This paper identifies and discusses seventeen grammatical morphemes and a number of basic lexical... more This paper identifies and discusses seventeen grammatical morphemes and a number of basic lexical roots that correspond in Chibchan and Macro-Jê languages. Chibchan languages are spoken across a region stretching from Honduras in the west to Venezuela in the east. Macro-Jê is one of the major phylogenetic units of Lowland South America, where the modern languages are all spoken south of the Amazon. The Chibchan and Macro-Jê forms discussed here reflect regular sound correspondences and, additionally, include shared idiosyncrasies, such as corresponding suppletion. This suggests the existence of a genealogical relationship between both language groups.
This paper contributes to the basic internal classification of Chibchan. Currently, the most wide... more This paper contributes to the basic internal classification of Chibchan. Currently, the most widely accepted hypothesis is that Proto-Chibchan first split into two branches: the ancestor of Pech and the ancestor of all the other Chibchan languages, which are subsumed under the label of Core Chibchan. This paper presents evidence casting doubt on this structure-namely, nine innovations that Pech shares exclusively with Chibchan languages of the Arhuacic subgroup spoken in northern Colombia. These shared innovations are phonological, morphological, and lexical and suggest the existence of a Pech-Arhuacic subgroup. They also suggest that a bifurcation of Proto-Chibchan into the ancestor of Pech and the ancestor of all other Chibchan languages cannot be maintained. This observation has implications for our understanding of migration in the Isthmo-Colombian Area.
This chapter provides a brief and comparative overview of the contemporary language families and ... more This chapter provides a brief and comparative overview of the contemporary language families and languages spoken in the Isthmo–Colombian Area and focuses on Chibchan, Chocoan, Yukpa (Cariban), and Wayuunaiki or Guajiro (Arawakan). These languages are presented and discussed according to nine formal features, for instance, the presence or absence of nasal vowels, and three functional features, for instance, encoding of gender in pronouns or demonstratives. Along these lines, and including loanwords wherever appropriate, we trace information on contact between the peoples in question. It turns out that Chibchan and Chocoan languages share a number of specific features and elements, some of which may reflect intense contact in the past, whereas others seem to be the result of more recent interaction. Instead, Wayuunaiki shares relatively few features with other languages discussed here and in that respect stands somewhat apart within the linguistic landscape of the Isthmo–Colombian Area.
Against a multidisciplinary background this contribution explores the areal typology of western M... more Against a multidisciplinary background this contribution explores the areal typology of western Middle and South America. Based on a new language sample and a typological questionnaire that is specifically designed to bring some of the poorly documented and extinct languages into the debate, we explore the areal distribution of 77 linguistic traits in 44 languages. While one of the goals of the present article is to provide a general up-to-date view of the areal patterning of these traits on a large scale, we also explore a number of specific questions in more detail. In particular, we address the relationship between known language areas like Mesoamerica and the Central Andes with their respective peripheries, the possibility of detecting an areal-typological signal that predates the rise of these linguistic areas, and, finally, the question of linguistic convergence along the Pacific coast. We find that, while the languages of the Mesoamerican periphery are rather diffuse typologically, the structural profiles of the Central Andean languages are embedded organically into a more general cluster of Andean typological affinities that alters continuously as one moves through geographical space. In different ways, the typological properties of the peripheral languages may reflect a situation that goes back to time depths which are greater than that of the emergence of the Mesoamerican and Central Andean linguistic areas. Finally, while we can confirm typological affinities with Mesoamerica for some languages of coastal South America, we do not find support for large-scale linguistic convergence on the Pacific coast.
In the southern central Andes, several researchers have documented series of numerals that some h... more In the southern central Andes, several researchers have documented series of numerals that some have attributed to a hitherto unknown language: Lengua X. Indeed, they are difficult to link, as a whole, with numeral series from the known languages of the area. This paper presents and discusses the available information on these numeral series and proposes to trace their origin. It turns out that it is difficult to argue that they are the remnants of a single vanished language. Instead, it is argued that Lengua X numerals for ‘one’ and ‘two’ originate in Aymara, a language from the highlands, whereas terms for ‘three’ to ‘five’ originate in Mosetén, a Mosetenan language from the eastern foothills. Additional parallels with Uru-Chipayan, Quechua and Aymara (terms from ‘six’ to ‘ten’) suggest that Lengua X numerals reflect a unique and complex situation of language contact in the southern central Andes.
