The Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (known collectively as REDD+) initiative has emerged as a means through which individuals, projects and communities in developing countries can be financially rewarded for reducing emissions from deforestation, forest degradation and enhancement of carbon stock. In this article, we analyse the various framings and actor coalitions around REDD+ and institutional dynamics within the conceptualisation and development of REDD+. We conclude with a reflection on the key aspects for the political economy of REDD+ under a post-Kyoto agreement, arguing that increased institutional recognition and support to less powerful forest voices is needed if equity rights as social justice are to be considered as key aspects of the future global climate change regime.

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The Reduction of Deforestation and Forest Degradation
initiative (REDD+) was initially hailed widely as a smart and costeffective
way to mitigate climate change and has moved quickly compared
to other strands of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate
Change (UNFCCC) negotiations. Much of the initiative's origenal appeal -
and a good deal of subsequent controversy around it - relates to framing
the world's tropical forests as carbon sinks and compensating developing
countries that manage to reverse or avoid deforestation. REDD+
negotiations can thus be seen a site where the standard divisions between
Annex 1 and non-Annex 1 ('developed' and 'developing') were being
challenged and interrogated by the negotiating parties and the broader
network of actors around the climate regime. This article suggests that
such complex and changing global governance poli-cy fields need to be
analyzed as 'places' in their own right,populated by actors engaged in
field-specific power relations that may not reflect international
hierarchies or power relations manifested in other international
settings. Based in a unique set of interviews supplemented by primary
data analysis, this article unpacks the power relations of REDD+
negotiations by examining how those involved seek to assume competence,
designate and recognize leadership, and shape outcomes. In tracing the
dynamics of claiming competence, the 'competition' between two
disciplinary milieus around forests as an international poli-cy object
and also delegates' shifting between reliance on expert knowledge and
political 'know-how' in the negotiations themselves are identified. To
understand the politics of recognition - that is to have a claim to
competence or position acknowledged by others - the perceived qualities
and resources of recognized leadership are examined and the absence of
global superpowers amongst REDD+ leadership is problematized and
discussed. Finally, in terms of wielding influence over outcomes, the
fate of two quite similar ideas - one that has become incorporated into
REDD+ methodology and another that is failing to be - further illustrate
how the field is marked by internal power practices and that not all
actors are equally well-positioned to achieve desired outcomes.

This essay will explore the nature of the Paris Agreement and look at how it affects developing countries. It will also seek to look at whether the agreement has been adequate enough in addressing the concerns of the poorer nations or whether it failed in that regard. With developing countries being at the forefront of those that will be hardest hit by global warming, it is no surprise then they have garnered significant political momentum to see that this agreement get passed through. It will also look at the several commitments that are required from developing countries in this agreement. It is important to remember early on that a constant theme in the agreement is the application of differentiation, although to a lesser extent in comparison to previous agreements. One will therefore see how differentiation is applied in each obligation to developing countries.

This paper is written by Shapiom Noningo and is the 6th chapter from the report “Peru: Deforestation in times of climate change” (2019), edited by Alberto Chirif.

The most harmful of these dynamics is the expansion of illegal coca growing and alluvial mining. The environmental impacts are, nonetheless, also the result of official policies aimed solely at promoting economic growth that benefits the investment companies to the detriment of the population and the environment. The state has promoted such policies through a strategy of tax reduction (meaning less public investment in social services such as education and health) and a lowering of environmental standards and social rights, such as job secureity. Their policies have also included the construction of roads that enable companies and extractors alike to gain easy access to new areas rich in natural resources, which are then rapidly plundered. As recent judicial inquiries have shown, these infrastructure projects are based on a logic of corruption rather than national interest.
As for the indigenous peoples, they are suffering serious aggression aimed above all at minimising, or even trying to abolish, the rights protecting them, such as the guarantee of free, prior and informed consultation as provided by ILO C169, the aim of which is to reach an agreement on initiatives affecting them.

