Introduction
Striking miners sit on top of the koppie at Marikana, North West province
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‘The invisibility of the poor: when noticed they are met with violence.’
– Nomzamo Zondo, director of litigation, Socio-Economic
Rights Institute of South Africa (SERI)1
T
he koppie was a place imbued with power. During the rock drillers’
strike of 2012, this low hill at Marikana was a space jealously guarded
from contamination, where no one dared wear a hat or carry a cellphone;
women were prohibited. To point with a finger earned an instant reproach
– on that sacred ground only a fist could be used to point. Even proffered
handshakes were shunned silently, a dark look settling on miners’ faces
when approached with an outstretched hand. The power of the magic was
not to be trifled with; breaching a host of taboos could dilute it, or endanger
the transgressor.
It was this hill that the early Afrikaners had long ago called Wonderkop
– which can best be translated as ‘hill of marvels or magic’, though the
intentions of the original Boers who named it are lost to us.2 When the
setting sun caused the rock to turn blood-red, it indeed seemed to be a site
of enchanted potency. The striking miners thought of the koppie as a place
where the otherwise god-like reach of the mine ran out. It was their redoubt,
a place where they felt like men. Here, they were not malaishas,3 drillers or
chisaboys;4 not boys of any kind.
Yet as they left the koppie on that fateful late-winter’s day, its protection grew feeble, even if the striking miners did not yet realise it. As the
sparkling coils of razor wire were rolled out, the miners were forced to run a
gauntlet of police gunfire to escape arrest. They were prepared to withstand
the thunderous double crack of the stun grenades, the fierce bite of the tear
gas and the painful impact of rubber bullets fired at close range. Drillers
have more physical fortitude than most; perhaps those who choose this
work are born with hearts so stout, perhaps they acquire it while labouring
underground in conditions beyond our comprehension. Yet nothing could
1 Zondo was speaking at the Daily Maverick’s ‘The Gathering’, Johannesburg, 2015.
2 There are innumerable hills or mountains named Wonderkop across South Africa,
sometimes named thus because of a geographic or geological feature that evoked wonder, or
based on the legend of a miraculous or wondrous event that was said to have taken place
there. The Afrikaans word wonder is translated as ‘wonder’, ‘marvel’ or ‘magic’, while
wonderwerk means ‘miracle’.
3 Fanagalo for ‘the person who wields the shovel’, the lowest-grade worker in the underground
social hierarchy.
4 Fanagalo for ‘assistant miner’; literally ‘fire or hot boy’.
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m u r d e r at s m a l l ko p p i e
prepare them for the terrible fusillade emerging from the funnel of police
vehicles, which ripped through muscle and bone, hundreds of high-velocity
bullets tearing through legs, chests and skulls, and kicking up a cloud of
beige dust like a curtain.
A single, strangled cry of ‘Cease fire!’ from a lone policeman with a
jammed weapon triggered a chain of calls that finally stilled the gunfire.
As the dust settled back onto the men prone on the blood-drenched earth,
nothing would ever be the same again. It was as if the nation had spent
eighteen years dreaming of an idealised society only to be violently awoken
to a living nightmare.
As horrifying as the televised killings were, there was worse that happened out of sight, at a jumble of rock and thorn trees not imbued with
any symbolism other than that it being an open-air latrine for nearby shack
dwellers. The place was dismissively known as Small Koppie, or Thaba
Nyana, if people acknowledged it had a name at all.
The winter shadows were long, blue and deep by the time police encircled
the men seeking refuge there. None of the miners expected this forlorn site
to be the place where they would face execution at the hands of police
out to avenge their slain fellow officers, themselves pawns in a high-stakes
game of neglect and oppression that allowed both the state and big business
to benefit from a perpetually impoverished citizenry.
The Marikana massacre swiftly became a platform for all types of opportunists to exploit, and for the state to belittle the extrajudicial executions
as an unfortunate incident provoked by criminals. Activists and civil society
who had been quiescent for too long were jolted into action. People of
conscience, from veteran human rights activist George Bizos to grassroots
activists too young to have experienced apartheid kragdadigheid,5 were
galvanised. Many of these well-intentioned people failed to understand,
or perhaps chose to ignore, just how brutalising it is to endure a lifetime of
scrambling to survive, and tried to gloss over the acts of violence perpetrated by the striking miners themselves, lest it undermine their struggle.
Violence was an essential component of the drillers’ strike. South Africa
continues to be one of the world’s most physically, economically, socially
and psychologically fractured states. The poor are politically, commercially and socially invisible until they force themselves into view. The only
5 An apartheid-era South African policy of using brute force to quell political opposition;
Afrikaans, meaning ‘forcefulness’.
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introduction
way that neglected and impoverished communities ever manage to break
the spell of invisibility is when they use sufficient violence to be noticed.
An evocatively titled paper, ‘The smoke that calls’,6 encapsulates the political
struggle for visibility, as does the otherwise incomprehensible phenomenon
of Izikhothane 7 publicly burning money and designer clothes they only
wear once. That boys who live in their grandmothers’ Reconstruction and
Development Programme (RDP) houses can show off how easily they can
replace the materially desirable is a result of the psychological damage
of poverty juxtaposed with extreme wealth. In the same vein, the miners’
rejection of their invisibility demanded that they be publicly annihilated.
It was just politics, and economics.
I first began to understand properly what had occurred at Marikana’s
Small Koppie, or Scene 2, while standing in a low granite defile, stooping
to avoid thorn-covered branches and trying not to stand on the rich,
blood-steeped soil where Henry Mvuyisi Pato died, shot through the
back of his neck with an R5 bullet. That death was marked with a spray of
fluorescent yellow-green paint on an ancient boulder. Once I understood
that the letter N stood for the disappeared remains of a human being,8 I
began to see each and every one of those crime-scene signifiers for what
they were: the bloody remains of miners’ bodies marked by an almost
incomprehensible alphabet. It was the first step towards unravelling the
dual massacres of Marikana, and the state’s cover-up of the police’s deadly
labour. Yet this spectacle of brutality, a contemporary adaptation of human
sacrifice, a part of which resonated around the world within minutes, did
not purge either Lonmin or the ruling party and its abetters of their opponents. Marikana has instead become a rallying cry against the collusion of
parasitic elites. The echoes of those gunshots have not yet stilled.
6 Karl von Holdt, Malose Langa, Sepetla Molapo, Nomfundo Mogapi, Kindiza Ngubeni, Jacob
Dlamini and Adele Kirsten, ‘The smoke that calls: Insurgent citizenship, collective violence
and the struggle for a place in the new South Africa’, Society, Work & Development Institute,
2011. Available at http://www.wits.ac.za/humanities/17416/ (last accessed September 2015).
7 From the isiZulu word meaning ‘bush’, it is now township slang for impoverished gangs of
youth who live extravagant lifestyles.
8 The N was mistakenly painted instead of M, the correct designation of Pato’s body.
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