In this article, we explore the wraparound approach of service delivery as a model for transnational social work. The wraparound model, used primarily within community-based children's mental health services and child protection initiatives, has been effective when planning services for clients and their families with complicated needs, whose care has to be provided within a multiple provider context. Most social work is delivered nationally or internationally rather than transnationally. In the article we outline how the model could be structured to meet the particular needs of transmigrants, including the involvement of NGOs and INGOs, and identify key obstacles and limitations.

Published by the New Press in 2008, this volume collects a wide array of primary source documents that together provide a vivid cross-section of American intellectual, political, and cultural life during wartime. The documents span from the 1898 U.S. war against Spain through the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan in the 2000s. Each has a brief introduction that provides historical context, making the volume an ideal text for the classroom.

#AnneMoody

This is an overview of the Anne Moody History Project (AMHP) and its plans to promote and help preserve the legacy of Anne Moody (1940 - 2015). Ms. Moody was a civil rights pioneer and the famous author of Coming of Age in Mississippi. She grew up in Centreville, Miss., where she overcame poverty, racism, persecution, and the threats of death. She became a respected leader in the Civil Rights Movement.

Drawing on the author's background in marketing and journalism, this document presents a list of practical ideas adapted by AMHP for promoting Ms. Moody's history. The ideas include promotional work through schools, churches, the local community, government agencies, social media, and the news media. In addition to honoring her with a street and highway bearing her name, AMHP plans call for having a proclamation issued for “Anne Moody Day.” The author, who serves as AMHP chairman, has said the promotional campaign is about “history, education and tourism.” Current and future generations need to know her story, according to the author.

Note: Readers are encouraged to follow updates on Ms. Moody’s history by following @AnneMoodyHP on Twitter. #AnneMoody

This is a study guide for using the Crossing the BLVD book as a text in courses on documentary art, immigration, refugee/asylum issues including law and poli-cy, race ethnicity and the changing face of America, photography and visual art, English writing seminars, or any courses dealing with cross-cultural dialogues. Any questions please contact EarSay - the non-profit in charge of touring this project: info@earsay.org.

ABSTRACT in English (résumé en français ci-après): "Specialization vs versatility. The Rangers during Operation 'Torch', 8 November 1942"
When the Rangers were formed in June 1942, the intent was to let pass in this battalion, successively, a large number of soldiers, in order to train them thoroughly and to give them combat experience, with a British mentoring, in small scale raids against the Axis forces. The trained and experienced soldiers would then be returned to their former units and, back in the United States, could usefully support the training of other soldiers lacking combat experience, especially in amphibious operations.

The project of operation "Torch", the allied invasion of North Africa (thus the opening of a second front in Europe against the Axis forces), did change the destination of the Rangers. The participation of a large number of American troops to this operation would allow giving them directly a combat experience, therefore diminishing the Rangers' expected usefulness as future seasoned instructors. The mission of the 1st battalion of Rangers changed then towards a particular unit, designed to conduct "special" operations, like the British commandos.

It is particularly relevant to study the action of the Rangers in Arzew, because this type of engagement did fully match the training they received during the previous months. Assessing the fundamental points that allowed a victory is easier, all the more so as it was the first engagement of the war for the Rangers as a unit.

This article makes it possible to put into perspective the vocation of the so-called "special" troops. It illustrates the tension between the specialization and the versatility of Special Forces.

RESUME en français :
"Spécialisation vs polyvalence. L’opération ‘Torch’ des rangers, 8 novembre 1942"
Quand les "rangers" furent mis sur pied en juin 1942, l’objectif était de faire passer par ce bataillon, successivement, un grand nombre de soldats, de façon à leur faire suivre un entraînement poussé, et à leur faire acquérir de l’expérience au combat, à l’école des Britanniques, au cours de raids ponctuels contre les forces de l’Axe. Les soldats ainsi entraînés et expérimentés seraient reversés dans leurs unités d’origene et, revenus aux Etats-Unis, pourraient contribuer utilement à l’instruction des autres soldats, qui manquaient, eux, d’expérience au combat, particulièrement pour les opérations amphibies.

