I examine object marking in the Nguni language Zulu, focussing specifically on those properties t... more I examine object marking in the Nguni language Zulu, focussing specifically on those properties that are subject to micro-parametric variation within the Bantu family. This includes the occurrence of object markers in object relative clauses and in double object constructions, and the correlation between object marking and dislocation. I also address the extent to which my findings support either a pronoun-or an object agreement-analysis of object markers. My results provide support for the idea that object markers in Zulu are in the process of changing from pronominal clitics into agreement markers.
In this article, I discuss data from the Bantu languages Shona and Kinyarwanda which provide evid... more In this article, I discuss data from the Bantu languages Shona and Kinyarwanda which provide evidence that head movement operations form part of narrow syntax. First, I argue that a head movement analysis is better suited to explain the verb-initial word order of Shona object relative clauses than an alternative based on remnant phrasal movement. Then I show that an analysis of object markers in Kinyarwanda locative constructions as syntactically incorporated pronominal heads is superior to theories that treat object markers as non-incorporated phrases or agreement morphemes. Finally, on the basis of the arguments presented in my analysis, I identify various general head movement "diagnostics", i.e. criteria that can help determine whether or not a given word or affix order is derived by head movement.
In this paper, we analyze an unusual type of right dislocation in Zulu. We demonstrate that the c... more In this paper, we analyze an unusual type of right dislocation in Zulu. We demonstrate that the construction in question combines A-movement of a DP out of an embedded finite CP into a matrix argument position (raising-to-object; RtO) with right dislocation of both the raised DP and the clause out of which it raises. The existence of such a construction is noteworthy for several reasons. First, the conclusion that Zulu allows A-movement out of a finite CP is at odds with standard Minimalist analyses of raising and also with the alternative analysis of RtO from finite clauses proposed in Bruening (2001, 2002). Second, on our proposed analysis, RtO can take place out of a CP-complement, which is subsequently dislocated and adjoined to a maximal projection, supporting Büring & Hartmann (1997), who argue that movement from an extraposed CP happens before CP-dislocation. Our findings thus provide a strong argument for a movement analysis of CP-extraposition. We finally conclude that these constructions present a number of complications for recent analyses of right dislocation as leftward movement plus clausal ellipsis (Ott & de Vries 2014, to appear), due to the interaction between A-movement and dislocation and the word order resulting from CP-extraposition.
In this paper I provide evidence for the view that syntactic movement of an element Y to a positi... more In this paper I provide evidence for the view that syntactic movement of an element Y to a position X is not driven by features of the target X, but by features of the moving element Y. I therefore argue against the standard Minimalist analysis, which assumes that movement of Y is the result of Y's attraction by EPP or edge features of X (see Chomsky 2000 and subsequent work). Rather, my analysis supports accounts such as those put forward by Bošković (2007) and Stroik (2009), according to which a moving element Y is "pushed up" in the derivation because one of its features cannot be checked in Y's base position. The data that constitute empirical evidence for this latter type of analysis come from A-bar movement constructions (object left and right dislocation; object relativisation) in the Bantu language Zulu. As I show, only object-DPs that move out of the VP in Zulu are active Goals for Agree-relations and can trigger object agreement with the verb. The fact that the functional head responsible for object agreement must be able to identify a DP in its c-command domain as an active Goal entails that the "mobility" of this DP must be encoded as a property of the DP. Based on this conclusion, I also discuss two proposals about the nature of the feature that activates a DP for movement in Zulu and examine the conditions that determine how this feature is checked and deleted via movement.