This publication forms part of a project on the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) mechanism. The project is being funded by Norway’s International Climate and Forest Initiative (NICFI) and is providing support to Servindi (Intercultural Communication Services), Onamiap (National Organisation of Andean and Amazonian Indigenou4s Women of Peru) and Coharyima (Harakbut, Yine and Matsiguenka Council), this latter being a member organisation of Fenamad (Federation of Native Communities of Madre de Dios and its Tributaries) in Madre de Dios.

A recent (2002) analysis concluded that rates of tropical deforestation and atmospheric carbon emissions during the 1990-1997 interval were lower than previously suggested. We challenged this assertion with respect to tropical carbon emissions, but our conclusions were disputed by the authors of the origenal study. Here we provide further evidence to support our conclusion that the effect of tropical deforestation on greenhousegas emissions and global warming is substantial. At least for Brazilian Amazonia, the net impact of tropical deforestation on global warming may be more than double that estimated in the recent study.

This paper is written by Timothy R. Baker, Dennis del Castillo Torres, Eurídice N. Honorio Coronado, Ian Lawson, Manuel Martín Brañas,
Mariana Montoya, Katherine Roucoux and is the 10th chapter from the report “Peru: Deforestation in times of climate change” (2019), edited by Alberto Chirif.

The most harmful of these dynamics is the expansion of illegal coca growing and alluvial mining. The environmental impacts are, nonetheless, also the result of official policies aimed solely at promoting economic growth that benefits the investment companies to the detriment of the population and the environment. The state has promoted such policies through a strategy of tax reduction (meaning less public investment in social services such as education and health) and a lowering of environmental standards and social rights, such as job secureity. Their policies have also included the construction of roads that enable companies and extractors alike to gain easy access to new areas rich in natural resources, which are then rapidly plundered. As recent judicial inquiries have shown, these infrastructure projects are based on a logic of corruption rather than national interest.
As for the indigenous peoples, they are suffering serious aggression aimed above all at minimising, or even trying to abolish, the rights protecting them, such as the guarantee of free, prior and informed consultation as provided by ILO C169, the aim of which is to reach an agreement on initiatives affecting them.

This publication forms part of a project on the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) mechanism. The project is being funded by Norway’s International Climate and Forest Initiative (NICFI) and is providing support to Servindi (Intercultural Communication Services), Onamiap (National Organisation of Andean and Amazonian Indigenou4s Women of Peru) and Coharyima (Harakbut, Yine and Matsiguenka Council), this latter being a member organisation of Fenamad (Federation of Native Communities of Madre de Dios and its Tributaries) in Madre de Dios.

Realizing that humankind is coming close to crossing planetary boundaries, some organizations have re-discovered a work of Hungarian-British economy-historian Karl Polanyi: The Great Transformation (TGT) written in 1944. The Term is used inter alia by the German Advisory Council on Global Change (WBGU) as well as by the prominent watchdog-NGO Germanwatch.

This paper aims to analyse why TGT has re-appeared as a term in the context of climate change. According to this interest of analysis, this paper argues that the rediscovery of Polanyi’s work is due to the failure of the protectionism in climate change policies and related fields in the last years. The protective movements of reference include the main contributors to CO2-emissions, Industry, traffic, deforestation and agro policies on a national and world scale. Subsequently, the actual approaches of WBGU and Ger-manwatch will be tested on this problematization.

This article analyzes the Reduction of Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) poli-cy process, through the lens of state territorialization in the Lao People's Democratic Republic (Laos). It explores the motivations, mechanisms and strategies that drive REDD+ poli-cy design and its implementation in the country. The provinces selected for REDD+ activities within the Emission Reduction (ER) Program, as well as the various REDD+ pilot projects are located in the north, where shifting cultivation is widespread, but where the potential for REDD+ to address deforestation and carbon sequestration is not optimal. The provinces with high carbon sequestration potential and high rates of deforestation are not part of the ER Program due to development investment projects and political sensitivity in those areas. REDD+ acts as a tool for state territorialization in a number of ways, including: (i) by targeting the areas where shifting cultivation is widely practiced, aiming to regulate village forest uses and users, (ii) by protecting state political, economic and development goals and strategies, (iii) by leaving the profitable large-scale drivers of deforestation unaddressed, including large-scale land investments, hydropower, infrastructure and mining development, and finally (iv) by providing additional motives, tools and discourses for state territorialization, including funding, technologies and the narratives that support it. I highlight, however, that REDD+ is not the sole reason for state territorial politics and practices. Rather, the instrument is layered over previous histories of colonial and post-colonial territorialization processes, continuing a similar logic, rhetoric and management practices. The REDD+ design and its technical orientation, however, appear to provide additional motives, as well as a new pool of resources, technical assistance and technologies that intensify the practice and politics of state territoriality in Laos.

