Chronos in Aristotle’s Physics: On the Nature of Time argues that Aristotle’s Treatise on Time (Physics iv 10-14) is a highly contextualized account of time in so far as it is not a treatment of time qua time but a parallel account to Aristotle’s foregoing studies of nature, principles (192b13-22), motion (201a10-11), infinite (iii 4-8), place (iv 1-5), and void (iv 6-9) in the Physics i-iv 9. It offers a reading of Physics iv 10-11 with the aim of showing that time, chrόnos, here has to do with time as an attribute of motion, as an interval, i.e., the type of time that, as Aristotle describes at 218a1, “is taken.” With support from a reading of Physics iv 14 and evidence from Aristotle’s greater philosophy of nature, it argues that time for Aristotle is derivative of the modal change of natural being.  Time is then only ever potentially actual unless this change is apprehended, in most cases, by the working together of perception and intellection and, in some cases, by perception alone.  Studies in contemporary animal science help to buttress this final conclusion.

Even while the ontological status of time (chronos), as it is defined by Plato and Aristotle, remains undecided by ancient scholars,  there is the issue as to whether time exists in another sense, i.e. in a non-chronological sense.  For example, in both Aristotle’s and Plato’s political works, there is mention of “kairos,” often understood to mean, “right time.”  Yet, while kairos is often defined in terms of chronos and has been supplanted by chronos historically, as a secondary time concept, evidence suggests that kairos is not only irreducible to chronos, but also that it is a concept essential to understanding the timeliness of human interaction.  In this presentation, I discussed the use of “kairos” in Plato’s Statesman, aka Politicus, in an effort to disclose some such evidence.

In this chapter, I consider the meaning of nous in Aristotle’s account of time as well as the necessity of a body by which to sense-perceive that which can be counted (recall 219a4-6, we perceive, αἰσθανόμεθα, time with kinêsis, and, by extrapolation, we perceive kinêsis through bodily senses, σώματος πάσχωμεν, and in the soul, ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ).  As a result of my considerations, I argue for the possibility for limited time apprehension of nonhuman animals, and for the possibility for full time apprehension in human beings.  This final task is buttressed both by discussions of sensation, memory, and animal behavior in the Parva Naturalia and in Aristotle’s biological treatises and the bringing together the language of “marking time” and “counting/measuring time” to suggest that even while big-scale change requires the latter, the former is sufficient for smallscale change.  This is all in service to showing internal consistency in Aristotle’s account of time apprehension in the physical works.  In the case where Aristotle’s examples of animal behavior limit the search for supporting evidence, I turn to results from contemporay experimental science to show that the position I attribute Aristotle is consistent otherwise, with demonstrated animal—both human and nonhuman—behavior and function.

Both Plato and Aristotle were profoundly influenced by their philosophical forebears. While much of Plato’s work is not strictly concerned with nature philosophy, he expands the use of the idea of nature in the development of far more sophisticated theories of knowledge and political philosophy than his predecessors. Plato’s robust defense of the idea of nature against the assaults of the Sophists is grounded firmly in the concept of nature generated by the Presocratic philosophers. Aristotle, often considered the first scientist in the West, was the first philosopher to develop a method by which to undertake and proliferate a complete φύσεως ἐπιστήμης (phuseos episteimes), or science of nature.  However, while it is well-known that Aristotle’s work almost always replies to commonly held theories of his time (endoxa), these theories are not often treated in their own right.  The endoxa to which Aristotle replies, often considered proto-scientific, come from a rich historical tradition of rational investigation of the greatest mysteries of nature and being, which though perhaps not methodological in compilation and scope, certainly aimed at the same target as Aristotle: truth. 
How did the most famous classical philosophers benefit from the inquiries and findings of these Presocratics? How exactly was Presocratic natural philosophy received in early Greek philosophy and in later classical times?  To what extent does the history of science owe a debt to the conclusions of the earliest Greek philosophers?  This volume of collected essays contributed by prominent and up-and-coming international scholars aims to address these questions across the following themes: the concept of nature; elementalism and materiality; place, space, and time; causality; motion and change; psychology and dreams; medicine.