In an influential paper, Marten, Kula and Thwala (2007) (henceforth MKT) compare ten Bantu langua... more In an influential paper, Marten, Kula and Thwala (2007) (henceforth MKT) compare ten Bantu languages with respect to a range of morphosyntactic properties, which they describe in terms of binary parameters. By assigning a positive or negative value to each parameter in every language in their sample, they systematically organise a considerable amount of comparative data and thereby demonstrate the extent of micro-linguistic variation found even in a small subset of the Bantu family. MKT's study is especially important for comparative syntax, because it describes grammatical, rather than phonological or lexical, differences between typologically closely related languages. Our paper has two objectives, one empirical and one theoretical. First, we want to add to the comparative work initiated by MKT by describing the morphosyntax of the Bantu language Kinyarwanda with respect to the parameters proposed by MKT. We consider such a description valuable, not only because it extends the sample of languages whose grammatical properties can be systematically compared, but also because it provides a useful overview of aspects of Kinyarwanda grammar relating to phenomena which have been the subject of intense debate in the Bantu literature in recent years, such as object marking, locative inversion or relative clause constructions. Our second goal is to show that important insights about the grammar of Bantu languages can be gained from the results of comparative studies such as the one conducted by MKT. We suggest that a systematic comparison of grammatical differences between Bantu languages facilitates the search for bidirectional and unidirectional correlations between morphosyntactic properties. These correlations, we argue, make it possible to propose descriptive generalisations that may reveal the underlying principles that determine linguistic variation. A theoretical concept that we consider particularly important in this respect is the notion of parameter. In their study, MKT use the term " parameter " to refer to any observable surface difference between two or more languages. We contrast this use of the term with the way it is understood in the Principles and Parameters theory (Chomsky 1981, 1986, 1995). In this theory, parameters are associated with innate linguistic principles, and a single parameter may control a whole cluster of observable differences between languages. We suggest that comparing descriptive data in light of this interpretation of " parameter " opens up the possibility of developing and testing hypotheses about parametric variation within (and possibly also outside) the Bantu family. In section 2, we describe the Kinyarwanda data with respect to the parameters proposed in MKT. Section 3 adds our results to the results of MKT's study, and discusses the implications of our findings for the interpretation of the comparative data offered by MKT. In section 4, we focus on the notion of parameter and present some bidirectional and unidirectional correlations between morphosyntactic properties that we have found in the data. Section 5 provides a brief conclusion. * We thank the editors of TPHS and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions.
In generative grammar, locative inversion in Bantu languages is typically analysed in terms of A-... more In generative grammar, locative inversion in Bantu languages is typically analysed in terms of A-movement of the locative from a VP-internal position to the subject position. I present an alternative analysis, according to which the locative subject-DP is introduced above the P/VP, in the specifier of a functional category whose head selects the P/VP as its complement. I suggest that this category is Pr (for " predication "), i.e. the same category that also introduces the subject argument of adjectival or nominal predicates in non-verbal predication constructions (see Bowers 1993, and especially Baker 2003a for Bantu). In locative inversion, Pr establishes a non-canonical predication relation between a P/VP that expresses a state or event, and a DP that denotes the location of which this state/event is predicated as a property. My analysis is developed on the basis of a detailed discussion of " semantic " locative inversion in the Bantu language Zulu (Buell 2007), a construction in which the inverted subject-DP is not formally marked as a locative, but receives its interpretation solely by virtue of the locative semantics of its head noun.
This paper proposes a typology that classifies Bantu languages according to the function of so-ca... more This paper proposes a typology that classifies Bantu languages according to the function of so-called object markers in their grammar. Three types of language are distinguished: in Type 1, object markers are agreement markers; in Type 2, object markers are pronominal clitics; in Type 3, object marking is a reflex of A-bar movement of the corresponding object. The paper further demonstrates that the three types of language also behave in systematic ways with respect to the possibility of object marking in object relative clauses: in Type 1 languages, object markers are never required, in Type 2, object markers are never possible, and in Type 3, object marking is always compulsory in object relatives. Finally, the paper presents a syntactic analysis of object marking in Type 3 languages, which explains the obligatory occurrence of object markers in right dislocation and relative clause constructions in these languages.
