English Medicine in The Anglo-Saxon Times

L B. HUB. Dan..
A. II
MEDICAL BOOKS
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THE LEECH BOOK OF BALD.

Facsimile of leaf containing the concluding sentences of Book I, and the beginning
of the list of chapters of Book II. From the B. Mus. MS. Reg. 12, D. xvii, fol. 58 b
;
written 900-950 A.D. See A.-S. L., Vol. II, p. 158.

THE FITZ-PATRICK
LECTURES FOR 1903
JNGLISH MEDICINE IN THE

ANGLO-SAXON TIMES
TWO LECTURES DELIVERED BEFORE THE ROYAL COLLEGE
OF PHYSICIANS OF LONDON, JUNE 23 AND 25, 1903
BY
JOSEPH FRANK PAYNE, M.D. OXON.

Fellow and Harveian Librarian of the College of Physicians ; Fellow
of the University of London ; Consulting Physician to St. Thomas's
Hospital ; sometime Fellow of Magdalen College, Oxford
WITH TWENTY-THREE ILLUSTRATIONS

141
>
HENRY FROWDE, M.A.

PUBLISHER TO THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD
LONDON, EDINBURGH
NEW YORK
PREFATORY NOTE
IT is right to say that these Lectures have been
altered since they were delivered, and expanded by
the introduction of extracts from the works discussed
and of other matter.
I have thankfully to acknowledge the help which
I have received from Dr. Henry Bradley, who has
corrected a large number of inaccuracies in Mr.
Cockayne's translation of the Anglo-Saxon texts ;
and has made other important suggestions, of which

I have been glad to avail myself. Professor Skeat
has kindly allowed me to consult him upon some
points. I must also express my thanks to the
Delegates of the Clarendon Press for undertaking

this book, and for illustrating it so fully.
The have been chiefly taken from

illustrations
MSS. in the British Museum, and have been first

carefully copied in black and white by Miss E. A.
Ibbs ;
since the faded and sometimes defective
coloured figures do not always come out well in
direct photography. Four cuts are taken from

a paper by the author in the Transactions of the
Bibliographical Society, by permission of the Council

iv PREFATORY NOTE
of that Society.Three blocks have already appeared
in the British Medical Journal', the rest are new.
The which forms the frontispiece is from

facsimile
a precious MS. in the British Museum, the only
surviving copy of the oldest medical book in the

English language.
CONTENTS
LECTUEE I
PAKT
I. INTKODUCTION
THE HISTORY
........ PAGE
i
OF MEDICINE A
II. HISTORY or ANGLO-SAXON MEDICINE ... 7
HISTORICAL EEFERENCES . . . . . .10

THE VENERABLE BEDE . . . . .
.15
THE DEATH, BURIAL, AND EEINTERMENT
....... OF SAINT
22
III. THE ANGLO-SAXON MEDICAL LITERATURE . .

29
THE LEECH BOOK OF BALD -39
........
. . . .
SUMMARY 61
IV. THE 'HERBARIUM' OF APULEIUS . . . . 62
EAVENS' LEEK (a Species of Orchis) . .

69
MUGWORT (Artemisia vulgaris) ... 70
BROWNWORT (Ceterach officinarum) ... 70
YARROW (Achillea millefoUum) . . .
71
MANDRAGORA (Mandrake. Atropa Mandragord) 72
THE FIGURES OF HERBS . ... 76

ENGLISH NAMES OF HERBS ..... 79
vi CONTENTS
LECTURE II
PART PAGE
I. ANGLO-SAXON SURGERY 83
II. CHARMS AND SUPERSTITIOUS MEDICINE ... 94

ANGLO-SAXON CHARMS . . . . .
.114
i. CHARMS AND CEREMONIES EMPLOYED IN GATHER-
ING MEDICINAL HERBS, ETC. . . .116
ii. CHARMS IN THE MORE ORDINARY SENSE, THAT is,
MYSTICAL WORDS PRONOUNCED OR WRITTEN

DOWN .119
in.
iv.
.
EXORCISM OF DISEASES
NARRATIVE CHARMS
.
.....
.
.....
. . .
125
128
v. MATERIAL MAGIC, OR AMULETS . . .
132
vi. TRANSFERENCE OF DISEASE BY A VERBAL FORMULA,
OR BY A CEREMONY TO SOME ANIMAL OR
MATERIAL OBJECT, OR IN SOME WAY TO THE
OUTSIDE WORLD . . . .
.134
MISCELLANEOUS CHARMS 136
A LAY OF THE VIRTUES OF WORTS . .
137
III. THE TREATISE HEPI AIAAEEON . . .

.143
COMPARISON OF THE SALERNITAN 'PRACTICA* WITH
THE SAXON LEECH BOOK . . .
.154
LAST PERIOD OF ANGLO-SAXON MEDICINE . .
157
HEALING BY THE KOYAL TOUCH . . .
.158
CONCLUSION . . . . . . .
159
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
THE LEECH BOOK OF BALD . . .
Frontispiece
FIG. i. KAVENS' LEEK, OR SATYRION
....
.
2. THE MEDICINAL SQUILL

3. MANDRAGORA
4. MANDRAGORA, WITH THE DOG .
5. MANDRAGORA, WITH THE DOG, AND TWO

FIGURES CARRYING IMPLEMENTS .
6. MANDRAGORA
PLANTAGO, PLANTAIN ....
7.
8. OLYXATRUM ......
9.
10.
ORBICULARIS ......
HERB CALLED HELIOTROPION .
11. 'NADDER WORT,' BASILISCA . . .

\attheend
12. HERB, MEANT FOR WHITE HELLEBORE
......
.
13. SCORPION
14. SlGELHWEORFA, OR HELIOTROPION .
15. GLADDEN, OR GLADIOLUS

1 6. MECON, OR EED POPPY ....
MERCURY BRINGING THE SACRED MOLY
17.
.....
.
1 8. LACTUCA LEPORINA
19. PYONIA, PEONY

20. PAPAVER SILVATICUM ....
21. ARISTOLOCHIA, OR SMEAR WORT
22. CYNOGLOSSUM, HOUND'S-TONGUE . . ,
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
A. D. 597 Introduction of Christianity by Augustine.

668 Theodore of Tarsus, Archbishop of Canterbury.
School of Theodore and Adrian.
685 John of Beverley, disciple of Theodore.
about 730 Bede's Ecclesiastical History.

732 Bishop Egbert founds the school of York.
785 First incursions of the Northmen.
802 Egbert, King of Wessex, first king of all England.

878 Alfred defeats the Danes at Ethandun.
901 Death of Alfred.

900-950 Leech Book of Bald and Cild. Various
Leechdoms.
937 Athelstan defeats Northmen at Brunanburg.
1000-1050 English version of Herbarium of Apuleius.

