Taft R. F. The Great Entrance. A History of the Transfer of Gifts and other Preanaphoral Rites of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom. [A History of the Liturgy of St. John Chrysostom, vol. II]. Roma, 1975. (Orientalia Christiana Analecta; 200).

Often simply called the Holy Mountain, Mount Athos was the most famous center of Byzantine monasticism and remains the spiritual heart of the Orthodox Church today. This volume presents the Lives of Euthymios the Younger, Athanasios of Athos, Maximos the Hutburner, Niphon of Athos, and Philotheos. These five holy men lived on Mount Athos at different times from its early years as a monastic locale in the ninth century to the last decades of the Byzantine period in the early fifteenth century. All five were celebrated for asceticism, clairvoyance, and, in most cases, the ability to perform miracles; Euthymios and Athanasios were also famed as founders of monasteries.

Holy Men of Mount Athos illuminates both the history and the varieties of monastic practice on Athos, individually by hermits as well as communally in large monasteries. The Lives also demonstrate the diversity of hagiographic composition and provide important glimpses of Byzantine social and political history.

All the Lives in this volume are presented for the first time in English translation, together with authoritative editions of their Greek texts.

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En 2011, avec le volume À la recherche du temps sacré, J. Le Goff essaya d’expliquer la perception médiévale du temps en s’appuyant sur un des « best-sellers » du Moyen Âge occidental, La légende dorée de Jacques de Voragine : au-delà de ses apparents traits de légendier, en effet, l’historien en fit une véritable somme sur le temps humain, sacralisé grâce à la fusion des dimensions du temporal, du sanctoral et de la perspective eschatologique.
Suite à la lecture de cette œuvre, notre communication propose de lire en utilisant la même approche que celle de Le Goff le Synaxaire de Constantinople, considéré comme un simple recueil hagiographique, une encyclopédie de la sainteté byzantine. Le tableau qui en sortira mettra en valeur le rôle de ce livre liturgique dans la définition du rapport entre le Temps et l’Homme à Byzance. Dans cette perspective, une reconsidération des entrées consacrées aux empereurs byzantins sera également possible.

La littérature hagiographique d’époque tardo-antique et byzantine conserve le souvenir, historique ou légendaire, de nombreux martyrs, en particulier en Asie Mineure où fut déclenchée la dernière persécution générale des chrétiens par l’empereur Dioclétien. Il faut remarquer que les femmes sont beaucoup plus nombreuses dans les Passions que dans les Vies de saintes qui se placent après cette persécution. Quand elles ne sont pas des figures inconsistantes, les femmes martyres, réelles ou fictives, appartiennent en priorité aux catégories supérieures de la société romaine. Pourtant, sans distinction d’origine et de fortune, elles transmettent toutes un message uniformisé qui exalte les vertus chrétiennes de chasteté et d’obéissance systématisées par le monachisme.

The hagiographical literature of late Antiquity and Byzantium preserves the historical or legendary memory of many martyrs, particularly in Asia Minor where Emperor Diocletian launched the last general persecution of Christians. It should be noted that there are many more women in Passions than in the Lives of female saints written after this persecution. When they are not insubstantial characters, real or fictitious female martyrs mostly belong to the upper classes of Roman society. However, irrespective of origin or fortune, all of them deliver a standardized message which extols the Christian virtues of chastity and obedience that monachism had made systematic.

This short article tentatively explores the nature of different "levels of style" in the Greek of five works belonging to the hagiographical and monastic literature of Late Antiquity, by investigating the distribution of different constructions used to express the future tense in different kinds of textual environment (direct speech, narrative etc.). In particular light is shed on the way the stylistic choices in the direct speech passages of certain texts differ radically from those in other kinds of textual environment, lending some credence to the idea of these passages as representations of, if not the everyday spoken language per se, at least a linguistic form closer to the spoken than that represented by the rest of the text.

