In the Archaologische Zeitung of r 869, H. Heyde mann reported on some hitherto unknown antiquities in the Valentin Barone collection in Naples; included among them was an alabastron depicting an Ethiopian in what the author termed a rude and clumsy style (Pl.;, 10-12) 1 • The figure is recognizable as a Negro by his black skin, woolly hair, rendered by an outline of dots, and facial features, snub nose and thick lips. His pose is frontal, with legs in profile to the right and head turned around to the left. His arms are extended to the sides; the right hand holds a battle axe and the left a bow. The warrior is garbed in dotted and srriped trousers and a long-sleeved tunic over which he wears a cuirass. The reverse displays a tall palm tree, a low rectangular object identified as a stool, and, on the ground, a crested helmet. Heydemann especially noted the curious technique employed on the vase which he described as follows: 'the entire vase is painted black and then scratched off leaving the figure''. Even rhe editor of the journal questioned its authenticity. The white-ground technique, which Heydemann misunderstood, is now quite familiar. The body of the vase is covered with a white slip and the decoration is applied in one of two ways : either black silhouette with incised details, or black outline as in this case 3. Also familiar are other white-ground vases depicti ng Negroes in the outline technique. Since Heydemann's first brief mention, the list has grown continuously, culminating in Beazley's 'Group of the Negro Alabastra', which numbers rhiny-eight examples 4, Yet, to date, the peculiarly crude representation of the Negro warrior has not been properly accounted ior despite the considerable scholarly interest it has excited.

... oarmen's ears. What makes this representation relevant for the Corinthian perfumeflask is the position of Odysseus' arms. Inexplica-bly he has two sets, one lashed to the mast, the other gesticulating in both directions. I believe ...

... with Theseus and Ariadne, as suggested originally by Murray."8 The two are occasionally paired in earlier Greek art, and Theseus' traditional attribute ... This bronze plaque from Olympia can be interpreted in other ways; see Greek Art of the Aegean Islands (New York 1979) 184 ...

... Seeing the snakes, they were driven mad and leapt from the Akropolis to their deaths. ... As is evident from these examples spanning nearly a century, the iconographical tradition vis a vis the birth of Erichthonios is fairly consistent in Attic vase-painting. ...

naturally on war campaigns and peace treaties between political entities. When the author lumps in the Roman Empire, the Ottoman Empire, the Venetian Republic, the United States, and al-Qaida, he charts a political and military history of the world and not necessarily the annals of interfaith conflict or interactions. So this is a rather succinct and, as mentioned, extremely readable guidebook to the meeting points among several empires and political powers since Roman times. It holds very little information about religion or its role in these encounters (with a curious and touchingly keen interest in naval campaigns; the reviewer must admit that he did not realize how many campaigns were fought in the sea between all these political powers). The climax of this historical process is the nineteenth century. "The nineteenth century saw European civilization triumph on a worldwide scale," writes Alan G. Jamieson (136). Not surprisingly, one of the major manifestations of this was naval: "European success in the nineteenth century was also a triumph of sea power" (137). The reader may well ask how this relates to the relationship between Christians and Muslims, and the answer is in the question the author contemplates. Was it also the triumph of Christianity? The answer is yes, and the modern history since that triumph is a "Muslim" unwillingness to accept this superiority. But the author does not dwell too long on that question, and the history of the nineteenth century is also presented as a power struggle of politics and economy and much less of religion and culture. The religious element is forced into the story once more when Palestine is brought up. Jamieson laments the bygone good Muslim-Jewish relationship-a cordial alliance that was mainly, in the eyes of the author, a coalition against a joint enemy: Christianity. But within these essentialist and vague definitions of Islam, Judaism, and Christianity, it is condensed into a power struggle, and "the Jews" moved to the side of the "Christians" in that century. The most profound chapter in this book is the twelfth one. In it the author explains that the present clash between American imperial reach and Muslims in various spots around the world is not the continuation of the Muslim-Christian war of previous centuries. He remarks rightly that the West is secular, the forces it faces are religious revivalists, and this is a new ball game. It is, however, as it was in the past, a power struggle of elites at the expense of their societies. Faith has very little to do with the sword in this narrative; a constant human greed for more power is the essence of the story here.

... 8 He signed as both a painter and a potter, and on three occasions added the name of his father ... labels the lyre player Euthymides.36 In order to determine the referent of the name, it is ... it appears: once in a mythological context, an Am-azon duel, and once in what appears to be ...

... with Theseus and Ariadne, as suggested originally by Murray."8 The two are occasionally paired in earlier Greek art, and Theseus' traditional attribute ... This bronze plaque from Olympia can be interpreted in other ways; see Greek Art of the Aegean Islands (New York 1979) 184 ...

