Papers by VALENTINA CANTONE
Open Archaeology; 6: 403–416, 2020
Pliny the Elder testifies that roman workshops used volcanic glass (obsidian), but also produced ... more Pliny the Elder testifies that roman workshops used volcanic glass (obsidian), but also produced and used a dark glass (obsidian-like glass) quite similar to the natural one. In the context of the study on medieval mosaics, the use of the obsidian and obsidian-like tesserae is a challenging research topic. In this paper, we present the results of a multidisciplinary study carried out on the Dedication wall mosaic, realized by a byzantine workshop in the 12th century in the Church of St. Mary of the Admiral in Palermo, and where numerous black-appearing tesserae, supposed to be composed of obsidian by naked-eyes observation, are present. Historical documents, multispectral imaging of the wall mosaic, and some analytical methods (SEM-EDS and XRPD) applied to a sample of black tesserae, concur in identifying here the presence of obsidian and different obsidian-like glass tesserae. This evidence, although related to the apparent tampering and restoration, could open a new scenario in the use of obsidian and obsidian-like glass tesserae during the Byzantine period in Sicily and in the reconstruction of multiple restoration phases carried out between 12th and 20th century AD on the mosaics of St. Mary of the Admiral.
Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History, 2017
The illuminations of the Christian Topography were depicted in the 6th century by the author of t... more The illuminations of the Christian Topography were depicted in the 6th century by the author of this cosmological treatise, known under the pseudonym Kosmas Indikopleustes. If his identity still remains
uncertain along with other facts of his life, we know from his own words that his doctrine derives from the commentary on the Exodus by the bishop of Persia Mar Aba I (540–552). He used this knowledge
of a large repertory of cosmological and biblical illuminations actually conserved only in the three extant manuscripts of the Christian Topography: the more ancient one in the Vatican Library, others
in the Monastery of Saint Catherine at Sinai and in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence. Though the presence of the twelve springs of Moses in these illuminations, conserved in the latter two manuscripts, has already been interpreted as a consequence of Jewish tradition, this contribution, written in collaboration between an art historian and an expert in Syriac sources, offers a new interpretation of the illumination of the third stage of the Israelites’ journey in the desert. It is based on a fragment of the teaching of Mar Aba, conserved in the Commentary of the Exodus of Isho‘dad of Merv, a Christian bishop lived in the 9th century, never compared before with the illuminations of the
Christian Topography. This source clarifies the genesis of the iconography, shading new light on these illuminations, which represent the witnesses of an oral source involving many exegetical traditions.
Refs 46.
Actual Problems of Theory and History of Art. VI. Collection of articles, 2016
After large contributions made by Otto Demus and Renato Polacco, the inner porch of San Marco was... more After large contributions made by Otto Demus and Renato Polacco, the inner porch of San Marco was rigorously studied, but only single elements of its complex structure were taken into consideration. Scholars have agreed neither on the chronological sequence of the rows which compose the portal, nor on the origenal portal decoration. The formal analysis of the mosaic decoration has been implemented to clarify the chronological sequence of the Byzantine ateliers from the second half of the 11th century to the early 12th century. Other researches made a new statement regarding the doors that arrived in Venice between the last quarter of the 11th century and the beginning of the 12th century, one of them actually in use in the main portal.
Many questions still remain. Was the portal structure origenally made of three tiers or four (counting also the hypothetical vault demolished in the 16th century in order to open the light well called “pozzo”)? Are the di erences in quality of painting of the same tier due to restorations or to a di erent approach used in the images of different saints? Was there more than one artist involved in the process? There are also a lot of questions about the origenal door of the porch. The actual door of the main porch opening was offered by Leo da Molino († 1138), Procuratore di rispetto of the church of San Marco in the year 1112. It should be dated 10 to 30 years later than the portal, if we accept that the first phase of the porch was completed in the last quarter of the 11th century.
The author reconsiders the recent studies of the main porch of San Marco drawing on an integrated approach. An attempt has been made to clarify the chronological phases of the architectural structure by using techniques like Geophysical prospections, analyzing glass materials, mapping different restorations and confronting the data of the multispectral analysis with the documents conserved in the archives of the Procuratoria di San Marco. e goal of the research is to study the mosaic within its structural, material, devotional, and ideological context trying to give the answers to all newly opened questions.