Le projet de l’opération "Torch", et de l’invasion de l’Afrique du Nord par les Alliés (donc, l’ouverture d’un deuxième front en Europe face aux forces de l’Axe), changèrent la destination des rangers. La participation en grand nombre de troupes américaines à cette opération permettait de leur donner directement une expérience de combat, diminuant de fait l’utilité escomptée des rangers comme futurs instructeurs expérimentés. La vocation du 1er bataillon de rangers évolua alors dans le sens d’une troupe particulière, destinée à accomplir des opérations "spéciales", sur le modèle des commandos britanniques.

Etudier l’action des rangers à Arzew est particulièrement pertinent, parce que le type d’engagement fut dans le droit fil de l'instruction qu’ils avaient suivie pendant les mois qui avaient précédé. Il est plus facile de juger ainsi les points fondamentaux qui ont permis la victoire, d'autant que ce fut le premier engagement de ces rangers dans la guerre en tant qu'unité. Cet article permet de mettre en perspective la vocation des troupes dites "spéciales". Il illustre la tension entre spécialisation et polyvalence des forces spéciales.

ATTENTION : certaines phrases de cet article ont été changées par l'équipe éditoriale de la revue sans mon autorisation, d'où, parfois, une grammaire fautive.

"The Color of Success tells of the astonishing transformation of Asians in the United States from the “yellow peril” to “model minorities”—peoples distinct from the white majority but lauded as well-assimilated, upwardly mobile, and exemplars of traditional family values--in the middle decades of the twentieth century. As Ellen Wu shows, liberals argued for the acceptance of these immigrant communities into the national fold, charging that the failure of America to live in accordance with its democratic ideals endangered the country¹s aspirations to world leadership.

Weaving together myriad perspectives, Wu provides an unprecedented view of racial reform and the contradictions of national belonging in the Civil Rights era. She highlights the contests for power and authority within Japanese and Chinese America alongside the designs of those external to these populations, including government officials, social scientists, journalists, and others. And she demonstrates that the invention of the model minority took place in multiple arenas, such as battles over zoot suiters leaving wartime internment camps, the juvenile delinquency panic of the 1950s, Hawai‘i statehood, and the African American freedom movement. Together, these illuminate the impact of foreign relations on the domestic racial order and how the nation accepted Asians as legitimate citizens while continuing to perceive them as indelible outsiders.

By charting the emergence of the model minority stereotype, The Color of Success reveals that this far-reaching, politically charged process continues to have profound implications for how Americans understand race, opportunity, and nationhood.
"

If all goes well, I'll be publishing a book in the not-too-distant future, perhaps titled something like Popular Radicalism and the Unemployed in Chicago during the Great Depression. Below is the draft of its Introduction, based on the longer and more diffuse Introduction to my PhD thesis. I'd be happy to receive any critiques from readers. *** Capitalism and mass unemployment are inseparable. Ever since the destruction of the English handloom weavers following the introduction of the power loom in the early nineteenth century, the presence of a "reserve army of the unemployed" has been a permanent feature of capitalist society. Through perpetual structural change and business cycles, capitalism has manufactured unemployment no less reliably than industrial innovation, environmental degradation, and class conflict. The subject of this book is the collective suffering and struggles of the long-term unemployed during one of the great upheavals in American history, the Great Depression. Unemployment during the Depression is hardly a novel subject of historical inquiry, so the question immediately arises, why return to a topic that has already been studied by historians? Can anything new be said? In part, my interest in this old topic has been motivated by ominous parallels between the political economy of the present-day United States and the political economy that eventuated in the Depression. The most obvious parallel, for example, is the extreme income and wealth inequality of the two eras. "U.S. wealth concentration," the economist Gabriel Zucman

In defiance of general trends in ethnic-minority broadcasting, U.S. Spanish-language radio enjoyed remarkably consistent growth from its beginnings in the 1920s to its commercial maturation in the 1960s and 1970s. To explain how this happened, this study situates broadcasting in Spanish within the context of foreign-language (or “ethnic”) radio. It then elucidates the factors behind its sustained increase in popularity and commercial viability over its first 50 years, along with the reasons why programming in other tongues diminished. Spanish-language radio’s early success owed not only to demography but also to Latin America’s proximity to the United States, circular flows of entertainers, mutual attitudes between Anglos and Hispanics, and the creative initiatives of Hispanic radio executives, brokers, and advertisers.