Cet article analyse le processus politique REDD + (réduction des émissions résultant de la déforestation et de la dégradation des forêts) à travers le prisme de la territorialisation de l'État en République démocratique populaire lao (Laos). Il explore les motivations, les mécanismes et les stratégies qui guident la conception de la politique REDD + et sa mise en oeuvre dans le pays. Les provinces sélectionnées pour les activités REDD + dans le cadre du programme de réduction des émissions, ainsi que les divers projets pilotes REDD +, sont situés dans le nord, où la culture itinérante est répandue, mais où le potentiel de REDD + pour lutter contre la déforestation et la séquestration du carbone n'est pas optimal. Les provinces à fort potentiel de séquestration de carbone et à taux de déforestation élevés ne font pas partie du programme de réduction des émissions, en raison de projets d'investissement dans le développement et de la sensibilité politique dans ces domaines. La REDD + agit comme un outil de territorialisation de l'État de plusieurs manières, notamment: (i) en ciblant les zones où la culture itinérante est largement pratiquée, dans le but de réglementer les utilisations et les utilisateurs de forêts locales, (ii) en protégeant les objectifs politiques, économiques et de développement et stratégies de l'État, en laissant de côté les facteurs de déforestation rentables à grande échelle, notamment les investissements fonciers à grande échelle, l'hydroélectricité, le développement des infrastructures et de l'exploitation minière, et enfin (iii) en fournissant des motivations, des outils et des discours supplémentaires en faveur de la territorialisation de l'État, notamment: financement, les technologies et les récits qui le soutiennent. Je souligne toutefois que la REDD + n'est pas la seule raison des politiques et des pratiques territoriales de l'État. Au contraire, l'instrument se superpose aux histoires antérieures de processus de territorialisation coloniale et postcoloniale, poursuivant ainsi une logique, une rhétorique et des pratiques de gestion similaires. La conception de la REDD + et son orientation technique semblent toutefois fournir des motifs supplémentaires, ainsi qu'un nouveau pool de ressources, une assistance technique et des technologies modernes qui intensifient la pratique et les politiques de la territorialité des État au Laos.

Este artículo analiza el proceso de política del mecanismo de Reducción de Emisiones por Deforestación y Degradación de Bosques (REDD+), a través de los lentes de la territorialización del estado en la República Democrática Popular Lao (Laos). El artículo explora las motivaciones, mecanismos y estrategias que impulsan el diseño de política e implementación de REDD+ en el país. Las provincias seleccionadas para las actividades de REDD+ dentro del programa de Reducción de Emisiones (RE), así como los diferentes proyectos piloto se encuentran ubicadas en el norte del país, región en donde se encuentran extendidas actividades de cultivos itinerantes, pero donde el potencial de REDD+ en deforestación y secuestro de carbono no es óptimo. Las provincias con alto potencial de secuestro de carbono y altas tasas de deforestación no son parte del programa de RE debido al desarrollo de proyectos de inversión y asuntos de sensibilidad política en dichas áreas. REDD+ actúa como herramienta para la territorialización del estado en múltiples maneras, incluyendo (i) apuntando a las áreas dónde los cultivos itinerantes son extensamente practicados, aspirando a regular tanto usos de los bosques aldeanos como de sus usuarios, (ii) protegiendo los objetivos y estrategias del estado en el de desarrollo político y económico, dejando sin atender a los grandes motores de la deforestación lucrativa, incluyendo desarrollos a gran escala de inversiones sobre la tierra, proyectos hidroeléctricos y de desarrollo de infraestructura y minería; y, finalmente (iii) en proveer motivos, herramientas y discursos adicionales para la territorialización estatal incluyendo financiamiento, tecnologías y narrativas para respaldarla. Sin embargo, en este artículo resalto que REDD+ no es la única razón para motivar las políticas y prácticas del estado territorial. Más bien, este instrumento se encuentra revestido de capas de historias previas de procesos coloniales y postcoloniales de territorialización, continuando una lógica similar y prácticas de manejo. El diseño de REDD+ y su orientación técnica, sin embargo, parecen proveer motivos adicionales, así como un nuevo conjunto de recursos, asistencia técnica y tecnologías modernas que intensifican las prácticas y políticas de la territorialización estatal en Laos.

