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2020, EXARC Journal Digest
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This paper examines the role of life-size reconstructions of Mesolithic huts in shaping perceptions of prehistory, using the Dutch examples as a case study. It critiques the scientific basis of these reconstructions, arguing that they can propagate misleading interpretations of the archaeological record and emphasizes the importance of tracing the origins of these perceptions. By analyzing the architectural features and archaeological evidence, the paper highlights the inadequacies in the reconstructions and calls for a reevaluation of how the past is visually represented.
2020
While early Stone Age archaeologists were mainly interested in dating and determining the geographical extent of the various typological cultures, several discoveries during the first half of the 20th century led to an increased focus on the Mesolithic and the dwellings of ‘Neolithic hunter-gatherers’ and thereby on daily life in the final phase of the European Stone Age. Based on the repetitive spatial organisation of the Skara Brae dwellings, Childe suggested that these represent a cultural tradition still observable in the spatial organisation of the Scottish ‘black houses’, in use up to the mid-19th century. The archaeological activity of recent years has significantly increased observations of structural elements associated with Mesolithic dwellings. Improved excavation methods and an increased awareness of the phenomenon have supported this development, and several instances of preserved stakes and posts, as well as remains of organic floors, have provided tangible verification of the sometimes difficult and disputed interpretations of the faint preserved traces). Ethnographic and ethnoarchaeological data have facilitated a better understanding of the basic principles underlying the spatial organisation of hunter-gatherer dwellings and, in cases where evidence of such patterned behaviour is preserved, can provide insights into the social organisation of prehistoric households.
Through a series of virtual reconstructions made with the purpose of gaining insight and knowledge about the relationship between postholes and pits, it is possible to set up a string of hypothetical structures which can then be evaluated and subsequently analyzed. The virtual models produced through this method are not aesthetically pleasing, nor is it their purpose to be so. At the Maglemosian site of Ålyst on the Danish island of Bornholm, this virtual technique has been used to reconstruct a series of features interpreted as huts. Amongst other things, the virtual analysis has shown a probable form for the huts, the re-interpretation of several pits, and the re-interpretation of a latent fireplace.
The study of Mesolithic settlements is a key aspect to understanding the articulation of social and economic organizations of the last huntergatherers. Analyzing the spatial organization of settlements increases indeed our knowledge of activity areas, subsistence strategies, seasonality of occupations and social organization. At another “reading” level, spatial organization is a direct reflection of a “Weltanschauung”. It necessarily reproduces the links between humans and non-humans, both in the material world and elsewhere. Describing a Mesolithic habitat means gaining access to a form of world organization: obviously, the process is anything but simple! If this structuralist perspective remains in fine in our mind, our intention in this volume is rather to return to the very constitution of our archaeological knowledge. The use of different dwelling structures (e.g., post holes, stakes, pits, walls, floors, and hearths) and the links that can be established between them give us the opportunity to understand moments of life, as well as economic or social choices. The interpretation of their functions often leads to important concepts (mobility system, storage, social hierarchy) and historical scenarios, whether or not they are integrated into evolutionary perspectives. The passage from these archaeological facts to their interpretation is obviously a crucial phase of archaeological work, and therefore closer monitoring of these questions is needed. Research on dwelling structures can be approached from a wide range of theoretical and methodological points of view, which in turn can provide heterogeneous perspectives of archaeological interpretation that lead to the enrichment of discussion and debates. Over the last ten years, the methods of analysis available to archaeologists have undergone major upheavals. It was thus important to draw up a balance sheet. In this sense this special issue aims not only to assemble contributions on dwelling structures from archaeological sites, but also to highlight multidisciplinary research on structures from various methodological perspectives. Most of the papers published in this special issue were presented in the session TH1-23, Mesolithic dwelling structures: from methodological approaches to archaeological interpretation at the 22nd Annual Meeting of the European Association of Archaeologists that took place in Vilnius (Lithuania) in August/September 2016. The session brought together a wide variety of scholars to discuss the significance of dwelling structures during the Mesolithic in Europe. It provided a stimulating forum for discussion of new theoretical and methodological approaches to understanding human uses of space and their social organization. In addition, some invited papers have been added, increasing the geographical and theoretical methodologicalspectra of the special issue.