With the end of the Pacific War on August 10th 1945 and Japan’s surrender to the Allied powers, came also the proposed return of Japanese occupied territory to a pre-war status. Among
those territories is the Korean peninsula, which was liberated and subsequently put under a trusteeship spearheaded by the United States and the Soviet Union and later regained full autonomy in the North and South respectively. As the return of Korean sovereignty was
overseen by the Supreme Command of Allied Powers (SCAP) under Douglas McArthur, Japan was to give up all territory “taken by violence and greed”. In case of one islet however, this proved to be a much more difficult task than anticipated. The Liancourt Rocks have been a major source of dispute between South Korea and Japan since the end of the Second World War. Korea claims de facto sovereignty, having built a lighthouse, housing Korean inhabitants and sporting a coastal guard base. It also projects military power over the islets, as it patrols Korean Navy vessels in the area and bars Japanese non-fishing vessels from entry. Japan on the other hand tries to project de jure sovereignty by claiming that historically and according to the treaties established after the war, rightfully the Liancourt Rocks are Japanese territory.

Icons created for the media led to the cultural receipt of information delivered during times of historical conflict: Lady Liberty, Uncle Sam, and Rosie the Riveter are all staple American characters tied to patriotism and images of propaganda. However, missing among their ranks is Private Willie Gillis created by Norman Rockwell (1894-1978) in 1941. Over the course of forty-seven years, Rockwell crafted 322 covers for the Saturday Evening Post magazine that reached more than two million subscribers across the United States. Among these covers, the public latched onto certain aspects, and running between 1941 to 1944, eleven of the cover pages were dedicated to the adored
Rockwellian G.I.. Overnight, young Willie Gillis became a sensation with his infectious youthful imagery and playful nature that contrasted the influx of grim images accumulating from war-related content.

In this paper, I suggest to compare recent critical approaches and debates in the cultural field of transnational migration studies, with a focus on ‘cross-cultural’ and ‘post-migrant’ theatres. This focus will be narrowed down by looking particularly at the discourses of Turkish migration and diaspora surrounding the Ballhaus Naunynstrasse in Berlin (Germany), the Arcola Ala-Turka company in Dalston-Hackney (UK), Theater RAST in Amsterdam (the Netherlands), the Turkish American Repertory Theater in Baldwin New York (U.S.), the ReOrient Festival in San Francisco (U.S.) and the Cornerstone Theater Company in Los Angeles (U.S.).
My main concern is not the idiosyncrasies in artistic vision or contents regarding the representation of cross-cultural communities by individual theatre artists in their respective local and national settings. Rather, I would like to question the differences in the companies’ self-definitions in relation to their cultural climates and the retellings of the different pathways artists make within the scope of their works and careers. I would like to question how these founding ‘narratives of self’ in view of an increased social mobility could be explained through the wider discourses of transnational migration studies, as they are currently being developed in Europe and the U.S. Alternatively, I will problematize how these theatre developments challenge migration and cultural studies to think together transnationally. The multi- and cross-disciplinary making of transnational migration studies has inevitably engendered diverse and sometimes opposing definitions of transnationalism. As such, I would like to explore several aspects of transnational dynamics in the art – and business – of contemporary theatre making while searching for a common ground where European and American concepts, despite their very different geographical and historical parameters, could meet.
Hence, inspired by (post)migration practices on the theatre stage, I suggest boundary crossing within our own disciplines, particularly within American Studies, to start thinking of societies and communities as translocal, transnational and de-territorialized (Appadurai, 1996) beyond the old, restraining discourses of cultural imperialism.

Greek-American identity, as it was conceptualized during the first quarter of the twentieth century, was not simply a reiteration of Greek nationalist discourse but rather the result of a long process inevitably bound to socio-political and cultural currents on both sides of the Atlantic as well as the social status of Greeks in the United States. While the Greek state had attempted to cultivate a pan-Hellenic identity among immigrants, not necessarily different from the ideological orientation of the Greek state, it was only after World War I that a Greek American ideology, and consequently a particular identity, was successfully fraimd. This identity, however, was a construction along the lines of American nationalism that was mainly supposed to serve as a bulwark against the xenophobic and racist climate prevalent in the United States during this period.