In the " symmetrical " Bantu language Zulu, either the beneficiary/goal or the theme argument in ... more In the " symmetrical " Bantu language Zulu, either the beneficiary/goal or the theme argument in double object constructions can agree with the verb. The agreeing object-DP is obligatorily dislocated to a VP-external position, while the non-agreeing DP remains inside the VP. However, Zulu also has a type of double object construction in which both internal arguments are right-dislocated. In this construction, agreement is always with the beneficiary/goal, and can no longer be with the theme. My paper offers a detailed description of these "double right dislocation" constructions and a Minimalist analysis of the observed agreement asymmetry. The analysis is based on the idea that dislocated arguments in Zulu are marked as "antifocus" and that only a DP with an antifocus feature can enter an Agree-relation with the functional head responsible for object agreement. Since Agree is constrained by Locality, a theme argument can only agree with the verb when it is the sole internal argument with an antifocus feature. When both internal arguments are dislocated and marked as antifocus, the theme competes with the beneficiary/goal for the available object agreement marker. In this case, Locality determines that agreement must be with the beneficiary/goal, since this argument is thematically (and hence syntactically) more prominent than the theme, and therefore closer to the functional object-agreement head.
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA) provides a platfor... more Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA) provides a platform for original monograph studies into synchronic and diachronic linguistics. Studies in LA confront empirical and theoretical problems as these are currently discussed in syntax, semantics, ...
Selected Proceedings of the 35th Annual Conference …, Jan 1, 2006
Zulu is an optional wh-in situ language. The examples (1)-(2) show that both wh-in situ and wh-ex... more Zulu is an optional wh-in situ language. The examples (1)-(2) show that both wh-in situ and wh-ex situ is possible with wh-objects: 1
... page. Dissertation Information. Title: Particle Verbs, Local Domains and a Theory of Lexical ... more ... page. Dissertation Information. Title: Particle Verbs, Local Domains and a Theory of Lexical Licensing, Add Dissertation. Author: Jochen Zeller, Update Dissertation. Email: click here to access email. Homepage: http://www.jzeller.de. ...
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language …, Jan 1, 2004
This article discusses (verbal) relative clauses in the Bantu languages spoken in South Africa. T... more This article discusses (verbal) relative clauses in the Bantu languages spoken in South Africa. The first part of the article offers a comparison of the relative clause formation strategies in Sotho, Tsonga, Nguni and Venda. An interesting difference between these language groups concerns the syntactic position and the agreement properties of the relative marker. Whereas the relative markers in Sotho, Tsonga and Venda are clause-initial elements, which express agreement with the head noun, the relative markers in the Nguni languages are relative concords, which are prefixed to the verb and agree with the subject of the relative clause. The second part of the article addresses this difference and shows that there is a historical relation between these two types of relative constructions. It is argued that earlier forms of Nguni employed relative markers similar to those used in present-day Sotho and Tsonga. In Nguni, these relative markers underwent a grammaticalisation process which turned them into relative concords. A detailed analysis of the syntactic conditions for, and the properties of, this grammaticalisation process leads to a hypothesis about the reasons why relative concords have developed in Nguni, but not (to the same extent) in Tsonga, Sotho and Venda.
U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 4. Proceedings …, Jan 1, 1997
... However, (1)(c) is grammatical. This follows only from a syntactic analysis that associates t... more ... However, (1)(c) is grammatical. This follows only from a syntactic analysis that associates the particles in (c) with a PP. Furthermore, there is a conceptual problem with the lexi-cal approach. ... (18)(a) ?daß Peter sich dai ganz gut aus [ti mit] kannte that Peter himself there quite ...
Particles in German have the capacity to introduce new arguments when they combine with a verb. B... more Particles in German have the capacity to introduce new arguments when they combine with a verb. Based on this observation, I argue that the internal arguments of a particle verb are always introduced by the particle.
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language …, Jan 1, 2006
The Nguni modal verb fanele can select a finite clause in the subjunctive mood as its complement.... more The Nguni modal verb fanele can select a finite clause in the subjunctive mood as its complement. Typically, the thematic subject of this clausal complement remains in the embedded subject position, in which case the matrix verb fanele is prefixed with the expletive marker ku-. However, in another possible construction with fanele, the thematic subject of the embedded subjunctive clause is realised in the matrix subject position and agrees with both fanele and the embedded verb. In this paper, I provide empirical evidence that the matrix subject in the latter construction originates in the embedded clause but has undergone raising (A-movement) to the matrix subject position. I then offer a theoretical discussion of this type of raising out of finite CPs based on the concept of 'defectiveness' and the theory of phases which underlie the analysis of raising constructions advocated in the Minimalist Program .