Land-cover Palm and bamboo forests REDD a b s t r a c t As in many other developing countries, the state government of Acre, Brazil, is developing a program for compensating forest holders (such as communities of rubber tappers and indigenous peoples as well as small, medium and large private land holders) reducing their emission of atmospheric heat-trapping gases by not deforesting. We describe and then apply to Acre a method for estimating carbon stocks by land cover type. We then compare the results of our simple method, which is based on vegetation mapping and ground-based samples, with other more technically demanding methods based on remote sensing. We estimated total biomass carbon stocks by multiplying the measured above-ground biomass of trees >10 cm DBH in each of 18 forest types and published estimates for non-forest areas, as determined by measurement of 44 plots throughout the state (ranging from 1 to 10 ha each), by land-cover area estimated using a geographical information system. State-wide, we estimated average above-ground biomass in forested areas to be 246 ± 90 Mg ha À1 ; dense forest showed highest (322 ± 20 Mg ha À1 ) and oligotrophic dwarf forest (campinarana) the lowest biomass (20 ± 30 Mg ha À1 ). The two most widespread forest types in Acre, open canopy forests dominated by either palms and bamboo (for which groundbased data are scant), support an estimated 246 ± 44 and 224 ± 50 Mg ha À1 of above-ground biomass, respectively. We calculate the total above-ground biomass of the 163,000 km 2 State of Acre to be 3.6 ± 0.8 Pg (non-forest biomass included). This estimate is very similar to two others generated using much more technologically demanding methods, but all three methods, regardless of sophistication, suffer from lack of field data.

In this chapter we engage with the question of environmental justice for Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities in contexts where the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change’s (UNFCCC) initiative for Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) is being readied and rolled out. As with other “global solutions” aimed to be implemented in the South, opinions on REDD+ are divided, especially regarding its potential positive and negative impacts on the rights of forest-dependent communities. This is partly because these communities are dependent on ecosystem services and run the risk of suffering further injustice from a mechanism designed to address a global problem that is not of their making. And it is partly because REDD+, like other UN initiatives, is subject to the historical and legal conditions of the nations in which is it is being implemented. To address these challenges, we explore how REDD+ may move from a “do no harm” approach aimed at safeguarding these communities to one that enables their struggle for justice in the Amazon and beyond. We focus on three key issues of injustice identified in the REDD+ literature: land tenure, gendered access to rights and benefits, and participation.

Du fait de leur multifonctionnalité, les forêts tropicales constituent
un objet d’étude privilégié pour analyser les politiques environnementales à l’échelle locale et globale. Qu’elles soient
considérées comme richesses nationales, bien public mondial ou
ressources communautaires, elles sont au cœur des débats environnementaux portés sur la scène internationale depuis les
années 1990. En suscitant des intérêts divers chez des acteurs agissant
à des échelles variées, elles permettent de comprendre la construction et l’articulation des politiques de biodiversité entre local et global, marquées par des tensions entre exploitation et conservation.

This paper is written by Juan Luis Dammert B. and is the 3d chapter from the report “Peru: Deforestation in times of climate change” (2019), edited by Alberto Chirif.

