Introduction Swedish statecraft is increasingly utilizing domestic state feminist policy as a means of promoting humanitarian ideals transnationally. One policy that has been promoted by the Swedish government is Sexköpslagen, a first-of-its-kind legal framework that criminalizes the purchase of sex while not criminalizing its sale. As the Swedish government works to export the law transnationally, sex workers in Sweden are critical of the implications of the law on their ability to engage with institutions. Methods Drawing on a diverse set of secondary source materials published between 2004 and 2020, this article identifies and explores two epistemic mechanisms that contribute to the further marginalization of Swedish sex workers: the distortion of institutional empiricism and the willful ignorance of critical sex worker perspectives. Results The epistemic moves by the Swedish state allow for it to position itself as a humanitarian state in contradiction with sex worker narratives. Conclusions This article argues that these epistemic moves enable the Swedish state to further its moral image as a good state in international affairs while sex workers are pushed further to the margins. Policy Implications Researchers and activists should attend to the nuanced ways in which moral politics factor into the framing and enactment of feminist policies.

Control and Protect is a truly formative piece for anyone interested in the genre of critical trafficking studies. At a time when much of US sex trafficking discourse revolves around clear-cut numbers, fixed definitions, and simplistic solutions to a highly complex phenomenon, Musto's book welcomes contradictions and uncertainty, providing ample space for exploration of practices to better assist trafficked persons. Through an examination of existing US anti-trafficking initiatives, Musto questions the efficacy of these interventions for people recognized by the state as victims of domestic sex trafficking. Recent shifts in US policy and public sentiment encourage a "victimcentered" approach to trafficking investigations, but Musto points to the limitations of these approaches in that they continue to interpret justice for trafficked persons as obtainable predominantly through carcerally managed solutions. Drawing on research gleaned from hundreds of hours of interviews with police officers, social workers, anti-trafficking advocates, and youth and adults who have been identified as trafficking victims by law enforcement agents, Musto raises two central questions in her work. First, she asks how the cooperation between law enforcement and non-state entities such as non-profits, corporations, social workers, and faith-based groups has the potential to affect people labeled "at-risk" for trafficking. Despite vast attention to the problem of sex trafficking in the US, there has been substantially less consideration of the victims following their initial removal from potential trafficking situations. Musto grapples with the notion that any and all anti-trafficking work must be well intended and, therefore, uncomplicated. In actuality, the collaboration of state and non-state efforts raises cause for concern, leading to Musto's second inquiry, where she considers how such anti-trafficking strategies have problematically obscured the relationship between state actors and non-state advocates for at-risk trafficking populations. She introduces the term carceral protectionism as a framework for understanding the precarious nature of current interventions for trafficked persons backed by a deeply intertwined network of state and non-state actors. As an analytical device, carceral protectionism is useful because it brings into view the expansive governing powers of the state in collaboration with non-state anti-trafficking advocates. Under carceral protectionist logic, new problems arise for trafficked persons because collaborative efforts are motivated by carceral goals, complicating the ability to distinguish what constitutes punishment and what constitutes protection. Control and Protect aims to reveal that the exploitative nature of sex trafficking does not necessarily come to an end once a person is removed from a trafficking situation, and that collaborative anti-trafficking initiatives may have the potential to do more harm to trafficked persons than the traffickers themselves. For example, Musto illustrates how the "victim-centered" approach cannot monitor the variability in law enforcement's treatment of a legally identifiable trafficked person. Nor can a victim-centered approach necessarily erase an individual's record of involvement in the criminal justice system, which can create obstacles for obtaining housing, employment, and welfare assistance. Indeed, Musto prefaces her research, "the story I aim to tell in Control and Protect

Legal responses to rape and sexual assault on university campuses are often framed as being protective of victim's human rights but are only enacted when threats are made to masculine privilege. This is especially the case when gender identities and behaviors challenge or violate state-sanctioned institutionalized heteropatriarchal gender norms. Building on Agamben's Homer Sacer by examining the state of exclusion and abandonment within the context of sexual violence, the recent case of Brock Turner is analyzed as a starting point for a broader theoretical discussion of the treatment of rape and sexual assault on university campuses in the United States.