1017 Canute becomes king of England.
1043 Edward the Confessor crowned.

1066 Death of Edward the Confessor.
Norman Conquest.
1100-1150 English version of Peri Didaxeon.
about 1150 Second English version of Apuleius.
1 154 End of Anglo-Saxon Chronicle.
LECTUKE I
PAKT I
INTRODUCTION
MR. PRESIDENT, It is my first, and a pleasing

duty, to thank you and the College for the honour
conferred upon me by choosing me as the first
Fitz-Patrick Lecturer. And it is right also that
before entering on the subject of these lectures,
I should in a few words explain the origin and aim
of this new foundation. This lectureship owes its
existence to the munificence of a lady, Mrs.
Fitz-Patrick, who desires in this way to honour
thememory of her late husband, Dr. Fitz-Patrick,
member of this College, a physician of great worth,
learning, and accomplishments, and at the same
time to promote an object in which Dr. Fitz-Patrick
himself was much interested, the advancement of
the study of medical history. This pious and
generous deserves not only what have been
gift
gladly rendered, the most cordial thanks of our

College, but due recognition from all who are in-
two sciences, medicine
terested in the progress of the
and history, which it is designed to serve.
For the following particulars respecting Dr. Fitz-
Patrick I am indebted to my friend, Dr. Norman
Moore :
'
Dr. Thomas Fitz-Patrick, who must hereafter be
2 LECTURE I: PART I
mentioned as one of our benefactors, was born in

1832 at Virginia, a little country town standing at
the end of a long lake at Cavan, where his father,
who was a substantial tenant of Lord Headfort's,
resided. He was educated first at the college in
the town of Carlow, and afterwards at Trinity
College, Dublin, where he obtained several prizes
and graduated M.D. His first professional occupa-
tion was the dispensary of Moynalty, a village in
Meath, not far from Virginia. Here he made
valuable friends, who encouraged his reading and
taste for literature.
'
Dr. Fitz-Patrick afterwards went to India in the
medical service of the East India Company, but
becoming seriously ill there, soon returned and
began practice in London, where Lord Headfort's
family and other friends encouraged him to settle.
Here he soon found a circle of friends and patients
who remained attached to him throughout his life.
He became a member of our College in 1868.

'
Dr. Fitz-Patrick was born in a district of Ireland
with many literary associations, the birthplace of
several old Irish poets, musicians, and historians, and
home of writers such as
in the i8th century the
Henry Brook and Thomas Sheridan. The varied

literary associations of his native district had, Dr.
Moore thinks, a great eifect in giving Fitz-Patrick
a taste for literature of all kinds.
*
He was a man imbued with learning, well read
in Homer and in Lucretius, and a student of the
Spanish text of Don Quixote. Besides Spanish, he
INTRODUCTION 3
knew French, and German, as well as some-

Italian,
thing of Hebrew, of modern Greek, and of Danish.

His knowledge of English literature was extensive
and his taste good. He had travelled as well as
read, and having thus accumulated all the materials
for conversation, he was a delightful companion.
His intellectual attainments were the ornaments of
solid virtues, and he deserves to be remembered with
honour in this honourable place.'
It is with great pleasure that I quote these words,
and feel assured that they well describe the physician
with whose name these lectures are associated.

In assigning the history of medicine as the
subject of this lectureship, the foundress has been
guided by the wise advice of our eminent Fellow,
Dr. Norman Moore, who was an intimate friend
of our deceased member.
While, therefore, the warmest thanks of the
College are due, and have been already expressed
to Mrs. Fitz-Patrick for her munificent gift, we must
also recognize the great services of Dr. Norman
Moore, to whom we understand the conception of
this scheme, and the plan under which it is to be
carried out, are due. It may seem to many, as it
seemed to me, that he would most appropriately

have the post of the first Fitz-Patrick Lecturer.
filled
I would rather that he had been here instead of
myself. It was only when I was assured that he,

with generous self-abnegation, but decidedly, declined
to be appointed, that I felt justified in accepting the
honourable task which the President and Censors
4 LECTURE I: PART I
have entrusted to me. I can only say that I will

do my best.
THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE

We must confess, with some shame, that our own
country has been, and is behind most other civilized
nations in the bulk and value of its contributions
to the history of medicine. Germany, France, and
Italy have produced, on this subject, brilliant and
profound works, which remain our standard au-
thorities. The smaller countries such as Holland
and Switzerland have not been behindhand ;
while
our cousins across the Atlantic are now displaying
characteristicenergy and zeal in the study of
medical antiquities. They have indeed already
produced, in the Surgeon General's Catalogue of
Dr. Billings, by far the most complete bibliography
of medicine, and probably the best bibliography of
any large branch of science, ever compiled in any

age or country.
When we consider the interest shown, and the
positive results achieved in medical history, by the
medical profession in all these countries, we must
admit that our own countrymen have displayed, in
comparison, lamentable apathy and but little
industry. In one department of the subject

certainly, that is in medical biography, we have
important works to show for the Roll of our

;
College as written by our late Librarian, Dr. Munk,

is certainly unsurpassed, if not unequalled, in any
foreign country, and other standard medical bio-

graphies might be mentioned.
THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE 5
We have also interesting collections for the
history of medical institutions, such as the

Memorials of the Craft of Surgery in England by
the late Mr. J. F. South, edited by Mr. D'Arcy
Power ;
the Annals of the Company of Barber
Surgeons-, and good histories of the Collegesand
Faculties of Physicians and Surgeons of Edinburgh,
Glasgow, and Dublin. Mr. RashdalTs important
and learned work The Universities of Europe in
the Middle Ages deals with some important periods
in medical education. The Early English Text

Society has published some interesting mediaeval
works on medicine. Finally we have in Dr. E. H.
Withington's Medical History from the Earliest
Times (London, 1894) an excellent compendium,
which is less widely known than it deserves to be.
But although these valuable materials for history-
have been collected, the amount is not very great,
and the work of collating them has not been
attempted. England is conspicuous among European
countries for the zeal with which her political, social,
and literary history has been investigated, and
especially for the unrivalled series of records and
memorials which have been collected for the purpose
of such investigations. But the history of science
generally, and especially of medicine and surgery,
has been deplorably neglected. We have done
little formedical history in general but relatively;
almost less for our own medical history. The

history of medicine in Britain, it is not too much
to say, remains to be written. If in the standard
6 LECTURE I: PART I
medical histories we may sometimes think that

British medicine is inadequately represented this ;
is not the fault of the historians. It is our fault for

not having supplied them with adequate materials.
The foundation which is this day inaugurated is
the attempt to have the history of medicine
first
taught or expounded in this country. In consider-

ing therefore what department of this vast field
could be advantageously treated within the narrow
limits of these two lectures, it seemed best to begin
with that part which has been most neglected, the
history of medicine in our own country.
The range of the inquiry cannot be wide. It is
limited no less by the powers and knowledge of the
lecturer than by the short time at his disposal. It
would be impossible to cover more than a small

period of history, and that imperfectly. But if we
were to attempt, however inadequately, to lay some-
thing like the first stone of the history of English

medicine : to make a rough beginning which, it is
to be hoped, may be revised and corrected, as well
as continued by other and better equipped investi-
gators this attempt, though humble, might not be

;
without fruit.
The expression 'Englishmedicine,' which it is

necessary to use, implies a still further limitation.
There was no doubt in all the Celtic countries
a traditional popular medicine, which has little or
nothing to do with the subject of these lectures.