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This study proposes both a contemporary critical stance and a historical look back to architectural form generation through the discussion of the origin of architecture. From a post-structuralist perspective to the concept of “origin,” the formal expression of architecture that holds representational properties and presents universal validity in search of the beautiful is delved into by using three significant symbolic figures of the hut: the primitive hut by Abbé Marc-Antoine Laugier, the Caribbean hut by Gottfried Semper, and the Dom-ino skeleton by Le Corbusier. Each of the prototypes of the hut illustrates the distinct ideas of a paradigm; verifies its own standards to obtain the beautiful; and constitutes a historical lineage of architectural form generation. Either analogous or conflicting concepts of the tectonic and symbolic qualities of the forms are analysed with regard to the constituents of these iconic models: the three basic members of the primitive hut; the four elements of the Caribbean hut; and the four units of the Dom-ino skeleton. By following Semper’s analytical method of researching, a comparative rereading of hut allegories is suggested in association with Alberti’s concept of “building” and the influence of the principles of classical architecture. The main argument of this paper is that the tectonics of form and building, standardized in the form of hut allegories, can be conceptualized in the dialogue between two significant values of form: ontological and representational. It is suggested that these two dimensions of form should be discussed in parallel with the fundamental distinction between signifier and signified in semiotics, which has been extracted from ancient discussions on the symbolic aspects of architecture. This duality of form determines not only the changing tectonics and new meanings of building but also another sense of beauty and different taste of the time. This paper aims to lay the groundwork for an ontological inquiry into architectural form, the simplest nature of which is supposed to illuminate the intricacy of form production.
An Energy Saving House from 3400 Years Ago, 2016
The fact that people of the Bronze Age built houses with very good insulation was already presented by Staeves (2010) based on the results of an archaeological excavation in 2003 where an archaeological team of the Main-Kinzig district examined remnants of a Middle Bronze Age settlement. Prior to this, it was assumed that the walls of Bronze Age houses consisted of one wattle that was covered with clay on either side. The burnt fragments of clay found in Langenselbold (2003) show that here the walls consisted of two parallel wattles with the space in between being filled with dry grass. Pieces of clay were recently analysed that let us conclude how the wattles were fixed in the upholding construction. This will be described in the next five chapters. In the following section, a review will be given concerning the findings that explain the two wattle constructions (See Figure 1 and 2). Why is a supporting structure necessary? Experiments have shown that even a 10 cm wall of wattle and daub can barely carry its own weight and therefore would not be able to carry a roof: "When houses in Százhalombatta were reconstructed, the basic problem was that the thin walls could hardly bear their own weight and could not bear the weight of the roof" (Porozlai 1999). The wattle in Langenselbold was weaker still. On the clay fragments one can see the imprints of the vertical poles and horizontal rods where the soft clay had been thrown on. The upright poles are 1-2 cm in width. It could be that they were integrated in a kind of groove in a horizontal bottom beam. No post-holes were found. Up to six poles are standing side by side. Some thicker poles were split up in length in order to produce a flat but very robust structure (See Figures 3, 4 and 5). The 1-2 cm thick rods were wound around the poles in an alternating pattern. Where the horizontal rods pass each other, the wattle is only 1-2 cm thick, but in places where the rods run around both sides of the poles, it is 3-6cm thick. Because of the plaiting the outside became rather
, no other equally important work has, in our opinion, been published on the subject of the most elementary buildings in rural Europe. Various and diverse works on rural or vernacular architecture which have appeared since, merely touch the subject of the simplest and most basic constructions, such as some farm outbuildings or shelters of a more or less temporary nature, built with crude timbers or rough stones and covered with thatch or slate. The possible relationships between these constructions and the earliest dwellings of mankind on one hand and more advanced vernacular buildings on the other, are seldom postulated by scholars and never sufficiently discussed. More exhaustive works, such as that of D. Brusadin on the buildings of Valcamonica (1958-59), the brief essay by j. Clone-Brooks and S. Gibson on a shepherd's hut near Rome (1966), or the small hand-book by A. Rapoport (1966) get closer, in