In recent years, the trafficking of women and girls for sexual exploitation has
become a major focus on the local, national, and global level. This is despite research,
which has identified labor trafficking to be a significantly larger issue across the globe.
The purpose of this research is to identify how human trafficking has come to be defined
in Kentucky by examining how prominent local actors guide the state’s anti-trafficking
movement. Through interactions with non-profit organizations, law enforcement, and
concerned citizens, factors and forces that may shape the public’s conception of human
trafficking were examined. While the stated goal of most anti-trafficking advocates is to
prosecute traffickers and rescue victims, the dominant understanding of human
trafficking in Kentucky has shaped the anti-trafficking response in a way that does not
necessarily focus on the needs of the victim in intervention efforts. This may create a
narrow construction of the phenomenon that ignores larger structural issues such as
gender and economic inequality, migrant patterns, and patriarchy.

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The legal realm translates between litigants' plain-language claims and efficient solutions. In postcolonial courtrooms, there are also some literal translations between vernaculars and formal legal English. Other translations, less literally, involve putting violence and violation into the language of compromise. Through an ethnographic analysis of two Family Courts in Kolkata and Dhaka where litigants directly present their cases to judges, this article argues that the postcolonial (sexed) body is constructed through such translations, while signifying an excess that cannot be captured by legal categories. Sexual consummation and sexual violence appear particularly resistant to seamless translation, and evoke other registers of compensation.

Indian Men’s Rights Activists (MRAs) claim that men are oppressed by laws of marriage and domestic violence, and that there is no recognition of men’s vulnerabilities. The State and organized feminist groups are identified as primary culprits. While MRA groups are commonly associated with calls to reinstate “traditional” family structures, here I focus on MGTOWs (Men Going Their Own Way), a subset of MRAs who oppose familialism and ideologies of compulsory marriage, preferring to live among like-minded men. This paper examines their oppositional negotiations with marriage, romance and masculinity through three films they recommended: a Bildungsroman with a naive female protagonist, a male buddy film about adventure and healed trauma, and a revenge fantasy orchestrated by a scorned woman. MGTOW viewers were drawn to the ways that marriage and romance were critiqued, and families of choice highlighted. They emphasized spaces of men’s community and the portrayal of men’s silent struggl...

The Woman in the Violence draws on fieldwork conducted in Lima, Peru, one of the largest cities in Latin America, and the life stories of dozens of women to examine multiple forms of violence and how it interrelates in their lives. Gender-based violence continues to blight the landscape of South American urban centers, and this book unravels the personal experiences of those impacted. Alcalde explores the everyday lives of these women before, during, and after an abusive relationship to explore the impact of, and response to, structural, institutional, and interpersonal violence.



Focusing on the experiences of women who are predominantly poor, nonwhite, rural-to-urban migrants with little or no formal education, The Woman in the Violence addresses a range of serious concerns. What types of violence do women experience at different stages in their lives? Which identities and roles are manifested throughout their lives, and do some of these increase their vulnerability to different forms of violence? What strategies do women employ to gain some power and control in these situations, and how can we conceptualize these strategies?

Desde una perspectiva de violencia doméstica, este artículo trata acerca de los sistemas
múltiples y complejos de subordinación que forman parte de la experiencia de las
mujeres andinas migrantes en el marco de relaciones de abuso en Lima. He partido de
investigaciones andinas que sugieren que la migración y la adopción de patrones
urbanos de comportamiento por parte de uno o ambos miembros de una pareja pueden
aumentar la vulnerabilidad de las mujeres ante la violencia doméstica. Propongo que si
bien el género de las mujeres migrantes es una fuente significativa de subordinación en
relaciones de abuso en Lima, está lejos de ser el único o quizás aún el principal demarcador
de identidad que da forma a las experiencias de violencia de las mujeres. Sugiero
que, en el espacio mas íntimo, la condición de indígena y el nivel de educación son
atributos adscritos a las mujeres por sus parejas que constituyen factores significativos
en la violencia que sufren las mujeres. A medida que extendemos el análisis del abuso
de las mujeres en el marco de relaciones íntimas más allá de las diferencias de género, es
más probable que reconozcamos y estudiemos la gama completa de experiencias de
mujeres maltratadas.