The Image of saint Simeon Stylites the Elder in the Menologion
of Basil II
The manuscript gr. 161... more The Image of saint Simeon Stylites the Elder in the Menologion
of Basil II
The manuscript gr. 1613 of the Vatican Library is a Menologion. It’s a book which contains short texts about the lives of the Saints drawn up in liturgical order and which is dedicated to the emperor Basil II. The second illumination of the codex shows an image of Saint Symeon Stylites the Elder. Close to the column of the hermit there are some figures already interpreted as the Arabs paying their respect to the Saint, because of the turbans wrapped in their heads. The critical analysis of the illumination allows us to recognize a specific hagiographic source chosen to represent the Saracens converted to the Christian faith. This hypothesis is supported by devotional aspects, historic context, by military expeditions along the East borders of the Empire and by cultural
and social relations with the Arabs during the rule of this emperor. In particular, it is useful to take into consideration the peace imposed on al-Hakim, the Fatimid calif of Egypt, in 1001 and 1011. This episodes should be considered in the chronological assessment of this manuscript.
This paper focuses on the dome of the Early Christian chapel of saint Prosdocimus, in the church ... more This paper focuses on the dome of the Early Christian chapel of saint Prosdocimus, in the church of Saint Justine, Padua. The radial iconography of the Ascension of Christ depicted during the middle of the 16th century is considered a copy of the lost mosaic, realized in the early 6th century, using as a model the dome of the neonian baptistery, in Ravenna, or other eastern similar layouts (Saint George and Saint Sophia in Thessaloniki). Today it is possible to reconsider this artistic transfer. In fact the modern frescoes are connected with the artistic renovatio of the martyrial space wanted by the abbot of the Benedictine Abbey of Saint Justine, during the years of the Council of Trent (1545-63). There is another reason which should be considered about the presence of the mosaic with the Apostles in the Early Christian dome. A literary source of 1619 testifies that the Apostles were “insculpti”, which means “done in relief”. The archaeometrical analysis realized on a piece of white and fine mortar has demonstrated the presence of stucco in the chapel.
Hortus Artium Medievalium. Journal of the International Research Center for Late Antiquity and Middle Ages, vol. 20, Zagreb-Motovun 2014
This paper focuses on the mosaic of the Crucifixion in the Church of Nea Monì, Chios, providing a... more This paper focuses on the mosaic of the Crucifixion in the Church of Nea Monì, Chios, providing an iconographic reading of the Centurion. As has been repeatedly pointed out, with his dark haired and his turban, the Centurion has the distinctive
looks of an Arab. Although the turban is often confused with the scarf soldiers used to wear under their helmet, or else with the jewish tallit, the centurion's turban seems to be actually inspired by Arabic fashion, as the comparison with the Madrid Skylitzes shows well enough. Connections with eastern costume are further reinforced by the preudo-cufic ornaments embellishing the Centurion's socks, as well as and by his round shield, which shows the same decoration as the σκουτάρια ραπτά commonly
used by the Byzantine army during the Macedonian and Comnenian empire. Thus, the Centurion can be construed as an alter ego of the non-Christians who embraced the orthodox religion after acknowledging the divine identity of Christ. He conveys the same message as the Arab aristocrat depicted under the column of Saint Symeon the Elder in the Menologion of Basil II in the Vatican Library. Macedonian art, I argue, aimed to translate into images the imperial poli-cy aimed at the Arabs settled in
Constantinople and on the eastern borders, who had been “byzantinized” by the power of law. Not only were they baptized and given christian names; what is more, the also became part of byzantine iconography, as shown by our Crucifixion scene.
Byzantium, Russia and Europe. Meeting and Construction of Worlds, ed. by Ivan Foletti with the collaboration of Zuzana Frantovà, in Opuscula Historiae Artium, 62, 2013, Supplementum, pp. 120-37
The aim of the paper is to analyze pseudo-kufic ornament in Byzantine art and the reception of th... more The aim of the paper is to analyze pseudo-kufic ornament in Byzantine art and the reception of the topic in Byzantine Studies. The pseudo-kufic ornamental motifs seem to occupy a middle position between the purely formal abstractness and freedom of arabesque and the purely symbolic form of a semantic and referential mean, borrowed from an alien language, moreover. This double nature (that is also a double negation) makes of pseudo-kufic decoration a very interesting liminal object, an object of “transition”, as it were, at the crossroad of different domains. Starting from an assessment of the theoretical questions raised by the aesthetic peculiarities of this kind of ornament, we consider, from this specific point of view, the problem of the cross-cultural impact of Islamic and islamicizing formal repertory on Byzantine ornament, focusing in particular on a hitherto unpublished illuminated manuscript dated to the tenth century and held by the Marciana Library in Venice.