In his article the author presents an overview of the entire corpus of Byzantine multistrophic ecclesiastical hymns — canons and kontakia — dedicated to Saint Nicholas.
Without any doubt, for the Byzantine hymnographers Nicholas of Myra was a very important person — they wrote more hymnographic canons in his honour than in honour of any other certain saint. One can count 55 canons of Byzantine authors in honour of Saint Nicholas — not taking into account the canons, where Saint Nicholas is mentioned along with the other saints and the mixed canons from some Parakletika, where Saint Nicholas has just a troparion in each ode. Many of these 55 canons are still unedited. It is worth noting that there are three so-called garlands of canons, i. e. sets consisting of 8 canons each — one for each of the 8 musical tones (and only one of these garlands has been published, the editions of two others are in preparation, one of them — by the author of this paper).
The author analyzes the texts of the canons already edited, as well as all the accessible information about the unedited. He begins with the 9 canons (a garland plus an additional canon) by Saint Joseph the Hymnographer,
showing that their traditional attribution is correct indeed (the same cannot be said about a canon recently published by V. Vasilik, which was falsely attributed to Saint Joseph by the editor) and drawing the parallels between these canons and the Constantinopolitan hagiographic tradition concerning Saint Nicholas in the times of Saint Joseph (about 816 — about 886).
Then the author proceeds with the other canons, discussing the questions of their attributions, datings and interrelationships with the changing hagiographic tradition. After the canons, he analyzes the remaining multistrophic Byzantine kontakia in honour of Saint Nicholas. There are three such multistrophic (i. e., with more than one oikos) kontakia, as well as two akathistoi.
The article is followed by a complete list of the Byzantine canons and kontakia dedicated to Saint Nicholas, a proposed timeline of their composition and, finally, by an edition of the Greek text and a Slavonic translation (made by the author of the article) of the previously unedited parakletikos canon for Saint Nicholas in 8th tone from the codex Vatic. Palat. gr. 138, 1299 (?) A.D. Fol. 303–304.

The Passio of St Sebastian and his companions published by Migne in PG 116 (cols. 793-816) under the name of Symeon Metaphrastes is in reality an abridgment of the text found in Metaphrastic December meno¬logia.  The source used by Metaphrastes has apparently not survived.  Some elements of it are, how¬ever, found in the canon composed in the previous century by Joseph the Hymnographer (probably † 860) in honour of St Sebastian and his companions.  The text of the Metaphrastic Passio is edited here for the first time on the basis of eight witnesses of the 11th century, while a new edition of the abridgment is given at the foot of the pages which contains a much improved transcription of the sole witness (MS. Paris. gr. 1195, 14th century, ff. 11r-17v) published by Migne.

The anonymous author of the “Life of Michael Synkellos” in his account about the act of confession of the brothers Theodore and Theophanus Graptoi uses a genuine document, a letter of Theodore, where the confessor describes what he and his brother suffered in 836. A new French translation of this letter is included in the article because the previous translation by S. Vailhé (the only translation into an European language) is not complete and sometimes incorrect (in the appendix a Russian translation of the same letter is added). The present author compares two versions of the same event, that of the letter of Theodore and that of the “Life of Michael Synkellos.” The comparison shows that, in the hand of the anonymous hagiographer, the story becomes transformed into a panegyric or even a Passion épique. All the known versions of the iambic verses written about the faces of the confessors are compared. A hypothesis has been put forward that the cause of such an unusual punishment was the satyrical verses written by Theophanus Graptos about Emperor Leo the Armenian. Probably, Theophilus’ idea of giving the brothers to the Arabs was a mockery provoked by the fact that the brothers left Palestine because of a fear of the Arabs. The reasons for Theophilus’ irritation with the brothers were of rather political than religious nature. An episode in the Continuator of Theophanus with a discussion held between St Theophanus and Emperor Theophilus about the Book of Isaiah allegedly “corrupted” by the iconoclast is also reconsidered. It is very probable that it is fictitious (because Theodore Graptos in his letter did not mention it), but, in any case, it may correspond to some “Armenian” version of the Greek text of Isaiah: at least, such a corrupted quotation from Isaiah is to be read in a harsh iconoclastic document, the Testament of the Armenian Catholicos Sahak III, whose spiritual son Smbat Bagratuni was a close friend of the first iconoclast Emperor Leo III.