It has long been known that the plant-part terms for ‘stick’, ‘leaf’, and ‘seed’ were grammatical... more It has long been known that the plant-part terms for ‘stick’, ‘leaf’, and ‘seed’ were grammaticalized as classifying elements referring to shape in several Chibchan languages. This interpretation, however, is by no means the only one possible. The Proto-Chibchan terms for ‘stick’, ‘leaf’, and ‘seed’ had a much wider application. They became stem formatives, attested above all in body-part terms. The Proto-Chibchan word for ‘stick’ also grammaticalized as an element with further functions, for instance, as a possessive or purposive marker. Unraveling all these grammaticalization trajectories not only provides insights into how elements of Chibchan lexicon and morphosyntax developed; it also gives an impression of the worldview expressed through Chibchan languages, at least as far as the vegetal world is concerned: plant-parts are conceived of as individual elements with a specific shape, as parts of a whole, and, in certain cases, as related to the general notion of ‘thing’.
Filippo Salvatore Gilij (1721-1789) was a Jesuit priest and scholar who is known in the linguisti... more Filippo Salvatore Gilij (1721-1789) was a Jesuit priest and scholar who is known in the linguistic literature primarily as the discoverer of several South American language families and as an astute observer of various linguistic phenomena. In his work Saggio di Storia Americana (1780-84), Gilij focuses on two linguistic issues: (1) language change and the role of language contact in it, and (2) the origin of both linguistic diversity and similarities attested in Amerindian languages. This paper explores Gilij’s observations on language and the influence of earlier scholars on his ideas. His model can be characterized as a hybrid of religious ideas and modern linguistic theory, with language contact as a major component in both.
This paper illustrates and discusses recurrent sound correspondences between Pumé (also known as ... more This paper illustrates and discusses recurrent sound correspondences between Pumé (also known as Yaruro) and Chocoan languages. Pumé is a language of the Apure state of Venezuela and has so far been considered an isolate. Chocoan is a small language family of western Colombia and eastern Panama. Until now, these language groups have never been considered together and compared systematically. It is argued here that the recurrent sound correspondences attested in Chocoan and Pumé basic vocabulary are difficult to explain by coincidence or language contact. It is therefore concluded that there should be enough evidence to postulate a genealogical link between both language groups.
Since the end of the 19th century, many interpretations of the trickster’s role and function have... more Since the end of the 19th century, many interpretations of the trickster’s role and function have been developed. In the present article, prominent interpretations of the trickster are briefly summarized and subsequently applied to an exemplary trickster: the fox in the oral traditions of the southern Central Andes. The considered interpretations of the role and function of the trickster turn out to be somewhat problematic. For this reason the article proposes an alternative interpretation of the trickster, mainly founded on current research in cognitive anthropology.
Mapudungun, often also called Mapuche, is a language isolate spoken in southern Chile and parts o... more Mapudungun, often also called Mapuche, is a language isolate spoken in southern Chile and parts of Argentina. It presents structural, phonological and phonotactic similarities to the central Andean Quechuan and Aymaran language families. Many lexical items of Mapudungun have obviously been borrowed from Quechuan and Aymaran during or after the Inca presence in northern Mapuche territory. However, recent language contact may not be the only source of lexical parallels. The aim of the present article is to uncover evidence for alternative scenarios that could account for these parallels. As such, four exemplary Mapudungun roots clearly related to Quechuan and/or Aymaran roots are discussed in detail. First, the possibility that the respective lexical parallels are recent borrowings should be excluded. Second, it must be decided whether there is any evidence for the proposal that the respective Quechuan/Aymaran roots have been transferred into Mapudungun vocabulary via surrounding languages. The two-step approach developed here may undergo further refinement in future investigations of language contact in the Americas and elsewhere.
diagnostic capable of revealing early contact situations involving trade and possibly other forms... more diagnostic capable of revealing early contact situations involving trade and possibly other forms of interaction. Dogs are among the few elements in the human environment which are present independent of specific climatic zones or forms of adaption to the environment. They are found in cultures all over the world (Allen 1920), and specific canine breeds are easily exchanged between human groups (e.g., Koch-Grünberg 1923: 341-342). These particularities set the word for 'dog' apart from other frequently borrowed words, which mostly include terms for cultivated crops, wild plants and animals, and terms relating to specific technologies and their products (Haynie et al. 2014). During the long time of cohabitation of humans and dogs, the latter have come to play an important role in cultures of the Old and the New World. The dog was first domesticated in the Old World (Leonard et al. consumption, most conspicuously in Mesoamerican cultures, as attested by archeological findings (Clutton-Brock 1994) and observations made by the first Europeans to arrive in Mesoamerica (Wyatt n.d.). 2 As Tito et al.