Pliny has recorded how the Druids in Gaul and
Britain gathered with mystical ceremonies the
THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE 7
sacred mistletoe ;
and mentions also
they how
collected medicinal plants with special rites, im-
plying that the priesthood possessed a herbal
medicine, of which the knowledge was apparently
confined to themselves 1
. In Wales there seems to
have been
an original and hereditary medical
profession. Ireland had a medical literature, though
I believe of later date than what I propose to
consider.
But with Celtic medical history I should be quite
incompetent to deal, eVen in the most superficial

way, and must therefore pass over entirely.
it
It remains then to begin with the earliest record
of the English, people settled in England, our Anglo-

Saxon ancestors and try to form for ourselves some
;
idea ofwhat medical science and medical practice

meant in those early times. It is there that we find
the real beginning of English medicine.
PAET II
HISTORY OF ANGLO-SAXON MEDICINE

When we inquire into the state of medicine
among ancient peoples in any bygone time, there
are several sources of information which we have
1
Druidical rites were still kept up in Britain after they had
been suppressed in Gaul by Tiberius (Plin. Nat. Hist. XXX. 4).
The herb Selago was to be gathered with the right hand without
the use of iron by a consecrated person in a white robe with feet
scrupulously washed. Samolus was to be gathered with the left

hand, by a fasting person, who was not to look behind him (ibid.
XXIV. 62, 63). Some of these ceremonies were observed in
much later times.
8 LECTURE I: PART II
to examine. We have to inquire what general

history and literature tell us about the medical
profession since we assume that there have always
been doctors of one kind or another. ask We
whether any laws are still extant showing the
relations of the profession to society. Besides
written documents, we search for monuments or
inscriptions, often more trustworthy than books,

bearing upon the subject. We examine con-
temporary works of art for representations of
medical scenes or personages. We look over the
material antiquities preserved in museums, such as
weapons, instruments, household gear, to discover

surgical instruments as evidences of the state of
medical and surgical art in those periods. Finally,
more important and more copious in the supply of
information than all these put together, we examine
the literature of medicine itself, for where this is
wanting, we can form but a very inadequate notion

of the state of medicine at any particular time.
Now, applying these principles to the case of
Anglo-Saxon medicine, we may consider which of

the above sources of information are available.
As to the evidence from history and literature,
that furnishes, as we shall see, some interesting
particulars about the medical profession. In the
case of many ancient countries their laws throw
much light on the subject of medical practice.
There has been lately published, from inscriptions,
the Code of Laws of Hammurabi, King of Babylon,
in the twenty-third century B. c., which contains
ANGLO-SAXON MEDICINE 9
thirteen articles regulating medical practice. One

deals minutely with the responsibilities of a surgeon
performing operations on the eye \

The Anglo-Saxon laws, on the other hand are
silent on the subject of medical practice ;
but it
should be said that the collections of those laws

which have been printed make no pretension to
form a complete code, and only deal with a
limited class of social relations.
Again, from monuments and inscriptions we can

learn nothing for our purpose Greek and Eoman
;
remains of this kind, as is well known, have supplied

important materials for medical history and even ;
in our country the few Roman antiquities

own
bearing on medicine which have been discovered,
supply the chief part of what we know about
Roman medicine in Britain, but there are no corre-
sponding Anglo-Saxon remains. In the relics of
Anglo-Saxon pictorial art, as contained in illumi-
nated MSS., there are, so far as I have been able to
discover, no representations of medical subjects.

Figures of medicinal plants form a distinct branch
of art which will be spoken of later.
It would be very interesting if some Anglo-Saxon
surgical instruments had survived, since we know

what a flood of light has been thrown on ancient
surgery by the discoveries of instruments at Pompeii,

Herculaneum, and elsewhere so that indeed the
;
1
J. de Morgan, Me'moires de la delegation en Perse, Tome IV,
Paris, 1902. Also The Code of Hammurabi, King of Babylon,
B.C. 2285-2242. Translated by C. H. W. Johns. Edin. 1903.
whole conception of Eoman

surgery has been
altered. But so far as I know, our museums con-
tain no surgical instruments from Anglo-Saxon
times.
We fallback then upon the medical literature
itself, as being the chief and indeed, apart from
some brief historical allusions, the only source of
our knowledge about Anglo-Saxon medicine. The
history of medical literature forms a very large
part of medical history. If we open a standard
history of medicine, it may seem in some parts as

if it were little else than a history of books. One
feels that this is not quite just, as books contain but
a small part of medical activity through all the ages.
The author of a medical book is not necessarily
a fair representative of his class. He may have
been superior to the average. On the other hand,
the mere fact that what he wrote has survived does
not show him
have been a greater physician than
to
others of his contemporaries who wrote nothing, or
whose works are lost. Nevertheless since books
are in the end more enduring than wrought metal
or sculptured stone, medical writings are sometimes
the only evidence we have of the state of medicine
during long tracts of time.
HISTORICAL REFERENCES
Now to return to the evidence of general history

and literature, we have no evidence as to the state
of medicine in England before the introduction of
Latin Christianity by Augustine at the end of the
HISTORICAL REFERENCES 11
sixth century. regard to earlier times, we

With
can only conjecture that the Angles and Saxons
may have preserved some medical lore like that of
their German ancestors and kinsmen on the con-
tinent. The old Germans had a popular medicine,
which though partly connected with the worship
of the gods, was not exclusively in the hands
of a priestly caste like the Druids. Medicine
was largely by women
practised and Tacitus ;
relates that warriors wounded in battle brought

their wounds to their mothers and wives to be
attended to. Such may have been the custom
of the heathen Saxons in England, but no record
of it remains and such customs would have
;
died out sooner here, since the Anglo-Saxons were

earlier converted to Christianity and brought in
contact with Latin culture than their continental
kinsmen.
Fromthe earliest period at which history throws
any light upon the subject, we find clear evidence

of the existence of a medical profession, known in
the Latin writings as medici and in English books
;
as leeches. It seems a pity that we have lost this
useful word which survived through the

'leech'
Middle Ages (and according to Archbishop Trench,
much later in Ireland). At the present day we
much need a collective expression for Physician,
Surgeon, Apothecary, Doctor, Medical man, &c.,
all of them either partial or ambiguous in meaning ;
and in place of the seven syllables

'
medical
practitioner,' it would be a great convenience to
use the one syllable leech.' There is no evidence

'
that the leeches were always ecclesiastics, indeed

the impression given that they were often lay-
is
men. Contrary to the German tradition, there

seem to be no accounts of women acting as
leeches :
though at a later time in the Middle Ages,
noble ladies often appear as skilful surgeons \
We
must now consider what references to medical
practice or teaching can be discovered in non-
medical writings before the medical literature proper
commences.
The beginning of learning and civilization in a
strict sense among the Anglo-Saxons cannot be
dated earlier than the introduction of Christianity
by Augustine in A.D. 597. How far this contributed
at first to the progress of medicine cannot be ascer-
tained. It is possible that the Christian missionaries
from Kome, as modern missionaries do in heathen
countries, brought with them some of the medical
lore or practice with which they were familiar, that
is the medicine of the Latin world ;
but no trace of
it remains. It is more likely that they treated
disease, if at all, by prayers, unctions, and religious
rites according to the custom of the early church.
A more definite impulse was given to actual
1
In the old ballad of ' Sir Cauline/ when a wounded knight is
brought to the castle, the