Anthropophagy in Medieval Sicily: a cultural theme between chronicle and representation. Anthropophagy is the consumption of human flesh and the most extreme form of destruction of the human body, a physical violence which is the quintessential taboo of the self-described “civilized” societies. It provokes disgust, surprise and sometimes fascination, creating a deep connection between the text and the reader, and between the message and the audience. With regard to Sicily, anthropophagy is a cultural theme useful to discern between the account of real events and their representation. The construction of the image of Sicily, and even more of its inhabitants, the Sicilians, is based on an accumulation of clichés, often of ancient origins, transmitted and interpreted over the ages. One of them is surely the “bestiality” of its first inhabitants, intended as the ancient Cyclops or the Giants sons of Saturn, both of them “tyrants” described as man-eaters. During the Early Middle Ages the idea that the Sicilians eat human flesh was transferred to the new conquerors of the island: the Muslims, an infidel enemy to be fighted and considered beyond the boundaries of humanity and nature, meant as a divine law and therefore “civilization”. In both cases the accusations came from the outside, i.e. from groups as the ancient Greeks or the Christians (both Byzantine and Latin-Norman) who had an interest in representing the old and modern inhabitants of the island as anthropophagists to be feared, conquered, subjugated and converted to religion and/or civilization.

THE PRESENT SHORT TEXT, WRITTEN AS A LEMMA IN MOXE (MEGALI ORTHODOXI CHRISTIANIKI ENCYCLOPAIDEIA), CONSISTS A NEW APPROACH TO THE PERSON OF ST. THERAPON AND THE CIRCUMSTANCES OF HIS MARTYRION, AND IS HEREBY  OFFICIALLY SUGGESTED AS A BISHOP OF THE RENOWNED ANCIENT TOWN OF KITION IN CYPRUS.

The medieval notion of the body embraced phenomena spanning two
extremes – the holy and the corruptible. In seeking to analyze it, we have considered the views of the body and corporeality in medieval Serbia, taking also into account both modern theoretical approaches to the body and the relevant medieval practices. The phenomenon of corporeality in Serbian hagiography has been interpreted in all the variety of its aspects – from the body as a fundamental concept within the Christian plan of salvation to the body seen in its social and historical role, including the ideology of kingship.

Біблійна герменевтика ґрунтується на богодухновенності та христоцентричності Св. Письма. Обидва ці положення виведені завдяки найголовнішому
способу тлумачення сакральних текстів – герменевтичному колу. В Євангеліях за
допомогою герменевтичного кола можна збагнути статус митарів, фарисеїв,
самарян, первосвящеників, блудниць та багатьох інших. Герменевтична операція реконструкції духовного обліку персонажа є логічним наслідком застосування
герменевтичного кола з метою інтерпретації біблійних творів. Реконструкція
стає можливою завдяки узагальненню типових ситуацій. З іншого боку, отримане на основі читацької уяви ціле дозволяє розвернути інтерпретаційний вектор
і уважніше проаналізувати його частини. Такі спостереження вдалося зробити
на основі кількох євангельських епізодів про митарів, а також Притчі про фарисея та митаря та Притчі про двох синів та батьківську волю.
Ключові слова: біблійні твори, Євангеліє, герменевтика, герменевтичне коло,
реконструкція духовного обліку, притча.

The journal publishes scientific articles on the problems of the Greek language, literature and culture throughout their historical existence: from Ancient Greek and Byzantine literature, culture and language to the Modern Greek period. The papers cover a wide range of topics on history, literary criticism, linguistics, ethnolinguistics, folklore and post folklore of Greece, as well as on the reception of Greek images and ideas in Russia and Europe.