This paper identifies and discusses seventeen grammatical morphemes and a number of basic lexical... more This paper identifies and discusses seventeen grammatical morphemes and a number of basic lexical roots that correspond in Chibchan and Macro-Jê languages. Chibchan languages are spoken across a region stretching from Honduras in the west to Venezuela in the east. Macro-Jê is one of the major phylogenetic units of Lowland South America, where the modern languages are all spoken south of the Amazon. The Chibchan and Macro-Jê forms discussed here reflect regular sound correspondences and, additionally, include shared idiosyncrasies, such as corresponding suppletion. This suggests the existence of a genealogical relationship between both language groups.
This paper contributes to the basic internal classification of Chibchan. Currently, the most wide... more This paper contributes to the basic internal classification of Chibchan. Currently, the most widely accepted hypothesis is that Proto-Chibchan first split into two branches: the ancestor of Pech and the ancestor of all the other Chibchan languages, which are subsumed under the label of Core Chibchan. This paper presents evidence casting doubt on this structure-namely, nine innovations that Pech shares exclusively with Chibchan languages of the Arhuacic subgroup spoken in northern Colombia. These shared innovations are phonological, morphological, and lexical and suggest the existence of a Pech-Arhuacic subgroup. They also suggest that a bifurcation of Proto-Chibchan into the ancestor of Pech and the ancestor of all other Chibchan languages cannot be maintained. This observation has implications for our understanding of migration in the Isthmo-Colombian Area.
This chapter provides a brief and comparative overview of the contemporary language families and ... more This chapter provides a brief and comparative overview of the contemporary language families and languages spoken in the Isthmo–Colombian Area and focuses on Chibchan, Chocoan, Yukpa (Cariban), and Wayuunaiki or Guajiro (Arawakan). These languages are presented and discussed according to nine formal features, for instance, the presence or absence of nasal vowels, and three functional features, for instance, encoding of gender in pronouns or demonstratives. Along these lines, and including loanwords wherever appropriate, we trace information on contact between the peoples in question. It turns out that Chibchan and Chocoan languages share a number of specific features and elements, some of which may reflect intense contact in the past, whereas others seem to be the result of more recent interaction. Instead, Wayuunaiki shares relatively few features with other languages discussed here and in that respect stands somewhat apart within the linguistic landscape of the Isthmo–Colombian Area.
Against a multidisciplinary background this contribution explores the areal typology of western M... more Against a multidisciplinary background this contribution explores the areal typology of western Middle and South America. Based on a new language sample and a typological questionnaire that is specifically designed to bring some of the poorly documented and extinct languages into the debate, we explore the areal distribution of 77 linguistic traits in 44 languages. While one of the goals of the present article is to provide a general up-to-date view of the areal patterning of these traits on a large scale, we also explore a number of specific questions in more detail. In particular, we address the relationship between known language areas like Mesoamerica and the Central Andes with their respective peripheries, the possibility of detecting an areal-typological signal that predates the rise of these linguistic areas, and, finally, the question of linguistic convergence along the Pacific coast. We find that, while the languages of the Mesoamerican periphery are rather diffuse typologically, the structural profiles of the Central Andean languages are embedded organically into a more general cluster of Andean typological affinities that alters continuously as one moves through geographical space. In different ways, the typological properties of the peripheral languages may reflect a situation that goes back to time depths which are greater than that of the emergence of the Mesoamerican and Central Andean linguistic areas. Finally, while we can confirm typological affinities with Mesoamerica for some languages of coastal South America, we do not find support for large-scale linguistic convergence on the Pacific coast.
In the southern central Andes, several researchers have documented series of numerals that some h... more In the southern central Andes, several researchers have documented series of numerals that some have attributed to a hitherto unknown language: Lengua X. Indeed, they are difficult to link, as a whole, with numeral series from the known languages of the area. This paper presents and discusses the available information on these numeral series and proposes to trace their origin. It turns out that it is difficult to argue that they are the remnants of a single vanished language. Instead, it is argued that Lengua X numerals for ‘one’ and ‘two’ originate in Aymara, a language from the highlands, whereas terms for ‘three’ to ‘five’ originate in Mosetén, a Mosetenan language from the eastern foothills. Additional parallels with Uru-Chipayan, Quechua and Aymara (terms from ‘six’ to ‘ten’) suggest that Lengua X numerals reflect a unique and complex situation of language contact in the southern central Andes.
