In this short piece, I seek to explore two main questions: 1) How can communities take control over local governance and shape local economic futures? and 2) How can local communities effectively band together to support world-system transformation? I examine examples of transnational organizing around water and, specifically, the National Summit on the Human Right to Water held in Abuja, Nigeria in January 2019. A repeated theme at the Summit was the idea that privatization is a threat because the narrative of the profit-based solution of privatization is at odds with the idea that people-and their human right to basic needs like water-come before profit. Privatization is a threat to human rights everywhere, and as climate change progresses resources will become even more scarce, with more of a push from corporations seeking to control and commodify water. One of the most powerful short-term results of this summit, therefore, was how it served as a space for global solidarity building around the human right to water.

While sympathetic to debates about the utility, accuracy, and significance of the "Anthropocene," in this brief essay, we are most interested in implicating racialization, colonization, and their ongoing place in the capitalist world-economy and global ecological change. To this end, we point to the potential of thinking with the "Plantationocene," considering that to invoke the plantation is to simultaneously contend with the intermeshing organization of the colonialist/imperialist, racialist, and capitalist dimensions of the world-system as directly related to global environmental transformation since the 15th century.

Globally, one in eight people lacks access to potable water; more people die from unsafe drinking water than from all forms of violence, including war. A substantial body of research documents that the privatization of water-led by global financial institutions working in collusion with governments and corporations-does not lead to more people gaining access to safe water. In fact, the opposite is true: privatization leads to both higher cost and lower quality water. For the past century, the dominant focus of transnational organizing has been "from the West to the rest," and the frequent attention to movements in the global North has led to the neglect of transnational linkages between movements. Drawing on fieldwork conducted on three right to water movements that span three continents (North America, South America, and Africa), this paper examines efforts to reclaim the water commons, and how struggles have been driven by grassroots movements demanding that democracy, transparency, and the human right to water are prioritized over corporate profit. As feminist scholars have pointed out, the "standpoint" offered by marginalized actors offers important insights into the operation of systems of power and the strategies of survival and resistance that less powerful actors adopt in order to survive and thrive. This paper explores how transnational movements around water and other basic rights engage with and learn from each other.

This paper examines the visions of development of Alcoa, an American bauxite mining company, and the traditional ribeirinho communities in the area of Juruti Velho, Brazil. These two objectives are pursued in order to determine if Alcoa’s actions in the area constitute environmental injustice and colonialism. An explication of environmental injustice and colonialism is undertaken, and is followed later by a discussion of social invisibility and how circumstances are created that allow for the exploitation of traditional communities. The work and demands of ACORJUVE, a community association that is in opposition to Alcoa, are also discussed. A review of the interviews conducted with community members, as well as a summary of an interview conducted with an Alcoa representative in Juruti, is provided. Finally, a discussion of development ideologies, colonialism, and environmental injustice is undertaken to determine if Alcoa’s actions – based on these responses – are unwanted by the communities, and environmentally destructive and unjust. The author concludes that Alcoa’s presence in Juruti is forcing a capitalist mode of development on the native inhabitants of the area, and that their actions serve as a modern form of colonialism; additionally, the adverse environmental effects of the mining activities constitute an instance of environmental injustice.

While sympathetic to debates about the utility, accuracy, and significance of the “Anthropocene,” in this brief essay, we are most interested in implicating racialization, colonization, and their ongoing place in the capitalist world-economy and global ecological change. To this end, we point to the potential of thinking with the “Plantationocene,” considering that to invoke the plantation is to simultaneously contend with the intermeshing organization of the colonialist/imperialist, racialist, and capitalist dimensions of the world-system as directly related to global environmental transformation since the 15th century.  

In this short piece, I seek to explore two main questions: 1) How can communities take control over local governance and shape local economic futures?and2) How can local communities effectively band together to support world-system transformation? I examine examples of transnational organizing around water and, specifically, the National Summit on the Human Right to Water held in Abuja, Nigeria in January 2019. A repeated theme at the Summit was the idea that privatization is a threat because the narrative of the profit-based solution of privatization is at odds with the idea that people—and their human right to basic needs like water—come before profit. Privatization is a threat to human rights everywhere,and as climate change progresses resources will become even more scarce, with more of a push from corporations seeking to control and commodify water. One of the most powerful short-term results of this summit, therefore, was how it served as a space forglobalsolidarity buildingar...

Con base en el trabajo de campo con el Movimento dos Atingidos por Barragens (MAB), la autora argumenta que la lucha del MAB no se trata solo de los afectados por los proyectos de represas, sino que forma parte de un proyecto más amplio de “alterglobalización”. Laautora postula que el MAB no es simplemente un actor del movimiento social, sino un productor de conocimiento que articula la teoría y la praxis de resistir al sistema imperialista hegemónico más grande. En este documento, se exploran las siguientes preguntas: ¿qué puede aprender la academia de los movimientos sociales? ¿Cómo pueden hacer los académicos investigaciones que no refuercen las jerarquías de poder? ¿Cómo creamos investigación colaborativa?

