Between the 3rd and 4th centuries AD, aridi zation in the steppes and expansions of the Hun disorganized the economic and political system of Asia, including the forest-steppe and taiga of Western Siberia. Then there were several waves...
moreBetween the 3rd and 4th centuries AD, aridi zation in the steppes and expansions of the Hun disorganized the economic and political system of Asia, including the forest-steppe and taiga of Western Siberia. Then there were several waves of moisture, which gradually brought the natural conditions closer to mo dern ones. Grand latitudinal and meridional migrations and the process of Turkic nomad states’ formation on the periphery of West Siberia determined the direction of cultural transformation and the dynamic of connections between Siberian tribes and the outer world. Based on detailed and renewed data of the Lower Ob’ medieval sites and artefacts was found that at the 2nd part of the 1st millennium AD, the material culture of the region was staying stable and homogenous for hundreds of years. In the fact dwellings’ form, features of the fortresses, ceramic types, huntergathe rer lifestyle, and religion on each stage of the Ob’ culture had been virtually unchanged, because of low population density and rare external cultural influences. Nevertheless, we have some evidence of significant tribal movements. First, the migration wave of the native speakers of the Tungus language from the Yenisey forest zone, which is marked by the specific roll and groove ceramic. The second one, migrations from the Western Siberian North of the Karym and Zelenaya Gorka groups of population on the southern territories of the forest-steppe of the Tobol, Irtysh, and Tara valleys. On the new homeland, they take territories unexploited by pastorals and formed fur trade centers with using which stimulated to transform social attitude, the system of international economic, and obscured development of local craft forms. As a result, the role of the elite in society has increased. This particular subculture needed regular use of violence to maintain stable social and economic relationships with dependent segments of the population, merchants and nomads. Archaeological evidence to this phenomenon is based on finds of prestige imports from shrines, treasures, and warrior graves. So, in the territory of forest zone between the rivers Tobol, Ishim and Middle Irtysh, new cultural type of the archaeological sites (the Karym type) have emerged formed by the Lower Ob’ migrants. Their material culture closely related to the Kulayka culture of the Iron Age, but distinguished by complexes of household and weapons borrowed from southern neighbors. In the lower reaches of the rivers Tobol and Ishim, this picture is a consequence of the wetter and cooler natural conditions, which led to the development of the Karym enclave since the second part of the 4th century AD until the first part of the 6th century AD. During this time, migrants integrated into local cultural environment, combined tradition receptions of household with the fur trade to the nomads of the rivers Ishim and Irtysh region. Presumably, having strengthened militarily, the Karym groups established outposts to advance to the centers of international trade in metal and luxury goods and interacted with the population of the forest-steppe. Probably, the Karym population groups increased militarily, establishing outposts to advance to the cores of international trade in metal and luxury productions. For the beginning of the early Middle Ages, aridization and steppe formation were established in the forest-steppe with a shift of landscape zones to the north by 100150 km. In the valley of the Tobol river, the autochthonous Bakal culture dominated, which arose on the Sargatka culture basis with the incorporation of small groups of nomads, probably the late Sarmatians, Proto-Bulgarians and Kangles. In the Hunnic era, they had close ties with the Turbasly, Kharino cultures of the Urals and the Dzhetyasaar culture of the Aral Sea region, as evidenced by the spread of common types of belt sets and ornaments, a high coefficient of similarity of the elements of the funeral rite, expressed in the shapes of graves, assortment and method of placing the inventory, details of memorial action and pottery. The medieval population of the forest-steppe of Western Siberia inherited the Sargatka tradition in the settlement system around the centers of a diversified economy, protected by defensive lines with a significantly increased power. The invasion of nomads in the 7th–8th centuries AD indicated by single burials of the Khripunovskiy and Ust’-Suerskiy-1 burial grounds without ceramics, made on the ancient horizon or inlet to early burial mounds, with a southwestern orientation and weapons. Apparently, the nomads settled in enclaves only in the steppe zone, using floodplain meadows and uninhabited lands near salt lakes in the north of the steppe as pastures, which, judging by written sources, were considered uninhabited. The steppe south of the Bakal area was a zone of