Contents
О.А. Bakuleva
Baptizing ritual as part of the birth rite in Cyprus 14

I.V. Verner
The Greek language and the Greek source of the interlinear translation of Psalter
1552 by Maximus the Greek 20

M.S. Gladkaya
On the origin of the mother of Prince Vsevolod the Big Nest 41

A.Yu. Grishin
“Appropriate action under certain circumstances” as a factor of the Stoic sage’s
socialization 51

Ya.L. Zabudskaya
The concept of «ideal translation» and «Oedipus the King» of Olga Weiss 57

M. Casas-Olea
Some remarks on the origin of the spiritual verse “Golubinaja Kniga”
and Byzantine infl uence on it 71

K.A. Klimova
The devil as an out-of-the-system character of Modern Greek demonology 93

Yu. B. Mantova
Miraculous travelling in Mid-Byzantine hagiography 101

E.A. Nesterova
Antiquity as a source of imagery of fantasy literature 112

T.A. Oparina
Little-known name of a Greek in the cadre of the Diplomatic Department
in the 17th century: Dmitrij Pervanov 122

E. V. Palamarenko
Hellenism against Judah in I century BC — in I сеntury AC 129

S.A. Sidneva
The motif of Christ on a tree in Modern Greek folklore 138

A.A. Stolyarova
Genre and stylistic features of the texts of pharmaceutical instruction leaflets
in Modern Greek 148

O.V. Tchoekha
Family and filiation within the Modern Greek folk calendar 157

Z. B. Šljivančanin
Reception of F.M. Dostoyevsky as a political thinker in Greece 167

K.T. Yusupova
Biography and work of Arsenios of Elassona 176

M. Varvounis
Fieldwork in Greek folklore 187

Μ. Varvounis, Ν. Macha-Bizoumi
Modern Greek literature and Greek traditional culture: two-way relations 200

G. Iordanidis
The life of Saint Anthony Kievopecherskij in Greek bibliography 212

J. Calvié
Byzantium and Russian wonder tales 220

F. Lambiris
Byzantium-Russia cultural relations in the 14 century 226

D. Maroulis
Wirkung and Rezeption of Cavafy’s work in Russia 235

N. Mavrelos
M. Schendos — N. Mavrocordatos: the rivals and the movement of texts,
words and ideas in the early 18th century through a libel 247

M. Bibikov
Athonias (1848–1865) of Jacobus Neaskytiotes 255

I. Sarandakis
The first contacts of the Russians with the Byzantine Empire and the historic
development of their relationships up to the 10 century 262

G. Trimpou
Byzantine princesses in Russia: the case of Anna Porphyrogenita 272

Ch. Charalambakis
Neologisms in the Practical Dictionary of the Modern Greek language
of the Academy of Athens 279