King calls out :
'Come down, come down, my daughter deare,

Thou art a leech of skill.'
In an English medical MS. of the fourteenth century, I find
'
a prescription composed by Lai y Beauchamp, the Earl's wife of
5
Warwick.
learning by the arrival of Theodore, a learned Greek

monk of Tarsus, who became Archbishop of Canter-
bury in the seventh century, A. D. 669. Theodore
with his colleague the Abbot Adrian, also a learned
scholar, founded a school at Canterbury, where both
Latin and Greek were taught, so successfully, that
according to Bede, some of their scholars who were
living in his day, knew Greek and Latin as well
as their native tongue \ He taught also poetry,
astronomy and arithmetic. There is no mention
here of medicine but a curious and doubtless
;
authentic story (told by Bede) of one of Theodore's
pupils suggests that medicine was not entirely

neglected. This pupil, John of Beverley, Bishop
of Hexham and afterwards of York, from his learn-
ing and piety, had a reputation for working miracles.
He was canonized after his death, and 'St. John
of Beverley' became a favourite war-cry with the
English in their Scottish wars. When visiting

a nunnery at Wetadun
Watton), in Yorkshire
(or
he was told by the Abbess that one of the nuns was
suffering from a severe illness. She had lately been
bled in the arm, in consequence of which the arm
became painful and swollen, so that she seemed
about to die. The abbess begged the bishop
to give
the sister his benediction, or at least touch her,
which the abbess was quite sure would cure her.
But on his inquiring when the maiden was bled,
'
and being told that it was on the fourth day of the

"
moon, he said you have acted very unwisely and
1
Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Book IV, cap. 2.
unskilfully in bleeding on the fourth day of the

moon for I remember that Archbishop Theodore,
;
of blessed memory, said that bleeding at that time

was very dangerous, when both the light of the
moon and the tide of the ocean are on their increase.
And what can I do for the maiden if she is at death's
door?"'
But moved by the entreaties of the abbess he
went in to see the sick girl, taking Bede (the
narrator) with him, and found her very ill. The
bishop said a prayer over her, and gave her his
blessing. Naturally, the patient felt immediately
better, and soon recovered. John of Beverley
performed, as Bede tells us, many similar cures
by prayers and benedictions. In one case, that of

a young priest who had concussion of the brain
in consequence of a fall from his horse, the efforts
of the bishop restored consciousness, and he then
called in a leech or physicianand charged him to
set and bandage the fractured skull. It would
seem then that the bishop was not himself a leech.

These events must have happened a little before
l
A. D.
700 .
We need not here discuss the miraculous powers

which Bede ascribed to his master, but the story
shows clearly that Archbishop Theodore had certain
pretensions to medical knowledge, and taught it in
some measure to his pupils. The rules as to right
and wrong days for bleeding were very minute
1
Bede's Ecclesiastical History, translated by Rev. L. Gidley,
1870, pp. 386, 394. (Book V, Caps. 3, 6.)

among the Anglo-Saxons, as will be shown later.

It should be observed that the reasons assigned by
the bishop for avoiding certain days were physical
facts, not superstitions. The second story shows

that there was a class of leeches or physicians.
Further evidence of the existence of medical
learning among the clergy is furnished by St. Ald-
helm, a learned monk, Bishop of Dorchester, in A. D.
705, founder and Abbot of the Abbey of Malmesbury.
He mentions seven sciences which ought to be
studied, that is, in addition to the four sciences of
the Quadrivium, Arithmetic, Geometry, Music,
Astronomy, three others, viz. Astrology, Mechanics,
:
and Medicine l It is highly probable that monks,

.
and perhaps other clerical persons, learned and

practised medicine, though it would not follow that
all physicians or leeches were clerical.
THE VENERABLE BEDE

The name Bede leads one to ask whether that
great man, the noblest character in the Saxon

Church, no less famed for his extraordinary learn-
ing (as learning was in those days), than for his
piety and zeal, and known to after ages as the
Venerable, possessed or taught any medical lore.
1
Aldhelm's De Laude Virginitatis, quoted by Wright, Bio-
graphia Britannica Literaria, Anglo-Saxon Period, 1842, p. 70.
If this programme was really carried out, the monks of
Malmesbury must have studied medicine but good authorities

;
say that it was merely a mediaeval commonplace, and proves

nothing about the actual studies of the place.
Among Bede's numerous writings there are some

on scientific subjects. He wrote De Natura Rerum,
1
On the Nature of Things,' a treatise of astronomy
and cosmogony also De Temporibus, On Times/
;
'
that is on the seasons of the year, a work in which
meteorology plays a great part, and other scientific
works.
But the only work dealing with medicine is
a short Latin tract on blood-letting, which the
editor of Bede's works, Dr. Giles, thought to be
probably genuine, and therefore admitted into his

standard edition. It is entitled De Minutione
Sanguinis sive de Phlebotomia.'
Although the title a general one, the scope of the

is
tract is confined to laying down what are the right

and wrong days for bleeding, and especially warning
against the letting of blood on certain unlucky days.
The first paragraph may be translated as follows :
At any time by day or night, if need compels,

4
we must use phlebotomy in acute diseases and ;
especially in the time from the eighth of the

kalends of April to the seventh of the calends
of June (March 24th to May 25th) we have good
results from taking away blood, because then the
blood undergoing increase.'
is
'But afterwards have to be taken into account

the qualities of the seasons, and the course of the
moon, that is the 5th, loth, 2oth, 25th, and 3oth
days of the moon V
1
Complete Works of the Venerable Bede, ed. by A. Giles,
London, 1843, vol. vi, p. 349.
THE VENERABLE BEDE 17
Prognostics drawn from the age of the moon

were held to be important in various matters, such
as the fortune of those who happened to be born
on a particular day of the moon the success of ;
journeys or adventures begun on certain days and

special things which ought to be done on them.
All this is the subject of more than one of the
treatises reprinted in Mr. Cockayne's Anglo-Saxon
Leechdoms, along with prognostics from dreams, &c.,
but as they are not medical, I do not say more
about them here 1 Among other things in the
.
tract is amention of the unlucky or dangerous days

in the year, called Aegyptiaci. This was a curious
old superstition that there were certain days which
were not only unlucky generally, but on which it was
especially dangerous to let blood or undergo any
'
medicinal treatment. Of these so-called Egyptian '
days there were two in each month but three were ;
especially formidable. Bede in his authentic works

1
Prognostics from the moon's age. This recognition of certain
days of the moon's age as lucky or unlucky for beginning
journeys or other work seems not to have always met with the
approval of the Church, which is an additional reason for doubting
whether this tract is rightly ascribed to Bede, at all events in its
present form. St. Eloy (Eligius), Bishop of Noyon in France
about A.D. 640, in a fine sermon quoted by Maitland (The Dark

Ages, London, 1841, p. 150), speaks as follows:
'Let no Christian observe the day on which he leaves or
returns home
;
for God made all the days. Let none regulate the
beginning of any piece of work by the day or by the moon. . . .
Neither let any one fear to set about any work at the new moon :
for God has made the moon on purpose to mark the times, and
to temper the darkness of the nights, not to hinder anybody's
work,' &c.
refers to the Egyptians as the most accurate calcula-

the astronomical computations necessary to
tors, in
draw up the Calendar; but he says nothing about
Egyptian days in the sense here intended.
The words of the tract are as follows :
There are many Egyptian days on which by no

'
means or for any necessity is it allowable to let

blood from man or beast, or to administer
a (medicinal) potion. But of these days three are
to be specially observed, viz., the eighth day of the
Ides of April (April 6th), the first Monday in
August, and the last Monday of December. This is
to be carefully borne in mind, because all the veins
are then full.
'
on those days an incision be made into
But if
man or beast, (the patient) shall die immediately,
either on the same day or on the third day, or (at
least) shall not survive to the seventh day. And
whoever shall take a potion shall die on the fifteenth
day and any one, male or female, born on those
;
days shall die an evil death, and whoever on these

days eats flesh of goose shall die on the fifteenth day.'
The Latin text being somewhat obscure and
l
corrupt, I give it in a footnote .
1 '
Plures sunt dies Aegyptiaci, in quibus nullo modo nee per
ullam necessitatem homini vel pecori sanguinem minuere,
licet
nee potionem impendere, sed ex his tribus [tres] maxime obser-

