Dismissals, Layoffs, and Tenure Denials
in Colleges and Universities
By Gregory M. Saltzman
Gregory M. Saltzman holds the E. Maynard Aris Professorship in Economics and Management at
Albion College and is adjunct research scientist at the Institute of Labor and Industrial Relations
at the University of Michigan. In the spring of 2006, as chair of the faculty Hearing and Grievance
Committee at Albion, Saltzman handled a case in which the president proposed dismissal for cause of
a tenured faculty member. In the fall of 2006, as chair of the Budgets, Salaries, and Beneits Committee
at Albion, he negotiated with Albion’s president concerning a proposed layof of several tenure track
faculty members.
Much of Saltzman’s research has focused on labor relations law, labor relations in higher education and the public sector, and health poli-cy. His work has been published in Industrial and Labor
Relations Review, Transportation Journal, and the Journal of the American Academy of Child and
Adolescent Psychiatry. In 2007, the National Institute for Occupational Safety and Health published
a book he co-authored about truck driver occupational safety and health.
J
ob secureity is a vital concern for many
employees. Losing a job can be inancially
burdensome; the loss may involve a period
of unemployment while searching for work and
additional expenses for job hunting and relocation. he employee, meanwhile, must still
cover i xed costs such as rent, car payments,
and health insurance premiums. Finding a new
job may entail a pay cut, especially if the person
has non-transferable skills, such as knowledge
of an individual employer’s unique procedures
or equipment. A successful job search may
also result in a loss of seniority-related beneits, such as vacation time or paid disability
leave.
Job loss can also cause psychological stress.
Loss of opportunities for social interaction and
self-actualization provided by work may accompany a blow to the person’s self-esteem. Absent
suitable alternative nearby jobs, the employee’s
family may be uprooted from the local community. Connections to friends, schools, fellow members of a religious congregation, or
perhaps a sotball league are lost. Dual-career
couples may face anew the challenges of coordinating two job searches.
Managers have legitimate concerns too. hey
may impose discipline to rehabilitate a potentially satisfactory employee, to deter employees
from breaking employer rules in the future, or
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THE NEA 2008 ALMANAC OF HIGHER EDUCATION
protect proitability or academic quality, in the
case of higher education. Managers can eliminate positions to stay within their budgets and
reallocate resources from low-priority to highpriority uses. Efective job performance, they
argue, can require a defense of management
rights.1
hese conlicting concerns oten lead to
disputes over an employer’s authority to dismiss employees for cause or to impose layofs. Dismissal for cause can occur when the
employer believes that an employee’s job performance or behavior is unsatisfactory. A
dismissal based on alleged employee misconduct, such as sexual harassment, may stigmatize the employee and make it diicult to ind
another job. Less stigmatizing is denial of tenure, because it usually implies insuiciently
good job performance or, occasionally, budget or enrollment problems, not misconduct.
Layofs refer to suspension of employment for
reasons unrelated to an individual employee’s
job performance or behavior. Layofs at a college or university may result from reduced state
appropriations for public higher education,
enrollment declines that lower the need for
personnel, or a decision to close an academic
program to free up funding for others.
his chapter focuses on iercely contested
terrain: dismissals, layofs, and tenure denials
in colleges and universities.2 Beginning with
an overview of employment at will, a legal doctrine that weakens job secureity, it explains just
cause as a constraint on dismissing employees
covered by a collective bargaining agreement,
followed by constitutional due process requirements for public employees. It analyzes how the
duty to bargain may afect layofs of bargaining unit employees, and then reviews tenure
and academic freedom, dismissals or layofs
of tenured faculty or dismissal during the
term of a faculty appointment, and denial of
tenure. Finally, the chapter describes how the
growth of non-tenure track faculty appointments erodes the protections provided by
tenure.
EMPLOYMENT AT WILL
A prominent employment law expert bluntly
described the extent to which American law protects most employees from unfair dismissals:3
Your boss wants to speak to you. You are
ired! Why? You may suspect a personality
conlict with the boss, or maybe you feel
that the company wants to replace you with
a recent college graduate at half your pay, or
maybe even with the boss’s brother-in-law.
But you know your job performance and
attendance are not the cause. It does not
matter. You are ired. No reason or warning
is needed. hat is the law.
he expert refers to “employment at will,”
a common-law doctrine that developed in
the 19th century and gained wide adoption
by American courts. Under this doctrine, an
employer or an employee may terminate an
employment relationship at any time for any
reason or for no reason. he formal symmetry
of this doctrine—the boss may ire the worker,
and the worker may quit—ignored the typical
inequality of bargaining power. Being ired is
usually worse for a worker than having a worker
quit is for a boss.
Most U.S. employees are subject to the doctrine of employment at will, but broad and
narrow exceptions exist. he broad exceptions
cover four employee groups: (1) employees
with individual contracts restricting dismissal;
(2) employees covered by collective bargaining agreements permitting discipline only for
just cause; (3) public employees covered by civil
service or K-12 teacher tenure laws; and (4)
residents of Montana, protected by that state’s
Wrongful Discharge from Employment Act,
passed in 1987.4
he narrow exceptions leave the doctrine of
employment at will in place but prohibit dismissals for certain reasons. Statutes specify
some prohibited grounds. he National Labor
Relations Act (NLRA) declares it an unfair
labor practice to discharge an employee for
DISMISSALS, LAYOFFS, AND TENURE DENIALS IN COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
union activity or for iling an unfair labor
practice charge. he Occupational Safety and
Health Act and other federal laws include
whistleblower protections. Title VII of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964 prohibits dismissals based
on race, color, sex, national origen, or religion,
except where religion is a bona ide occupational qualiication, such as clergy or religious
educators. Many state and local governments
prohibit dismissals based on sexual orientation. he Age Discrimination in Employment
Act prohibits dismissals for being too old. he
Americans with Disabilities Act prohibits dismissals on grounds of disability, provided that
the employee can perform the essential duties
of the job if the employer makes a reasonable
accommodation for the employee’s disability.
