Introduction STUDIES in Russian morphology' make a distinction between inflec-tional morphology (slovoizmenenie) and derivational morphology or word-formation (slovoobrazovanie). This is because in Russian, as in many languages, inflectional and derivational operations differ ...

Recent lexeme-based models have proposed that a lexeme carries an inventory of stems on which morphological rules operate. The various stems in the inventory are associated with different morphological rules, of both inflection and derivation. Furthermore, one stem may be selected by more than one rule. For this reason stems in the inventory are labeled with indexes, rather than being directly associated with a particular morphological function. It is claimed that an indexed-stem approach captures generalizations in the morphological system that would otherwise be missed. We argue that such an approach provides for greater generalization in the Russian morphological system. One area of Russian derivation that particularly lends itself to an indexed-stem approach is the highly productive system of personal-noun formation. We present a declarative account of Russian personal nouns that assumes indexed stems and show how such an account on the one hand obviates the need to posit either compound suffixes or "concatenators" and on the other dispenses with truncating/deleting rules. The account is couched within network morphology, a declarative lexeme-based framework that rests on the concept of default inheritance and is expressed in the computable lexical knowledge representation language D AT R

This talk will discuss the appearance, development, and spread of stative verb forms in Esperanto, a constructed language. Esperanto usually uses a copular construction with predicate adjectives (e.g. 'la ĉielo estas blua'). In the past 20 years, speakers have used Esperanto's regular morphology to create stative verb forms instead (e.g. 'la ĉielo bluas'). This seems to have begun by speakers who were L1 speakers of Chinese, a language which uses stative verb constructions. It is now a common construction among Esperanto speakers from all L1 backgrounds.

Because Proto-Indo-European (PIE) is an unattested language, we have no direct evidence of its phonological structure. Therefore, we use attested languages to reconstruct the possible phonology of
that parent language using the comparative method. But that method isn't perfect, and multiple competing theories of the phonological system of PIE exist. The older, more traditional, theories posit
three or four series of stop consonants in PIE: unvoiced unaspirated, voiced unaspirated, voiced aspirated, and sometimes unvoiced aspirated. These are spread across five places of articulation: labial,
dental, palatovelar (or velar), velar (or uvular), and labiovelar. While there are symmetries to be found in these systems, some theories seem to lack a sort of typological symmetry normally seen in language (e.g. lacking unvoiced unaspirated stops when voiced aspirated stops exist in the inventory is extremely rare). Therefore, other theories for the reconstruction of the stop system of PIE have been proposed. One of those theories is the "Glottalic Theory", which proposes reconstructing the voiced unaspirated series (often called Series I) with unvoiced ejective stops instead. This fixes some of the
symmetry issues, but raises others. This paper will model the possible paths of change from these reconstructions of PIE to the Italic languages (specifically Latin) using features to attempt to determine
the most-possible path and, hopefully, shed some light on the Glottalic Theory in general.

In Esperanto, the normal way to describe an object is by using a copula plus adjective form. At some point, speakers of Esperanto began to use an alternative construction based on a stative verb form. This new form was created by placing verbal endings on an adjectival root. This form is now commonplace. Many natural languages use stative verbs. L1 speakers of one of these languages—Chinese—had a strong demographic influence on the Esperanto community in the 1980s, and the change seemed to embed itself in the community after this demographic shift. This paper will attempt to track the general trend of stative verb usage in Esperanto during its
125-year history, and will attempt to see if the influx of L1 Chinese speakers in the 1980s had an influence on stative verb usage.