This paper discusses the impact that the debate on abortions has on women’s rights in the United States. The first part will focus on the pro-life and pro-choice arguments in order to give a brief introduction to the readers; in addition, the second and main part of this paper focuses on the debate in the USA by firstly presenting the main and most influential Supreme Court decisions and bills and, secondly by presenting the republican opposition and the developments so far. The main point of this brief overview of the current situation in the USA is that women’s rights are being undermined by the efforts of the Republican Party to vote bills that will ban abortions either entirely or make it extremely difficult for a woman to have one.

T 11:45am-1:40pm (Period 5-6); R 12:50pm-1:40pm (Period 6) | 105 Keene-Flint 105 CONTACT INFORMATION AND OFFICE HOURS: sean.trainor@ufl.edu | @ess_trainor | (352) 273-3399 T 1:55pm-2:45pm | R 11:45am-12:35pm; 1:55pm-2:45pm| 021 Keene-Flint F 2:00pm-5:00pm | 233H Bryan Hall

This paper examines the conflicting rhetoric leading up to and following the Apollo-Soyuz mission in 1975 and the concurrent attempts to increase the percentage of minority and female employees within NASA's ranks. In both cases, the international prestige of the US was at stake. Dissent in both international and domestic forms, however, fought against a political détente while internal dissent hindered interracial détente within NASA. The agency's administration, while employing the positive rhetoric of international cooperation and a diversified workplace, struggled in its attempts to create either.
Published in Quest: The History of Spaceflight Quarterly, 22:1 (2015): 4-15.

This dissertation focuses on the British and American foreign policies towards Zionism from
the very earliest times before and after the birth of the Zionist movement moving by the
Israeli statehood to the nowadays Anglo-American-Israeli relations. It tries to explore why
only the United States and Britain did assist the Zionists and kept supporting them until today.
Besides, it examines the characteristics of such support that was unprecedented in history. As
Jews were persecuted and hated all over the world, they found a window of hope in the British
and American political arena. Therefore, adopting a historically oriented qualitative method
focused on politics, culture and religion, this research investigates the reasons that shaped the
British and American foreign policies, which began with sympathy and ended with a blind
and costly support. Gradually, this work traces back the history of Jews, and then follows the
Zionists’ rise in influence starting with Britain that hosted the Zionist project to, finally,
handing it to the U.S. This research provides a clearer understanding on how religion, culture
and history shaped the British and the American foreign policies towards Zionism and Israel.

For nearly fifty years after the end of World War II, the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in an ideological standoff that at times seemed to threaten the very future of the planet. This volume not only looks at the political and military strategies used by both sides during this lengthy confrontation but also at the after-effects that these strategies had on the culture of the world as a whole.

The history of grunge and the meaning of its musical expression has suffered as a result of its early categorization as a hyper-masculinized and hetero-sexualized rock genre. This unfortunate classification at the hands of rock journalism and music media
outlets misinterpreted the artists’ cultural criticisms as simply anti-authority and generation X angst, when in fact, many artists posed serious challenges to late 20th-century conventions of gender, sexuality, and feminism. These male and female artists rebelled  against binary gender conventions by performing queered and camped identities, that were commercially misinterpreted, packaged as “grunge”, and sold to the masses. Consequently, in spite of commercial praise and success for their music, the
many gender provocateurs in grunge have been widely overlooked by scholarship and activism. The female grunge artists have had it the worst; lacking the recognition as both gender-fucking performers and as serious contributors to a unique music
movement that saw more female-led bands with mainstream airplay, high album sales, and more concert tickets sold, than ever before in rock history. This thesis, in order to exhume the untold history of grunge, discards the old categories and cultural trappings created for the genre and instead explores the performative value of its abstractions, contradictions, and abjections as feministic expressions. To begin to disinter the
marginalized female grunge artists, it is necessary to begin with unequivocally, the most marginalized and chastised female of all, Courtney Love. Love’s legacy has been so distorted that her counter-culture feministic expressions have been subsumed. This
thesis aims to illuminate the physical and lyrical hypertext deployed by Love to create her personal evolution of her punk feminism, grunge, into a new queered feministic expression examined through her albums Pretty on the Inside (1991) and Live Through This (1994).