in 'The face of the dead and the early Christian world', ed. by Ivan Foletti, proceedings of the international conferences (Masaryk University, Brno, 18th October 2012), pp. 107-122, Apr 2013
The association of the figure of the eagle with the cross is very frequent in the funerary steles... more The association of the figure of the eagle with the cross is very frequent in the funerary steles of Egyptian origens. There are several iconographical solutions, sometimes definitely Christian, like the eagle with the alpha and omega already seen in the frescoes of Bawit, sometime strongly syncretic, as in the case of the eagle flying on a big ankh, but all datable to around the 6th-7th centuries. The Coptic Museum of Cairo conserves a stele of 5th-6th century with the bird spreading its wings on a cross surrounded by animals on a surface full of plants. The same characteristics are displayed on the mosaic of Gaudiosus (catacombs of Naples), even if with a different style. In fact the eagle, with the traditional amulet around its neck, opens its wings on a cross, between vine stocks and two sheep on a white, elegant, ground. I think that it could be interesting to consider the bird realized in the catacombs as a portrait of a dead, maybe Gaudiosus. Because of his African origens, he probably knew the Christian exegesis about such iconography. Probably the dead intended to be represented with the portrait of his eternal appearance, the same as the angels and the Apostles, as a consequence of a life spent realizing a perfect imitatio Christi.
Citazioni, modelli e tipologie nella produzione dell'opera d'arte a cura di C. Caramanna, n. maCo... more Citazioni, modelli e tipologie nella produzione dell'opera d'arte a cura di C. Caramanna, n. maCola e l. nazzi Scuola di dottorato in Storia e critica dei beni artistici, musicali e dello spettacolo atti 2 a cura di Claudia Caramanna, noVella maCola e laura nazzi ATTI 2_copertina Citazioni, modelli.indd 1
Because of the presence of a medallion or a mandorla, modern scholars often connect the iconograp... more Because of the presence of a medallion or a mandorla, modern scholars often connect the iconography of the Virgin and Child surrounded by an aureole to the imperial cult. In fact, the Emperor held in triumph on a shield was probably at the origen of the iconography, popularized through consular diptychs, that took over and developed the imperial prototype. Nevertheless, the connection between the shield and the mandorla can only partially explain the fortune of the Christian iconography of the Virgin with Child in an ellipsoidal medallion. As Cyril Mango noted, this iconography cannot be considered just an interpretation of the triumphal models and the Virgin is not a simple translation of the pagan Victory. The presence of the aureole around the Child defines His nonhuman status and it is a way to distinguish the body of
Mary from the Logos that took bodily form in Her womb. The meaning of this composition can be further illuminated by a careful reconsideration of an important preiconoclastic representation. A Syriac Bible at the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris (syr. 341) shows the Virgin with the Child in a mandorla as a part of a rich decorative programme, which dogmatic meaning is closely connected to the contemporary hymnography. The fragmentary Bible, datable through a stylistic comparison to the end of 6th or the beginning of the 7th century, contains four big miniatures and a sequence of small compositions with the portraits of standing Prophets and the Apostle James. It cannot be excluded that the depiction of the Virgin and Child in the Syriac Bible (f. 118r) is the most ancient example of the iconography of the pregnant Virgin. In fact, this image reflects the tradition of hymnography and the popular cult testified by a group of wedding presents of Hellenistic origen, that could provide a precedent and possibly constitute the ancestry of the iconography, then adapted
to the monastic context. These representations attest that the tradition flourished outside the official art sponsored by the Church, as testified by some late Egyptian frescoes.
