Papers by Esref Kenan Rasidagic
Bosnian studies, Apr 5, 2021
Since Bosnia and Herzegovina's declaration of independence in 1995, its path has been a rocky one... more Since Bosnia and Herzegovina's declaration of independence in 1995, its path has been a rocky one. Unwillingness by the international community to stand by the central government and stand in the way of the neighboring states of Serbia and Croatia's territorial pretensions, produced a succession of ceasefire agreements, culminating in the final, Dayton Peace Agreement. Each of these agreements espoused the ethnic principle as the guiding philosophy for the organization of the state. The postwar period demonstrates that despite the passage of time, the principle of organization of multi-ethnic state along ethnic lines presents a stumbling block to the functioning of the political, economic and social life in the country. The political history of post-independence Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) therefore reads as a history of protracted political paralysis, with no hope of rectifying the problems without another forceful intervention of the international community.
"Since the early 1990s, a variety of international stakeholders have labeled Bosnia ... more "Since the early 1990s, a variety of international stakeholders have labeled Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) both as a ‘country in transition’ (from socialism) and a ‘post-conflict developing country’ (due to the 1992-1996 war). Both labels initiated a set of externally led welfare reforms in this South-East European country. The author examines the politics of different reform stakeholders and the impact they have on the overall social welfare and social work practice at the grassroots level. The case study elaborated upon in this text concerns a project which aimed to introduce Family Group Conferencing (FGC) to social/community work practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was a project conceived and run by a group of community workers and lecturers associated with the Professional University of Social Work, Amsterdam, with support from the OSCE Mission to BiH, and in collaboration with the Centres for Social Work in Sarajevo and Banja Luka. Examination of the case study in question points to the central role politics between different stakeholders (international agencies, public institutions,, non-governmental organisations, grassroots practitioners and service users) play in preventing wider reforms. "
Adam Akademi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2021
Perceptions about other nations or countries are generally formed and shaped by historical events... more Perceptions about other nations or countries are generally formed and shaped by historical events, cultural differences, beliefs and often prejudices and they are difficult to change overtime. Turkey, as a country with big goals and aspirations as well as a natural interest in the region because of its historic ties with the region, would like to strengthen its image and its relations with Balkan countries. In order to reach this goal, Turkey has poured substantial amount of money and resources to the region in last twenty years. This study aimed to investigate if the efforts of Turkey worked and were able to attract the hearts and minds of the young generation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. For this purpose, a survey was conducted in five major state universities of Bosnia and Herzegovina in 2019. The results show that religion and ethnicity still play an important role in forming the perceptions. According to survey results, Bosniaks or Bosnian Muslims heavily favor Turkey and are mor...
Croatian international relations review, 2020
Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Her... more Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common future. Critical examination of official Ankara’s attitudes toward the Western Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish) transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan. This article will reconstr...
The Visegrad Four and the Western Balkans, 2020
The Western Balkans and the Visegrad Group are two macro-regions within the larger Eastern Europe... more The Western Balkans and the Visegrad Group are two macro-regions within the larger Eastern European area. Geographically and historically close, both regions share comparable characteristics on a macro-regional level as well as among the region's individual countries on a national level. However, when it comes to identities, the national level seems unavoidable: politically speaking, identity means national identity first and foremost. The authors of this book, who come from both regions, examine the ways in which the very sense of regional belonging might—or might not—override the shortcomings of and the obstacles erected by national identity. The varied case studies in the book focus on aspects of identity and their political (mis)use by actors in the regions under study. With contributions by Adam Bence Balazs, Adam Balcer, Ladislav Cabada, Ondřej Daniel, Kinga Anna Gajda, Kamil Glinka, Christina Griessler, Adis Maksic, Jovana Mihajlović Trbovc, Ešref Kenan Rašidagić, Andrea ...