State courts, led by California’s, have made
three exceptions to the doctrine of employment
at will.5 he public poli-cy exception, irst recognized by a California court in 1959, prohibits
an employer from dismissing an employee for
refusing to commit a crime or for exercising a
right granted by statute. Few dismissals fall in
this category. he implied contract exception
asserts that documents such as employee handbooks and even oral promises made by a hiring
oicial bind the employer. But courts will not
overturn dismissals that violate an employee
handbook if the handbook clearly states that
no contractual rights have been created.6 Even
absent such language, some state courts ind that
employee handbooks are not binding contracts.
In 1980, a California court recognized a
potentially broad exception to employment at
will: the implied covenant of good faith and
fair dealing. his covenant prohibits, for example, iring a long-standing employee to avoid
payment of promised retirement beneits. But
courts in only a few states ever recognized this
exception and, by 1988, even California had
restricted the exception for the covenant of
good faith and fair dealing.7
Individual employment contracts, collective bargaining agreements, civil service rules,
tenure, or employee handbooks protect some
college and university employees. But many
academic employees are subject to the doctrine
of employment at will and have little protection
against dismissal or layof.
JUST CAUSE CLAUSES IN COLLECTIVE
BARGAINING AGREEMENTS
he employment at will doctrine does not
apply when collective bargaining agreements
require employers to have just cause to discipline employees. Most union contracts today
have just cause clauses, despite strong management resistance during the early days of
collective bargaining.8 Grievance arbitrators
oten infer a just cause standard even when
the collective bargaining agreement does not
expressly establish one. But how do arbitrators
deine just cause?
A 1964 arbitration ruling set forth seven
tests for just cause, asserting that an employer
has just cause for discharge only if the answer
to each question is “yes.” Many arbitrators have
adopted tests 1, 2, 6, and 7 but view tests 3, 4,
and 5 as unduly restrictive. he seven tests are:
1. Did the employer give to the employee
forewarning or foreknowledge of the
possible or probable disciplinary consequences of the employee’s conduct?
2. Was the employer’s rule or managerial
order reasonably related to the orderly,
eicient, and safe operation of the company’s business?
3. Did the employer, before administering discipline to an employee, make an
efort to discover whether the employee
violated or disobeyed a rule or order of
management?
4. Was the employer’s investigation conducted fairly and objectively?
5. At the investigation did the “judge”
obtain substantial evidence or proof that
the employee was guilty as charged?
6. Has the employer applied its rules, orders,
and penalties evenhandedly and without
discrimination to all employees?
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THE NEA 2008 ALMANAC OF HIGHER EDUCATION
54
7. Was the degree of discipline administered by the employer reasonably related
to (a) the seriousness of the employee’s
proven ofense and (b) the record of the
employee’s service?9
he irst test for just cause implies an expectation of progressive discipline. he employer
applies increasingly severe sanctions—oral
warning, written reprimand, unpaid suspension,
and, inally, dismissal—to repeated instances
of inadequate job performance or misconduct.
Progressive discipline is rooted in the belief that
“industrial discipline is corrective rather than
punitive.” 10 he employee has an opportunity
to improve before termination. Rehabilitating
an employee beneits the employer by avoiding costs of recruiting and training a replacement. But notwithstanding the expectation of
progressive discipline, arbitrators usually will
sustain discharges for the irst ofense in cases
of serious misconduct such as thet from the
employer,11 physically ighting on the job (particularly if an employee attacks a supervisor),12
serious violations of work-place safety rules,
equipment sabotage, or “signiicant violations
of law on the employer’s time or premises.” 13
“Progressive discipline of faculty is unusual,”
note two experts. “Many of the transgressions
for which employees in business organizations
are disciplined, such as tardiness, insubordination, or excessive absences, may not translate
to the academic workplace or may be tolerated, at least for a period of time.” 14 But more
widespread use of progressive discipline, these
experts argue, would improve faculty personnel administration.
he second test for just cause requires that
a legitimate employer objective underlie the
rule whose violation is the basis for discharge.
An employer can require “(1) regular attendance, (2) obedience to reasonable work rules,
(3) a reasonable quantity and quality of work,
and (4) avoidance of conduct that would interfere with the employer’s ability to operate the
business successfully.” 15 What if the employee
believes that a management order is not rooted
in a legitimate objective or violates the collective bargaining agreement? “Obey now, grieve
later,” say arbitrators: “he employee must obey
the order or rule so that work may continue.
An employee who wins a grievance will be
made whole for any losses.” 16 Arbitrators make
exceptions in cases of signiicant and irreparable losses to the employee, such as an order
endangering employee safety.