their method, to a more satisfactory view of the problem of disclosing these little explored areas in the origins of architecture. Experimental archaeology in Britain and Northern Europe is, and has long been, using ethnographic models in the reconstruction of prehistoric or medieval buildings of which only the plan was known through excavations . In these countries, however, only literature and old pictures are available of what once were simple and perishable huts. Shepherds, peasants, and charcoal burners have long gone and with them the masterly ability of handling utensils and raw materials. This ability the archaeologist does not have and cannot learn. As a result some of these reconstructions, however rigorously achieved, do not always convince us. In Italy, on the other hand, many specimens of these constructions still exist and are being built by shepherds and peasants who are there for the archaeologist to observe and interview. Yet no scholar who writes on rural buildings has ever used this invaluable source of information. It is clear that in Italy, more than in Northern Europe, (due to the existence of a peasant population that was only recently influenced by technological change) one could gather valuable information both on buildings and on rural settlements through the observation of the methods and principles still practiced. Simple pastoral and agricultural constructions show distributions and typologies which have the lame ethnological value as those we have attributed to ploughs and vehicles . The ethnological value of these simple and characteristic structures is, in fact superior to that of the more advanced and sophisticated vernacular buildings, the latter being not exclusive products of a local tradition, but the result of various experiences and techniques; these are so strong in cases, that their original character is frequently obliterated.the mason. We still have a specialization even when a mason is himself a peasant who only seasonally, according to necessity builds houses for the community. Farmhouses and popular architecture in general are the products of a combination of regional and national models, generally of urban or "educated" origin with the inclusion of cultural traditions of a more local character. The importance of a distinction between these two types of architecture does not only hip description and classification, but there are further considerations to be made. First of all, the difference between the two classes clarifies the reasons why even the humblest dwellings of peasants and shepherds in the region in question are often very different from the structure of the simplest huts still in use, as well as from the dwellings uncovered by archaeologists in the vicinity. This is to say that present day dwellings are different from those of the same area before the impact of civilisation and the political and the economic colonization of that particular community. This is clear from archaeological evidence all over the world. In the ancient Mediterranean empires or in America we see that house design changed, sometimes dramatically, when a community went through a phase of incipient civilization toward urbanism. We note that circular plan huts are replaced by square structures ). This transformation is, sometimes, interpreted as a sign of ethnic ,invasion or cultura1 and economic conquest by alien peoples. These and similar assumptions are, in the majority of cases, wrong. The truth is, that in the process of civilization occupational specialization took place in Egypt, Jericho, Rome, Peru, and elsewhere. Architecture ceases to be everybody's business and becomes a specialized trade, as do many other aspects of culture. A rationalization of design takes place and becomes apparent both in the design of the single buildings as well as in the overall plan of the settlement. With civilization and the resulting rationalization of productive techniques, communities free themselves from many restrictive rules, as well as from absolute respect for tradition and enter the field of invention and technological adventure -a characteristic of every society in progress. Only where civilization does not reach, or where it arrives too late, in a stage too advanced to be grasped and digested by all, do primitive patterns linger on. This seems to have been the case in Central and Northern Europe which remained in a situation of tribalism and collectivism until the early centuries of the Christian Era or even, in cases, until modern times. It should not be of any surprise to us if peasants of the Roman Campagna, of Egypt, Palestine or Peru still build, for various purposes, the only house they know how to build and can build with their own hands. THE SURVEY Following the work I have published on ploughs and rural transport, the present paper attempts ro set the subject of elementary buildings in Italy in the right order of importance within the context of our ethnographic studies (Caselli -Guerrini 1978). The structure and some characteristics in the design of any elementary building, erected by a tribal or
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