In perusing any book devoted to Greek art, one is struck by the ancient Greeks' obsession with their gods, heroes, and mythological creatures. From the earliest extant work of figurative art produced in the so-called Dark Ages, the terracotta centaur from Lefkandi (ca. 950-900 BC), to that icon of late Hellenistic group sculpture, the marble Laocoon (ca. 30-20 BC), Greek artists and their patrons were drawn to mythological subjects not only for their intrinsic interest but also for the important roles they played in explaining the cosmos and shedding light on human nature. Although Greek artists shared this interest in mythological narrative with poets, they did not illustrate written texts; rather, they were guided by that oral culture or Volksvorstellung that was an essential part of every Greek’s upbringing. They, like all artists, were heavily influenced by the work of their predecessors, the demands of the marketplace, and the restrictions imposed by their medium. That said, Greek narrative art displays an amazing degree of imagination, ingenuity, and originality that continues to fascinate today, as it must have engaged viewers in antiquity. Numerous books, not to mention multivolume lexica, have been devoted to the subject of myth in Greek art. It would be foolhardy to attempt to encompass the entirety of this intriguing and vast topic in a single essay. Therefore, this chapter will examine two specific concerns of Greek painters and sculptors when faced with the challenge of narrating in visual, as opposed to literary, terms a specific story involving gods, heroes, or fantastic creatures. First, what devices did the artist employ for depicting a myth and how did this visual language come about? Second, how did the artist make his chosen theme relevant to a particular audience at a specific point in time?

In the Archaologische Zeitung of r 869, H. Heyde mann reported on some hitherto unknown antiquities in the Valentin Barone collection in Naples; included among them was an alabastron depicting an Ethiopian in what the author termed a rude and clumsy style (Pl.;, 10-12) 1 • The figure is recognizable as a Negro by his black skin, woolly hair, rendered by an outline of dots, and facial features, snub nose and thick lips. His pose is frontal, with legs in profile to the right and head turned around to the left. His arms are extended to the sides; the right hand holds a battle axe and the left a bow. The warrior is garbed in dotted and srriped trousers and a long-sleeved tunic over which he wears a cuirass. The reverse displays a tall palm tree, a low rectangular object identified as a stool, and, on the ground, a crested helmet. Heydemann especially noted the curious technique employed on the vase which he described as follows: 'the entire vase is painted black and then scratched off leaving the figure''. Even rhe editor of the journal questioned its authenticity. The white-ground technique, which Heydemann misunderstood, is now quite familiar. The body of the vase is covered with a white slip and the decoration is applied in one of two ways : either black silhouette with incised details, or black outline as in this case 3. Also familiar are other white-ground vases depicti ng Negroes in the outline technique. Since Heydemann's first brief mention, the list has grown continuously, culminating in Beazley's 'Group of the Negro Alabastra', which numbers rhiny-eight examples 4, Yet, to date, the peculiarly crude representation of the Negro warrior has not been properly accounted ior despite the considerable scholarly interest it has excited.

A reexamination of the north frieze of the Parthenon, blocks XI-XII in particular, indicates that the leading apobates contestant is the winner in this Panathenaic contest. Evidence from James Stuart's 1751-1753 drawing and his brief commentary support a reading of the so-called marshal beyond the horses as the judge bestowing the victor's wreath, and comparanda for this figure can be found in other art forms. The emphasis of this scene then shifts from the race to the victory and reinforces the presence of nike in the iconographic program of the Parthenon. Because of his distinctive costume, this apobates contestant may be identified as belonging to the foremost Athenian tribe, Erechtheis.* * This article, which began with Schultz's research on the apobates race and Neils' work on the Parthenon frieze, has evolved into a truly joint project for which we are both responsible. We thank Donald Kyle, Margaret M. Miles, Nigel Nicholson, and Julia Shear for generously answering our inquiries on specific points. 1 Recent discussions of the Parthenon frieze cavalcade in

The earliest literary reference to animal sacrifice in Athens is the passage in Homer’s Iliad (2.550–551) that mentions Athenian youths propitiating their legendary king Erechtheus with bulls and rams. It is surprising that this passage has not been associated with the north frieze of the Parthenon, where twelve young men are leading four bovines and four sheep to sacrifice, in contrast with the ten cows on the south frieze which clearly represent the hecatomb for Athena Polias at the Panathenaia. While it is difficult to ascertain the sex of these eight animals, the horns and size of the sheep suggest that they are male. Given the prominence of the cult of the hero Erechtheus on the north side of the Acropolis, it is reasonable to identify these sacrificial animals as an offering to the pater patriae of the Athenians.