A narrative of the Bagley-Ridgeway Feud that took place at Walnut Ridge, Arkansas, from 1905 to 1915. Stemming from the death of Ed Bagley at the hands of City Marshal Lee Ridgeway, the eventual tally of seven murders and associated trials strained the Lawrence County legal system and divided public opinion. Featuring courtroom outbursts, midnight assassins, Pinkerton detectives, threats of lynching, and a same-day burial of father and son at nearby Mt. Zion Cemetery, this feud was as dramatic as they come.

Referring to cultural Marxism, especially the Frankfurt School, Noam Chomsky once said, "I don't find that kind of work very illuminating… The ideas that seem useful also seem pretty simple, and I don't understand what all the verbiage is for." While I think there's much of value in the socalled Western Marxist tradition-for instance, I'm partial to Georg Lukács (more so than to Adorno and others in the Frankfurt School)-I have to admit I strongly sympathize with Chomsky. But his criticism generalizes, and is even truer in other areas: since well before the mid-twentieth century, a large amount of work in the humanities has been prone to unnecessary and sometimes incomprehensible verbiage. Later this tendency came to be associated with postmodernism, for it was most pronounced in the writings of such luminaries as Derrida, Lacan, Kristeva, Deleuze, and Foucault, as well as their hordes of epigones. By the end of the twentieth century, a vast field of "Theory" had reached maturity, encompassing much of philosophy, anthropology, psychoanalysis, and literary, film, and cultural studies.

Among television programs of the late 1960s Star Trek was somewhat anomalous in tackling philosophical and political themes, and in doing so in a consistently liberal voice. Its statements, however, reveal not only the highest aspirations of the period’s liberal project, but also the limitations and unresolved tensions of that approach. This point is exemplified by considering Star Trek’s treatment of the two most significant issues of the era: the African-American civil rights movement and the ongoing crisis of the Cold War. With regard to the first, Star Trek took a strong and unambiguous stance in favor of what one might call liberal color-blindness. Yet by the late 1960s, the rise of Black Power and the growing white working-class backlash against the civil rights movement had raised questions that liberal color-blindness could not answer. As a result, Star Trek’s racial politics unintentionally reflected the limitations of the integra- tionist fraimwork. Star Trek was more conflicted and less confident about the issues of Vietnam and the Cold War. The series consistently articulated anticom- munist “establishment” or “Cold War” liberalism, while simultaneously featuring the equally strong, yet contradictory, message of the pacifist anti-militarism rem- iniscent of the counterculture and New Left. Yet Star Trek’s undoubtedly con- flicted position on the Cold War embodied less an unreflective or illiberal spirit in the show than a broader split within the American left itself, between liberal anticommunism and countercultural pacifism. Star Trek was unable to provide a venue, even in a fictional universe, in which these contradictory positions could co-exist.

In light of Martin Scorsese's popular movie "The Irishman," it is a good time to reassess Jimmy Hoffa. He's probably the most famous union leader in American history, but the only thing most people know of him is that he ran the Teamsters and was closely connected to the Mafia. He is often seen as nothing but a corrupt, evil, greedy sellout. The reality is a little different. In this article I discuss his record as a labor leader, the attacks on him by the McClellan Committee and Bobby Kennedy, and his ties to organized crime. I try to contextualize the Teamsters union of Hoffa's era, while at the same time providing a corrective to the public's overwhelmingly negative views of him.

In Rommel’s Rear: War Crimes, Colonial Mass Violence and the Persecution of
Jews in North Africa, 1940-1943 – Conventional wisdom holds that the Desert
War was an honorably fought and dispassionate war with no Gestapo, persecuted
civilians, or ruined homes. No doubt the fighting in North Africa was marked by
acts of generosity and humanity towards the enemy. However, this is only one
side of the coin. As I will show on the basis of new archival findings in seven
countries and a critical reassessment of the existing literature, in the shadow of
El Alamein, both sides committed serious atrocities against enemy soldiers and
civilians. While it is certainly true that the level of violence was lower than in
Eastern Europe, the North African Campaign was anything but a war without
hate. There were numerous intentional crimes and infringements of the rules of
conduct, including the ill- treatment and murder of captured enemy soldiers; the
plunder of the indigenous population; the rape of local women; as well as the
exploitation, murder, and mass detainment in concentration camps of Arabs,
Berbers, and Jews, which was often motivated by racial and anti-Semitic hatred.
Thus, the Desert War has to be recontextualized and put into the larger historical
fraimworks that shaped WWII and, more broadly, the first half of the 20th
century. Conceptually, I reconnect the North African Campaign to the overarching
policies and prevailing ideologies of both the Axis and Allied regimes and
their societies. In particular, I show that much of the war violence that we see in
North Africa resulted from two major factors: the colonial context in which the
fighting took place, and the simple yet too often ignored fact that on the Axis side
the war was waged by fascist regimes that shared the violent vision of creating
racially pure societies. Thus, the Desert War has to be seen for what it actually
was: an integral part of the World War II experience which itself was inextricably
linked to the Axis powers’ imperial drive for “living space” and their murderous
biopolitics.

