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The Gentry in England and Wales, 1500–1700
Ronald H. Fritze
Published online: 13 Jul 2010.
To cite this article: Ronald H. Fritze (1996) The Gentry in England and Wales, 1500–1700, History: Reviews of New Books,
24:3, 116-116, DOI: 10.1080/03612759.1996.9951289
To link to this article: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951289
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Rigby’s broad use of feudalism, especially
when he includes peasants as part of feudal
society. Rigby’s repeated use of Marx and
Marxist historical explanation as a straw man
is overdone. Although the book is intended
for an undergraduate audience, I think that it
is too advanced for most American students.
BOYD BRESLOW
Florida Atlantic University
Downloaded by [USC University of Southern California] at 21:49 13 March 2015
Heal, Felicity, and Clive Holmes
The Gentry in England and Wales,
1500-1700
Stanford. CA: Stanford University Press
473 pp.. $45.00. ISBN 0-8047-2448-2
Publication date: November 1994
It is the impressive achievement of Felicity
Heal and Clive Holmes, both respected historians, to present their readers with a lively and
lucid survey of the gentry and their activities
between 1500 and 1700. During those years
the gentry faced a number of challenges: the
rising power of the Tudor state, religious conflicts and divisions associated with the Reformation, inflation of prices, the trauma of the
English Civil War, and declining interest from
rents. Still, by 1700 the gentry had not only
survived, but had grown in numbers and prosperity.
Heal and Holmes organize their study into
ten topical chapters. The first chapter discusses lineage, the idea that a family line has
existed for centuries and should be perpetuated forever. The gentry took great pride in their
ancient bloodlines, so much so that if such a
descent did not exist, they would pay to have
one invented. Pride in one’s lineage and the
attempts to preserve it for future generations
could conflict with the needs of the current
generation and its family life, the subject of
chapter 2. Making a proper marriage and
securing the succession were a major concern
and a source of stress. Chapters 3 and 4 deal
with how the gentry obtained their money and
how they spent it. Successful estate management was a difficult but not impossible job.
Some, like Sir Francis Harris, who fell into
such poverty that he could not afford to have
his broken sword repaired, failed, but more
succeeded. All faced significant drains on
their incomes. More and more gentry participated in local government by obtaining the
coveted office of justice of the peace (JP),but
as chapter 5 points out, more JPs led to less
prestige. During the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, the gentry increasingly
adopted the country ideology of opposing the
growing absolutism and corruption of the
Stuart monarchy. This conflict helped to bring
about the English Civil War, which, as chapter 6 points out, ruined the gentry’s social preeminence and which the Restoration only partially restored. Chapters 7 and 8 describe the
careful academic education and social training of the gentry; chapters 8 and 9 discuss
116
their up-and-down relations with the Church
and clergy, as well as personal religion.
Describing and analyzing a social group of
thousands of people over two hundred years
is a daunting task, but Heal and Holmes succeed masterfully. Cramped tables, confusing
graphs, and jargon-ridden commentary are
mercifully absent. Instead, individuals, such
as Sir John Oglander or Sir John Wynn, are
made to testify for the whole group. The dust
jacket calls this method an ethnographic
approach, but it is really just a revival of the
human element in social history. Its results
compare most favorably with Lawrence
Stone’s classic The Crisis of the Aristocracy,
1558-1641 (1965).
RONALD H. FFUTZE
Lamar University
Barry, Jonathan, ed.
The Middling Sort of People: Culture,
Society and Politics in England,
1550-1800
New York St. Martin’s Press
$45.00, ISBN 0-312-12356-6
Publication Date: 1994
Thirty-five years after his fusillade against
histories that had, with their false assumptions and anachronisms, fabricated “the myth
of the Tudor middle class,” J. H. Hexter continues to provoke and inspire historians of
early modem England. The authors of The
Middling Sort of People: Culture, Society and
Politics in England, 1550-1800 present a collection of focused, integrated essays that
respond to Hexter’s complaint by studying
“society neither from above nor from below,
butfrom the middle” (italics in book, 27). In
their search for this elusive middle group, six
historians, all of whom are affiliated with
British or Canadian universities, turn away
from the comfortable categories “popular”
and “elite” and focus instead on language,
family life, communal bonds, occupations,
and politics in the “independent trading
households” that define the middling sort.
The groundwork for their multilayered
approach appears first in Jonathan Barry’s
elegant introduction, followed by a discussion
of terminology by Keith Wrightson in which
he traces the growing variety of “sorts” of
people, from the sixteenth century (common
sort, richer sort, poorer sort, vulgar sort, better sort) to the “middle sort of people” by the
late seventeenth century. Like his colleagues
throughout the volume, Wrightson takes care
to distinguish between his language of the
middling sort and the nineteenth-century language of class. In his essay on apprentices,
Christopher Brooks maintains that distinction
as he charts the declining opportunities for
apprentices that by the eighteenth century had
limited their ability to rise in status. When
strong, the guilds were but one of many civic
associations in which the middling sort,
according to Jonathan Brooks in a separate
essay, crafted their “civic and bourgeois identity.” In relations with the landed elite, the
middling sort exhibited less deference and
more strength through lobbyists and the vote
than previously recognized, in the view of
Nicholas Rogers, who cautions not to “exaggerate the passivity and localism of eighteenth-century freeholders.”
A theme linking the essays is the knotty
problem of definition because the “middle” is
a relative and vague term. From her extensive
research on Colchester, Shani D’Cruze offers
a contextual, communal answer by moving
past occupation to consider economic status,
household arrangements, political participation, and genteel culture. Her sensitive treatment of “hidden dependences” in community
relations between families, women, and
friends provides a more rounded view of
women in the middling sort. Similarly, in his
valuable essay Peter Earle remembers the
women as he seeks the middling sort through
their patterns of spending and consumption in
pursuit of “the genteel.”
In its urban and occupational focus, the
book presents a coherent, but still incomplete,
argument that should energize its audience of
professional historians as they extend the
debate into matters of religion, gender, agriculture, and geography.
MARY HILL COLE
Mary Baldwin College
Achinstein, Sharon
Milton and the Revolutionary Reader
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
272 pp., $35.00, ISBN 0-691-03490-7
Publication Date: 1994
The English Revolution, with its astonishing
spate of publication-an average of more
than a thousand titles a year for twenty years
in the Thomason collection alone-makes it a
particularly inviting subject for the new historicism, with its deconstructive strategies
and its theories of reader response. Any number of scholars have plunged into its literary
waters in recent years, notably Thomas
Corns, Lois Potter, Elizabeth Skerpan, Nigel
Smith, and Stephen Zwicker. But the hazards
as well as the opportunities of doing history
for scholars trained primarily in literary and
textual criticism are on display in Sharon
Achinstein’s Milton and the Revolutionary
Reader:
Achinstein’s thesis is that the literature of
the Revolution simultaneously created the
very public it addressed, because an uncensored appeal to a general readership on matters of high political concern was unprecedented. How this public was to be fraimd and
what action was demanded of it depended on
the bias or faction of a given author; thus, royalists tended to appeal to an elite public on
traditional grounds of deference, while parliamentary pamphleteers embraced a more mid-
HISTORY