Feminist self-identification influences women’s voting practices, perceptions of gender
discrimination, and views about their bodies. However, there is little information
on how feminist self-identification influences women’s experiences of high-risk pregnancy,
if at all. The article focuses on women’s identification with feminism within
a neoliberal US context to examine how women make sense of and experience the
medical prescription of pregnancy bed rest. Each year, medical professionals prescribe
pregnancy bed rest for 700,000 to 1 million women in the United States. On the one
hand, women’s overwhelming expectation of control over their bodies and reproduction
suggests that they cannot easily be divided into feminist and nonfeminist camps;
on the other, preliminary findings from a small-scale qualitative study suggest ways
in which feminist identification may affect women’s experiences of pregnancy bed
rest. Feminists were more likely to be in an egalitarian relationship that facilitated
the redistribution of household chores during bed rest.

Interviews with Latino men in Kentucky underscore multiple ways in which men
negotiate being a man in a setting in which they find increased work opportunities
yet experience heightened feelings of vulnerability. This article examines how men
construct masculinity in response to three interrelated factors: migration, women’s
behaviors, and peer pressure. These factors do not determine men’s use of violence,
yet situating them within men’s lives allows us to better understand men’s
on-the-ground experiences as well as possible connections between men and violence.
Findings contribute to an emerging group of studies that examine the destabilization
of masculinity and its connections to men’s use of violence against women.
I suggest that the violence some Latino men use is symptomatic of men’s perception
that they are losing power within broader, sometimes unfamiliar systems of oppression
outside the home at the same time as women are gaining power.

Men’s perspectives on nonviolence is a relatively rare topic of feminist research.
This article examines Latinos’ pathways to a commitment to nonviolent
masculinities within intimate relationships. Examining literature on nonviolence
and drawing on interviews with six Latinos the article uses a feminist
ecological approach to identify and examine contributing factors to “emergent
masculinities” characterized by a commitment to nonviolence in intimate relationships.
It examines experiences of marginalization, exposure to domestic
violence, and the influence of a close woman mentor as factors that contribute
to a commitment to nonviolence. It also critiques the common equation of the
absence of physical violence with nonviolence as it examines how even among
self-identified nonviolent men it is possible to identify some forms of violence
against intimate partners.

The impact of migration on women’s experiences of intimate violence and
on their efforts to leave abusive relationships in Latin American states is an
important area that has yet to be sufficiently explored. A case study reveals
many of the external obstacles that migrant battered women in Lima face
in attempting to leave abusive relationships. The experience of Daisy, a
29-year-old indigenous woman and mother of four boys who migrated to
Lima with her abusive partner and their children in 1997, shows that migration
and class can play an important role in battered women’s vulnerability
to isolation and poverty, thereby prolonging the violence they experience.

This article provides a qualitative, non-medical analysis of pregnancy bed rest to contribute to feminist scholarship on women's experiences of embodiment and reproduction. Drawing on surveys and interviews, I examine pregnancy bed rest from the perspective of those who have experienced it. I argue that pregnancy bed rest significantly disrupts women's sense of control over their bodies, and that this disruption is partly manifested through feelings of failure and self-blame. Women's feelings of failure are heightened within a cultural context that emphasizes the importance of individual control over reproductive processes and ignores marginalized experiences of pregnancy. I then examine how women strategize ways to momentarily regain some control over their self and lives and thereby reduce feelings of failure. Analysis of women's pregnancy bed rest experiences furthers our understanding of an experience that drastically alters women's sense of control and self-discipline as well as their relationship to their bodies. It also sheds light on pregnancy as an experience that is informed at least as much by the cultural context as it is by the body.

This study examined the transformation of immigrant women's knowledge, belief and experience with regard to sexual and reproductive health after living in the US. Four focus groups (N = 24) were held with Hispanic women C18 years old. We identified two main themes (Fertility/Knowledge and Gender power) with five subthemes (Sex education, Contraception and unintended pregnancy, Men versus women, Intimate partner violence, and Immigrating to the US). Most of these women were raised in a very restricted family context where talking about sex was viewed as sinful. In spite of their own experiences of sexual silence and the consequences to their lives, women valued the positive changes achieved by immigrating to the US; they felt empowered to make their own decisions regarding reproductive health.