Vandi, octavo Idus April, illo die lunis [sic], intrante Augusto :
illo die lunis exeunte Decembri ;

illo die lunis, cum multa
diligentia observandum est, quia omnes venae tune plenae sunt.
'
Qui in istis diebus hominem aut pecus incident, aut statim
uut in ipso die vel in tertio morietur, aut ad septimum diem non
perveniet et si potionem quis acceperit, quindecimo die morie-
;
tur et si masculus sive mulier in his diebus nati f uerint, mala

;
morte morientur; et si quis de auca in ipsis diebus manducaverit,

quindecimo die morietur.' (Op. cit., vol. vi, p. 350.)
This passage is almost literally reproduced in one

'
of the Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms,' of which I shall
have to speak later.
There are three days in the year which we call

'
Aegyptiaci, that is, in our tongue, dangerous days ;
in which by no means, for no occasion, neither

man's nor beasts' blood must be diminished that is, ;
the last Monday in April, the first Monday in

August, and the
l
first Monday in January .
Here the days are different, but the principle is
the same. In another 'Leechdom' a still more

elaborate account is given, though the word
Egyptian is not used.
The old leeches laid it down in Latin books
'
that there are always two days in every month

which are very dangerous for drinking any medical
potion, or for blood-letting; because there is one
hour in each of those days at which, if any vein is
opened, it is loss of life, or long disease. leech A
tested this, and let his horse blood at that hour, and
it soon lay dead.'
Then follows a list of the dangerous days in
each month through the year, which, though not
called Egyptian, are the same as those so called
elsewhere. It will not be necessary to enumerate
them 2
.
The belief in Egyptian or unlucky days, for which

Bede (if he really wrote this tract) is our earliest
English authority, was deeply rooted in England, as
in other countries. There is in the British Museum
1
A.-S. L., vol. iii, p. 77.
2
Ibid., vol. iii, p. 153.
an English MS. translation of Bede's tract, entitled

4
Medesyns approbate for mortal Sekenesses by

Saynte Bede,' in which occur the following words :
(Whoever) of mankynde letteth hyme blode upon

any of these dayes he shall be dede withynne
iii
five days nexte that followyn. These be iii forbode

dayes the firste is the last daye of Averil, the
;
secunde is the firste daye of Auguste, the thirde

is the firste daye of September.'
This I suppose to belong to the fourteenth
1
century .
In a Latin medical MS. of somewhat later date

(in my library) I find the three fatal days are the
and soth of November 2
23rd of March, ist of August, .
It was thought unlucky that Richard I was con-
secrated at London on the 3rd day of September,

which was an Egyptian day. In early parish
registers, it is said, the term Egyptian days is
often found. One is reluctant to connect the name
of Bede with anything so trivial as this absurd
superstition, which, moreover, is mentioned only

in a little tract, of which the authenticity is not
3
beyond doubt .
1
Brit. Mus. MS. Additional, 5467, fol. 71, 72.
2
Experimentum probatissimum. Qui in his tribus diebus
hominem aut pecudem percusserit, tertia die morietur, et qui in his
natus fuit mala morte morietur. It would seem here as if the ill
luck fell upon the striker or cutter (i.e. in bleeding), but probably
the patient is meant.
3
Dies Aegyptiaci. The origin of this name and of the belief
implied in it are still obscure. The name is explained as being

given because the Egyptians discovered or invented these
days; which, whether true or not, is just the sort of explanation
We pass then to his great work, The Ecclesi-

astical History of Britain. Bede's historical writings
have some medical importance on account of his
mention of epidemic diseases, and also for his
allusions to the social position and activity of the
medical profession in his times. His strictly clerical
point of view and the prevalent atmosphere of
miracle in his history are obvious enough but with ;
these features a judicious reader who can recognize

that any one could make up without knowing anything about
the matter. But even accepting this, it is not at all clear why
the Egyptians should have picked out two special days in each
month. It has been suggested that these days were indicated by
astrology, and that the Egyptians were acquainted with certain
injurious aspects or combinations of the heavenly bodies occurring
on those days. But it is not easy to conceive of such aspects or
combinations which would recur twice in each month. To find
the days, twelve Latin words forming two hexameters are given,
something like the well-known Memoria technica of Logic but ;
throws no light on their origin. It is remarkable

this, of course,
that so many schoolmen and theologians should have written
upon the subject as may be found quoted in Ducange's Glossarium.
The earliest mention of Egyptian days quoted is by St. Augustine
(fourth century). It is possible, therefore, that from Augustine
Bede derived the idea, and transmitted it to the later Anglo-

Saxon leeches of the tenth and eleventh centuries. But I have
found these days mentioned also in a later Latin medical
treatise well known to the Anglo-Saxons, the Herbarium of
Apuleius Platonicus, as given in a MS. lately published by Sig.
Giacosa (Magistri Salernitani, &c., Torino, 1901, p. 349). It
might therefore have come from either source. In any case, the
belief would appear to have been common in late Roman or
early Christian times. But it was not a specially Christian

belief, being distinctly spoken of as a gentile superstition. There
is no mention of Egyptian days, so far as I know, in any Greek
or Latin classical medical writer. The real origin of the super-
stition was probably Babylonian rather than Egyptian.
the piety and veracity of the great Anglian saint

will not seriously quarrel.
Some of Bede's narratives are well worth re-
peating. The following story, for instance, is of

some historical importance, since it enables us to
show that one at least of the
epidemics of the
seventh century was true bubonic plague. In the
case of many of the so-called pestilences recorded
by Bede this cannot be positively established,

since the word pestilentia, as used by old writers, is
ambiguous.
THE DEATH, BURIAL, AND REINTERMENT OP

SAINT ÊDILTHRYD
JEdilthryd, daughter of Anna, King of the East

Angles, known in the Eoman calendar as Saint
Audry, was married to Ecgfrid, King of the
Northumbrians, with whom she lived for twelve
years in the state of virginity. Then, embracing a
religious life, she founded the nunnery of Ely, in
East Anglia, A.D. 673. After seven years' rule as
abbess she is said to have predicted a pestilence
which shortly followed, foretelling also her own
death, and declaring the number of those who should
die of the disease from her own house. Dying of
the pestilence about A. D. 679 or 680, the abbess was
buried among her own people in a wooden coffin.
The story goes on to say that sixteen years after
her death it was thought fit to transfer the body of
the sacred virgin to the church and place it in a
marble coffin. When the grave was opened the
DEATH OF SAINT ÊDILTHRYD 23
body was found as whole and uncorrupted as if she

had been buried the same day. A physician,
Cynefrid, who was present both at her death and
at her reinterment, was a witness to the fact, and
added one curious circumstance in confirmation of

it. He
had, he said, been ordered to lance a large
tumour which the abbess in her last illness had
under her jaw. The operation gave some relief, but
the patient died three days afterwards.
At the reinterment, says Cynefrid, he found the
wound of the incision which he had made healed up
in a wonderful manner, so that, instead of the
gaping wound with which she had been buried,
there appeared only the slightest trace of a
!
scar .
Apart from the supposed miraculous preservation