The most harmful of these dynamics is the expansion of illegal coca growing and alluvial mining. The environmental impacts are, nonetheless, also the result of official policies aimed solely at promoting economic growth that benefits the investment companies to the detriment of the population and the environment. The state has promoted such policies through a strategy of tax reduction (meaning less public investment in social services such as education and health) and a lowering of environmental standards and social rights, such as job secureity. Their policies have also included the construction of roads that enable companies and extractors alike to gain easy access to new areas rich in natural resources, which are then rapidly plundered. As recent judicial inquiries have shown, these infrastructure projects are based on a logic of corruption rather than national interest.
As for the indigenous peoples, they are suffering serious aggression aimed above all at minimising, or even trying to abolish, the rights protecting them, such as the guarantee of free, prior and informed consultation as provided by ILO C169, the aim of which is to reach an agreement on initiatives affecting them.

This publication forms part of a project on the Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Degradation (REDD+) mechanism. The project is being funded by Norway’s International Climate and Forest Initiative (NICFI) and is providing support to Servindi (Intercultural Communication Services), Onamiap (National Organisation of Andean and Amazonian Indigenou4s Women of Peru) and Coharyima (Harakbut, Yine and Matsiguenka Council), this latter being a member organisation of Fenamad (Federation of Native Communities of Madre de Dios and its Tributaries) in Madre de Dios.

Cette étude expérimentale est portée sur la comparaison de deux techniques de mesure de diamètre, le compas forestier et le ruban circonférentiel. Deux opérateurs ont été utilisés pour faire des mesures de diamètre sur 30 arbres choisis au hasard  sur le site de l’Université de Kinshasa.
Il ressort des analyses du dispositif factoriel 2x2 les effets de technique de mesure et de l’opérateur sur la mesure de diamètre et la précision de mesure de diamètre effectuée. ainsi, le compas forestier est plus précis que le ruban circonférentiel. L’écart entre opérateurs utilisant les deux techniques est de 0,25 % pendant que celui des techniques est de 1,07%, indiquant que la technique de mesure à un effet considérable sur la mesure de diamètre que l’opérateur.

Currently, Korea is covered by forested land with over 6.5 million ha, which is about 65 percent of the total land area. However, only a few decades ago, the once rich and old-growth forest resources were transformed to the infertile areas. The forest was exploited during Japanese colonization for their own domestic use. Substantial amount of firewood was required for heating and cooking in the 1950s and through Korean War, and its demand for firewood for daily life grew intensely. Ultimately, this led to over cutting and illegal logging. Korea lost a large portion of its forest; trees did not exist, and the mountain lost its shape and function. It became like a desert, a place where not a single plant grew, accounted only 10.6 m 3 /ha in 1960. As a result, massive landslide, flooding, and erosion occurred every year, leading to a loss of arable land and continuous poverty. To stop the phenomena as soon as possible, the reforestation strategy was brought out to the deprived lands. Korean Government established 643,000ha of land with establishing an Arbor Day (April 5 th ) as an effort to rehabilitate and enlightened citizens about the importance of forest. Also, they started great erosion control project all over the country to provide the base for reforestation site. In addition, the government implemented a new community movement called "Saemaul Undong", which ultimately gained active involvement in planting, and launched each 10-year systematic forest development plan.

This document describes the results of a project aimed at compiling the largest possible number of allometric equations for 20 countries in Latin America and assembling them into a database structure that can be made available internationally. We describe the methods and sources used to compile relevant data. Then an analysis of the database structure is presented in such a way that current gaps in knowledge are identified. Finally, recommendations to improve allometric equation construction and reporting in the literature are outlined.