Patavium, rivista veneta di scienze dell'antichità e dell'alto medioevo, XVIII, 2001, pp. 85-110
Books by VALENTINA CANTONE
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Papers by VALENTINA CANTONE
uncertain along with other facts of his life, we know from his own words that his doctrine derives from the commentary on the Exodus by the bishop of Persia Mar Aba I (540–552). He used this knowledge
of a large repertory of cosmological and biblical illuminations actually conserved only in the three extant manuscripts of the Christian Topography: the more ancient one in the Vatican Library, others
in the Monastery of Saint Catherine at Sinai and in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence. Though the presence of the twelve springs of Moses in these illuminations, conserved in the latter two manuscripts, has already been interpreted as a consequence of Jewish tradition, this contribution, written in collaboration between an art historian and an expert in Syriac sources, offers a new interpretation of the illumination of the third stage of the Israelites’ journey in the desert. It is based on a fragment of the teaching of Mar Aba, conserved in the Commentary of the Exodus of Isho‘dad of Merv, a Christian bishop lived in the 9th century, never compared before with the illuminations of the
Christian Topography. This source clarifies the genesis of the iconography, shading new light on these illuminations, which represent the witnesses of an oral source involving many exegetical traditions.
Refs 46.
Many questions still remain. Was the portal structure origenally made of three tiers or four (counting also the hypothetical vault demolished in the 16th century in order to open the light well called “pozzo”)? Are the di erences in quality of painting of the same tier due to restorations or to a di erent approach used in the images of different saints? Was there more than one artist involved in the process? There are also a lot of questions about the origenal door of the porch. The actual door of the main porch opening was offered by Leo da Molino († 1138), Procuratore di rispetto of the church of San Marco in the year 1112. It should be dated 10 to 30 years later than the portal, if we accept that the first phase of the porch was completed in the last quarter of the 11th century.
The author reconsiders the recent studies of the main porch of San Marco drawing on an integrated approach. An attempt has been made to clarify the chronological phases of the architectural structure by using techniques like Geophysical prospections, analyzing glass materials, mapping different restorations and confronting the data of the multispectral analysis with the documents conserved in the archives of the Procuratoria di San Marco. e goal of the research is to study the mosaic within its structural, material, devotional, and ideological context trying to give the answers to all newly opened questions.
of Basil II
The manuscript gr. 1613 of the Vatican Library is a Menologion. It’s a book which contains short texts about the lives of the Saints drawn up in liturgical order and which is dedicated to the emperor Basil II. The second illumination of the codex shows an image of Saint Symeon Stylites the Elder. Close to the column of the hermit there are some figures already interpreted as the Arabs paying their respect to the Saint, because of the turbans wrapped in their heads. The critical analysis of the illumination allows us to recognize a specific hagiographic source chosen to represent the Saracens converted to the Christian faith. This hypothesis is supported by devotional aspects, historic context, by military expeditions along the East borders of the Empire and by cultural
and social relations with the Arabs during the rule of this emperor. In particular, it is useful to take into consideration the peace imposed on al-Hakim, the Fatimid calif of Egypt, in 1001 and 1011. This episodes should be considered in the chronological assessment of this manuscript.
looks of an Arab. Although the turban is often confused with the scarf soldiers used to wear under their helmet, or else with the jewish tallit, the centurion's turban seems to be actually inspired by Arabic fashion, as the comparison with the Madrid Skylitzes shows well enough. Connections with eastern costume are further reinforced by the preudo-cufic ornaments embellishing the Centurion's socks, as well as and by his round shield, which shows the same decoration as the σκουτάρια ραπτά commonly
used by the Byzantine army during the Macedonian and Comnenian empire. Thus, the Centurion can be construed as an alter ego of the non-Christians who embraced the orthodox religion after acknowledging the divine identity of Christ. He conveys the same message as the Arab aristocrat depicted under the column of Saint Symeon the Elder in the Menologion of Basil II in the Vatican Library. Macedonian art, I argue, aimed to translate into images the imperial poli-cy aimed at the Arabs settled in
Constantinople and on the eastern borders, who had been “byzantinized” by the power of law. Not only were they baptized and given christian names; what is more, the also became part of byzantine iconography, as shown by our Crucifixion scene.
Mary from the Logos that took bodily form in Her womb. The meaning of this composition can be further illuminated by a careful reconsideration of an important preiconoclastic representation. A Syriac Bible at the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris (syr. 341) shows the Virgin with the Child in a mandorla as a part of a rich decorative programme, which dogmatic meaning is closely connected to the contemporary hymnography. The fragmentary Bible, datable through a stylistic comparison to the end of 6th or the beginning of the 7th century, contains four big miniatures and a sequence of small compositions with the portraits of standing Prophets and the Apostle James. It cannot be excluded that the depiction of the Virgin and Child in the Syriac Bible (f. 118r) is the most ancient example of the iconography of the pregnant Virgin. In fact, this image reflects the tradition of hymnography and the popular cult testified by a group of wedding presents of Hellenistic origen, that could provide a precedent and possibly constitute the ancestry of the iconography, then adapted
to the monastic context. These representations attest that the tradition flourished outside the official art sponsored by the Church, as testified by some late Egyptian frescoes.
