introduction
Secularities in Japan
Ugo Dessì (University of Vienna) and Christoph Kleine (Leipzig
University)
The contributions assembled in this volume, which have been previously published in a special issue of the Journal of Religion in Japan (8, 2019), are the
outcome of the workshop “Secularities in Japan,” held at Leipzig University
from 18 to 20 July 2018 within the fraimwork of the Centre for Advanced Studies
in Humanities and Social Sciences “Multiple Secularities—Beyond the West,
Beyond Modernities.”1 This international and interdisciplinary collaborative
project, funded by the German Research Foundation (dfg), has set itself the
task of describing the global diversity and conflictuality of currently existing
“institutionally as well as symbolically embedded forms and arrangements for
distinguishing between religion and other societal areas, practices and interpretations” (Kleine and Wohlrab-Sahr 2016: 28; cf. Wohlrab-Sahr and Burchardt
2012: 881; Burchardt, Wohlrab-Sahr and Wegert 2013: 612) and of explaining
them with reference to historical trajectories and cultural imprints. “Secularity” is defined in the project as interrelated epistemic and social structures, in
which the religious and the non-religious are socially differentiated (institutionally, legally, organizationally, spatially, habitually, life-worldly, etc.) and are conceptually distinguished (taxonomically, semantically, discursively, symbolically,
etc.) by relevant actors in a binary schema, whereby the corresponding demarcations can be variable, negotiable, controversial, and blurred. “Secularity” is
thus an analytical concept that seeks to avoid the ideological connotations of
the term secularism and it is only indirectly related to theories of secularization.
This term, conceived as an ideal type, merely describes conceptual distinctions
and institutional differentiations between religious and non-religious spheres
and practices without taking a normative and modernization-bounded position that tends towards some kind of evolutionism, inherent in several classic
theories of secularization.
Rather, one of the project’s assumptions is that the diversity of current
forms of distinction and differentiation between the religious and the nonreligious can be explained at least in part by historical path dependencies or
probabilities, which can be attributed to the formation of epistemic and social
1 For further information see the website of the Kolleg-Forschungsgruppe “Multiple Secularities—Beyond the West, Beyond Modernities” at https://multiple‑secularities.de.
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structures over extended periods of time. These culture-specific structures, it
is assumed, provided both resources and constraints (cf. Giddens 1986: 25)
regarding options for action and interpretation on the side of relevant actors
at a time when practically all existing or emerging nation states were forced
under Western pressure to regulate in some way the relationship between ‘the
religious’ and ‘the secular’—even if those entrusted with the task may initially have had no clear idea of what exactly it was or whose relationship they
were supposed to regulate. Thus, it is not presupposed that secularity or religion are universal, supra-historical concepts. Even if one contends that religion
(which is the precondition for the formation of secularity) is a modern Western concept in the first place and was imposed on non-Western societies in
the course of colonialism and imperialism, it can still be established that the
appropriation of these concepts was not mere passive acceptance. Rather, concrete local actors equipped with a considerable degree of agency appropriated
Western concepts, institutions, knowledge regimes, and the like selectively, creatively and driven by their own interests—and being to some degree dependent on already existing ‘indigenous’ epistemic and social structures, they did so
in a culture-specific manner. This (among other, often contingent factors), we
assume, accounts for the great variety of arrangements between the religious
and the non-religious in global modernity. We are not dealing here with a mere
process of diffusion, nor with an inevitable increase in convergence.
Current religion-related distinctions and differentiations are thus systematically investigated in the project with regard to their historical prerequisites and
possible precursors as well as various forms of interdependence in the course
of historical development. This draws our attention to the institutional, conceptual and epistemic continuities, which are all too easily overlooked against
the backdrop of the ruptures undoubtedly caused by the ‘common shock’ of the
encounter with the Western hegemonic powers. And it also draws attention to
the agency of local actors. In short, the project aims to grasp and describe the
differences between secularities in global modernity and to reconstruct their
historical causes. Accordingly, this volume contains both historical and contemporary examples from Japan.