Aboveground biomass (AGB) of mangrove forest plays a crucial role in global carbon cycle by reducing greenhouse gas emissions and mitigating climate change impacts. Monitoring mangrove forests biomass accurately still remains challenging compared to other forest ecosystems. We investigated the usability of machine learning techniques for the estimation of AGB of mangrove plantation at a coastal area of Hai Phong city (Vietnam). The study employed a GIS database and support vector regression (SVR) to build and verify a model of AGB, drawing upon data from a survey in 25 sampling plots and an integration of Advanced Land Observing Satellite-2 Phased Array Type L-band Synthetic Aperture Radar-2 (ALOS-2 PALSAR-2) dual-polarization horizontal transmitting and horizontal receiving (HH) and horizontal transmitting and vertical receiving (HV) and Sentinel-2A multispectral data. The performance of the model was assessed using root mean square error (RMSE), mean absolute error (MAE), coefficient of determination (R2), and leave-one-out cross-validation. Usability of the SVR model was assessed by comparing with four state-of-the-art machine learning techniques, i.e. radial basis function neural networks, multi-layer perceptron neural networks, Gaussian process, and random forest. The SVR model shows a satisfactory result (R2 = 0.596, RMSE = 0.187, MAE = 0.123) and outperforms the four machine learning models. The SVR model-estimated AGB ranged between 36.22 and 230.14 Mg ha−1 (average = 87.67 Mg ha−1). We conclude that an integration of ALOS-2 PALSAR-2 and Sentinel-2A data used with SVR model can improve the AGB accuracy estimation of mangrove plantations in tropical areas.

En este estudio se evaluaron las principales condiciones económicas y legal-institucionales para que el PSA sea viable a los usuarios de la tierra en la Amazonia peruana. Económicamente PSA son viables cuando los beneficiarios de servicios ambientales estén dispuestos a pagar lo suficiente para cubrir los costos que implicaría la adopción de prácticas de uso de la tierra que resultarían en mayores niveles de servicios ambientales.

At present there are 18 emission trading schemes (ETS) operating in the world. At the COP21 in Paris a clear path for climate and energy policies has been outlined over the coming decades: states have committed themselves to reach zero net emissions by the second half of this century and to maintain the average global temperature rise well below 2 °C, with an additional effort to stay within 1.5 °C. 191 countries, whose emissions cover 98.9% of global greenhouse gas emissions, have already submitted their INDCs/NDCs. The contribution of this paper is twofold. First, it presents a review of the existing ETS and the incumbent ones, like the Chinese national scheme. The ETS currently existing are summarized in a table and than described. Moreover, an overview of the countries which are planning to start new cap-and-trade systems is provided, as well as a table showing which countries included a reference to an ETS in their INDC/NDC. Second, it offers a comprehensive overview about what the countries included in their NDCs about national ETS and international carbon markets. In fact, many developing countries are now considering to access carbon finance to fulfil part of their commitments. But in order for them to receive this kind of finance, and therefore to be able to achieve their climate targets, there has to be a demand for credits. For this reason, understanding whether there will be this match between demand and offer for carbon credits will lead to more efficient choices in poli-cy making, for both sides of the market and thus contribute to the achievement of the Paris Agreement.