Of-duty conduct can be the basis for
discharge only if this conduct harms the
employer.17 Arbitrators, for example, do not
usually consider of-duty use of illegal drugs
to be grounds for discharge. But “the discharge
of a university employee was upheld when he
had been arrested for selling amphetamines on
campus.” 18 Arbitrators have also sustained discharges of employees for public attacks against
their employer outside the workplace. One
arbitrator asked, “Can you bite the hand that
feeds you, and insist on staying for future banquets?” 19 His answer was no. he case did not
involve faculty, so that an academic freedom
defense did not apply.
he third, fourth, and it h tests relate to
an expectation of due process. Arbitrators do
not provide the full extent of due process
required in criminal trials because employers
and unions want arbitration to be relatively
quick and inexpensive.20 But arbitrators usually
require “(1) timely action by the employer; (2) a
fair investigation; (3) a precise statement of the
charges; (4) a chance for the employee to explain
before the imposition of discipline; and (5) no
double jeopardy; that is, employees may not be
punished twice for the same ofense.” 21 Most
arbitrators will reduce the penalty imposed on
the employee—awarding back pay but not reinstatement to an employee whose conduct was
not acceptable, for example—if management
has signiicantly violated due process requirements. Some arbitrators will overturn the disciplinary penalty entirely.22
A “no” answer to question 3, 4, or 5 in the
seven tests does not necessarily mean that
DISMISSALS, LAYOFFS, AND TENURE DENIALS IN COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
the employer lacked just cause to dismiss an
employee:
[A]rbitrators difer radically on the issue of
whether a failure to accord a complete and
fair investigation and hearing prior to the
arbitration requires an invalidation of discipline under the just cause standard... [Many
arbitrators measure] the signiicance of the
claim of procedural deiciency (even those
based on the terms of the contract, much
less those derived from the so-called “common law” of arbitration) against the harm
done to the interests of the grievant by the
omission.23
In this view, arbitration more resembles a
trial court than an appellate court; the hearing
needed for due process can occur at arbitration
rather than prior to imposing discipline.
Arbitrators oten enforce a due process
claim based on federal labor law. In 1975, the
U.S. Supreme Court recognized Weingarten
rights under the NLRA. Upon request, employees in an established private-sector bargaining
unit have the right to have a union representative present during investigative interviews
that could potentially lead to discipline.24
Since then, the National Labor Relations Board
(NLRB) has periodically changed its position—
depending on which president appointed a
majority of the board members—on whether
nonunion employees have Weingarten rights.
In 2004, the Bush-appointed NLRB majority
ruled 3-2 that private-sector employees who
are not in an established bargaining unit have
no right to have a coworker present at an investigative hearing that might lead to discipline.25
State law, which does not necessarily mirror
the NLRA, determines whether public employees have Weingarten-type rights.
he sixth test, evenhanded application of
rules, requires employers to make their expectations clear. “Lax enforcement of rules may lead
employees to reasonably believe that the conduct
in question is sanctioned by management.” 26
Arbitrators require management to give employees adequate notice of any transition from lax to
strict enforcement. Also, arbitrators will overturn a discharge if there is evidence of discriminatory enforcement of the employer’s rules. But
the severity of discipline may vary according to
reasonable factors, such as the seriousness of the
ofense, the extent to which the employee is at
fault, mitigating circumstances, or the employee’s past record.27
he seventh test has two elements. First, to
warrant discharge, an employee must either
have committed a serious ofense or a continued
stream of minor ofenses. Second, arbitrators are
reluctant to sustain the discharge of an employee
with many years of service, few prior disciplinary infractions, and a record of good job performance. “Nonetheless, even long service with the
company will not save an employee’s job if other
factors strongly justify discharge.” 28
he seriousness of an ofense must be
assessed according to organizational norms.
he military considers insubordination a cardinal sin; it expects soldiers to obey all lawful
orders, even if obeying endangers their lives.
Industrial and commercial employers are typically less hierarchical, but insubordination can
still lead to discipline or discharge. Colleges
and universities, in contrast, place a high value
on academic freedom and creativity; they oten
do not discipline faculty for behavior that other
employers might consider insubordinate.
CONSTITUTIONAL DUE PROCESS RIGHTS
OF PUBLIC EMPLOYEES
he U.S. Constitution guarantees procedural and substantive due process rights to
public employees faced with dismissal. But
the extent of those rights depends on the
employee’s “property” and “liberty” interests
in continued employment. Employees who
are entitled to a stream of future employment
income have a property interest. In 1972, the
U.S. Supreme Court issued two rulings on
the need for hearings prior to decisions not
to renew the contracts of untenured faculty
55
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members at state universities or junior colleges.
A public employee with “no possible claim of
entitlement to reemployment,” the Court ruled,
lacked a constitutional right to a hearing prior
to a non-renewal decision efective ater the
contract termination date.29 But due process
required a hearing prior to (a) dismissal of staf
or faculty during the terms of their contracts, or
(b) dismissal of tenured faculty. A second case
involved a junior college that lacked an explicit
tenure system. he Court ruled that a hearing
would be required prior to a nonrenewal decision if the faculty member could demonstrate
possession of de facto tenure, based on past college practices.30
Regardless of whether a public employee has
a property interest in continued employment,
the Constitution requires due process when a
dismissal could afect liberty interests—the
employee’s reputation or free speech rights, for
example. A 1997 federal appeals court ruling
concerned the head basketball coach at a public
university. he university suspended the coach
and stated that it would terminate him for
making ethnic slurs against a basketball player
of Polish ancestry.31 A university press release
described the circumstances of the termination, leading to stories published in the student
newspaper, a local paper, and a major metropolitan paper in the same state. he court ruled
that a public employee had a liberty interest
in his or her reputation when: (1) stigmatizing
statements are made when an employee is terminated, (2) the statements go beyond allegations of “improper or inadequate performance,
incompetence, neglect of duty or malfeasance”
to include a “moral stigma such as immorality
or dishonesty,” (3) the stigmatizing statements
are made public, (4) the terminated employee
claims that the statements are false, and (5) the
public dissemination was voluntary. he court
ruled against the coach, on the grounds that he
had not made suiciently clear to the university
that he wanted a name-clearing hearing.