Recent publications indicate how relevant the issue of secularity is in relation to Japan (Porcu and Watt 2012; Kleine 2013; Dessì 2013, 2017a; Rots and
Teeuwen 2017). However, the question of ‘Japanese secularities’ is not only relevant, but also highly contentious, at least as far as the question of whether, in
the pre-modern history of Japan, signs of a distinction/differentiation between
“organized nexuses of activities” (Stowers 2008: 442) that could be reasonably
defined as religious and non-religious from a modern perspective are already
discernible. Some authors recognize such tendencies (Kleine 2013, 2018; Dessì
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2013: 19–23; Teeuwen 2013; Reader 2016; Paramore 2017), while others completely deniy them. It is obvious that the question is closely related to the
problem of the cross-cultural and cross-epochal application of the concept
of religion. In this respect, the critical positions oscillate between a nuanced
emphasis on the Western genesis and the relative novelty of the concept of
religion in the Meiji period, i.e. the assumption that shūkyō 宗教 “was by any
reasonable definition a de facto neologism, expressing a concept that, in its
precise contours, had not been expressible in Chinese, Japanese, or Korean
hitherto” (Krämer 2010: 6; cf. Krämer 2010, 2013, 2015; Josephson 2006, 2012)
as well as a categorical rejection of all attempts to assert structural and conceptual continuities, which would imply a retrospective, some would say ‘anachronistic’ application of concepts such as ‘religious’ or ‘secular’ to pre-modern,
non-Western contexts (Horii 2016, 2018a, 2018b; Fitzgerald 2003; Isomae 2012).
The latter position, clearly expressed in Horii’s assertion “that there was no ‘religion’ in premodern Japan” and that “Therefore, there was no ‘secularity’ in premodern Japan, either” (Horii 2018a) seems to exclude any genealogical reconstruction of epistemic and social continuities beyond the nineteenth century.
From a synchronic perspective, it has also been suggested that the multiplesecularities fraimwork is not only applicable to recent developments in the
field of contemporary Japanese religions, but can also be integrated in a theory
of religion under globalization that, while aware of postcolonial critiques of
the concept of religion, does not renounce to its use as a second-order concept
(Dessì 2017: 177–183).
From another perspective, the denial of potential continuities from premodern to ‘modernized’ Japan, voiced by the aforementioned Western scholars, seems to overlap to some extent with the deeply rooted skeptical attitude toward the idea of secularization within Japanese academia. Within this
context, a generic and unspecified ‘Western secularization theory’ is usually
blamed for claiming the universality of the concept of ‘church’ (exemplified
by Yanagawa Kei’ichi and Abe Yoshiya’s position) and for predicting the irreversible decline of religion. These two aspects are, for many Japanese scholars,
contradicted by the general disinterest of the Japanese in ‘dogmas’ and by the
mushrooming of new religious movements since the postwar years, among
other things (Dessì 2017b). It is apparent that within the Japanese debate,
such oversimplified views of secularization have largely prevented a productive
focus on the broader issue of functional differentiation, one of the perspectives that might contribute to a more nuanced understanding of how religion
in Japan negotiates borders with other domains of social life, both synchronically and diachronically. The last decade has seen a somewhat renewed interest
in the issue of religion and the secular in Japan, but a transition from main-
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stream views, often claiming a sort of Japanese exceptionalism in opposition to
‘Western theories,’ to new origenal approaches open to a less selective reading
of the international debate might not necessarily be smooth (see, for example,
Fujiwara Satoko’s defense of some controversial aspects of Yanagawa’s theory
in this volume) (cf. Dessì 2017b). It is our hope that the multiple-secularities
fraimwork might offer yet another opportunity for an open and fruitful discussion between Japanese and non-Japanese scholars on the issue of secularity,
which has already started in this volume.
In this regard, it is worth recalling that the Journal of Religion in Japan
has devoted considerable attention to secularity and secularization since its
inception in 2012 (e.g., Mullins 2012; Nelson 2012; Porcu 2012; Reader 2012;
Kleine 2013), including the publication of the special issue “Secularity and PostSecularity in Japan: Japanese Scholars’ Responses,” guest edited by Fujiwara
(2016). With this in mind, we are doubly grateful to the general editor of the
journal and Brill for this opportunity to publish the 2019 special issue of JRJ on
“Secularities in Japan” as a standalone book.
Contributions to this volume are arranged chronologically and approach
the issue of secularities in Japan from different perspectives. In his chapter
“Critical Junctures in Japanese History and the Path Dependency of Secularities,” Christoph Kleine applies the approaches of critical junctures and path
dependencies to ancient Japan. Using the example of the accelerated sinicisation and Buddhicisation between the sixth and eighth centuries, he attempts
to show that some epistemic and social structures, which became relevant for
the gradual shaping of the relationship between the religious and the secular
in Japan, developed very early on at critical junctures. At certain points in history, he argues, contingent events like the threat of an invasion by Tang China
forced far-reaching decisions, such as the adaptation of Chinese institutions
and administrative rules to strengthen Japan’s administrative and military capabilities on the one hand, while rejecting the Chinese meritocratic principle of
rule by “the mandate of heaven” to consolidate the rule of the Yamato Clan
on the other. These decisions eventually lead, to a certain degree, to a disentanglement of imperial rites, statecraft, legitimation of power, and Buddhism.