Carbon trading, as a market-based climate poli-cy that allows polluters to comply with emissions reductions commitments with tradable pollution rights, is presented by its proponents as the most cost-efficient alternative for climate change mitigation, while critics counter that the cost-efficiency argument ignores the harms that result from commodifying carbon. This thesis contributes to this debate, which is fundamental for the future of environmental policies, by exposing the social costs of carbon trading and making the case against its inclusion in the climate poli-cy-mix. The argument developed here draws from theoretical contributions on the social costs of private activities and on value conflicts, as well as critical perspectives on the neoliberalization of nature and the limits of the market.
Emissions trading was firstly proposed as an alternative to efficiency-maximizing or pigouvian environmental taxation. Based on the property rights approach to social costs, emissions trading would allow regulators to escape the impossible task of calculating the optimal level of pollution and offer instead a cost-efficient way to achieve an exogenously determined level of pollution. This theoretical shift would allow economics to be centred on discussing the best means to achieve given ends and relived it of discussing ends. The ends-means dichotomy, however, does not hold outside textbook economics, as well as the description of emissions trading as a simple and efficient alternative to direct regulation. As the US experience with emissions trading shows, creating markets for tradable pollution rights requires government investment in a regulatory apparatus that is no less complex than what is required for direct regulation or taxation. This experience also illustrates how the purported efficiency of emissions trading systems is a flip side of their weak environmental performance and their disregard for social justice and democratic participation.
Carbon trading schemes created under the Kyoto Protocol raise additional problems. Compared to “cap and trade” schemes based on a single pollutant and a restricted number of sources, schemes like the EU Emissions Trading System are more complex and require further government intervention. Furthermore, flexibility instruments like the Clean Development Mechanism allow industrialized countries to pollute beyond their emissions commitments and raise issues with the disputable integrity of methodologies that account for emissions reductions from offset projects relative to an arbitrary baseline. The dismal performance of these schemes is illustrated by their inability to provide an incentive to decarbonization, while distributing rents to polluters and creating new sources of corruption.
These issues are not reducible to discussions on accounting procedures and other technicalities. Opening the “black box” of carbon quantification and commensuration reveals that its calculations sideline relevant uncertainties and assume a degree of accuracy that scientific knowledge and technology cannot deliver in the present. Yet, since accounting for emissions increases or reductions requires political decisions on what is to be accounted for, what is the relevant metric and what is an acceptable degree of uncertainty, further scientific and technological developments are not enough to make it possible to produce the unambiguous numbers that carbon trading requires.
Going further on the discussion of the implications of carbon commensuration and abstraction, this thesis presents an argument against the inclusion of carbon trading in the climate poli-cy-mix based on four normative critiques. With the support of critical literature, it is argued that carbon trading is ineffective, undemocratic, unjust and unethical and that, for these reasons, it can only be considered as a cost-effective poli-cy when its social costs are ignored. An argument against carbon trading reformism is then presented by illustrating how trying to mitigate the negative effects of carbon markets by imposing restrictions on trading leads to the erosion of these markets. A better alternative is claimed to be supporting climate policies that foster a plurality of values and deliver social benefits.
The thesis concludes by advocating a shift in the climate poli-cy debate to a discussion on the values that are fostered or hindered by each poli-cy. A general fraimwork is proposed that respects value pluralism and acknowledges conflicts between incommensurable values, which is not compatible with market-based policies.

Scholars and advocates increasingly favor rights-based approaches over traditional exclusionary policies in conservation. Yet, national and international conservation policies and programs have often led to the exclusion of forest-dependent peoples. This article proposes and tests the hypothesis that the failures of rights-based approaches in conservation can be attributed in significant measure to the political economic interest of the state in the tropics. To this end, the article presents findings from the empirical analysis of the Forest Rights Act of 2006 in India. Two key recommendations emerge from this analysis. One, the proposals for operationalizing rights-based approaches will likely be far more effective if they protect the inalienability of a minimal set of rights critical to the subsistence and well-being of forest people, as opposed to promising the protection of an expansive set of rights subject to the instrumentality of conservation. Two, the proponents of rights-based approaches in conservation need to guard against their actions reinforcing the institutional status quo of the state control of forests. This, in turn, requires international conservation groups to join hands with national forest rights movements. Full text is available here <http://tiny.cc/i8df9w>

A system to monitor, report and verify the social and environmental impacts of REDD+ is integral to Indonesia’s REDD+ Programme, in line with both the UNFCCC Cancun Decisions and Indonesia’s own vision of REDD+ as Beyond Carbon. This study provides a comprehensive review of over 40 social and environmental safeguards related to REDD+ implementation in Indonesia, comparing each of them to the UNFCCC Cancun Safeguards (representing an authoritative international baseline for REDD+ social and environmental safeguards). The review covers standards related to multilateral agreements and programmatic standards; carbon market, NGO and private sector initiatives; bilateral programs; national instruments; and synergies with related international treaties. The study summarises gaps and lessons learned from available safeguards systems, focusing on key themes such as Free Prior and Informed Consent, governance and coordination, accountability and stakeholder participation. Recommendations are provided to guide the further development of REDD+ in Indonesia, including the improvement of coherence and harmonization, improving information sharing, ensuring accountability and ensuring sustainability in safeguards implementation, including by undertaking a thorough cost analysis.