The Byzantine Southern Italy (876-1071) consisted of the themes of Longobardia (modern Apulia), Lucania (modern Basilicata) and Calabria, is the least studied region of the Byzantine Empire. After the Byzantine reconquest of this region from the Lombards and the Arabs, Constantinople organized the political, military and ecclesiastical infrastructure of the region in order to establish on the one hand the Byzantine power, and on the other to intergrade the Lombards and the Latin Church within the Empire. The Byzantine politics and the attitude of the population itself formed a frontier society based on co-existence and tolerance without disputes as every demographic group acknowledged its own different identity and the identity of the other. The Byzantine culture in southern Italy was formed, developed and finally established within this context, but always under the control of the central authorities. Until today the Byzantine art of southern Italy has not been the subject of a special study, but it is always studied briefly as a part of the Medieval art of the region. As a result the Byzantine monuments have not been placed so far within the political, religious, social and ideological context in which they were created. This PhD thesis examines for the first time only the art of the Byzantine period in association with the information of the rich Byzantine archive this region possesses. This methodological approach allowed to study the way the artistic creation, the cults and the state ideology were transferred from Constantinople to the western frontier, the way Byzantine art was developed within the context of the demographic differences of this border area, how Byzantine art was acculturated by a frontier society, the means by which the art, the cults and the state ideology were established and how the interaction between the Byzantines and the Lombards is manifested. The first part of the thesis is dedicated to the monuments and the other kind of evidence that are directly or indirectly connected with Constantinople itself such as the praitorion of the Catepans of Italy, the liturgical roll Exultet 1 of Bari, and the various commissions of the Byzantine officials. The detailed analysis of the epigram of Basil Mesardonites for his building activity in the praitorion alongside with the archeological data and the evidence from the written sources led to the reestablishment of the praitorion as the political, military and religious centre of the Byzantines, while an attempt is made for its archeological reconstruction. Regarding the Exultet 1 this thesis challenges for the first time the established view that the roll was commissioned by the Lombard archbishop of Bari alone, explores the role the Byzantines played in its decoration and reveals the mechanisms by which the art and the imperial ideology were transferred directly from Constantinople to the western frontier. The detailed analysis of the commissions of the Byzantine officials challenges the traditional view that the churches and the works of art were sponsored only by the local officials. The second part of this thesis studies monumental art in six built and cave churches, i.e. S. Pietro at Otranto, S. Maria della Croce at Casaranello, S. Cristina at Carpignano, Ss. Stefani near Vaste, the anonymous cave church in Grottaglie and the fragments of frescoes that were excavated in the Church BB in Masseria Quattro Macine. The detailed iconographic and artistic analysis not only led to the identification of unknown saints until today and the redating of some of the paintings, but it also revealed the degree of convergence with the monuments of the rest of the empire regarding the art and the cults, and the degree of deviation from the Byzantine tradition as an expression of local eclecticism. The third part of the thesis is dedicated to local issues of art and cult. Here the question of the liturgical use of the cave churches is analysed and the traditional view that the cave churches were private funerary chapels where the liturgy did not took place is challenged. Another local element that is studied in detail is the Christοcentric decoration of the apse and finally the establishment and the diffusion of the popular cults of southern Italy, those of the Virgin Mary, of the archangel Michael, and of St Nicholas as they are attested in monumental art and the written sources.

DOBRUDJA IN OTTOMAN TIMES:
THE KAZA OF HÂRȘOVA (16TH C)
Abstract
The Ottoman chancery documents, such as defters, orders, regulations, are a key source for studying Dobrudja under Ottoman rule, revealing its administrative, military and economic structures. This paper draws on toponymical, topographical and administrative information taken from eight Ottoman registers, all dating from the sixteenth century. The toponymy and the rural habitat are interpreted from a long-time perspective, assessing the continuity between the Ottoman and the pre-Ottoman structures. The Dobrudja case is also placed in the larger image of the dynamics of the Ottoman rural landscape. This article identifies both military and non-military Ottoman institutions in Dobrudja, such a vozar, derbendci, ellici, gümrükçi, müsellem, akıncı. Consequently, it proposes a comparative analysis between the Ottoman power structures and the previous, imperial, Byzantine ones. A chronological and cartographic inventory of the human settlements in Ottoman Dobrudja argues for a reconsideration of their synchronic and diachronic evolution.

By Hay Horom (i. e. Armenian Orthodox) Hieromonk Cosmas Synaxarion preserved in the Gospel of the year 1203 (№ 99 of Kyurtian collection in Library of Mechitarists in Venice) is a calendar with commemoration of saints and the fests of all the orthodox ecclesiastical year. In editing of his Synaxarion-Calendar Hieromonk Cosmas used not only Byzantine sources, in particularly the Synaxarion of Constantinople (X c.), but also partially the local Armenian tradition, as his  Synaxarion contains St. Sahak’s, St. Mesrop Mashtots’s, and St. Sukias’s names. As a unique Byzantine-Armenian monument of XIII c. the Cosma’s Synaxarion was intended for liturgical use of Armenian Orthodox (Chalcedonian) communities and represents special value for researches about medieval Armenian and Byzantine hagiological legacy.

[résumé français ci-dessous]
This article contains the edition of an encomium of the five martyrs Eustratius, Auxentius, Eugenius, Mardarius and Orestes (BHG 646b), together with an English translation. The text is preserved in a single witness, MS. Istanbul, Πατριαρχικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, Hagia Trias 88 (Diktyon 33586). Its author is the monk Michael, a member of the community of Stoudios who later became abbot of the monastery of Dalmatos and synkellos of Patriarch Nicholas Mystikos. A prolific hagiographer, Michael reworked the Late Antique Passio of the saints (BHG 646) by adding rhetorical flourishes to the narrative.