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs
Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 2020
The Bosnian Islamic community has led the Islamic affairs of most Slavic Muslims in the Balkans s... more The Bosnian Islamic community has led the Islamic affairs of most Slavic Muslims in the Balkans since 1882. While authoritarian and secularist states represented considerable dangers for its survival, freedom in independent Bosnia brought its set of challenges. Since the 1990s, is faced three major dynamics: efforts of the dominant Bosniak Party to involve the Islamic Community in spearheading the nationbuilding drive among the Bosniaks; the pluralisation of Islamic authorities and influences coming in from the Islamic world (especially from Iran, Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf, and from Turkey); and the increasing pluralisation of the Islamic scene within the country. All have variously challenged the Bosnian Islamic community’s practice, authority and monopoly. The Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina (IZ BiH) has met those challenges by gradually detaching itself from national politics, by balancing foreign influences and by building up its institutional capacities
Adam Bence Balazs | Christina Griessler [eds.] The Visegrad Four and the Western Balkans Framing Regional Identities, 2020
Understanding the role of religious communities in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s post-Comm... more Understanding the role of religious communities in Croatia and Bosnia and Herzegovina’s post-Communist societies is very important for grasping the nature and history of democratic development in these two countries. A close investigation reveals that the relationship between the political and religious elites is crucial, but also subject to change given the shifting nature of social developments. Three stages in this relationship can be observed. The first phase started with the collapse of Yugoslavia and Communism in 1991-1992 and lasted until the early 2000s. This was a formative stage for the new societies, and religion played a key role in the national homogenisation and construction of new identities. The second phase, which started in the early 2000s and lasted most of the decade, was a period of relative economic prosperity, with a weakening of the nationalist political elites’ sway, and consequently a weakening of the role of the religious organisations.
The third phase, which started with the financial crisis of 2008 and is
still ongoing, is marked by a renewed populist and rightist agenda in politics, which has also resulted in a strengthening of the public role of organised religion in both countries.
Croatian International Relations Review, 2020
Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Her... more Under the AKP government, Turkey’s foreign policy towards the Western Balkans, and Bosnia and Herzegovina in particular, has led many analysts to suspect it of possessing neo-imperial, or so-called neo-Ottoman, objectives. These suspicions have been compounded by the repeated declarations of former Prime Minister Davutoğlu and current President Erdoğan that the history and religious identity shared by Turks and Western Balkan Muslims forms the basis of both Turkish-Balkan relations and a common future. Critical examination of official Ankara’s attitudes toward the Western Balkans in general, and especially Bosnia and Herzegovina, identifies four distinct phases in which cultural, historical, and religious appeals morphed into the set of distinctive foreign policies. These policies have also been shaped by pragmatic pursuits of regional influence, the effects of internal (Turkish) transformations, and more recently, the ad hoc policies of President Erdoğan.
This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy.
Časopis za obrazovanje odraslih i kulturu7Journal for Adult Education and Culture Adult Education Obrazovanje odraslih Bosna i Hercegovina, 2019
Namjera autorâ je pokazati iskoristivost stripa i karikature u univerzitetskoj nastavi politologi... more Namjera autorâ je pokazati iskoristivost stripa i karikature u univerzitetskoj nastavi politologije. Srodnost stripa i karikature ogleda se u tome što, kao vizualni i verbalno-vizualni mediji, tvore vlastiti „vizualni jezik“. U nastavi općenito, pa tako i na visokoškolskom nivou, strip i karikatura imaju skandalonsku vrijednost, odnosno, predstavljaju izvrsno motivacijsko sredstvo za učenje. Dakako, važno pitanje odnosi se
na odabir adekvatnih stripova i karikatura pa se u radu nude primjeri nekih stripova i karikatura koji se mogu koristiti u nastavi politologije. Također, čitatelji su upućeni na relevantna teorijska polazišta kojima se može opravdati primjena stripa i karikature u nastavi kao vizualnih i(li) verbalno-vizualnih medija.
BOSNIA AND HERZEGOVINA AT 20: TWO VIEWS ON CURRENT CHALLENGES', 2013
History of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina is marked by succession of protracted crises, which... more History of post-Dayton Bosnia and Herzegovina is marked by succession of protracted crises, which, despite different causes, share common traits over the years. Flawed political system with unique provisions giving unqualified veto powers to all three constituent peoples gave birth to political elites which profit from continuing paralysis of the country and have no practical interest in its progress. First part of this article analyzes the development and characteristics of the political crisis in BiH during the past decade. Part II of the article provides different angle of view of the same political situation, written from the perspective of a foreign diplomat having the opportunity to observe workings of the BiH politics first-hand.