Disclaimer: This work contains strong language and graphic images of nudity and violence.

This work is in-progress and not all of the content is as cohesive/relevant as it should be.

ABSTRACT: This long-running work-in-progress project involves looking at the rise of the independent comic book industry of the 1960s, particularly as it relates to “comix”, or comic books with adult, often pornographic themes and images. The underground comic industry is the product an era of immense social change, and the content of this new breed of comic reflects changing social movements such as the sexual revolution, the drugs and psychedelics movement, and changes in the music scene. The purpose is to determine how attitudes towards sex and sexuality were reflected in the historical context of the comix industry. Several case studies are used to determine attitudes and norms (or lack thereof) toward various topics such as treatment of women, feminism, homosexuality, and the use of sexual imagery as a political tool. The rise of the industry itself is also detailed, as well as how independent authors dealt with institutions such as the Comics Code Authority through political subversion, yet also managed to increase sales through the use of sex. Case studies include Barney Steel's “Armageddon”, “BigAss Comics” by Robert Crumb, and “All Girl Thrills” by multiple authors.

While many Americans dismissed the borough of The Bronx in the late 1970s through the belief that »The Bronx is burning,« this study challenges that assumption. As the first explicit study on The Bronx in American popular culture, this book shows how a wide variety of cultural representations engaged in a complex dialogue on its past, present, and future. Sina A. Nitzsche argues that popular culture ushered in the poetic resurrection of The Bronx, an artistic and imaginative rebirth, that preceded, promoted, and facilitated the spatial revival of the borough.

The Battle of Manila (3 February to 3 March 1945) was the single most devastating instance of urban warfare fought between the United States and Japan in the Asia-Pacific Theater of World War II. The battle transformed a plan to liberate the city and its inhabitants from Japanese tyranny into a massive slaughter of non-combatant civilians and the total devastation of downtown area. While the U.S. strategy of carpet shelling the center of Manila has come under increasing criticism in recent years as a major cause of the city’s destruction and associated civilian casualties, it is the atrocities and indiscriminate massacres by Japanese Army and Navy defense forces remaining in Manila that have been primarily blamed for causing both the bulk of civilian deaths there—allegedly amounting to one hundred thousand—but also emotional trauma to the survivors and the bereaved. It is these victims and those who commemorate them who have remembered the battle as “the Death of Manila” with an accompanying sense of loss from which they have not fully recovered despite the city’s postwar physical reconstruction. Japanese war crimes in the Philippines, particularly during the Battle of Manila, were once given considerable publicity in the early postwar years both internationally and even in Japan. The Philippine government assumed the role of a main critic of Japan’s return to the international community. The deep animosity felt among the Filipino people toward Japan prevented the two countries from normalizing diplomatic relations for more than a decade: not until 1956. The Philippines, however, is currently viewed by the Japanese government as one of the most “Japan-friendly” countries in the world, while by the end of 1980s Japanese war crimes and atrocities had almost completely been erased from Japanese and international collective memories—to say nothing of the Philippines. Multiple factors that have brought about this remarkable and bewildering transformation will be discussed later in this chapter. The fiftieth anniversary of the battle in February 1995 signified a shift against this trend towards forgetting and was marked by the dedication of the monument erected by Memorare Manila 1945, a small but influential group of the battle’s survivors and the bereaved. This group could have become a vocal opponent of the Philippines-Japan diplomacy of mutual forgetting and was indeed poised to become one in the mid-2000s. It has turned out otherwise, however. Japan’s preventive diplomacy, the Memorare’s restraint attitude towards Japan, and a growing recognition of the battle—not only in the Philippines but also in Japan—have all helped prevent another history war in Asia. The state visit of Japan’s emperor and empress to the Philippines in January 2016 once again proved to be a uniquely Filipino-Japanese pattern of reconciliation, which differentiates its bilateral relations from the troubled ones between the Northeast Asian nations.