Cet article contient l’édition d’un encomium rédigé en l’honneur des cinq martyrs Eustrate, Auxence, Eugène, Mardaire et Oreste (BHG 646b), et sa traduction anglaise.  Le texte provient d’un témoin unique, le ms. Istanbul, Πατριαρχικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη, Hagia Trias 88 (Diktyon 33586).  Son auteur est le moine Michel, un membre de la communauté du Stoudion, qui devient ultérieurement abbé du monastère de Dalmatos et synkellos du patriarche Nicolas le Mystique (901-907, 912-925).  Michel, qui fut un hagiographe très actif, retravailla la Passio des saints écrite durant l’Antiquité tardive (BHG 646), en ajoutant des fioritures rhétoriques au récit.

Julian the Apostate in Johannes Antiochenus.
Uncorrected draft of a paper forthcoming in A. Marcone (ed.), L'imperatore Giuliano.  Realtà storica e rappresentazione. Firenze: Le Monnier, 2015. This paper anticipates a few conclusions of the book "Antieroe dai molti volti: Giuliano l'Apostata nel Medioevo bizantino", published in 2014.

The paper examines Byzantine views on different types of social and religious outcasts – holy fools, imaginary Ethiopians (blacks), heretics, infidels (Jews and Muslims), women – and the attitudes of the Byzantines towards the others. Analysis is focused on the holy foolishness for the Christ’s sake as cultural, religious, social, and literary phenomenon. The study traces the changes in Byzantine hagiography and mindset, which were provoked by the shifting of imperial borders after the Arab conquests.

Some pieces of Syriac literary production have gained a relative popularity among the scholars, although their fate is marked with different sorts of prejudices and no clear idea about their literary specificity has been made. This is the case of the so called Syriac Julian Romance. The place in the Syriac and Byzantine hagiography and historiography as well as possible connections with Perian and Armenian traditions are discussed.

Доклад «’’Звенигородский чин” прп. Андрея Рублева: современные проблемы изучения» на III Чтениях памяти В.А. Плугина на историческом факультете МГУ 14 ноября 2017 г.  В докладе полностью доказана по данным всего комплекса источников неоспоримая принадлежность знаменитого «Звенигородского чина» кисти великого иконописца прп. Андрея Рублева († 17.10.1428). Тем самым начисто развенчаны легковесные мнения молодых сотрудников ГТГ Л.В. Нерсесяна и С.В. Свердловой (поддержанных только А.М. Лидовым), прозвучавшие на круглом столе в Третьяковской галерее 21 июня 2017 г., что «Звенигородский чин» 1396 г. якобы не был написан прп. Андреем Рублевым и отличается от его общепризнанных икон, таких, как чудотворная икона «Живоначальная Троица». Такие незрелые суждения не соответствуют уровню современного научного знания об этих шедеврах и обусловлены недостаточной осведомленностью авторов «сенсации» о творческой биографии всемирно известного иконописца Древней Руси, которая взята ими для корреляции: «получается, что Рублев, будучи еще совсем молодым мастером, создал одно из самых совершенных и сложных по технике произведений древнерусской живописи, но через четверть века по какой-то неизвестной причине радикальным образом изменил свою манеру» (Софья Свердлова).
Доклад проф. О.Г. Ульянова, заведующего Сектором церковной археологии ФГБУК «Центральный музей древнерусской культуры и искусства имени прп. Андрея Рублева», подготовлен на базе научно-исследовательского проекта «Преподобный Андрей Рублев в Спасо-Андрониковом монастыре».

