Journal Articles by Daniel Cetrà
West European Politics, 2023
Are secessionisms from and within the EU comparable? What motivates them and to what extent do th... more Are secessionisms from and within the EU comparable? What motivates them and to what extent do they pose similar challenges to EU territorial governance? This article addresses these questions by comparing the framing of the British Leave campaign and the Catalan independence movement. Drawing on the FraTerr database and method, the analysis suggests that secessionism from the EU and secessionism within the EU are different political phenomena despite sharing an emphasis on sovereignty and the common goal of breaking-up from an existing polity. Secessionism from the EU is primarily a call for the recovery of lost sovereignty and of classical functions of the state such as border control. Secessionism within the EU invokes sovereignty as the right to external self-determination and adds narratives around a better future and greater democratic quality and social justice. These two types of secessionism pose different challenges to EU territorial governance because the first entails a full rejection of the European project while the latter calls for a review of European multi-level governance.
Ethnicities, 2022
This article examines the regulation of linguistic diversity in Spain from a combined empirical a... more This article examines the regulation of linguistic diversity in Spain from a combined empirical and normative perspective. Spain is a particularly interesting case due to the intersection of linguistic and national diversity and its peculiar combination of territoriality and personality. We first present a conceptual framework which draws on the personality and territoriality distinction as established by political philosophers. Second, we examine the way multilingualism is regulated in Spain. A dual system emerges in which Castilian is the only state language while four other languages-Aranese, Basque, Catalan and Galicianare co-official in six Autonomous Communities. We identify two models concerning the degree of institutionalisation of non-Castilian languages: co-officiality and limited recognition. Finally, we characterise and assess normatively the advantages and disadvantages of the Spanish linguistic regulation. We argue that the Spanish linguistic system may be characterised as an Unequal Personality Linguistic Regime. This regime offers several instrumental advantages related to the prevalence of a shared language as well as a significant degree of territorial accommodation for minority language groups, but it also gives rise to injustices related to unequal treatment and domination. This article contributes to the academic debate about the politics of language by analysing a paradigmatic case of multilingualism and plurinationalism, Spain, and considering the usefulness of the territoriality and personality framework to study specific cases.
Territory, Politics, Governance, 2021
Brexit and its implications pose the latest challenge to the Union as a political project and to ... more Brexit and its implications pose the latest challenge to the Union as a political project and to unionism as the doctrine of state legitimacy. How did key unionist actors articulate the legitimizing foundations of the Union in the critical period 2016-20? And to what extent did they set out a renewed case for its continuation? Drawing on an extensive database including parliamentary debates, party documents and conference notes, we find that, despite the profound nature of the challenges posed by Brexit, dominant legitimizing claims continued to be instrumentalist defences of the Union rooted in economics and welfare. These were underpinned by ideas of social union around shared solidarity and belonging and supplemented by an invocation of common British values. Overall, while we identify a plurality of competing and often conflicting unionist themes, we conclude that key unionist actors struggled to adapt the legitimizing foundations of their political project to the realities of a post-Brexit UK.
Journal of Language and Law, 2021
The linguistic conjunction regime in the Catalan education system has been subject to several con... more The linguistic conjunction regime in the Catalan education system has been subject to several controversies over the years and we can see one position in favour and another against the model. In this article we identify the main arguments in the public debate for and against the system and analyse its normative basis in accordance with contributions of political theory on linguistic justice. Ultimately, our goal is to assess to which extent there is room for rapprochement or reconciliation between the arguments of the two positions. Our main argument is that both positions, which have employed fairly stable reasoning over time with a shared tendency to avoid explicit identity arguments, may have a certain margin for rapprochement. Some interpretations of the values that underline the arguments of both position, such as ideals of equal treatment of languages, equality of individual opportunities and the guarantee of pluralism, could support a linguistic conjunction system of in schools in which Catalan has a prominent role, Spanish enjoys sufficient recognition, and equal competence in both languages is guaranteed at the end of the school period.
Regional and Federal Studies, 2021
This article analyses the significance of polity-wide parties’ understanding of state and nation ... more This article analyses the significance of polity-wide parties’ understanding of state and nation for their ability and willingness to accommodate territorial diversity. To illustrate this point, we first introduce a typology containing four ‘ideal-types’ of state nationalism: dominant, integrationist, composite, and plurinational. Subsequently, we apply this typology to two plural and multi-level polities, Spain and India, during two critical junctures: their founding constitutional moments and more recent episodes of change associated with ‘the Catalan question’ in Spain and the rise of the BJP in India, respectively. Our analysis underscores how varieties of state nationalism inform the nature and evolution of the territorial constitution, in form and in practice, and the extent to which such shifts are linked to party competition and changes in the party system.