I examine object marking in the Nguni language Zulu, focussing specifically on those properties t... more I examine object marking in the Nguni language Zulu, focussing specifically on those properties that are subject to micro-parametric variation within the Bantu family. This includes the occurrence of object markers in object relative clauses and in double object constructions, and the correlation between object marking and dislocation. I also address the extent to which my findings support either a pronoun-or an object agreement-analysis of object markers. My results provide support for the idea that object markers in Zulu are in the process of changing from pronominal clitics into agreement markers.
In this article, I discuss data from the Bantu languages Shona and Kinyarwanda which provide evid... more In this article, I discuss data from the Bantu languages Shona and Kinyarwanda which provide evidence that head movement operations form part of narrow syntax. First, I argue that a head movement analysis is better suited to explain the verb-initial word order of Shona object relative clauses than an alternative based on remnant phrasal movement. Then I show that an analysis of object markers in Kinyarwanda locative constructions as syntactically incorporated pronominal heads is superior to theories that treat object markers as non-incorporated phrases or agreement morphemes. Finally, on the basis of the arguments presented in my analysis, I identify various general head movement "diagnostics", i.e. criteria that can help determine whether or not a given word or affix order is derived by head movement.
In this paper, we analyze an unusual type of right dislocation in Zulu. We demonstrate that the c... more In this paper, we analyze an unusual type of right dislocation in Zulu. We demonstrate that the construction in question combines A-movement of a DP out of an embedded finite CP into a matrix argument position (raising-to-object; RtO) with right dislocation of both the raised DP and the clause out of which it raises. The existence of such a construction is noteworthy for several reasons. First, the conclusion that Zulu allows A-movement out of a finite CP is at odds with standard Minimalist analyses of raising and also with the alternative analysis of RtO from finite clauses proposed in Bruening (2001, 2002). Second, on our proposed analysis, RtO can take place out of a CP-complement, which is subsequently dislocated and adjoined to a maximal projection, supporting Büring & Hartmann (1997), who argue that movement from an extraposed CP happens before CP-dislocation. Our findings thus provide a strong argument for a movement analysis of CP-extraposition. We finally conclude that these constructions present a number of complications for recent analyses of right dislocation as leftward movement plus clausal ellipsis (Ott & de Vries 2014, to appear), due to the interaction between A-movement and dislocation and the word order resulting from CP-extraposition.
In this paper I provide evidence for the view that syntactic movement of an element Y to a positi... more In this paper I provide evidence for the view that syntactic movement of an element Y to a position X is not driven by features of the target X, but by features of the moving element Y. I therefore argue against the standard Minimalist analysis, which assumes that movement of Y is the result of Y's attraction by EPP or edge features of X (see Chomsky 2000 and subsequent work). Rather, my analysis supports accounts such as those put forward by Bošković (2007) and Stroik (2009), according to which a moving element Y is "pushed up" in the derivation because one of its features cannot be checked in Y's base position. The data that constitute empirical evidence for this latter type of analysis come from A-bar movement constructions (object left and right dislocation; object relativisation) in the Bantu language Zulu. As I show, only object-DPs that move out of the VP in Zulu are active Goals for Agree-relations and can trigger object agreement with the verb. The fact that the functional head responsible for object agreement must be able to identify a DP in its c-command domain as an active Goal entails that the "mobility" of this DP must be encoded as a property of the DP. Based on this conclusion, I also discuss two proposals about the nature of the feature that activates a DP for movement in Zulu and examine the conditions that determine how this feature is checked and deleted via movement.