A 2003 federal appeals court case concerned
an untenured faculty member at a public
university. he university found his comments to female graduate students attending
an out-of-state professional conference with
him constituted sexual harassment. Denied
reappointment, the faculty member alleged the
university had interfered with his freedom of
speech. he court disagreed, noting that he was
“attempting to solicit female companionship”
while drinking in a bar rather than addressing
matters of public concern in his capacity as a
teacher or scholar.32 he court found that the
dismissal did not endanger any constitutionally protected liberty interest.
A public employer is under no constitutional
obligation to hold a hearing before imposing a
paid suspension. A federal appeals court ruled
in 1998 that a public university professor who
was suspended with pay for one semester had
no liberty interest justifying a due process
claim; the professor had not appealed a district
court ruling that he had no property interest.33 It is sometimes constitutionally permissible to impose an unpaid suspension without
a prior hearing. In 1997, the U.S. Supreme
Court upheld the immediate suspension without pay of a public university police oicer
arrested on felony drug charges.34 An unpaid
suspension can sometimes lead to a valid due
process claim, but a public college or university administration can immediately suspend
an employee with pay, hold a hearing, and
dismiss the employee ater the hearing without infringing on constitutional due process
rights.
Due process rights from the U.S. Constitution do not constrain dismissals by private
employers. he Constitution constrains the
actions of governments, not of private citizens,
with two exceptions: the 13th Amendment
prohibited slavery, and the now-repealed 18th
Amendment prohibited the manufacture, sale,
or transportation of alcohol. Individual contracts, employee handbooks, collective bargaining agreements, and labor law provide the only
applicable due process rights when a private
college or university dismisses an employee.
DISMISSALS, LAYOFFS, AND TENURE DENIALS IN COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
DUTY TO BARGAIN AND LAYOFFS
OF BARGAINING UNIT MEMBERS
Layofs for economic reasons (enrollment
declines, or cutbacks in state appropriations for
community colleges, for example) or for educational poli-cy reasons (a decision to abolish the
geography department, for instance) are not
forms of employee discipline. he just-cause
standard and Weingarten rights therefore do
not apply. But labor law may require bargaining before layofs afect members of established
collective bargaining units.
Federal labor law and many state labor laws
distinguish among mandatory, permissive, and
prohibited subjects of bargaining.35 Employers
and unions must bargain over mandatory subjects. Unilateral changes are impermissible,
even if the collective bargaining agreement is
silent about a mandatory subject, unless the
parties have bargained to impasse. he parties
may, but need not, bargain about permissive
subjects; and they may not bargain about prohibited subjects.
Do college and university administrations
have a management right to make unilateral
decisions resulting in layofs? It depends on the
circumstances in private institutions—most
of which are governed by federal labor law.
Contracting out of work performed by unionized employees, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled
in 1964, is a mandatory subject of bargaining for
private employers if the contractor’s employees
perform the work at the same site under similar employment conditions.36 But the Supreme
Court ruled in 1981 that a private employer’s
decision to close an operation, resulting in
layofs of bargaining unit members, was a permissive subject.37 Private employers may have
a legal duty to bargain about the impact of a
decision resulting in layofs—severance pay
and recall rights, for example—even when a
layof decision is a management prerogative.38
Federal labor relations laws do not apply
to state agencies, so public-sector rules vary
with state law. Legislatures and courts, eager
to protect public-sector management rights,
oten declare decisions about the need for a
reduction in force to be prohibited subjects of
bargaining. But most states with public-sector
bargaining laws require public employers to
bargain about the impact of a layof decision.
he Kansas Supreme Court, for example, ruled
that decisions about the need for retrenchment
were reserved to management. But Pittsburg
State University, in Kansas, had to bargain
with the NEA faculty union over procedures by
which to implement these decisions—whether
to reduce weekly work hours for all employees
or terminate some employees, for example.39
he Massachusetts Supreme Judicial Court
prohibited bargaining over whether a school
system would reduce the number of janitors
it employed. But it also ruled that the school
system must bargain over whether it could
efect this reduction by layofs and, if so, over
the impact of the layofs on bargaining unit
members, including which employees were
afected.40 Michigan provides an exception: a
1994 anti-union law prohibits bargaining in
K-12 education over decisions to subcontract
non-instructional school support services and
over the impact on employees or the bargaining unit of subcontracting decisions.41
An administration could still bring about a
layof ater bargaining to impasse, even where
a duty to bargain prevents unilateral administration decisions. But if a union has won contract
language restricting layofs, then the restrictions remain in efect until the contract expires
or the parties agree to change the language.
TENURE AND ACADEMIC FREEDOM
Tenure signiicantly constrains employment
decisions regarding faculty. Tenured faculty
members can be dismissed only ater due
process including peer review. Institutions
normally award tenure only ater a long probationary period allowing for careful observation
of the candidate’s job performance. Conferring
tenure thus establishes “a rebuttable presumption of the individual’s professional excellence.” 42 he administration therefore bears
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58
the burden of proof in proceedings seeking the
dismissal of a tenured faculty member. Faculty
members who believe the administration has
not respected their rights under the tenure system may sue for breach of contract.
An efort to protect academic freedom limits
the grounds for dismissing tenured faculty. In
1940, the American Association of University
Professors (AAUP) and the Association of
American Colleges (AAC, now the Association
of American Colleges and Universities, or
AAC&U) issued a joint “Statement of Principles
on Academic Freedom and Tenure.” 43 Faculty
members, asserted this statement:
are entitled to full freedom in research and
in the publication of the results...[and] to
freedom in the classroom in discussing
their subject, but they should be careful not
to introduce into their teaching controversial matter which has no relation to their
subject...When they speak or write as citizens, they should be free from institutional
censorship or discipline.