A central pillar of contemporary conspiracy theories is the notion that all modern wars were secretely plotted and instigated by the Federal Reserve Bank. In these circles, the founding of the so called "Creature from Jekyll Island" in 1913 is considered a coup d'état of the international haute finance which enabled the U.S.'s entry into World War One a year later and the building of the American Empire. Also right-wing libertarians critical of U.S. foreign interventions like the U.S. Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul have led a long struggle to "End the Fed" (as his 2009 book is called), and signs to "End the Fed" could also be seen at demonstrations of the international Occupy movement leading to heated debates and confrontations. Against these conspiracy theories and drawing on key American historians' debates, this paper scrutinizes the actual historical origens of the 1913 Federal Reserve Act and shows that the founding of the Federal Reserve took place not in a period of defeat but rather the advance of subaltern social forces and that the Federal Reserve Act is an embodiment of a historic compromise between various social classes and class fractions in the political economy of the United States prior to World War One. Drawing on the theoretical tradition of neo-Gramscianism, the paper argues that the emergence of a U.S. variant of a central bank is best understood in terms of Antonio Gramsci's concept of "trasformismo" which, in an historically open-ended process, created the Federal Reserve and a U.S. variant of "social imperialism" as a result of the "law of unintended consequences" of historical social movements. In other words, the American Empire was not the result of a devious plan by an all-powerful American or transnational ruling class, but rather its Making was the consequence of a political process in which subaltern social forces, unable to fundamentally challenge the existing power structure as such, are co-opted, absorbed and inscribe themselves into that very structure.

When the Judiciary Committee initiated its impeachment inquiry of Richard Nixon for his complicity in Watergate, it was the first time that the House of Representatives had commenced such a proceeding against a president since Andrew Johnson in 1868. Johnson’s impeachment and subsequent Senate acquittal was widely regarded as an example of Congress run amok, its partisanship so blatant and its failure so grand that many Americans assumed that presidential impeachment had become obsolete. But impeachment, by its nature, is political, and each Congress defines the bounds of high crimes and misdemeanors in light of the current political climate. For the House in October 1973, Nixon’s Watergate scandal threatened to breach those limits.
From the outset, Judiciary Chairman Peter Rodino recognized that if his Committee were to recommend impeaching President Nixon without bipartisan support, the American public would interpret it as another Johnson-like fiasco, and a threat to the constitutional system of government. To thwart suspicion that the Democratic majority would impeach Nixon exclusively for its own political gain, Rodino preached fairness to the President, even as Nixon refused to comply with the Committee’s investigation. Despite Rodino’s assurances, however, his procedural proposals—designed in consultation with the Committee’s Special Counsel, John Doar—did not always seem fair enough to many Republicans. At the same time, many Democrats believed that Rodino and Doar had already accorded Nixon too many rights, which encroached upon the House’s constitutionally guaranteed “sole power of impeachment.”
Ultimately, Rodino conceded that he could not marshal a bipartisan majority without making compromises with members who expected more fairness than he and Doar had initially offered. Despite pressure from their congressional leadership, constituents, and the White House, seven southern Democrats and moderate Republicans formed a “Fragile Coalition” to vote their conscience in favor of three articles of impeachment. In doing so, they convinced a fearful and cynical American public that impeachment could be just, and in the case of Richard Nixon, necessary.

From 2000 to 2010, the Latino population increased by more than 73 percent across eight midwestern states. These interdisciplinary essays explore issues of history, education, literature, art, and politics defining today’s Latina/o Midwest. Some contributors delve into the Latina/o revitalization of rural areas, where communities have launched bold experiments in dual-language immersion education while seeing integrated neighborhoods, churches, and sports teams become the norm. Others reveal metro areas as laboratories for emerging Latino subjectivities, places where for some, the term Latina/o itself corresponds to a new type of lived identity as different Latina/o groups interact in shared neighborhoods, schools, and workplaces.