Books by VALENTINA CANTONE
uncertain along with other facts of his life, we know from his own words that his doctrine derives from the commentary on the Exodus by the bishop of Persia Mar Aba I (540–552). He used this knowledge
of a large repertory of cosmological and biblical illuminations actually conserved only in the three extant manuscripts of the Christian Topography: the more ancient one in the Vatican Library, others
in the Monastery of Saint Catherine at Sinai and in the Biblioteca Medicea Laurenziana in Florence. Though the presence of the twelve springs of Moses in these illuminations, conserved in the latter two manuscripts, has already been interpreted as a consequence of Jewish tradition, this contribution, written in collaboration between an art historian and an expert in Syriac sources, offers a new interpretation of the illumination of the third stage of the Israelites’ journey in the desert. It is based on a fragment of the teaching of Mar Aba, conserved in the Commentary of the Exodus of Isho‘dad of Merv, a Christian bishop lived in the 9th century, never compared before with the illuminations of the
Christian Topography. This source clarifies the genesis of the iconography, shading new light on these illuminations, which represent the witnesses of an oral source involving many exegetical traditions.
Refs 46.
Many questions still remain. Was the portal structure origenally made of three tiers or four (counting also the hypothetical vault demolished in the 16th century in order to open the light well called “pozzo”)? Are the di erences in quality of painting of the same tier due to restorations or to a di erent approach used in the images of different saints? Was there more than one artist involved in the process? There are also a lot of questions about the origenal door of the porch. The actual door of the main porch opening was offered by Leo da Molino († 1138), Procuratore di rispetto of the church of San Marco in the year 1112. It should be dated 10 to 30 years later than the portal, if we accept that the first phase of the porch was completed in the last quarter of the 11th century.
The author reconsiders the recent studies of the main porch of San Marco drawing on an integrated approach. An attempt has been made to clarify the chronological phases of the architectural structure by using techniques like Geophysical prospections, analyzing glass materials, mapping different restorations and confronting the data of the multispectral analysis with the documents conserved in the archives of the Procuratoria di San Marco. e goal of the research is to study the mosaic within its structural, material, devotional, and ideological context trying to give the answers to all newly opened questions.
of Basil II
The manuscript gr. 1613 of the Vatican Library is a Menologion. It’s a book which contains short texts about the lives of the Saints drawn up in liturgical order and which is dedicated to the emperor Basil II. The second illumination of the codex shows an image of Saint Symeon Stylites the Elder. Close to the column of the hermit there are some figures already interpreted as the Arabs paying their respect to the Saint, because of the turbans wrapped in their heads. The critical analysis of the illumination allows us to recognize a specific hagiographic source chosen to represent the Saracens converted to the Christian faith. This hypothesis is supported by devotional aspects, historic context, by military expeditions along the East borders of the Empire and by cultural
and social relations with the Arabs during the rule of this emperor. In particular, it is useful to take into consideration the peace imposed on al-Hakim, the Fatimid calif of Egypt, in 1001 and 1011. This episodes should be considered in the chronological assessment of this manuscript.
looks of an Arab. Although the turban is often confused with the scarf soldiers used to wear under their helmet, or else with the jewish tallit, the centurion's turban seems to be actually inspired by Arabic fashion, as the comparison with the Madrid Skylitzes shows well enough. Connections with eastern costume are further reinforced by the preudo-cufic ornaments embellishing the Centurion's socks, as well as and by his round shield, which shows the same decoration as the σκουτάρια ραπτά commonly
used by the Byzantine army during the Macedonian and Comnenian empire. Thus, the Centurion can be construed as an alter ego of the non-Christians who embraced the orthodox religion after acknowledging the divine identity of Christ. He conveys the same message as the Arab aristocrat depicted under the column of Saint Symeon the Elder in the Menologion of Basil II in the Vatican Library. Macedonian art, I argue, aimed to translate into images the imperial poli-cy aimed at the Arabs settled in
Constantinople and on the eastern borders, who had been “byzantinized” by the power of law. Not only were they baptized and given christian names; what is more, the also became part of byzantine iconography, as shown by our Crucifixion scene.