In an influential paper, Marten, Kula and Thwala (2007) (henceforth MKT) compare ten Bantu langua... more In an influential paper, Marten, Kula and Thwala (2007) (henceforth MKT) compare ten Bantu languages with respect to a range of morphosyntactic properties, which they describe in terms of binary parameters. By assigning a positive or negative value to each parameter in every language in their sample, they systematically organise a considerable amount of comparative data and thereby demonstrate the extent of micro-linguistic variation found even in a small subset of the Bantu family. MKT's study is especially important for comparative syntax, because it describes grammatical, rather than phonological or lexical, differences between typologically closely related languages. Our paper has two objectives, one empirical and one theoretical. First, we want to add to the comparative work initiated by MKT by describing the morphosyntax of the Bantu language Kinyarwanda with respect to the parameters proposed by MKT. We consider such a description valuable, not only because it extends the sample of languages whose grammatical properties can be systematically compared, but also because it provides a useful overview of aspects of Kinyarwanda grammar relating to phenomena which have been the subject of intense debate in the Bantu literature in recent years, such as object marking, locative inversion or relative clause constructions. Our second goal is to show that important insights about the grammar of Bantu languages can be gained from the results of comparative studies such as the one conducted by MKT. We suggest that a systematic comparison of grammatical differences between Bantu languages facilitates the search for bidirectional and unidirectional correlations between morphosyntactic properties. These correlations, we argue, make it possible to propose descriptive generalisations that may reveal the underlying principles that determine linguistic variation. A theoretical concept that we consider particularly important in this respect is the notion of parameter. In their study, MKT use the term " parameter " to refer to any observable surface difference between two or more languages. We contrast this use of the term with the way it is understood in the Principles and Parameters theory (Chomsky 1981, 1986, 1995). In this theory, parameters are associated with innate linguistic principles, and a single parameter may control a whole cluster of observable differences between languages. We suggest that comparing descriptive data in light of this interpretation of " parameter " opens up the possibility of developing and testing hypotheses about parametric variation within (and possibly also outside) the Bantu family. In section 2, we describe the Kinyarwanda data with respect to the parameters proposed in MKT. Section 3 adds our results to the results of MKT's study, and discusses the implications of our findings for the interpretation of the comparative data offered by MKT. In section 4, we focus on the notion of parameter and present some bidirectional and unidirectional correlations between morphosyntactic properties that we have found in the data. Section 5 provides a brief conclusion. * We thank the editors of TPHS and two anonymous reviewers for their valuable comments and suggestions.
In generative grammar, locative inversion in Bantu languages is typically analysed in terms of A-... more In generative grammar, locative inversion in Bantu languages is typically analysed in terms of A-movement of the locative from a VP-internal position to the subject position. I present an alternative analysis, according to which the locative subject-DP is introduced above the P/VP, in the specifier of a functional category whose head selects the P/VP as its complement. I suggest that this category is Pr (for " predication "), i.e. the same category that also introduces the subject argument of adjectival or nominal predicates in non-verbal predication constructions (see Bowers 1993, and especially Baker 2003a for Bantu). In locative inversion, Pr establishes a non-canonical predication relation between a P/VP that expresses a state or event, and a DP that denotes the location of which this state/event is predicated as a property. My analysis is developed on the basis of a detailed discussion of " semantic " locative inversion in the Bantu language Zulu (Buell 2007), a construction in which the inverted subject-DP is not formally marked as a locative, but receives its interpretation solely by virtue of the locative semantics of its head noun.
This paper proposes a typology that classifies Bantu languages according to the function of so-ca... more This paper proposes a typology that classifies Bantu languages according to the function of so-called object markers in their grammar. Three types of language are distinguished: in Type 1, object markers are agreement markers; in Type 2, object markers are pronominal clitics; in Type 3, object marking is a reflex of A-bar movement of the corresponding object. The paper further demonstrates that the three types of language also behave in systematic ways with respect to the possibility of object marking in object relative clauses: in Type 1 languages, object markers are never required, in Type 2, object markers are never possible, and in Type 3, object marking is always compulsory in object relatives. Finally, the paper presents a syntactic analysis of object marking in Type 3 languages, which explains the obligatory occurrence of object markers in right dislocation and relative clause constructions in these languages.
In the " symmetrical " Bantu language Zulu, either the beneficiary/goal or the theme argument in ... more In the " symmetrical " Bantu language Zulu, either the beneficiary/goal or the theme argument in double object constructions can agree with the verb. The agreeing object-DP is obligatorily dislocated to a VP-external position, while the non-agreeing DP remains inside the VP. However, Zulu also has a type of double object construction in which both internal arguments are right-dislocated. In this construction, agreement is always with the beneficiary/goal, and can no longer be with the theme. My paper offers a detailed description of these "double right dislocation" constructions and a Minimalist analysis of the observed agreement asymmetry. The analysis is based on the idea that dislocated arguments in Zulu are marked as "antifocus" and that only a DP with an antifocus feature can enter an Agree-relation with the functional head responsible for object agreement. Since Agree is constrained by Locality, a theme argument can only agree with the verb when it is the sole internal argument with an antifocus feature. When both internal arguments are dislocated and marked as antifocus, the theme competes with the beneficiary/goal for the available object agreement marker. In this case, Locality determines that agreement must be with the beneficiary/goal, since this argument is thematically (and hence syntactically) more prominent than the theme, and therefore closer to the functional object-agreement head.
Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA) provides a platfor... more Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today (LA) provides a platform for original monograph studies into synchronic and diachronic linguistics. Studies in LA confront empirical and theoretical problems as these are currently discussed in syntax, semantics, ...
Selected Proceedings of the 35th Annual Conference …, Jan 1, 2006
Zulu is an optional wh-in situ language. The examples (1)-(2) show that both wh-in situ and wh-ex... more Zulu is an optional wh-in situ language. The examples (1)-(2) show that both wh-in situ and wh-ex situ is possible with wh-objects: 1
... page. Dissertation Information. Title: Particle Verbs, Local Domains and a Theory of Lexical ... more ... page. Dissertation Information. Title: Particle Verbs, Local Domains and a Theory of Lexical Licensing, Add Dissertation. Author: Jochen Zeller, Update Dissertation. Email: click here to access email. Homepage: http://www.jzeller.de. ...
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language …, Jan 1, 2004
This article discusses (verbal) relative clauses in the Bantu languages spoken in South Africa. T... more This article discusses (verbal) relative clauses in the Bantu languages spoken in South Africa. The first part of the article offers a comparison of the relative clause formation strategies in Sotho, Tsonga, Nguni and Venda. An interesting difference between these language groups concerns the syntactic position and the agreement properties of the relative marker. Whereas the relative markers in Sotho, Tsonga and Venda are clause-initial elements, which express agreement with the head noun, the relative markers in the Nguni languages are relative concords, which are prefixed to the verb and agree with the subject of the relative clause. The second part of the article addresses this difference and shows that there is a historical relation between these two types of relative constructions. It is argued that earlier forms of Nguni employed relative markers similar to those used in present-day Sotho and Tsonga. In Nguni, these relative markers underwent a grammaticalisation process which turned them into relative concords. A detailed analysis of the syntactic conditions for, and the properties of, this grammaticalisation process leads to a hypothesis about the reasons why relative concords have developed in Nguni, but not (to the same extent) in Tsonga, Sotho and Venda.
U. Penn Working Papers in Linguistics 4. Proceedings …, Jan 1, 1997
... However, (1)(c) is grammatical. This follows only from a syntactic analysis that associates t... more ... However, (1)(c) is grammatical. This follows only from a syntactic analysis that associates the particles in (c) with a PP. Furthermore, there is a conceptual problem with the lexi-cal approach. ... (18)(a) ?daß Peter sich dai ganz gut aus [ti mit] kannte that Peter himself there quite ...
Particles in German have the capacity to introduce new arguments when they combine with a verb. B... more Particles in German have the capacity to introduce new arguments when they combine with a verb. Based on this observation, I argue that the internal arguments of a particle verb are always introduced by the particle.
Southern African Linguistics and Applied Language …, Jan 1, 2006
The Nguni modal verb fanele can select a finite clause in the subjunctive mood as its complement.... more The Nguni modal verb fanele can select a finite clause in the subjunctive mood as its complement. Typically, the thematic subject of this clausal complement remains in the embedded subject position, in which case the matrix verb fanele is prefixed with the expletive marker ku-. However, in another possible construction with fanele, the thematic subject of the embedded subjunctive clause is realised in the matrix subject position and agrees with both fanele and the embedded verb. In this paper, I provide empirical evidence that the matrix subject in the latter construction originates in the embedded clause but has undergone raising (A-movement) to the matrix subject position. I then offer a theoretical discussion of this type of raising out of finite CPs based on the concept of 'defectiveness' and the theory of phases which underlie the analysis of raising constructions advocated in the Minimalist Program .
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