It has long been known that the plant-part terms for ‘stick’, ‘leaf’, and ‘seed’ were grammatical... more It has long been known that the plant-part terms for ‘stick’, ‘leaf’, and ‘seed’ were grammaticalized as classifying elements referring to shape in several Chibchan languages. This interpretation, however, is by no means the only one possible. The Proto-Chibchan terms for ‘stick’, ‘leaf’, and ‘seed’ had a much wider application. They became stem formatives, attested above all in body-part terms. The Proto-Chibchan word for ‘stick’ also grammaticalized as an element with further functions, for instance, as a possessive or purposive marker. Unraveling all these grammaticalization trajectories not only provides insights into how elements of Chibchan lexicon and morphosyntax developed; it also gives an impression of the worldview expressed through Chibchan languages, at least as far as the vegetal world is concerned: plant-parts are conceived of as individual elements with a specific shape, as parts of a whole, and, in certain cases, as related to the general notion of ‘thing’.
Filippo Salvatore Gilij (1721-1789) was a Jesuit priest and scholar who is known in the linguisti... more Filippo Salvatore Gilij (1721-1789) was a Jesuit priest and scholar who is known in the linguistic literature primarily as the discoverer of several South American language families and as an astute observer of various linguistic phenomena. In his work Saggio di Storia Americana (1780-84), Gilij focuses on two linguistic issues: (1) language change and the role of language contact in it, and (2) the origin of both linguistic diversity and similarities attested in Amerindian languages. This paper explores Gilij’s observations on language and the influence of earlier scholars on his ideas. His model can be characterized as a hybrid of religious ideas and modern linguistic theory, with language contact as a major component in both.
This paper illustrates and discusses recurrent sound correspondences between Pumé (also known as ... more This paper illustrates and discusses recurrent sound correspondences between Pumé (also known as Yaruro) and Chocoan languages. Pumé is a language of the Apure state of Venezuela and has so far been considered an isolate. Chocoan is a small language family of western Colombia and eastern Panama. Until now, these language groups have never been considered together and compared systematically. It is argued here that the recurrent sound correspondences attested in Chocoan and Pumé basic vocabulary are difficult to explain by coincidence or language contact. It is therefore concluded that there should be enough evidence to postulate a genealogical link between both language groups.
Since the end of the 19th century, many interpretations of the trickster’s role and function have... more Since the end of the 19th century, many interpretations of the trickster’s role and function have been developed. In the present article, prominent interpretations of the trickster are briefly summarized and subsequently applied to an exemplary trickster: the fox in the oral traditions of the southern Central Andes. The considered interpretations of the role and function of the trickster turn out to be somewhat problematic. For this reason the article proposes an alternative interpretation of the trickster, mainly founded on current research in cognitive anthropology.
Mapudungun, often also called Mapuche, is a language isolate spoken in southern Chile and parts o... more Mapudungun, often also called Mapuche, is a language isolate spoken in southern Chile and parts of Argentina. It presents structural, phonological and phonotactic similarities to the central Andean Quechuan and Aymaran language families. Many lexical items of Mapudungun have obviously been borrowed from Quechuan and Aymaran during or after the Inca presence in northern Mapuche territory. However, recent language contact may not be the only source of lexical parallels. The aim of the present article is to uncover evidence for alternative scenarios that could account for these parallels. As such, four exemplary Mapudungun roots clearly related to Quechuan and/or Aymaran roots are discussed in detail. First, the possibility that the respective lexical parallels are recent borrowings should be excluded. Second, it must be decided whether there is any evidence for the proposal that the respective Quechuan/Aymaran roots have been transferred into Mapudungun vocabulary via surrounding languages. The two-step approach developed here may undergo further refinement in future investigations of language contact in the Americas and elsewhere.
diagnostic capable of revealing early contact situations involving trade and possibly other forms... more diagnostic capable of revealing early contact situations involving trade and possibly other forms of interaction. Dogs are among the few elements in the human environment which are present independent of specific climatic zones or forms of adaption to the environment. They are found in cultures all over the world (Allen 1920), and specific canine breeds are easily exchanged between human groups (e.g., Koch-Grünberg 1923: 341-342). These particularities set the word for 'dog' apart from other frequently borrowed words, which mostly include terms for cultivated crops, wild plants and animals, and terms relating to specific technologies and their products (Haynie et al. 2014). During the long time of cohabitation of humans and dogs, the latter have come to play an important role in cultures of the Old and the New World. The dog was first domesticated in the Old World (Leonard et al. consumption, most conspicuously in Mesoamerican cultures, as attested by archeological findings (Clutton-Brock 1994) and observations made by the first Europeans to arrive in Mesoamerica (Wyatt n.d.). 2 As Tito et al.
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