contacts, exchange and trade of forest dwellers and nomads, which led to the combination of taiga and steppe traditions in the ceramic complexes, the appearance of burials with a horse, secondary burials, swaddling of the deceased in carpets and mats. As a result of competition for pastures to the south of the Iset’ and Miass rivers, the mobility of pastoralists has increased, which is conf irmed by the short duration of habitation in settlements, collapsible dwellings such as yurts, small-sized ground log houses with chuval stoves and underground, providing mobile life with mats and felt. There was a caravan trade, probably supported by the nomadic lifestyle of the social elite. The racial composition of the population has changed compared to the Iron Age, but the populations retained a significant proportion of Europid, along with the inclusion of the taiga Mongoloid element due to marriage with the Karym migrants who settled along the northern border of the Bakal culture area. Due to the fact that the Kushnarenkovo pottery is widespread in the form of a small inclusions in different cultures of the subtaiga and forest-steppe, we consider it as a type of artifacts that differs from the Kushnarenkovo-Karayakupovo exemplars of the Urals. The Kushnarenkovo type had the Aral Sea origen and was an import or imitation vessels to local tradition, material evidence of the trade of the Siberian aborigenes with the nomads from the Syr Darya in the 4th–7th centuries AD. The Bakal culture disappeared in the 9th century AD, which is possibly associated with the struggle of the Pechenegs and Oguzes for the lands of the Aral region in the 8th–9th centuries AD. At the same time, the process of ethnogenesis of the Magyars was launched on the basis of the mixed population of the steppes of Northern Kazakhstan and the Southern Trans-Urals, since the Mongoloid population prevailed in the forest-steppe zone. Apparently, the Pereima (mixed the Bakal and Potchevash population) component was among others that formed the Karayakupvo community. The zone of formation of the Magyars is recorded according to finds of toreutics with subjects of Manichean and Buddhist origen from the archaeological sites of the Subbotcevo horizon and analogies in the South Urals, brought by Sogdian merchants. They paid for food and goods with “oriental silver” belonging to the circle of Sassanid-Sogdian art. In the territory between the Ishim and Irtysh rivers, the interaction of the Karym migrants and the local population led to the formation the Potchevash culture in the 6th–8th centuries AD in conditions of weakening continentality of the climate in forest landscapes. During this period, we note biritualism in the funeral rite, an increase in the share of cattle breeding in the economy, the spread of fashion for heraldic belts, the penetration of elements of the Potchevash culture into the Kazakh steppe. Significant changes were manifested in the multicomponent anthropological appearance of the populations of the Irtysh region, in which the taiga Mongoloid contribution predominates. Borrowing of prestigious things was reflected in the inventory of burials, and the mixing of the Turks with the local population in the rites of the burial grounds of the eastern part of the area, in particular, in the Barabinsk forest-steppe. Probably, the population of the Irtysh and Baraba regions from the second half of the 6th century AD became one of the partners of trade and recipients of the influence of the First and Second Turkic Khaganates, and later interacted with the separatist groups of the Kimaks and Kipchaks. The growth of aggression in collectives and intercommunal clashes is reliably recorded on the basis of archaeological and anthropological material. The general conclusions of craniological studies confirm the continuity of the anthropological composition of the population in the taiga zone and the dominance of the Kulaika substrate, but with a later admixture of South Siberian elements (Kimak-Kypchak) in the forest-steppe groups of Western Siberia. As a result, these interactions determined the physical characteristics of all Turks of the West Siberia, especially pronounced in the Tomsk Ob’ region and Barabinsk steppe-forest. In the western territories of the forest-steppe, due to the lack of representative craniological materials, the specific composition of the population has not yet been sufficiently studied. Summarizing folklore, numismatic and linguistic data, all ethnocultural groups of the West Siberian population were part of a new system of global economic and political ties on the northern periphery of late antique civilizations in the early Middle Ages. At this time, a stable part of material culture belongs to the subculture of the ordinary and dependent population, and the culture of elite groups demonstrates the rapid development of distant economic ties, the militarization of life and the penetration of elements of world religions into the pagan environment. The connection of the local nobility with the leaders of the raids of the Hunnic ...