CEU Political Science Journal, Sep 2013
Turkish - Balkans Relations: The Future Prospects of Cultural, Political and Economic Transformations and Relations, 2013
Democracy and Security in Southeastern Europe, 2013
Mediji izmedu slobode i zavisnosti: Mediji i političke elite u kontekstu izbjeglih i raseljenih osoba u Bosni i Hercegovini i Srbiji, 2013
Sarajevo Social Science Review, 2012
Since the early 1990s, a variety of international stakeholders have labeled Bosnia and Herzegovin... more Since the early 1990s, a variety of international stakeholders have labeled Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) both as a ‘country in transition’ (from socialism) and a ‘post-conflict developing country’ (due to the 1992-1996 war). Both labels initiated a set of externally led welfare reforms in this South-East European country. The author examines the politics of different reform stakeholders and the impact they have on the overall social welfare and social work practice at the grassroots level.
The case study elaborated upon in this text concerns a project which aimed to introduce Family Group Conferencing (FGC) to social/community work practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was a project conceived and run by a group of community workers and lecturers associated with the Professional University of Social Work, Amsterdam, with support from the OSCE Mission to BiH, and in collaboration with the Centres for Social Work in Sarajevo and Banja Luka.
Examination of the case study in question points to the central role politics between different stakeholders (international agencies, public institutions,, non-governmental organisations, grassroots practitioners and service users) play in preventing wider reforms.
BALKANS: Foreign Affairs, Politics and Socio-Cultures, Oct 2011
This brief introduction to the state of politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina aims to provide the re... more This brief introduction to the state of politics in Bosnia and Herzegovina aims to provide the reader with an understanding of the issues currently affecting the state of politics in this country. It also aims to provide the reader with a brief but deeper understanding of the forces and actors that shaped the political history of this country in the past. Special emphasis is given to understanding of the events, forces, and actors that contributed to development of some of the key issues that exercise the decisive influence over the country’s fate, such as the origins of ethnic divisions in the country, role of external forces in shaping some of the key developments, as well as more recent developments related to the origins and forces that shaped the country’s unique constitutional arrangements. The paper concludes that current political framework is inadequate and temporary, but also, given the historical circumstances, cannot be changed without yet another decisive intervention by the international community.
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Papers by Esref Kenan Rasidagic
The third phase, which started with the financial crisis of 2008 and is
still ongoing, is marked by a renewed populist and rightist agenda in politics, which has also resulted in a strengthening of the public role of organised religion in both countries.
This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy.
na odabir adekvatnih stripova i karikatura pa se u radu nude primjeri nekih stripova i karikatura koji se mogu koristiti u nastavi politologije. Također, čitatelji su upućeni na relevantna teorijska polazišta kojima se može opravdati primjena stripa i karikature u nastavi kao vizualnih i(li) verbalno-vizualnih medija.
The case study elaborated upon in this text concerns a project which aimed to introduce Family Group Conferencing (FGC) to social/community work practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was a project conceived and run by a group of community workers and lecturers associated with the Professional University of Social Work, Amsterdam, with support from the OSCE Mission to BiH, and in collaboration with the Centres for Social Work in Sarajevo and Banja Luka.
Examination of the case study in question points to the central role politics between different stakeholders (international agencies, public institutions,, non-governmental organisations, grassroots practitioners and service users) play in preventing wider reforms.
The third phase, which started with the financial crisis of 2008 and is
still ongoing, is marked by a renewed populist and rightist agenda in politics, which has also resulted in a strengthening of the public role of organised religion in both countries.
This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy.
na odabir adekvatnih stripova i karikatura pa se u radu nude primjeri nekih stripova i karikatura koji se mogu koristiti u nastavi politologije. Također, čitatelji su upućeni na relevantna teorijska polazišta kojima se može opravdati primjena stripa i karikature u nastavi kao vizualnih i(li) verbalno-vizualnih medija.
The case study elaborated upon in this text concerns a project which aimed to introduce Family Group Conferencing (FGC) to social/community work practice in Bosnia and Herzegovina. This was a project conceived and run by a group of community workers and lecturers associated with the Professional University of Social Work, Amsterdam, with support from the OSCE Mission to BiH, and in collaboration with the Centres for Social Work in Sarajevo and Banja Luka.
Examination of the case study in question points to the central role politics between different stakeholders (international agencies, public institutions,, non-governmental organisations, grassroots practitioners and service users) play in preventing wider reforms.
up its institutional capacities.
This article will reconstruct the development of Turkish foreign policy since 1990, from multilateral and soft power efforts to religious and economic objectives, and will analyse the limits of this policy