of the saint's body, for which there may have been
some physical basis, it is from the above
clear
narrative that there was an epidemic of a fatal
accompanied with glandular swellings, i. e.
disease,
bubonic plague, in East Anglia about the year
A.D. 680 2 .
1
Bede's Ecclesiastical History, Book IV, Cap. 19. Trans.
Gidley, 1870, p. 330.
2
Bede mentions a previous pestilence in 664 (the year of
a solar eclipse), which is stated to have raged in Ireland in the
same year, and another in 674. A
severe plague occurred at
Rome in 680, and again in the year 690, the latter being
expressly called Pestis Inguinaria. These records show the
prevalence of the plague in Europe at the end of the seventh
century. The last great mortality recorded in the Supplement

to Bede's History, A.D. 7601, would seem to have heen distinct
from bubonic plague (Noah Webster's History of Epidemic
Bede's Ecclesiastical History, our only authority in

medical matters up to the eighth century, contains
many other references to medici, or leeches. These
allusions show that there was a regular pro-
fession of medicine, but do not show definitely what
was the social status of the leeches, nor even whether
they were clerics or laymen. There must have been
some kind of military surgery, for we find that in
A.D. 685, Hrothere, King of the Cantuarii, was
wounded in battle, and died under medical treat-
ment. The leeches seem, however, to have been in
Diseases, 1800, Vol. I, p. 162; Encyclop. Britannica, gth ed.,

art. Plague).
With regard to the wonderful preservation of the Holy
abbess's body, it is to be observed that similar stories are told
of saintly personages, and of some not saintly, in all ages.
It is not necessary to assume either a miracle or a mere
invention. The appearances thus described would be caused by
the formation of adipocere, whichis often found when a body is
buried or preserved in a cold anddamp situation and thus the ;
abbess's body, enclosed in a wooden coffin and buried under

the damp marshy soil of the undrained Isle of Ely, would be in
conditions very favourable for this change. If it be asked why
the same change was not observed in the bodies of the humble
nuns as in that of the saintly abbess, the answer is obvious, that
the bodies of the nuns were not exhumed. When the fatty
tissues are completely transformed into adipocere, no further
decomposition takes place for an indefinite period. case of A

this kind causedgreat astonishment and became a public
spectacle in London in the middle of the seventeenth century ;
the body of a citizen who had been buried thirty-four years in

the chancel of St. Leonard's, Eastcheap, being found sound and
undecayed. In this case it was noted that the fat on the body
was as hard as white wax and very thick; evidently adipocere.

It is described in a curious tract entitled Immortality in Mortality
magnified, 4to, London, 1647.
a somewhat subordinate position, since in Bede's

narratives they generally act under the orders of
a prelate or ecclesiastic, and are called in mostly for
some surgical work. As many of the higher clergy
had a great reputation for working miraculous cures,
one sees that the ordinary leech was kept in the
background, and that his mere pedestrian medicine
and surgery would hardly keep pace with the bril-
liant thaumaturgy of the ecclesiastics. A more
unfavourable atmosphere for the growth of scientific
medicine or the development of a regular medical
profession can hardly be imagined.
But if, without applying too strictly the hard scep-
ticism of modern times, we look into these narratives
of miraculous cures, we sometimes find them more
rational than appears at first sight. They do not
always deserve either the veneration claimed for a
miracle or the obloquy deserved by an imposture.
For instance, the celebrated St. John of Beverley,
before mentioned, being accustomed at the begin-
ning of Lent to seek out some specially sick or poor

person to whom he might do good, found a boy who
was completely dumb, so that when he came to the
bishop to receive alms he could not speak a single

word. He was, however, as appears, not deaf.
Besides this, he had so much scurf and scab on his
head that no hair would ever grow there, but only
some bristly locks were seen standing out round
about it. The bishop provided a lodging for the
youth near his own house, and on a certain day
called him before him, and making the sign of the
cross on the dumb

boy's tongue said, Pronounce *
some word say "Gse"' (Yea). The boy immediately

;
said what he was ordered. The bishop then added

the names of letters *
Say A,'
*
he said A' ;
'
say B,'
and he said this also. And when he had said after the
bishop the names of the letters, the latter proceeded
to put syllables and words for him to say. And
when he had repeated all these properly, he desired
him to say whole sentences, and he did so, and
went on talking the whole of that day and part of
the night, so that he was completely cured.
Now we may assume that Bede, as is often the
case with narrators of miracles, compressed into one
act what was really a work of time. But we see
that the process was neither more nor less than an
ingenious and rational system of education in speech,

devised by the natural acuteness of the bishop, and
aided by the power of sympathy or personal mag-
netism which that wonder-working saint must
undoubtedly have possessed. For a case of
functional aphasia (as this apparently was, for the
boy was not a deaf-mute) nothing could have been

better.
The bishop then ordered a physician to pay atten-
tion to the scabbiness of the boy's head (probably
due ringworm or favus).
to He did as he was
ordered, and, aided by the bishop's benediction and
prayers, with complete success. The youth became
*
of a clear countenance, ready in speech, and with

hair beautifully wavy.'
Thus while the humble leech played his part, the
whole glory of the achievement is given to the great

worker of miracles, St. John of Beverley.
With this delightful story ends all that we can
say about the state of English medicine in the age
of Bede. And it is to be observed, moreover, that
Bede belonged to the race of the Angles, and the
stories he tells refer to the Anglian kingdoms of
Northumbria and East Anglia. It is quite possible

that the Angles possessed some medical literature
written in Latin, but if so, it must have utterly
perished in the storm of the Danish invasions.

Many of the religious houses possessed valuable
libraries. That of Wearmouth, founded by Benedict
Biscop, was specially celebrated, but was completely
destroyed by the Danes. The library of the church
of York was so rich that the English scholar
Alcuin, when living at Tours under the patronage

of Charlemagne, felt severely the want of the in-
valuable books which he had studied there, and
wished to have some of them copied for the use of
his French students. Alcuin enumerates some of
the more important authors included in it, but I do
not find any mention of medical works.
The great abbeys of Peterborough, Croyland, and
others in East Anglia which were burnt by the
Danes at the end of the ninth century must also have
possessed fine libraries. Moreover, that medical
books existed in England in the eighth century is
shown by from correspondents in England to
letters
Apostle of the Germans,' while that

'
Boniface, the
adventurous missionary was on the continent. The
correspondent hopes to be remembered if Boniface

should acquire any books on secular science, such as
medicine, unknown at home : where he says, it is
true,
'
we have some medical books, but the foreign
ingredients (drugs) which we find prescribed in them
are unknown to us, and difficult to obtain It is V
easy to see that this might be the case with medical
books of the Galenic school, treating of simples and
drugs belonging to Southern Europe, and of com-
pound medicines which the Saxons did not know
how The request shows that the Saxons
to make.
possessed some medical books and were keenly

desirous of obtaining more. Imperfect catalogues of
some of the Anglo-Saxon libraries have survived,
but we cannot trace in them the titles of any
medical books properly so called, though the name
of Isidore of Seville, author of a sort of cyclopaedia
popular in the early Middle Ages, called Etymologiae*,

not unfrequently occurs.
After the close of Bede's History we have no
materials for medical history till we come to the
rise ofAnglo-Saxon medical literature in the tenth
century, an interval of nearly 200 years. And in
crossing this interval of time we make a geographical
transition also, for we pass from the Anglian king-
doms to the kingdom of the West Saxons, that
1
Bonifac. Epistolae, p. 102 ; quoted in T. "Wright's Biographia
Britannica Literaria, Anglo-Saxon Period, 1842, p. 95.
2
An account of some of the early Anglo-Saxon libraries may
be found in Bibliomania in the Middle Ages, by F. S. Merry-
weather, London, 1849 a little known but interesting work.
;
realm of Wessex which was made by illustrious
Alfred,and which fell with Harold on the field

of Hastings. The medical literature which we
have now to consider, though we may call it in
general terms Anglo-Saxon, was distinctly Saxon,
and its origin is closely associated with the reign and
the literary school of Alfred the Great.
PAKT III
THE ANGLO-SAXON MEDICAL LITERATURE
The English medical literature of the Anglo-