Resumo 3 Acknowledgements/Reconhecimentos 4 Introduction 5-6 Background – the region 6-7 Background – terminology and the issues of environmental injustice, colonialism and development 7-8 Methods 9-10 Results – perspectives from the communities of Juruti Velho.....10-13 Results – perspectives from Alcoa 13-17 Discussion – the issue of development: how and for whom?.....17-23 Discussion– Alcoa, the environment and the people 23-24 Conclusion – what needs to happen 25-26 Appendix A 27-28 Appendix B 29 Bibliography 30-31

Globally, one in eight people lacks access to potable water; more people die from unsafe drinking water than from all forms of violence, including war. A substantial body of research documents that the privatization of water – led by global financial institutions working in collusion with governments and corporations – does not lead to more people gaining access to safe water. In fact, the opposite is true:  privatization leads to both higher cost and lower quality water. For the past century, the dominant focus of transnational organizing has been “from the West to the rest,” and the frequent attention to movements in the global North has led to the neglect of transnational linkages between movements. Drawing on fieldwork conducted on three right to water movements that span three continents (North America, South America, and Africa), this paper examines effortsto reclaim the water commons,and how struggles have been driven by grassroots movements demanding that democracy, transpar...

Globally, one in eight people lacks access to potable water; more people die from unsafe drinking water than from all forms of violence, including war. A substantial body of research documents that the privatization of water-led by global financial institutions working in collusion with governments and corporations-does not lead to more people gaining access to safe water. In fact, the opposite is true: privatization leads to both higher cost and lower quality water. For the past century, the dominant focus of transnational organizing has been "from the West to the rest," and the frequent attention to movements in the global North has led to the neglect of transnational linkages between movements. Drawing on fieldwork conducted on three right to water movements that span three continents (North America, South America, and Africa), this paper examines efforts to reclaim the water commons, and how struggles have been driven by grassroots movements demanding that democracy, transparency, and the human right to water are prioritized over corporate profit. As feminist scholars have pointed out, the "standpoint" offered by marginalized actors offers important insights into the operation of systems of power and the strategies of survival and resistance that less powerful actors adopt in order to survive and thrive. This paper explores how transnational movements around water and other basic rights engage with and learn from each other.

While sympathetic to debates about the utility, accuracy, and significance of the "Anthropocene," in this brief essay, we are most interested in implicating racialization, colonization, and their ongoing place in the capitalist worldeconomy and global ecological change. To this end, we point to the potential of thinking with the "Plantationocene," considering that to invoke the plantation is to simultaneously contend with the intermeshing organization of the colonialist/imperialist, racialist, and capitalist dimensions of the world-system as directly related to global environmental transformation since the 15th century.

Background-the region……………………………………..6-7 Background-terminology and the issues of environmental injustice, colonialism and development…………………………………………………...7-8 Methods………………………………………………………..9-10 Results-perspectives from the communities of Juruti Velho…..10-13 Results-perspectives from Alcoa……………………………..13-17 Discussion-the issue of development: how and for whom?.....17-23 Discussion-Alcoa, the environment and the people…………...23-24 Conclusion-what needs to happen…………………………….25-26

In this short piece, I seek to explore two main questions: 1) How can communities take control over local governance and shape local economic futures? and 2) How can local communities effectively band together to support worldsystem transformation? I examine examples of transnational organizing around water and, specifically, the National Summit on the Human Right to Water held in Abuja, Nigeria in January 2019. A repeated theme at the Summit was the idea that privatization is a threat because the narrative of the profit-based solution of privatization is at odds with the idea that people-and their human right to basic needs like water-come before profit. Privatization is a threat to human rights everywhere, and as climate change progresses resources will become even more scarce, with more of a push from corporations seeking to control and commodify water. One of the most powerful short-term results of this summit, therefore, was how it served as a space for global solidarity building around the human right to water.

Since the late 1980s there has been a growing scholarly concern with speaking silences of the past and recognizing the voices and perspectives of those “others” who have been written out of hegemonic historical narratives, especially in areas of intense conflict like Israel/Palestine. This study is concerned with the ways in which hegemonic national history can be re-inscribed even as attempts are made to tell an alternative narrative. This article is based on three years of ethnographic research in an Israeli Jewish high school at the height of debates among historians about the Israeli national past. It examines the motivation to teach an alternative narrative that would recognize Palestinian perspectives and reveals the micro- processes involved that ultimately undermine such recognition.