Generally, if time (chronos) is the measure of motion (kinesis) in itself and other things accidentally, it is clear that a thing whose being is measured by it will have its being in rest or motion. (Physics IV, 12, 221b25-28). In this article, Ron Polansky and I speak about activity (energeia) and its special relationship with time. We observe that time for Aristotle primarily connects with motion, so time may only relate accidentally to activity. We work to clarify the way we might understand this accidental relationship of activity to time, and we conclude that time nevertheless has a much more fundamental association with activity.

Introduction: The Study of Nature and the Nature of Time-Aristotle's Physics is the hidden, and therefore never adequately studied, foundational book of Western philosophy.‖ 1 Aristotle's Physics was the dominant work on natural science in the West until Newton's Principia, published in 1687. 2 This is not to say, however, that it was widely read or commonly understood. Instead, except for in the cases of a few Hellenistic and Medieval commentators, it fell into relative obscurity. Even Aquinas's great commentary on the work was most likely completed using a kontamination, or mixture of various translations, for lack of any standard or widely read translation (Aquinas 1961, xix). It is thus not too surprising that since the Physics really never received much recognition, following, or acclaim, once the paradigm of nature for which it argued was supplanted in the seventeenth century-ultimately by the Newtonian model, but Newton's work was helped along by Copernicus, Descartes, Kepler, and Galileo-it became seemingly antiquated. 3 The question as to whether Aristotle's Physics is a work of philosophy or a work of science has not been, and really cannot be, properly addressed. But, whereas philosophers still glean important lessons from ancient texts, scientists largely consider older works of science to be passé. Even in the philosophical community, however, as 1 Martin Heidegger (Heidegger 1998, 185). Emphasis is his. 2 See for example Tim Maudlin"s exceptionally clear discussion on the birth of physics (Maudlin 2012, 1-4). 3 Maudlin (Maudlin 2012, 4) explains: "Abandoning Aristotle"s spherical universe entails abandoning his basic physical principles and rethinking the form that the laws of physics can take. This task was undertaken by Sir Isaac Newton." 10 The question as to whether time is "real" or "unreal" for Aristotle is a question about whether or not time is an existing self-subsistent being (νὐζίαλ αὐηὸ ὂλ) for Aristotle. Demetra Sfendoni-Mentzou argues in her paper, "Is Time Real for Aristotle?" delivered at the 5 th International Symposium on the Issue of Time in Aristotle at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (May 2012), that time is indeed real for Aristotle and requires no interaction between parts of nature to make it so. Inwood (in Judson 2003, 177) also holds this view. However, Inwood limits his study to an investigation of the puzzles of time in Physics iv 10 and does not treat Aristotle"s provocative discussion about time and the soul in Physics iv 14. 11 Consider, for example, the famous portrayal of Aristotle in Raphael"s fresco School of Athens (1509-1511). Aristotle"s hand is pointing out, suggesting that for Aristotle truth is known empirically, contrasted with Plato"s hand, which is pointing up, suggesting that for Plato truth is relegated to the realm of the intelligible.

Abstract:
A number of purported rune stones exist in Oklahoma. In this paper each stone is physically examined, linguistically
analyzed, and compared with Norse predecessors to determine if there is any evidence of them being of Viking origin.

First documented in 1923, the Heavener Rune Stone is the earliest known inscription. The veracity of the Heavener stone as a Viking artifact is problematic. The linguistic evidence is ambiguous. However, historical evidence from the 19th  century covering both the Viking Revival, Scandinavian immigration, and the lack of archaeological evidence of Norse excursions to the Western US, strongly suggests the stone is a 19th creation of a Scandinavian immigrant (likely a Swedish immigrant working at the local train depot). The Shawnee and Pawnee stones can be shown via linguistic and physical evidence to be modern creations. Heavener Rune Stones Two and Three are much earlier and are most likely of non-runic Native American creation.