Saxon period, covering a space of more than two
centuries, is so striking a phenomenon in the
much neglected
history of medicine, and has been so
by medical historians, that it seems a patriotic
duty, as well as an obligation to historical truth,
to give such an account of it as our limits permit.
This cannot be done without some reference
to Anglo-Saxon literature as a whole ;
of which
I am totally incompetent to speak, except as a
reporter of the opinions of others. But it is well
known that our branch of the Germanic stock was
the first to produce a true national literature. The
Anglo-Saxons possessed a body of written language,
cultivated in form, rich and comprehensive in
contents :
comprising poetry, legend, history,
religion, and science, at a time when their con-
tinental kinsmen could show nothing better than
the traditional songs and legends of a rude people,
30 LECTURE I: PART III
preserved by oral recitation ;

or for written litera-
ture only some isolated translations of sacred books
into the vernacular. What learned books the con-
tinental nations had were written in Latin. The
Anglo-Saxons also produced a considerable Latin
literature but
;
their vernacular literature was
something beyond and outside this, to which the
continental nations could not at that time show any
parallel. Their literary successes were no doubt
due in great part to national traditions and inborn
but they were also largely influenced
literary skill ;
and stimulated by the example of foreign, that

is, classical literature. When the study of Greek
and Latin was introduced by Theodore of Canter-
bury and his allies, their native pupils embraced,
with remarkable intelligence and zeal, the learn-
ing thus presented to them. In the words of
Mr. Wright
'The Anglo-Saxons approached the intellectual
field which was thus opened to them with extra-
ordinary avidity. They were like the adventurous
traveller who has just landed on a newly discovered
shore :the very obstacles which at first stood in
their way seemed to have been placed there only
to stimulate their zeal. They thus soon gained
a march in advance even of their teachers and ;
the same age in which learning had been introduced

among them saw it reflected back with double lustre
on those who had sent it. At the beginning of the
eighth century England possessed a number of
scholars who would have been the just pride of the
most enlightened age and not only teachers, but
;
books also, were sent over to the Franks and

Germans. The science which they planted there
A.-S. MEDICAL LITERATURE 31
continued to nourish long after it had faded at

home 1
.
Alcuin, helped to found schools in the

indeed,
empire of Charles the Great, which were superior
to anything in his native England ;
and which
flourished when
learning in England was almost
crushed out by the northern invaders.
It is this old English literature, refined by
classical studies, that has been and
the object of
is
so much interest and such keen study on the part

of continental and especially German scholars. To
their labours we owe a great deal of the light
which has been thrown on it during the past
generation. It almost seems, indeed, as if they
appreciated the importance and beauty of our old
literature more than we do ourselves.
There are two qualities displayed by the Anglo-
Saxon literature which should be especially noticed.
First, vivacity and energy of mind secondly, great
;
readiness to learn from foreign or ancient sources of
knowledge. Our ancestors were hospitable to ideas
as well as to men.
The surviving Anglo-Saxon literature is no doubt
but a fragment of what once existed. Just as a few
small jaw-bones in the Oxford Museum are evidence
of the existence of a mammalian Fauna in the
Oolites, comparatively few documents in
so the
Early English which have survived the destruction

and neglect of centuries represent a wide and
1
Thomas Wright's Biographia Britannica Literaria, Anglo-
Saxon Period, 1842, p. 32.
varied literature, great part of which has perished.

Some of the most important and precious works are
extant only in a single MS., and chance rather than
intention has decided which should survive and
which be lost.
The Anglo-Saxon libraries in the eighth century
were, as has been said, very rich. That of York,
spoken of by Alcuin, was especially celebrated.
Had this and other great libraries been spared, we
might now be in possession, possibly, of some
Anglo-Saxon medical books written in Latin, if not
indeed of some others written in English But 1
.
since the great church at York, and indeed most of

the churches and monasteries throughout England,
were at one time or another pillaged and burnt by
the heathen invaders, the greater part of their
literary treasures, Latin or English, must have been
destroyed, so that in the time of Alfred there was
a great dearth of books on all subjects.
When we look more closely at the medical books
of the Anglo-Saxons we find them to possess the
same qualities, and to occupy the same relative
position compared with other contemporary litera-
tures, as did the Anglo-Saxon pure literature.
In the first they are written in the
place
vernacular tongue, and thus unique in Europe at
their time. This is a very remarkable fact. The
more I think about it, the more remarkable does it
seem. The reason given by Alfred the Great for

having Latin books translated into English was the
1
Wright, op. cit., p. 27.
ignorance of Latin in his time among the clergy ;
but long after that defect was remedied, the use

of English books prevailed. He was also influenced
by his affection for the old English literature, which

he loved to hear read or recited. The same reasons
may have applied in the case of the medical books.
They were intended for a class of persons (not
necessarily clerical), in many cases, imperfectly
acquainted with Latin. The remarkable thing is
that there should have been men, able and will-
ing to read books, who were not Latin scholars.

Now it is clear that a vernacular literature will
be much more national than one in a learned
language, which is the apanage of a class, and

must be far more intellectually stimulating to the
nation. In no other European country was there, at
that time or for centuries after, any scientific litera-
ture written in the vernacular, or at that time any
new scientific literature at all, even in Latin.
This a proof that the Anglo-Saxons possessed
is
high intelligence and activity of mind though not ;
necessarily that they possessed deep learning. It was

not till long after this thatany and learned
serious
medical literature, as distinguished from popular
medicine, was written in English. The other

quality which we find in the medical as in the pure
literature, and which seems characteristic of the
Anglo-Saxon mind, is that readiness to learn from
all sources, that hospitality to ideas, of which I have
already spoken.
Furthermore the medical, like the other litera-
ture, is a mere fragment of what must have once

existed. There are no English medical writings
extant which date from before the time of Alfred.
If there were any such earlier books, they would
probably have been written in Latin but whether