On the basis of liturgical manuscripts the author makes an attempt to clarify the date of liturgical commemoration of Diadochus of Photica, the exact day of which has hitherto remained controversial. The author analyzes the studies of Christou and Chelidze on the commemoration day of Blessed Diadochus; an edition of the text of the Greek hymnographical canon of March 29 is offered, as well as that of the
Old Georgian text of the reading from the “Synaxarion” of George the Athonite, assigned for March 5. These texts attest the existence of three commemoration days of Blessed Diadochus: March 29, March 5 and Saturday of Cheesefare Week

The cult of St George in the Eastern Mediterranean is one of the most extraordinary
examples of cohabitation among different religious communities. For a long time, Greek Orthodox,
Latins, and Muslims shared shrines dedicated to the Cappadocian warrior in very different places.
This phenomenon touches on two aspects of the cult—the intercultural and the transcultural—that
should be considered separately. My paper mainly focuses on the cross‐cultural value of the cult
and the iconography of St George in continental and insular Greece during the Latinokratia (13th–
14th centuries). In this area, we face the same phenomenon with similar contradictions to those
found in Turkey or Palestine, where George was shared by different communities, but could also
serve to strengthen the identity of a particular ethnic group. Venetians, Franks, Genoese, Catalans,
and Greeks (Ῥωμαῖοι) sought the protection of St George, and in this process, they tried to
physically or figuratively appropriate his image. However, in order to gain a better understanding
of the peculiar situation in Frankish‐Palaiologian Greece, it is necessary first to analyze the use of
images of St George by the Palaiologian dynasty (1261–1453). Later, we will consider this in relation
to the cult and the depiction of the saint on a series of artworks and monuments in Frankish and
Catalan Greece. The latter enables us to more precisely interrogate the significance of the former
cult of St George in the Crown of Aragon and assess the consequences of the rulership of Greece for
the flourishing of his iconography in Late Gothic art.

Review, Saints and Sacred Matter: The Cult of Relics in Byzantium and Beyond ed. by Cynthia Hahn and Holger A. Klein. Dumbarton Oaks Research Library & Collection, 2015, 376 pp. ISBN: 978-0-88402-406-4, Hardback, £71.95, in: Journal of History and Cultures 7 (2017), 50–52.

del cosiddetto «Menologio Imperiale» (BHG e BHG Nov. Auct. 1410m) 3 e dalle versioni in lingua slava, georgiana, armena e araba 4 . Dal personaggio di Menia, leggendaria fondatrice di Taormina e protagonista di uno degli episodi più noti della Vita dello pseudo-Evagrio, deriva l'omonima eroina di un'opera scandinava del secolo XIII, Il canto del mulino Gotti 5 . La Vita Pancratii, inoltre, viene citata a sostegno delle posizioni iconodule in due florilegi, da Teodoro Studita e dal patriarca Niceforo; e ancora, nel corso del secolo IX, dall'Epifanio autore della Vita di s. Andrea apostolo (BHG e BHG Nov. Auct. 102) e nella Vita di Michele Sincello (BHG e BHG Nov. Auct. 1296) 6 . Anche l'Encomio del monaco Gregorio Pagurita (BHG 1411) 7 , che dipende in zione agiografica nella tarda antichità. Atti del Convegno di Studi (Catania, 20-22 maggio 1986), a cura di S. PRICOCO, Soveria Mannelli 1988, pp. 155-169: 157-158. Un terminus ante quem è stato individuato nell'anno 770 da A.G. ALEXAKIS, Codex Parisinus Graecus 1115 and Its Archetype, Washington, D.C. 1996 (Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 34), pp. 103-104, 225-226: secondo l'autore, in vista della confutazione del concilio iconoclastico di Hieria, fu allestito in quell'anno il florilegio contenuto nel codice di Parigi, in cui si cita un passo della Vita Pancratii. La stessa citazione si legge in un altro florilegio che si deve a Niceta di Medikion (morto nell'824), tràdito dal Vat. gr. 511. Sull'ipotesi, infine, di una redazione primitiva da cui deriverebbe il testo pervenuto si veda M. VAN ESBROECK, Le contexte politique de la Vie de Pancrace de Tauromenium, in Sicilia e Italia suburbicaria tra IV e VIII secolo. Atti del Convegno di Studi (Catania, 24-27 ottobre 1989), a cura di S. PRICOCO -F. RIZZO NERVO -T. SARDELLA, Soveria Mannelli 1991, pp. 185-196. 3 Edita da B. LATYŠEV, Menologii anonymi Byzantini saeculi X quae supersunt, II, Petropoli 1912, pp. 156-158. 4 VAN ESBROECK -ZANETTI, Le dossier hagiographique cit., pp. 167-169; ANGIÒ, Divinità pagane cit., p. 53; M. RE, Italo-Greek Hagiography, in The Ashgate Research Companion to Byzantine Hagiography, I: Periods and Places, ed. by S. EFTHYMIADIS, Farnham 2011, pp. 227-258: 247-248. 5 Si veda l'articolata analisi di W. BRANDES, Das Gold der Menia. Ein Beispiel transkulturellen Wissenstransfers, in Millennium 2 (2005), pp. 175-227. 6 Per i due florilegi cf. supra, n. 2. Per le altre citazioni: A. ACCONCIA LONGO, Siracusa e Taormina nell'agiografia italogreca, in Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, n.s. 27 (1990), pp. 33-54: 44 n. 58 [rist. in EAD., Ricerche di agiografia italogreca, Roma 2003 (Testi e studi bizantino-neoellenici, 13), pp. 53-74: 63 n. 58]; EAD., L'encomio per s. Marciano di Siracusa (BHG 1030): un'opera di età normanna?, in Rivista di studi bizantini e neoellenici, n.s. 33 (1996), pp. 3-12: 5 n. 14 [rist. in EAD., Ricerche cit., pp. 75-84: 77 n. 14]; EAD., L'antichità pagana nell'agiografia italogreca di età iconoclasta, in L'Ellenismo italiota dal VII al XII secolo. Alla memoria di Nikos Panagiotakis, Atene 2001