The idea of a horse as a deity of the land, sovereignty and fertility can be seen in many cultures with Indo-European roots. The earliest and most complete reference to this deity can be seen in Vedic texts from 1500 BCE. Documentary evidence in rock art, and sixth century BCE Tartessian inscriptions demonstrate that the ancient Celtic world saw this deity of the land as a Horse Queen that ruled the land and granted fertility. Evidence suggests that she could grant sovereignty rights to humans by uniting with them (literally or symbolically), through ingestion, or intercourse. The Horse Queen is represented, or alluded to in such divergent areas as Bronze Age English hill figures, Celtic coinage, Roman horse deities, mediaeval and modern Celtic masked traditions. Even modern Welsh traditions, such as the Mari Lwyd, infer her existence and confirm the value of her symbolism in the modern world.

The paper below was presented at "Seafaring: an early medieval conference on the islands of the North Atlantic - November 3-5, 2016" at the University of Denver. The presentation was entitled: Internet Resources for Researching the Old Norse Textual Tradition. This seminar was both for beginner students (providing on-line resources for learning Old Norse) as well as advanced researchers (providing access to various original manuscripts). This presentation morphed into an online site with up-to-date links to current research and ON texts and manuscripts. The website is located at:

www.oldnorsetools.wordpress.com/

This study investigates the origins of the stave churches of Norway and their relationship to Norse pre-Christian cult-houses. The origin of the Norwegian stave church phenomenon remains enigmatic and much debated. Because of their distinct shape and unique decorative elements, they are often interpreted as a developed Christian architectural form based upon pre-Christian Norse cultic structures. Historically, no pre-Christian cult structures had been recovered archaeologically, and thus no definitive comparison was possible.
Recent discoveries have forced a revision of this situation. This thesis employs an interdisciplinary approach to investigate and compare what excavators identify as pre-Christian ritual structures with the surviving corpus of Norwegian stave churches. Christian and pre-Christian sacred enclosures are examined from the beginning of the Viking era in the 8th century, to the end of the stave church era (c. 1350, the year that the Black Death decimated Norway). Data drawn from archaeological excavations, comparative historical architecture, stylistic evidence, and historical documentation across the North Sea region and Europe is interrogated to determine the influences on Norwegian stave church architecture. For comparative purposes, pre-Christian cult structures from Scandinavia are analysed using a combination of archaeological evidence, historical documentation and literary evidence. 
The results demonstrate that Norse pagan cultic structures were of two types, dedicated cult-houses and multi-purpose halls. These structures were built using construction methods and architectural patterns present in vernacular and aristocratic building styles. Stave churches were constructed employing architectural styles influenced by the Roman church, often driven by liturgical necessity. Each of the existing stave church styles can be traced to European predecessors and has contemporaneous non-Norwegian examples. The early Norwegian timber churches contemporaneous with pre-Christian cult structures were based on an insular two-cell church commonly found across northern Europe. Thus the pagan and Christian temple existed contemporaneously as parallel but separate architectural traditions. 

Lyledragon@yahoo.com @2020

This work provides a listing of the remaining Stave Churches,  relevant dating, plans and various other details, as well as a bibliography of source material.  The Stave Church Homily (the Kirkjudagsmál) is included due to its rarity. 

Lyledragon@yahoo.com @2020

The idea of a horse as a deity of the land, sovereignty and fertility can be seen in many cultures with Indo-European roots. The earliest and most complete reference to this deity can be seen in Vedic texts from 1500 BCE. Documentary evidence in rock art, and sixth century BCE Tartessian inscriptions demonstrate that the ancient Celtic world saw this deity of the land as a Horse Queen that ruled the land and granted fertility. Evidence suggests that she could grant sovereignty rights to humans by uniting with them (literally or symbolically), through ingestion, or intercourse. The Horse Queen is represented, or alluded to in such divergent areas as Bronze Age English hill figures, Celtic coinage, Roman horse deities, mediaeval and modern Celtic masked traditions. Even modern Welsh traditions, such as the Mari Lwyd, infer her existence and confirm the value of her symbolism in the modern world