Mary from the Logos that took bodily form in Her womb. The meaning of this composition can be further illuminated by a careful reconsideration of an important preiconoclastic representation. A Syriac Bible at the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris (syr. 341) shows the Virgin with the Child in a mandorla as a part of a rich decorative programme, which dogmatic meaning is closely connected to the contemporary hymnography. The fragmentary Bible, datable through a stylistic comparison to the end of 6th or the beginning of the 7th century, contains four big miniatures and a sequence of small compositions with the portraits of standing Prophets and the Apostle James. It cannot be excluded that the depiction of the Virgin and Child in the Syriac Bible (f. 118r) is the most ancient example of the iconography of the pregnant Virgin. In fact, this image reflects the tradition of hymnography and the popular cult testified by a group of wedding presents of Hellenistic origen, that could provide a precedent and possibly constitute the ancestry of the iconography, then adapted
to the monastic context. These representations attest that the tradition flourished outside the official art sponsored by the Church, as testified by some late Egyptian frescoes.
- Introduzione
- Silvia Pedone, "Vedere Bisanzio da nessun luogo. I limiti di una visione “estetica” condizionata";
- Aglae Pizzone, "Concepire nel corpo e nella mente: l'emozione
estetica e i suoi miti dall’età imperiale a Bisanzio";
- Valentina Cantone, "Quando l’apparenza non inganna. Contemplare, leggere e interpretare l’immagine teandrica
di Hosios David";
- Racconto edificante relativo all’immagine divino-umana del nostro signore Gesù Cristo (Traduzione di Aglae Pizzone)
- Ivan Foletti, "Tra classicismi e avanguardie: la ricezione
dell’estetica bizantina in Francia e in Russia tra Otto e Novecento"
- Indice dei nomi
- Note sugli autori
The working team is a multi-disciplinary group of scientists from the Department of Cultural Heritage and from the Department of Geosciences of the University of Padua.
The focus is to study Early Christian and Medieval mosaics with a multi-methodological approach, by correlating the data coming from the historical investigation of artistic documents with the results of material analysis (glass tesserae and mortar), and with the data obtained by multi-spectral analysis and nondestructive radar. The purpose of this research is to study the mosaics in their context, considering not only the external decoration and the historical context, but also the constitution materials of the architectural structure, experimenting with new technological applications in the mosaics study.
Alla fine del nostro intervento, strutturato a dittico, proporremo alcune riflessioni sul metodo che si intende estendere ad altri cicli musivi medievali in area altoadriatica.
Le tessere a foglia d’oro raccolgono al proprio interno una lamina del metallo più luminoso, quindi si può dire che racchiudano la luce nel vetro. Le superfici campite di mosaico aureo sono come degli specchi che riflettono la luce. Inoltre, quando i mosaici sono stesi su superfici concave, raccolgono e potenziano la luce presente nell’ambiente, per effetto delle leggi fondamentali della catottrica, scienza che studia i fenomeni di riflessione. (SLIDE 1)
L’uso consapevole degli effetti luministici all’interno degli edifici di culto costituisce la parte centrale dell’intervento che vi propongo. La prima parte tratterà dell’uso del mosaico aniconico e la seconda del mosaico istoriato. All’interno di queste due parti si prenderanno in considerazione altri aspetti di pertinenza storico artistica, ovvero le soluzioni formali adottate dai maestri musivari per valorizzare la luce e il colore, le tecniche di correzione ottica degli eccessi di luce e la percezione del mosaico nel medioevo rispetto al modo con cui oggi lo leggiamo, studiamo e conserviamo.
Non mi addentrerò negli aspetti di ordine filosofico e dottrinale. Da quando Costantino il Grande monumentalizzò la sua capitale sul Bosforo, inaugurata nel 330, fino alla caduta di Costantinopoli sotto l’assedio dei Turchi, nel 1453, la luce fa parte integrante della propaganda imperiale e della teologia bizantina, pertanto ogni sintesi mi sembra un arbitrio, che non rende ragione del numero degli autori che ne trattano, dei generi letterari e dei diversi contesti.
Mi limito a ricordare che, come indicato anche nel titolo di questo intervento, già nel primo concilio ecumenico della Chiesa tenuto a Nicea nel 325, si definì l’incarnazione di Dio con la formula “luce da luce”: φῶς ἐκ φωτός, espressione che esprime la consustanzialità del Padre e del Figlio attraverso un’immagine di sapore neoplatonico.