Autorka prezentowanej pracy stawia sobie za cel przybliżenie szerszemu kręgowi odbiorców sylwetki księżnej kijowskiej Olgi (X w.), pierwszej władczyni Rusi Kijowskiej, która przyjęła chrzest i podjęła próbę chrystianizacji Słowiańszczyzny Wschodniej w obrządku bizantyńskim. Kościół ruski podniósł ją do rangi świętej już w XIII w. Postać ta jest również w sposób szczególny związana z mniejszością prawosławną w Łodzi.
Nadrzędnym celem niniejszej publikacji jest udostępnienie czytelnikowi najstarszych utworów hagiograficznych i hymnograficznych, poświęconych księżnej Oldze, powstałych w XI–XVI w., w większości nietłumaczonych dotąd na język polski, a tym samym praktycznie nieznanych poza środowiskiem specjalistów. Teksty źródłowe zostały zaprezentowane zarówno w brzmieniu oryginalnym, jak i w polskim przekładzie, co sprawia, iż książka ta może stanowić cenną pomoc dydaktyczną w pracy ze studentami na kierunkach humanistycznych.

The so-called "miracle of the black leg", in which Saints Cosmas and Damian miraculously perform the first leg transplant, was made famous by Jacobus de Voragine's "Legenda aurea" and has been a source of inspiration for artists and medical research for centuries. In this paper, I examine the earliest sources of this miracle and demonstrate that the earliest one, a hitherto unidentified early thirteenth-century French translation of a lost Latin source, tells a very different story. Most importantly, I argue that the well-known racial difference between the donor (a black man, identified as either a "maurus" or an "Ethiopian") and the (white) receiver of the miraculous leg transplant, first introduced in Jean de Mailly's "Abbreviatio in gestis sanctorum," is a thirteenth-century innovation that needs to be interpreted in the context of a new interest in the representation of different ethnicities in a Christian context.

[The PDF contains a preview; if you wish to read this essay, don't hesitate to message me or get more information about the volume at: http://www.arborsapientiae.com/libro/20900/que-ben-devetz-conoisser-la-plus-fina-per-margherita-spampinato-a-cura-di-mario-pagano-biblioteca-di-sinestesie-62.html]