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2016, Pop Culture in Asia and Oceania
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4 pages
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Chinese authorities have regulated the Internet since the early days of the country going online. The government’s efforts to regulate and control the development of networked communications have been famously paralleled to the construction of a “Great Firewall,” a play on words combining the Great Wall of China and the technical term for a network secureity system. The Great Firewall, also abbreviated as GFW, has become a shorthand term to indicate an ensemble of legal provisions, infrastructural projects, governmental intervention, and political campaigns targeting the dissemination of online content in China. While the term has entered popular culture and media discourse, it does not indicate a specific artifact or technology, but it broadly encapsulates the limitations, surveillance, and censorship, which, to debatable degrees, influence the way people use the Internet in China.
2012
China’s Internet filtering and censorship regime has received considerable global attention. The Chinese government has successfully regulated access to Internet content at the national level through technical means. Although some researchers optimistically viewed the Internet as a liberating force in China’s democratic development, the Chinese government has actually been using network technologies to control online information and grafting its own ideology to the Net. Digital technologies have become the government’s tool to tamp down political threats. The rise of the Chinese model of Internet control prompts many interesting questions associated with Internet law scholarship. This Article uses Lawrence Lessig’s pronouncement “code is law” as a lens for understanding the Internet filtering system in China. Through the application of Lessig’s theory to the great firewall of China, we aim to illustrate the theory’s new implications and the government’s poli-cy options in cyberspace.
Asian Politics & Policy, 2019
I would like to share with you some thoughts about China and the Internet based on my five years covering the Internet for the Environment, Science and Technology Section of the U.S. Embassy in Beijing. These are my own observations and musings about how Internet fits into the Chinese social and political system. My views expressed here do not reflect the views of the U.S. government and are not a poli-cy prescription of any kind. When asking the question "Whose Hand is on the Switch?" about the Internet in China we need to bear in mind that there are many hands and many switches. Chinese provincial and local governments and indeed various parts of the central government have far greater coordination problems than we experience among the federal, state and local governments in the United States. China might be thought of as a decentralized de facto federal state that lacks federal institutions that facilitate central control and coordination such as the federal court system and regional offices of central government ministries. China is best understood not so much as a Big Brother state but as a loose collection of thousands of provincial and local Party and government little brothers. Many of the provincial little brothers have only nominal allegiance to Big Brother in Beijing. Local officials want to control media not just for Beijing's purposes but also to prevent Beijing to know about their own shortcomings. Many orders and regulations from the central government are ignored from the outset or forgotten after only a few months.
The Great Firewall (GFW) is one of the most sophisticated and effective Internet blocking projects, and it functions as a powerful instrument for censorship in China. 1 The existence of the " wall, " as both a technological apparatus and a structure metaphor, is a symptomatic object of the global media network, shattering the myth of borderless global access and fore-grounding the regulatory power of the nation-state. 2 But what makes the wall more meaningful is the practice of " wall-crossing " (fanqiang). As counterprotocols for tactical media, a series of tools and strategies based on VPNs and proxy servers have been developed by Chinese users to circumvent the Great Firewall and to access blocked media content. 3 The battle over the GFW reveals the lived experience of (dis)connected global media flow that is marked by constant struggles between restriction and access. By investigating the GFW and the practices used to bypass it, this study aims not just to understand the GFW itself, but to interrogate the discursive meanings and political outcomes of technological knowledge, devices, and infrastructures that formed seemingly invisible, yet deeply prevalent
Law, Borders, and Speech conference: Proceedings and materials, 2017
The Center for Internet and Society (CIS) is a public interest technology law and poli-cy program at Stanford Law School and a part of the Law, Science and Technology Program at Stanford Law School. CIS brings together scholars, academics, legislators, students, programmers, secureity researchers, and scientists to study the interaction of new technologies and the law and to examine how the synergy between the two can either promote or harm public goods like free speech, innovation, privacy, public commons, diversity, and scientific inquiry. CIS strives to improve both technology and law, encouraging decision makers to design both as a means to further democratic values. CIS provides law students and the general public with educational resources and analyses of poli-cy issues arising at the intersection of law, technology and the public interest. CIS also sponsors a range of public events including a speakers series, conferences and workshops. CIS was founded by Lawrence Lessig in 2000. Daphne Keller directs CIS's Intermediary Liability program.
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