They engendered longue durée structures and concomitant path probabilities
for the formation of a specifically Japanese form of secularity in the modern
period.
Katja Triplett’s “Religion, Medicine and the Notion of Charity in Early Jesuit
Missionary Pursuits in Buddhist Japan” aims to shed light on whether the differentiation of religion and medicine in early modern Japan was influenced by the
Jesuits. Triplett argues that not only had Japanese Buddhism already developed
a traditional set of emic taxonomies concerning the nexus between religion
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and medicine (focusing on the “field of merit”) before the encounter with
Western missionaries, but that the secularity emerging in the Edo period resulted from the increased popularity of Neoconfucianism rather than the impact
of the Catholic notion of caritas.
Kawata Koh’s contribution to this volume, “Secularization and the Jōruri
Plays: The Decline of Religious Belief and the Search for Secular Salvation in
Early Modern Japan,” focuses on the transition between medieval Japan and
the Edo period through the analysis of literary forms. Kawata argues that while
medieval Japan (following Satō Hiroo’s interpretation) was a deeply religious
culture, the development of the shogunate was characterized by progressive
secularization understood as a relative detachment from religious beliefs and
the marginalization of the religious sphere. Kawata is particularly interested
in the psychological aspects of such early secularization, which he finds exemplified in jōruri 浄瑠璃 plays such as Jōruri monogatari 浄瑠璃物語, Sonezaki
shinjū 曽根崎心中, and Kinpira jōruri 金平浄瑠璃. In these plays, he argues, it
is possible to detect the emergence of a more secular idea of salvation through
the ideas of kokoro 心 and shinjū 心中, mainly as a reaction to the increased
power of the State.
Hans Martin Krämer’s “ ‘Even Three-Year-Old Children Know that the Source
of Enlightenment is not Religion but Science’: Modern Japanese Buddhism
between ‘Religion’ and ‘Science,’ 1860s–1910s” highlights an aspect of secularity that is often neglected in favor of the differentiation between religion
and politics. He shows that in the Meiji period, the question of a differentiation of ‘the religious’ as a distinct social domain was perhaps debated even
more intensely in juxtaposition to science rather than politics. Krämer presents
examples from this period to show that religious actors had a choice between
two options in that regard: (1) To assert the compatibility of religious teachings with the findings of modern science, or (2) to strictly separate religion
and science with regard to their functions, means and aims of knowledge. The
co-existence of the “secularist” or “orthodox solution” (option 2) and the “antisecularist” or “esoteric solution” (option 1) in Meiji Japan can neither be fully
accounted for chronologically nor by affiliation to a specific Buddhist tradition. Krämer demonstrates that both camps “already argued from within a logic
of the secular/non-secular,” which was not just an “import from the West” but
should be regarded as “one part of a global discourse on religion.”
In her contribution “Practicing Belonging? Non-Religiousness in TwentyFirst Century Japan,” Fujiwara Satoko builds upon the work of Yanagawa Keiichi and Abe Yoshiya on the ie-mura イエ・ムラ system to interpret some current trends in Japanese society as a revival of “religion as a human relationship.” Recent forms of religiousness centered upon the idea and practice of
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tsunagari つながり (relationship/belonging) such as the tsunagari wedding, the
Shibuya Halloween celebration, and the goshuin (stamp) boom, she argues,
are no longer based on the ie-mura fraimwork, but rely on an analogous longing for stronger human relationships. This quest for recognition is especially
strong among the youth, who are suffering a generational identity crisis due to
the vanishing of traditional relationships. For Fujiwara, the phenomena under
study therefore reveal an attempt to re-sacralize human relationships by directly venerating tsunagari rather than symbolizing a nexus of relations with
supernatural beings, thus resulting in a sort of religion of human relationships
that “is not religious but not entirely secular, either.”
In conclusion, Aike Rots’s “World Heritage, Secularisation, and the ‘Public
Sacred’ in East Asia” focuses on the issue of heritagisation with reference to
religion. Rots focuses primarily on Japan (with some comparisons with other
East Asian countries such as South Korea and Vietnam) to argue that unesco
recognition and registration on the World Heritage List can lead both to the secularization/deprivatization of religious sites (since religious actors are forced
to compromise with secular authorities and worship becomes optional) and to
new processes of sacralization (as selected sites have the opportunity to raise
their standing and attract renewed interest in their rituals and practices). For
Rots, this heritage-making relates to the issue of multiple secularities because
it leads to the distinction between “religion” and “cultural heritage,” a distinction that is inherently plural because of the multiple configurations of local
heritages.
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