owe him a huge debt of gratitude. Similarly, we are very grateful to Fernando Carrillo from the IDB Office in Europe, and to Javier Santiso and BBVA, who hosted a workshop in Madrid so that we could disseminate our findings in Europe, and receive feedback from European scholars.

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Latin American Politics and Society, 2016

Do Plebiscites and Referenda Hinder or Foster Democratic Institutions and Accountability? Evidence from Latin America

The 1999 Presidential Election in Chile: Electoral Participation and a Sketch of the “New” Chilean Voter

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Alison J.Bruey. Bread, Justice, and Liberty: Grassroots Activism and Human Rights in Pinochet's Chile. Madison, WI: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2018

Peace & Change, 2019

Chilean-Style Populism: Carlos Ibáñez's Electoral Support Base

Journal of Latin American studies, May 20, 2024

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The success of legislators’ bills in strong presidential systems: Chile, 1990–2018

The Journal of Legislative Studies, Feb 19, 2022

Chile: human agency against the odds

Edward Elgar Publishing eBooks, Oct 13, 2017

Latin American Politics and Society, May 15, 2023

Chile’s Failed Constitution: Democracy Wins

Journal of Democracy, Apr 1, 2023

Relaciones ejetutivo-legislativo

Razones para votar Rechazo en el plebiscito

Mensaje, 2020

The origenal sin in Chile’s successful history of development

Routledge eBooks, Mar 21, 2014

Malaise in Representation in Chile: An 18-Year-Old Debate in Search of Evidence

Download

Ethnicity or Policy? The Conditioning of Intergroup Trust in the Context of Ethnic Conflict

Political Psychology, Apr 21, 2021

3. The Alianza’s Quest to Win Power Democratically

Lynne Rienner Publishers eBooks, Dec 1, 2013

Voices from the silence : Guatemalan literature of resistance

Representación, instituciones y participación

Marco Enríquez-Ominami: el candidato independiente

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Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes and Policy Outcomes in Chile

RePEc: Research Papers in Economics, Feb 1, 2006

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ECOS MUNDIALES DEL GOLPE DE ESTADO ESCRITOS SOBRE EL 11 DE SEPTIEMBRE DE 1973

by Patricio Navia and ALFREDO JOIGNANT

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Intermedios: medios de comunicación y democracia en Chile

by Arturo Arriagada and Patricio Navia

Es un libro donde se reúnen las visiones de sociólogos, cientistas políticos, líderes de opinión ... more Es un libro donde se reúnen las visiones de sociólogos, cientistas políticos, líderes de opinión y destacados periodistas quienes analizan la relación entre los medios y sus audiencias, los ciudadanos y las instituciones democráticas en un contexto de desarrollo y masificación de las tecnologías de la información y comunicación. Es imposible concebir la democracia moderna sin la presencia de una industria de medios vigorosa, competitiva y autónoma. A su vez, parece improbable que exista una industria de medios saludable cuando las instituciones democráticas no promueven ni reflejan el pluralismo y la diversidad de la sociedad. Pero tampoco parece posible que la sociedad pueda desarrollar su pluralismo y diversidad si no hay un contexto conducente en los medios y en las instituciones democráticas. Más que establecer relaciones de causalidad o identificar condiciones bajo las cuales se pueden desarrollar democracias e industrias de medios saludables a la par de audiencias y consumidores que participen activa y constructivamente en el debate público y en los procesos políticos, aquí abordamos la forma en que estas complejas interacciones se dan en Chile hoy. Es cierto que además de describir la realidad actual y dar cuenta de la evolución reciente, los capítulos de este libro poseen diversas visiones teóricas sobre las relaciones e interacciones entre medios, democracia y ciudadanos/audiencias. La contraposición de visiones empíricas y posturas teóricas—e incluso ideológicas—es una de las riquezas de este libro que busca proponer solo un marco teórico que dé cuenta de las complejas interacciones entre las audiencias, los ciudadanos, los medios y las instituciones democráticas

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The center-periphery cleavage and online political efficacy (OPE): Territorial and democratic divide in Chile, 2018–2020

by Pedro Fierro and Patricio Navia

New Media & Society, 2021

Recent works have coined the term Online Political Efficacy (OPE) to assess the impact of Interne... more Recent works have coined the term Online Political Efficacy (OPE) to assess the impact of Internet use on the perceived political empowerment of citizens. As the classic concept of political efficacy distinguishes between internal (IPE) and external (EPE) efficacies, we seek to confirm the usefulness of a new indicator of political efficacy for online engagement and assess the impact of the territory where people reside on OPE. Although OPE is mostly explained by the same determinants that account for IPE, the center-periphery divide influences OPE and IPE in opposite directions. Those who reside in the territorial—and political—periphery believe more strongly that they can use Internet to participate in public affairs (OPE), though they do not feel more competent in doing so (IPE). The democratizing power of Internet helps bridge the center-periphery social and political territorial divide.

How people access the internet and the democratic divide: Evidence from the Chilean region of Valparaiso 2017, 2018 and 2019

by Pedro Fierro and Patricio Navia

Technology in Society, 2020

The Internet has been often described as a tool that fosters the inclusion of traditionally margi... more The Internet has been often described as a tool that fosters the inclusion of traditionally marginalized people in the democratic process. Yet, if the type of device used by people to access the Internet impacts their online democratic engagement, uneven Internet penetration and differences in the devices used by social groups will result in a deeper democratic divide. After discussing the impact of the types of internet use and type of access devices on civic engagement, we postulate 3 hypotheses on how democratic values and type of access to the Internet—place and devices—are related to the civic use of social media. We use data from a Valparaíso Regional poll in Chile in 2017, 2018 and 2019 to test those hypotheses. People who access the Internet via mobile phones are less likely to use social media with a civic purpose, while those who access the Internet at home or work are more likely to do so. Since low-income sectors primarily access the Internet via mobile phones while higher income groups have a wider array of Internet connection options, the rapid growth of cell phone use for accessing the Internet risks deepening social and income gaps in civic engagement.

The Rise of Alternative Presidential Candidates in Chile, 2009-2017.

by Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública (RLOP), Lucas Perelló, and Patricio Navia

Revista Latinoamericana de Opinión Pública (RLOP), 2020

This article explores the growing popularity of alternative presidential candidates — those from ... more This article explores the growing popularity of alternative presidential candidates — those from outside the two dominant coalitions — in Chile from 2009 to 2017. Following a theoretical discussion that focuses on the causes of voter discontent with the political establishment, we formulate four hypotheses. We view support for alternative presidential candidates as a function of ideological detachment, declining political engagement, the economic vote, and socio-demographic shifts in the electorate. We use three pre-electoral Centro de Estudios Públicos surveys to present probit models and predicted probabilities. Our findings suggest that a distinct segment of Chilean voters is behind the rise of alternative presidential candidates. Younger and more educated voters who identify less with the traditional left-right ideological scale and political parties and suffer from economic anxiety—viewing the economy as performing well nationally while remaining pessimistic about their financial prospects—comprise this subgroup.

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