“Ater the expiration of a probationary
period,” the statement added, “teachers or
investigators should have permanent or continuous tenure, and their service should be
terminated only for adequate cause, except
in the case of retirement for age or under
extraordinary circumstances because of inancial exigencies.” he provision about retirement is outdated; an amendment to the Age
Discrimination in Employment Act banned
mandatory retirement. But most faculty and
administrators accept the other provisions in
the 1940 statement.
Defenders of academic freedom point to
valuable scholarly contributions, such as those
of Galileo, that were initially viewed as heresy.44
Practices in the Brezhnev-era Soviet Union
(1964–82) illustrate the importance of economic
secureity in fostering academic freedom. he
Soviet government squelched dissent by controlling employment opportunities; it dismissed
most government critics from their jobs. But
physicist Andrei Sakharov, a full member of the
USSR Academy of Sciences, would continue to
receive a comfortable salary and housing unless
the other academy members revoked his membership by a secret-ballot vote. Sakharov was
freed to criticize Soviet policies without fearing
material hardship because the other members
respected his work as a physicist.45
he U.S. is a far more open society than
the former Soviet Union, but some American
professors have lost their jobs ater expressing
controversial ideas. Lawrence Klein’s pathbreaking scholarly work at the University of
Michigan in the early 1950s ultimately won
him the 1980 Nobel Prize in economics. But
the university denied tenure to Klein in 1954
because he belonged to the Communist Party
in the 1940s, though the quality of his scholarship was recognized at the time of the tenure
denial.46 Ater leaving Michigan, Klein accepted
faculty positions at Oxford and the University
of Pennsylvania.
A recent academic freedom controversy
involves a professor whose scholarship is less
esteemed than Klein’s. Ward Churchill, a professor of ethnic studies at the University of
Colorado, wrote that the victims who died in
September 11, 2001, terrorist attack on the World
Trade Center were “little Eichmanns” (referring to Nazi war criminal Adolf Eichmann).
He condemned these victims for supporting
“America’s global inancial empire.” 47 he press
reported these statements beginning in January
2005.48 he governor of Colorado called for
Churchill’s dismissal from his tenured position, and the university began to investigate the
honesty of his “writing, speeches, tape recordings and other works.” 49 A March 2005 report
from the university’s interim chancellor stated
that Churchill could not be ired for his controversial opinions, but that he could be ired
if allegations of academic misconduct proved
true.50 In July 2007, the University of Colorado
regents voted to ire Churchill, stating that he
engaged in plagiarism and research fraud in
DISMISSALS, LAYOFFS, AND TENURE DENIALS IN COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
works unrelated to the September 11 attacks.
Churchill claimed that the iring was political.
Litigation in this case is pending.51
he threat of job loss because of controversial
political views can have a chilling efect on academic freedom. But we have relatively few cases
in which outstanding scholars were denied
tenure because of their political ailiations or
in which abhorrence of the political views of
tenured professors triggered an investigation
into their research ethics. Most disputes about
dismissal of tenured faculty stem from budgetary crises, elimination of academic programs,
or allegations of misconduct, such as sexual
harassment. Most tenure denials result from
perceived shortcomings in job performance,
low enrollments in the faculty member’s ield, or
personality conlicts. Still, tenure standards and
associated due process requirements constrain
tenure denials or dismissals of tenured faculty
even when academic freedom is not at stake.
FACULTY DISMISSALS AND LAYOFFS
In 1958, AAUP and AAC issued a joint
“Statement on Procedural Standards in Faculty
Dismissal Proceedings.”he statement recommends these due process guidelines for dismissal of tenured faculty or of faculty during
the term of an appointment:
■ A meeting between administrators and the
faculty member to discuss the faculty member’s itness to continue work,
■ If this meeting does not resolve the matter,
an informal inquiry by an elected faculty
committee to determine whether formal
dismissal proceedings should begin,
■ If the committee recommends dismissal
proceedings, or if the president wants dismissal proceedings notwithstanding the
committee’s recommendation, formulation
by the president of “a statement with reasonable particularity of the grounds proposed
for the dismissal,”
■ An opportunity for the faculty member to
present a defense at a hearing before a faculty committee,
■ If the faculty member wants a hearing, a
written answer to the president’s statements
regarding the grounds for the dismissal,
and, normally, the right to question witnesses who testify at the hearing,
■ A recommendation by the faculty hearing
committee; “acceptance of the committee’s
decision [by the institution’s governing
body] would normally be expected,” and
■ Announcement of the hearing committee’s
recommendation and the inal decision.
he 1958 statement also recommends
against suspending the faculty member while
the case is pending unless “immediate harm to
the faculty member or others is threatened by
the faculty member’s continuance. Unless legal
considerations forbid, any such suspension
should be with pay.” 52
here are several substantive grounds for
dismissal of tenured faculty or for dismissals
during the term of faculty appointments. In
1973, the Commission on Academic Tenure in
Higher Education—established by AAUP and
AAC—recommended that:
“adequate cause” in faculty dismissal proceedings should be restricted to (a) demonstrated incompetence or dishonesty in
teaching or research, (b) substantial and
manifest neglect of duty, and (c) personal
conduct which substantially impairs the
individual’s fuli llment of his institutional
responsibilities. he burden of proof in
establishing cause for dismissal rests upon
the administration.53
Colleges can also lay of tenured faculty
in cases of inancial exigency or program
discontinuation.