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics , 2020
This paper examines the way party elites in the UK and Spain discursively construct the nation an... more This paper examines the way party elites in the UK and Spain discursively construct the nation and justify state integrity in the face of resurgent Catalan and Scottish demands for self-determination and independence. While in each case there is a plurality of conceptions of the state, in Spain the demos is predominantly defined as a single, indivisible nation of equal citizens while in the UK the focus is typically on a plurinational Union. This, we contend, shapes the arguments made in favor of state unity. The dominant case for state integrity in Spain is more negative, focused primarily on the unconstitutionality of independence and delegitimizing the independence agenda. In the UK, the predominant appeal to the Union is more positive and instrumental: as the country is perceived as a partnership entered into willingly, a case must be made for its continuation. This paper seeks to contribute to the understanding of state nationalism and political dynamics in plurinational states by shedding light on the ways in which party elites understand and legitimize the state at moments of profound internal challenge.
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 2020
While calls for self-determination and independence make headlines worldwide, an often more subtl... more While calls for self-determination and independence make headlines worldwide, an often more subtle state nationalism remains an endemic condition of the modern world. In the introductory article for this Special Issue, we define state and majority nationalism we identify three challenges in the study of these phenomena, we suggest that a focus on plurinational
states helps to overcome them, and we set out the conceptual, ideational and strategic dimensions of the Special Issue. We hope that this edited collection as a whole contributes to refine our understanding of state and majority nationalism and encourages scholars to engage more actively in their study.
Journal of Common Market Studies , 2018
This article examines sub-state nationalist strategies in relation to European integration in the... more This article examines sub-state nationalist strategies in relation to European integration in the Basque Country, Catalonia, Flanders and Scotland. First, we discuss the impact of European and economic integration on sovereignty and the cost of independence for small nations. Second, we compare the support for the European project in our four territories. We stress that European integration is a divisive issue in British politics but fundamentally consensual in the other cases. Third, we examine the European strategies of sub-state nationalist parties. We distinguish between two broad strategies, one maximizing regional influence in the EU and the other promoting independence within the EU. Regarding the latter, we focus on the cases of Scotland and Catalonia, where sub-state nationalist parties currently seek independence.
Nations and Nationalism, 2018
This article examines why the UK Government accepted the 2014 Scottish independence referendum wh... more This article examines why the UK Government accepted the 2014 Scottish independence referendum while the Spanish Government opposes a similar referendum in Catalonia. Adopting a most similar research design, we argue that the variation is best explained by perceived political opportunities by the two ruling parties. These are embedded in different conceptions of the state and constitutional designs, mostly mononational in Spain and mostly plurinational in the UK but multiple and contested in both cases. In Spain, vote-seeking calculations incentivise the Popular Party to oppose a referendum, while its mononational conception of the state and the Spanish constitutional design provide a further constraint and a discursive justification for their position. In the UK, David Cameron's accommodating position was based on the view that the Scottish referendum was low risk – as support for independence was minimal – with a high reward: the annihilation of the independence demand. The Conservatives have recently adopted a more restrictive position because seeming political advantage has changed. The findings suggest that independence referendums will continue to be rare events.
Scottish Affairs, 2018
This article summarises contributions to an ASEN-Edinburgh (Association for the Study of Ethnicit... more This article summarises contributions to an ASEN-Edinburgh (Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism, Edinburgh Branch) symposium held the day after the 2017 Catalan referendum on independence. Daniel Cetrà describes a referendum disputed between legal and democratic legitimacy and grounded on competing visions of nationhood. Elisenda Casanas-Adam argues that there are alternative interpretations of the Spanish constitution which could accommodate Catalan request and highlights the questionable legality of the Spanish authorities' forceful response. Mariola Tàrrega argues that the Catalan referendum reveals a worrying context where news media become political advocates of opposing worldviews and politicians attribute to news media an overstated capacity to shape nation-building projects.
The Political Quarterly, 2015
Scotland is not the only sub-state unit in Europe where relevant political actors make claims for... more Scotland is not the only sub-state unit in Europe where relevant political actors make claims for independence. To generate insights on these independence demands, we compare the drivers, arguments and popular support for secession in Scotland, the Basque Country, Catalonia and Flanders. We argue that national identity, party politics and the economy are behind the independence requests, and the exact articulation of these elements varies from case to case. Currently, the most salient of these demands are the ones from Catalonia; Basque demands for self-determination are less prominent than in the past, whereas the demand for a vote on independence is much less articulated in Flanders. Although the Scottish independence referendum has set a precedent for solving independence disputes, we argue that the possibilities of exporting the Scottish referendum experience to other realities are limited.