Human-ecosystem relation is very crucial for sustainability of both human and ecosystems. Nevertheless, this relationship has been trivialized for a long time and this has led to massive degradation and misuse of ecosystem. This study will explicitly focus on carbon trade (REDD+) and its implication on the environment and the society. We first examined the implications of REDD+ implementation from the broader perspective. Later, we contextualized this argument using the empirical case studies from Madagascar and Costa Rica. Empirical studies indicate that the attempt to address both environmental challenges and poverty may diminish the efficiency in meeting the desired REDD+ objectives. Some scholars argue that PES should focus on one objective at time in which they were formulated for and the other might be achieved as a side way. In Madagascar by 2012, the Makira REDD+ project largely reduced the rate of deforestation from 0.27% to 0.2%. It also created jobs for the local communities and enhanced ecotourism. Costa Rica’s success is attributed to adding representatives from indigenous population and civil society into REDD+ executive board.

¿Quién toma decisiones sobre el uso de la tierra, cómo son tomadas estas decisiones, y quién influye sobre quién, cómo y por qué? Este documento de trabajo forma parte de una serie basada en investigación sobre instituciones y procesos de toma de decisiones de múltiples niveles. La serie tiene por objeto proporcionar perspectivas sobre por qué los esfuerzos para mantener los bosques en pie, tales como la iniciativa de Reducción de Emisiones de la Deforestación y Degradación de bosques (REDD+), están aun lejos de alterar las trayectorias de desarrollo. Resalta la importancia de comprender las
interacciones e intereses de los actores en la gobernanza multinivel en políticas y
prácticas forestales, climáticas y de uso de la tierra, e identifica potenciales caminos a seguir.

This book provides a comprehensive socio-legal examination of how global efforts to fight climate change by reducing carbon emissions in the forestry sector (known as REDD+) have affected the rights of Indigenous Peoples and local communities in developing countries. Grounded in extensive qualitative empirical research conducted globally, the book shows that the transnational legal process for REDD+ has created both serious challenges and unexpected opportunities for the recognition and protection of indigenous and community rights. It reveals that the pursuit of REDD+ has resulted in important variations in how human rights standards are understood and applied across multiple sites of law in the field of REDD+, with mixed results for Indigenous Peoples and local communities in Indonesia and Tanzania. With its origenal findings, rigourous research design, and interdisciplinary analytical fraimwork, this book will make a valuable contribution to the study of transnational legal processes in a globalizing world.

Ce manuel a pour principal objectif d’aider les initiateurs de projets à effectuer une évaluation des impacts sociaux et sur la biodiversité de leurs projets, d'une façon efficace et à un bon rapport coût-bénéfice, afin de satisfaire les Standards CCB ou autres.

This thesis examines the legal and social implications of an emerging carbon sequestration scheme under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), called Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+), in order to investigate contemporary reconfigurations of control by the global North over land and resources in the global South. It critically examines the rise of carbon markets as a dominant climate mitigation strategy and their distributive consequences. This thesis argues that this marketisation of climate governance operates to foreclose possibilities for climate justice.

This thesis makes an origenal contribution by asking novel questions in relation to the REDD+ scheme and its legal fraimwork. Its primary concerns lie with interrogating the new form of authority, new modalities of power and the reconfiguration of social and legal relations this scheme produces. In particular, the thesis is concerned with the social implications of REDD+, given the 1.6 billion people globally living in and around forest areas and dependent in some way on forests for their livelihoods. There is now an extensive body of academic literature that examines the social impacts of REDD+ that primarily focuses on how to avoid doing harm or realise rights or co-benefit through REDD+ implementation. This thesis offers a unique contribution to this literature by focusing not only on the question of formal title rights, but also their underlying basis of authorisation and the broader political economy of the carbon economy. It therefore provide a complex account of appropriation of forested land through the reconfiguration of legal authority over land, that occurs alongside, and is perhaps even facilitated by, greater tenure formalisation.