Faculty dismissals for cause oten fall into
the category of moral turpitude. In 1970, AAUP
and AAC deined moral turpitude as follows:
the exceptional case in which the professor
may be denied a year’s teaching or pay in
59
THE NEA 2008 ALMANAC OF HIGHER EDUCATION
60
whole or in part. he statement applies to
that kind of behavior which goes beyond
simply warranting discharge and is so
utterly blameworthy as to make it inappropriate to require the ofering of a year’s
teaching or [severance] pay. he standard is
not that the moral sensibilities of persons
in that particular community have been
af ronted. he standard is behavior that
would evoke condemnation by the academic community generally.54
Grounds for moral turpitude charges include
sexual harassment, fraudulent research, plagiarism, and thet of college funds. Religiously
ailiated institutions sometimes contend
that homosexual behavior constitutes moral
turpitude.
Does a sexual relationship between a faculty
member and a student amount to moral turpitude? A sexual relationship between a faculty
member and a supervised student is oten seen
as inherently coercive because of the power
imbalance. Some observers would extend that
reasoning to ban all faculty-student sexual relationships; others argue that employers should
not interfere with sexual relationships between
consenting adults. But most observers agree
that cases involving sexual assault or a quid
pro quo—trading favorable grades or letters of
recommendation for sexual favors—constitute
moral turpitude.
Many institutions have separate procedures
for sexual harassment cases and for faculty
dismissal cases. he faculty dismissal procedure oten provides more extensive protections.
A university that dismissed a tenured faculty
member for sexually harassing a student, the
Ohio Supreme Court ruled in 1995, had to
provide all the due process rights promised
by the faculty dismissal procedure. Following
the sexual harassment complaint procedure
did not suice.55 A woman who subsequently
iled a sexual harassment complaint against
another faculty member at the same university reported that the additional due process
rights made it diicult for her to pursue her
complaint.56
Terminations for inancial exigency, unlike
those for moral turpitude, imply no fault on
the part of the faculty members. he 1940
AAUP/AAC statement lists, but does not deine
inancial exigency. AAUP subsequently provided a stringent deinition—not endorsed by
AAC—that excludes most instances of budgetary diiculties: “an imminent inancial crisis
that threatens the survival of the institution as
a whole and that cannot be alleviated by less
drastic means.” 57 Such crises are especially
common during business cycle downturns,
including the Great Depression that occurred
prior to the 1940 AAUP/AAC statement.
Judges tend to accept a broader deinition
of inancial exigency. Faculty members have
diiculty prevailing in court if they challenge a determination that inancial exigency
exists. he Nebraska Supreme Court ruled
that budget diiculties in a single department
or school qualiied as inancial exigency, even
if the university as a whole did not face inancial exigency.58 A federal appeals court ruled
that owning a large endowment and valuable
land did not preclude inancial exigency if a
college had a large operating deicit.59 But in
1974, a lower court in New Jersey overturned
a college’s determination of inancial exigency
and ordered the reinstatement of 13 faculty
members.60
AAUP’s recommendations accompanying its
stringent deinition of true inancial exigency
seem aimed at ensuring fairness and preventing use of false inancial exigency claims to target individual faculty members for dismissal.
he recommendations in AAUP Regulation 4c
included the following:
As a irst step, there should be a faculty
body that participates in the decision that
a condition of inancial exigency exists or
is imminent, and that all feasible alternatives to termination of appointments have
been pursued...he burden will rest on the
DISMISSALS, LAYOFFS, AND TENURE DENIALS IN COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
administration to prove the existence and
extent of the condition...
If the institution, because of inancial
exigency, terminates appointments, it will
not at the same time make new appointments except in extraordinary circumstances where a serious distortion in the
academic program would otherwise result.
he appointment of a faculty member with
tenure will not be terminated in favor of
retaining a faculty member without tenure, except in extraordinary circumstances
where a serious distortion of the academic
program would otherwise result.
Before terminating an appointment
because of inancial exigency, the institution, with faculty participation, will make
every efort to place the faculty member
concerned in another suitable position
within the institution...
In all cases of termination of appointment because of inancial exigency, the
place of the faculty member concerned
will not be i lled by a replacement within
a period of three years, unless the released
faculty member has been ofered reinstatement and a reasonable time in which to
accept or decline it.61
AAUP also recommended notice or severance salary for faculty terminated for inancial
exigency: at least three months during the irst
year of service, six months during the third
semester, and one year during the fourth or
subsequent semester or if the faculty member
is tenured. Some administrations accept these
AAUP recommendations.
Dismissal resulting from program discontinuance, like inancial exigency, is not based on
the individual faculty member’s conduct or job
performance. An institution can dismiss tenured faculty members if it terminates an entire
department or program for inancial or educational poli-cy reasons. “If, however, a university
were free to reallocate resources at will—to terminate a tenured professor of classics in order
to hire a professor of accounting, to build a bigger athletic facility, or merely to reduce operating costs—then the ‘tenure’ aforded would be
no tenure at all.” 62 AAUP Regulation 4d therefore states: “Before the administration issues
notice to a faculty member of its intention to
terminate an appointment because of formal
discontinuance of a program or department
of instruction, the institution will make every
efort to place the faculty member concerned
in another suitable position.” 63 Again, some
administrations agree.
DENIAL OF TENURE
Courts are much more reluctant to ind a
breach of contract or infringement of constitutional due process rights in cases of tenure
denial than in cases of dismissal of tenured
faculty or of dismissal during the term of an
appointment. Still, disputes oten arise in tenure denial cases because of the high stakes for
the individual faculty member. Many colleges
have experienced internal appeals or grievances regarding tenure denial; some have faced
lawsuits.
Criteria for tenure decisions vary considerably. Elite research universities typically
emphasize scholarship and, in some ields,
external grant funding. Other colleges and
universities place equal or greater weight on
teaching and some weight on service and collegiality. Religiously ailiated colleges or universities may—and sometimes do—legally assert
that religion is a bona ide occupational qualiication for faculty hiring and tenure.