The 2015 Catalan regional election, held on 27 September, was framed as a proxy for an independen... more The 2015 Catalan regional election, held on 27 September, was framed as a proxy for an independence referendum by the pro-independence parties. This was meant to bypass the PP-led central government's opposition to permit an official referendum. After an election campaign clearly dominated by the independence issue, the results delivered a majority of seats but not of votes for the pro-independence camp. However, the reading of the results as a de facto referendum is not straightforward. Growing polarization around the independence issue resulted in the emergence of two main blocs, for and against independence; in the polarization of stances within the blocs; and in substantial changes in the Catalan party system. The lack of agreement between the secessionist parties over the reappointment of Artur Mas as president almost triggered a new election but, in a last-minute move, Mas stepped aside. The new government aims to declare independence in 18 months.
Book Chapters by Daniel Cetrà
Filosofia Política: Una Introducció, 2024
Hi ha pocs fenòmens políticosocials més controvertits i en boca de tothom que el nacionalisme. So... more Hi ha pocs fenòmens políticosocials més controvertits i en boca de tothom que el nacionalisme. Sovintegen les opinions taxatives sobre si es tracta d’una ideologia intolerant i excloent que amenaça els drets individuals i les democràcies liberals o si, per contra, es tracta d’una ideologia democratitzadora que atorga la sobirania al poble, el cohesiona i el permet emancipar-se de vincles de dominació. A més, en el debat polític, són constants les apel·lacions als sentiments de pertinença comuna per legitimar decisions polítiques, esforços ciutadans, o accions de política exterior en nom de la nació. Però què és, exactament, el nacionalisme?
En aquest capítol, entendrem el nacionalisme com una ideologia que identifica un grup de persones com a subjectes de sobirania (la nació) i els atorga el dret a l'autodeterminació (és a dir, el dret a gaudir d’un grau d’autogovern que pot prendre la forma, o no, d’un estat independent) (GELLNER, 1983; KEATING, 2001). El nacionalisme com a ideologia identifica, doncs, el subjecte i l’objecte de sobirania: la nació i l’autodeterminació, el poble i el poder polític.
50 Shades of Federalism project, Canterbury University, 2017
This article examines the politics of language in plurinational states. First, I argue that the r... more This article examines the politics of language in plurinational states. First, I argue that the relationship between language and nationhood is politically constructed through two broad processes: state nation-building and 'peripheral' activism. Second, I present three broad strategies of territorial management to accommodate the normative and practical issues derived from the politicisation of languages: self-rule, shared rule, and symbolic recognition. Third, I illustrate the discussion drawing on the paradigmatic cases of Catalonia and Flanders.
European Yearbook of Minority Issues, 2017
Scotland and Catalonia have long been seen as comparative cases: distinctive minority
national id... more Scotland and Catalonia have long been seen as comparative cases: distinctive minority
national identities with autonomist movements that have seen a measure of electoral
or constitutional success. In 2014, both cases reached a critical juncture, with an official
referendum in Scotland and a non-binding ‘participation process’ in Catalonia.
Those events have been studied in detail elsewhere, but the focus of this article is on
the aftermath – specifically, the political and constitutional developments in each case
in the 12 months following their respective votes. In particular, we look at the plethora
of actors involved in each case, the evolution of their attitudes and strategies and conclude
that, irrespective of recent developments, the constitutional question will remain
on the agenda in both Scotland and Catalonia for the foreseeable future.
Book Reviews by Daniel Cetrà
Regional and Federal Studies, 2022
André Lecours’s Nationalism, Secessionism and Autonomy addresses the following
puzzle: why did se... more André Lecours’s Nationalism, Secessionism and Autonomy addresses the following
puzzle: why did secessionism strengthen in Catalonia and Scotland but not in
Flanders and South Tyrol at a time when all four cases enjoyed a similar degree
of autonomy? Lecours forcefully argues that the answer lies in the state and,
specifically, the nature of autonomy provided to internal national communities.
The book’s main argument is that static autonomy stimulates secessionism
(because it reduces self-determination options to the status quo and independence)
while dynamic autonomy staves it off (because it involves ongoing adjustments
to the interests and identity of the internal national community).
Regional and Federal Studies, 2018
Papia Sengupta’s Language as Identity in Colonial India: Policies and Politics provides a rich an... more Papia Sengupta’s Language as Identity in Colonial India: Policies and Politics provides a rich analysis of the central role played by British colonialism in politicizing language and the subsequent emergence of India’s (plural) nationalism. The book also addresses conceptual and normative matters about the need for, and benefits of, recognizing people’s linguistic identities and linguistic diversity. Sengupta forcefully argues against the monolingual and monistic understanding of the nation and makes a compelling plea for pluralism, both as a frame to understand India and as a desirable aspiration.