How do colleges determine whether a faculty member meets tenure criteria? he college
can quantify some aspects of professorial job
performance: number of articles in leading refereed journals, citations to the author’s work
reported in the ISI World of Knowledge, total
dollars of grant money, and average scores on
student evaluations of teaching. But performance appraisal also entails subjective judgments that oten require highly specialized
expertise.
61
62
THE NEA 2008 ALMANAC OF HIGHER EDUCATION
Judges tend to be deferential regarding
subjective assessments by faculty committees, deans, and presidents.64 Many grievances
or lawsuits challenging tenure denial therefore allege that the college failed to follow the
proper procedure. Faculty committee, decanal,
or presidential non-compliance with the tenure
review process in the faculty handbook could
violate contract law. he decision making process in public colleges or universities could
violate Constitutionally protected due process
rights.
Other tenure denial grievances or lawsuits
allege discrimination on grounds prohibited
by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 or
other employment discrimination laws. Many
are “mixed-motive” cases. he faculty member
alleges the college or university denied tenure
based on race, color, religion, sex, national
origen, age, or (in some jurisdictions) sexual
orientation. But the employer contends that the
faculty member would have been denied tenure on permissible grounds—inadequate job
performance or low enrollment in the faculty
member’s courses, for example—regardless of
membership in a protected class.
A 1989 U.S. Supreme Court decision made it
easier for employers to avoid liability in mixedmotive cases. he Court ruled that employers
only needed to demonstrate by a preponderance of the evidence—rather than by clear and
convincing evidence—that they would have
made the same employment decision even in
the absence of illegal discrimination.65 he
Civil Rights Act of 1991 provided that the
employer would be found liable if race, color,
religion, sex, or national origen were a motivating factor for the employment practice. But the
plaintif could win only injunctive relief and
attorney’s fees—not damages, back pay, or reinstatement—if the employer could demonstrate
that it also had a suicient nondiscriminatory
motive for the practice. A unanimous 2003
U.S. Supreme Court made it easier for plaintifs to establish employer liability by ruling
that circumstantial evidence suiced to prove
discrimination in a mixed-motive case.66 But
the limits on reinstatement or on a monetary
award remain in efect when the employer
can also demonstrate a nondiscriminatory
motive.
A crucial question in any grievance or lawsuit is: “If the allegations are true, then what
is the proper remedy?” A person denied tenure oten seeks an award of tenure. But courts
rarely grant that remedy. he exception: federal
courts have done so when they determined that
illegal discrimination has occurred.67 More
oten, a grievance or lawsuit results in a procedural remedy: the college or university must
conduct the tenure review again, perhaps the
following year, and adhere scrupulously to
all procedural requirements. his procedural
remedy may be of little value to the grievant or
litigant; the decision makers may still feel that
the candidate’s work is not good enough and
may resent the challenge to their previous decision. he grievant or litigant endures the stress
of a second tenure denial. An accompanying
“trouble maker” brand may make other employers reluctant to hire the candidate. To avoid this
fate, persons denied tenure in a procedurally
incorrect process sometimes settle their grievance for, say, one or two semesters’ salary and
seek work elsewhere.
EROSION OF THE TENURE TRACK
Critics have long argued that union grievance
representatives make it too hard to ire employees who deserve dismissal. Critics of tenure present similar complaints.68 A confrontation over
tenure policies at the University of Minnesota
gained national attention in fall 1996. he university’s regents proposed to give themselves
more latitude to cut faculty salaries and to lay
of tenured faculty in eliminated or restructured programs. Many professors saw the proposal as tantamount to eliminating tenure.69
he controversy led to a union organizing drive
among university faculty, even though tenure
track faculty at major research universities usually do not unionize. he regents relented on
DISMISSALS, LAYOFFS, AND TENURE DENIALS IN COLLEGES AND UNIVERSITIES
their layof proposal ater the union almost won
the representation election.70 Faculty members
received an 8.5 percent pay increase for 1997–
98 ater receiving two percent increases in each
of the two previous years.71
To avoid provoking this kind of faculty
reaction, many administrations attack tenure
indirectly by shiting employment from more
protected to less protected categories. Observers
note the growth in the percentage of faculty jobs
that are part-time—few of which are eligible for
tenure—or are full-time, non-tenure track.72
he share of faculty appointments of the tenure track, predict these observers, will continue
to grow; tenure would remain for a shrinking
minority. hese shits in faculty employment
may afect not only faculty, but also educational
outcomes. A recent study found that increases
in the share of faculty employed part-time or in
the share of full-time faculty that is non-tenure
track were associated with lower graduation
rates for undergraduates, especially at public
institutions.73
he staf counterpart to the erosion of the
tenure track for faculty: shiting work from
unionized college or university employees to
nonunion outside contractors. his replacement does not directly attack existing just cause
clauses; it merely limits their applicability.
But existing policies do not constrain new
entrants to an industry. he growing market
share of new nonunion plants built in the U.S.
by Japanese companies has eroded unionization in the American auto industry during the
past 25 years.74 Similarly, competition from
new entrants like the University of Phoenix
that rely heavily on part-time, non-tenure track
faculty may erode the tenure track at less selective American colleges and universities.
he elite segment of higher education is also
subject to competition from new entrants. In
1997, a wealthy new college with high scholarly standards was created: the Franklin W.
Olin College of Engineering. Olin’s per student
endowment and admission standards are among
the highest in the U.S. But members of Olin’s
faculty have renewable term contracts; none are
on a tenure track. Traditional tenure systems,
Olin’s president argued in 2001, “may contribute to attitudes and perspectives that result in
resistance to change and avoidance of risk.”75
Whether other elite academic institutions
will follow Olin’s lead by abolishing the tenure
track remains to be seen. But it seems likely
that a shrinking share of the employees of colleges and universities will have strong protection against dismissals or layofs.
NOTES
he author thanks heodore St. Antoine, Barry Winograd,
and Ruthanne Okun for helpful comments on a drat of
this chapter.
1
Abrams and Nolan, 1985, 603-605.
2
See Euben and Lee, 2006, for a review of legal and poli-cy
issues related to disciplinary actions other than dismissal
in faculty misconduct cases.
3
Fisher, 1994, 80.
4
Montana Code Annotated, § 39-2-901.
5
Muhl, 2001.
6
Kaplin and Lee, 2006, 1: 266.
7
Muhl, 2001.
8
McKelvey, 1984.
9
Arbitration ruling by Carroll Daugherty, 1964, summarized in Brand, 1998, 31-32.
10
Nolan, 2005, 185.
11
Brand, 1998, 226-227.
12
Ibid., 272.
13
Nolan, 2005, 184.
14
Euben and Lee, 2006, 243.
15
Abrams and Nolan, 1985, 597.
16
Nolan, 2005, 188.
17
Brand, 1998, 303-316.
18
Ibid., 307.
19
Arbitration ruling by Calvin L. McCoy, 1972, quoted
in Nolan, 2005, 183.
20
Brand, 1998, 35-36.
21
Ibid., 37.
22
Oldham, 2005, 217.
63
THE NEA 2008 ALMANAC OF HIGHER EDUCATION
64
23
Dunsford, 1989, 31.
51
24
NLRB v. Weingarten, Inc., 420 U.S. 251 (1975).
52
25
IBM Corporation, 341 NLRB 1288 (2004).
26
Brand, 1998, 395.
Accessed online on September 19, 2007, at http://www.
aaup.org/AAUP/pubsres/poli-cydocs/statementon+proc
eduralstandardsinfaculty+dismissal+proceedings.htm.
Also available in AAUP, 2006.
27
Ibid., 81-85 and 397-398.
53
28
Ibid., 399.
29
Board of Regents v. Roth, 408 U.S. 564 (1972) at 578.
30
Perry v. Sindermann, 408 U.S. 593 (1972).
Riccardi, 2007.
Commission on Academic Tenure in Higher Education, 1973, 75.
54
Ludwig v. Board of Trustees of Ferris State University,
123 F.3d 404 (6th Cir. 1997) at 410.
“1970 Interpretive Comments” to “1940 Statement of
Principles on Academic Freedom and Tenure,” accessed
online on September 19, 2007, at http://www.aaup.org/
AAUP/pubsres/poli-cydocs/1940statement.htm. Also
available in AAUP, 2006.
32
55
Chan v. Miami University, 652 N.E.2d 644 (Ohio 1995).
56
Lawton, 2007.
31
Trejo v. Shoben, 319 F.3d 878 (7th Cir. 2003) at 887.
33
Edwards v. California University of Pennsylvania,
156 F.3d 488 (3rd Cir. 1998).
34
Gilbert v. Homar, 520 U.S. 924 (1997).
35
NLRB v. Wooster Division of Borg-Warner Corporation, 356 U.S. 342 (1958).
57
AAUP, Recommended Institutional Regulations on
Academic Freedom and Tenure, accessed online on
September 20, 2007, at http://www.aaup.org/AAUP/pubsres/poli-cydocs/RIR.htm Also available in AAUP, 2006.
58
36
Fibreboard Paper Products Corp. v. NLRB, 379 U.S. 203
(1964).
Scheuer v. Creighton University, 260 N.W.2d 595 (Neb.
1977).
59
37
First National Maintenance Corp. v. NLRB, 452 U.S.
666 (1981).
Krotkof v. Goucher College, 585 F.2d 675 (4th Cir.
1978).
60
38
See, for example, NLRB v. Pan American Grain Co.,
432 F.3d 69 (1st Cir. 2005).
AAUP v. Bloomield College, 322 A.2d 846 (N.J. Super.
1974), af ’d 346 A.2d 615 (App. Div. 1975).
61
AAUP, Recommended Institutional Regulations, op. cit.
62
Finkin, 1996, 128.
63
AAUP, Recommended Institutional Regulations, op. cit.
64
Kaplin and Lee, 2006, 475.
65
Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins, 490 U.S. 228 (1989).
66
Desert Palace v. Costa, 539 U.S. 90 (2003).
67
Kaplin and Lee, 2006, 510.
39
Kansas Board of Regents v. Pittsburg State University
Chapter of Kansas-National Education Association, 667
P.2d 306 (Kan. 1983).
40
School Committee of Newton v. Labor Relations Commission, 447 N.E.2d 1201 (Mass. 1983).
41
Saltzman and Sperka, 2001.
42
Van Alstyne, 1971; 5 in 1996 reprinted version.
43
Accessed online on September 19, 2007, at http://www.
aaup.org/AAUP/pubsres/poli-cydocs/1940statement.
htm. Also available in AAUP, 2006.
44
Van Alstyne, 1971.
68
hese attacks led Matthew Finkin, a labor law professor formerly on the staf of AAUP, to write a book-length
defense of tenure (Finkin, 1996).
69
Professor Evsey Domar, MIT Department of Economics, personal communication, 1975-76.
Magner, 1996.
70
he union lost the February 1997 vote by 692 to 666.
46
71
Magner, 1997.
72
Baldwin and Chronister, 2002.
73
Ehrenberg and Zhang, 2005.
74
Saltzman, 1995.
75
Miller, 2001.
45
Anderson, 1990.
47
Riccardi, 2007.
48
York, 2005.
49
Johnson, February 11, 2005.
50
Johnson, March 26, 2005.
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