Swiss Political Science Review, 2015
Dandoy, R egis; Dodeigne, J er emy; Matagne, Geoffroy; Reuchamps, Min (eds) Bruges, Editions Vand... more Dandoy, R egis; Dodeigne, J er emy; Matagne, Geoffroy; Reuchamps, Min (eds) Bruges, Editions Vanden Broele (2013), 195 p., ISBN 978-90-4960-941-2 This book provides a rich analysis of the 2012 local elections in Belgium, with particular attention devoted to Wallonia. It will be of great interest for academics exploring the fields of party competition and electoral strategies, and, more generally, it is a valuable contribution for scholars on federalism and consociational politics seeking to learn more about the balance of forces in Belgium between the 2010 and 2014 federal elections.
Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism (SEN), 2012
Books by Daniel Cetrà
Routledge, 2022
Edited by Daniel Cetrà and Coree Brown Swan, this book brings together the leading lights in nati... more Edited by Daniel Cetrà and Coree Brown Swan, this book brings together the leading lights in nationalism studies to turn their attention to the neglected role of the state in nationalist disputes.
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Journal Articles by Daniel Cetrà
states helps to overcome them, and we set out the conceptual, ideational and strategic dimensions of the Special Issue. We hope that this edited collection as a whole contributes to refine our understanding of state and majority nationalism and encourages scholars to engage more actively in their study.
Book Chapters by Daniel Cetrà
En aquest capítol, entendrem el nacionalisme com una ideologia que identifica un grup de persones com a subjectes de sobirania (la nació) i els atorga el dret a l'autodeterminació (és a dir, el dret a gaudir d’un grau d’autogovern que pot prendre la forma, o no, d’un estat independent) (GELLNER, 1983; KEATING, 2001). El nacionalisme com a ideologia identifica, doncs, el subjecte i l’objecte de sobirania: la nació i l’autodeterminació, el poble i el poder polític.
national identities with autonomist movements that have seen a measure of electoral
or constitutional success. In 2014, both cases reached a critical juncture, with an official
referendum in Scotland and a non-binding ‘participation process’ in Catalonia.
Those events have been studied in detail elsewhere, but the focus of this article is on
the aftermath – specifically, the political and constitutional developments in each case
in the 12 months following their respective votes. In particular, we look at the plethora
of actors involved in each case, the evolution of their attitudes and strategies and conclude
that, irrespective of recent developments, the constitutional question will remain
on the agenda in both Scotland and Catalonia for the foreseeable future.
Book Reviews by Daniel Cetrà
puzzle: why did secessionism strengthen in Catalonia and Scotland but not in
Flanders and South Tyrol at a time when all four cases enjoyed a similar degree
of autonomy? Lecours forcefully argues that the answer lies in the state and,
specifically, the nature of autonomy provided to internal national communities.
The book’s main argument is that static autonomy stimulates secessionism
(because it reduces self-determination options to the status quo and independence)
while dynamic autonomy staves it off (because it involves ongoing adjustments
to the interests and identity of the internal national community).
Books by Daniel Cetrà
states helps to overcome them, and we set out the conceptual, ideational and strategic dimensions of the Special Issue. We hope that this edited collection as a whole contributes to refine our understanding of state and majority nationalism and encourages scholars to engage more actively in their study.
En aquest capítol, entendrem el nacionalisme com una ideologia que identifica un grup de persones com a subjectes de sobirania (la nació) i els atorga el dret a l'autodeterminació (és a dir, el dret a gaudir d’un grau d’autogovern que pot prendre la forma, o no, d’un estat independent) (GELLNER, 1983; KEATING, 2001). El nacionalisme com a ideologia identifica, doncs, el subjecte i l’objecte de sobirania: la nació i l’autodeterminació, el poble i el poder polític.
national identities with autonomist movements that have seen a measure of electoral
or constitutional success. In 2014, both cases reached a critical juncture, with an official
referendum in Scotland and a non-binding ‘participation process’ in Catalonia.
Those events have been studied in detail elsewhere, but the focus of this article is on
the aftermath – specifically, the political and constitutional developments in each case
in the 12 months following their respective votes. In particular, we look at the plethora
of actors involved in each case, the evolution of their attitudes and strategies and conclude
that, irrespective of recent developments, the constitutional question will remain
on the agenda in both Scotland and Catalonia for the foreseeable future.
puzzle: why did secessionism strengthen in Catalonia and Scotland but not in
Flanders and South Tyrol at a time when all four cases enjoyed a similar degree
of autonomy? Lecours forcefully argues that the answer lies in the state and,
specifically, the nature of autonomy provided to internal national communities.
The book’s main argument is that static autonomy stimulates secessionism
(because it reduces self-determination options to the status quo and independence)
while dynamic autonomy staves it off (because it involves ongoing adjustments
to the interests and identity of the internal national community).