;
Latin or English they must have perished in the

terrible destructions of the eighth and ninth
centuries. There is one book, a sort of manual for
a doctor's use, of which I shall speak presently, the
only surviving work of its class, which seems to

imply the existence of others of the same kind.
Had the single MS. which remains of this work
been destroyed, we should not know what an Anglo-
Saxon professional manual was like.
We must now consider in detail what the Anglo-
Saxon medical library, so far as it has been
preserved, consists of. The total number of exist-
ing medical MSS. would not much exceed a score.
Most are in the British Museum, some at
Oxford and Cambridge. All the important ones
have been printed and translated into modern
English, and probably little remains to be dis-
covered. Eminent Anglo-Saxon scholars whom I
have consulted say they do not know of any other
medical documents and would be at a loss where to
look for them.
Those which we have are contained in three
volumes printed forty years ago in the Chronicles
and Memorials of Great Britain, published under the
direction of the Master of the Kolls. Very for-
tunately for those who like myself are totally
ignorant of the Old English called Anglo-Saxon, and

to whom, therefore, the original MSS. in their clear
and beautiful handwriting would be sealed books,
they are translated into modern English.
The title is :-
'LEECHDOMS, WORT-CUNNING AND STARCRAFT OF
EARLY ENGLAND, being a collection of Documents,
for the most part never before printed, illustrating
the History of Science in this country before the
Norman Conquest. Collected and Edited by the
Kev. Oswald Cockayne. Three volumes 8vo, London
1864-6.'
This collection included all the Anglo - Saxon
medical books which the editor could find ;
and
nothing material has been added in the forty years
which have elapsed since it was published. Two of
the treatises have been re-edited, with corrections
and valuable elucidations by German philologists,
and Anglo-Saxon medicine is mentioned by German
medical historians. But in our own country the
apathy of the medical profession with regard to
such subjects remains undisturbed, and the earliest
memorials of English medicine seem to awaken no
interest whatever. Hence it is not surprising that
the very great services rendered by the learned
editor,Mr. Cockayne, some forty years ago, to
medical history have never been properly appre-
l
ciated .
1
It would be wrong to pass over Dr. Withington's excellent
Medical History from the Earliest Times, where Anglo-Saxon

medicine is referred to ; but the notice is necessarily very brief.
Some notices of Anglo-Saxon medicine are also contained in
Mr. T. Wright's Bioyraphia Britannica Literaria (Anglo-Saxon
The medical works contained in Cockayne's

edition (omitting some which are not strictly
medical) may be arranged thus :
1. Leech Book, in two books. As this book was

the property of one Bald, I call it the Leech Book
of Bald. It is believed to have been written
between A.D. 900 and 950.
2. What called Book III of the Leech Book
is
is evidently not a part of it, but a shorter work
something like the other. It was written appa-
rently in the same period. This and the former are

from a MS. in the British Museum (Keg. 12 D,
xvii).Cockayne, vol. ii.
3. An
Anglo-Saxon translation of the Late Latin
work called Herbarium Apuleii Platonici. With
this are associated three or four other short
treatises, which will be described presently. The
text in Cockayne is printed chiefly from an illus-
trated British Museum MS. (Cotton, ViteUius cm) ;
but there are other MSS. The supposed date is

1000-1050. Cockayne, vol. i, pp. 1-373.
4. Lacnunga, or Kecipes, a collection of miscella-
neous prescriptions from a MS- regarded as later than
that last mentioned (Brit. Mus. MS., Harleian 585).
5
5. Of Schools of Medicine,
Peri Didaxeon, or '
a treatise which has been shown by Dr. Max

Loweneck to be partly founded on the Latin work
of Petrocellus, a teacher of the school of Salerno,
and which at all events reflects the teaching of that
school in its first period, before it was influenced
by Arabian medicine. It is of a later date, written
about the middle of the twelfth century (Brit.
Mus. MS., Harleian 6258). Cockayne, vol. iii,
pp. 81-145.
Period], and in Professor Earle's work on English Plant-names,

in various editions of the works of Bede, in Haeser's Gcschichte
der Medizin.
6. Collections of medical charms are given in

vol. i, pp. 374-95, and vol.
pp. 285-95. iii,
7. A
glossary of the names of plants (A.-S.
and Latin) from the Durham Cathedral Library.
Vol. iii, pp. 297-305.
The other contents of the volumes referring to

dreams, the ecclesiastical calendar, astronomy, &c.,
need not be mentioned.
I said before, that in coming to the Anglo-Saxon
medical literature we were passing over to the
kingdom of the West Saxons and to the reign of
Alfred the Great. These statements require some
explanation. Among the books in Mr. Cockayne's
collection, themost important, without doubt, is the
treatise on medicine, or Leech Book of Bald. This
work contains allusions to Alfred which show that
itwas written in that king's lifetime or shortly after
his death, and by some one who had access to the
royal archives or correspondence ;

so that the con-
nexion is obvious. In the case of the translation of
the Herbarium of Apuleius the connexion with
Alfred is less direct, but nevertheless important.
We know
that one of the objects aimed at in
Alfred's educational schemes was to have valuable
books of all kinds translated into English. He
himself translated the historical works of Orosius
and Bede, and Boethius On the Consolation of
Philosophy, the last word of the ancient schools of
thought; and caused other translations to be written,

thus making his time what Mr. Wright calls 'the
age of translations/ The school of Alfred was
carried on in the next century by jElfric of Can-

terbury, called the Grammarian, who brought out
the Homilies in English, and who also, it is said,
translated a manual of astronomy; as well as by
other writers. It is to this time and this school
that we must refer the version of Apuleius. Though

not strictly belonging to the age of Alfred, it was a
continuation of the noble project of that great king,
to put into the hands of his people the best books of
all kinds, written in their native tongue. With
regard to some other books of the collection, it is not
quite clear when they were written or in what part
of the country. But that the early English medical
as well as the general literature went on growing
for two and a half centuries after Alfred's death
shows that it met a national want.
Before speaking in detail of the old English
medical books, I will venture to say a word about
the spirit in which they should be studied. Too
often, those few persons who have interested them-
selves in these monuments of ancient science have
treated them in one of two ways. Either they have
picked out something especially unlike the ways of
modern thought, and held it up to scorn as showing
the folly of our ancestors, or else in kinder mood
they have condescended to be amused, and calling any-
thing old and unfamiliar 'quaint,' dismissed it with
a smile. Neither of these methods will help us to
understand the ancient world. The folly of our
ancestors is no explanation. Their knowledge was
no doubt extremely limited ; they saw old and dis-
tant things through a dense and prevailing fog of
ignorance. But that they tried to understand them

at all is a proof of their wisdom, not of their folly.
Still more misleading the habit of regarding
is
the rude features of primitive art, the stammering

words of an infant literature, the childish fallacies
of early science, as something to be amused at.
Till we have got beyond the stage of calling these
old things merely quaint,' there is no possibility of

'
understanding them at all. Therefore, if we quote

from the old books things which appear strange in
our eyes, foolish things if you like, it is not with the
object of raising a laugh or of flattering the modern

sense of superiority. The only way to understand
these old writers is to try to put ourselves as far
as possible in their place, and conceive how nature
and science presented themselves to the eyes of the
early teachers and learners in the tenth and eleventh
centuries.
THE LEECH BOOK OF BALD
This,the most important memorial of Anglo-

Saxon medicine which has survived, is a definite
and completed treatise, occupying 109 leaves of the
MS., and 299 pages in the printed edition. It is
divided into two books, the first containing eighty-
eight, the second sixty-seven chapters. Each book
has a full table of contents or headings of chapters.
The first chapter begins with leechdoms against
affections of the head, and then proceeds downwards
a capite ad pedes, after the method of the later Greek
physicians, first introduced, I think, by Alexander

Trallianus, who lived in the sixth century after
and closely followed in the Middle Ages.
Christ,
Thus we have in succession in the first thirty
chapters, the eyes, the ears, the throat, parts of
the face, the teeth, affections of the chest, including
cough the heart, stomach, loins, thighs, legs, and
;
lastly the feet the thirtieth chapter treating of

;
chilblains on the feet. But after this no regular

order preserved, the remaining chapters contain-
is
ing prescriptions for a great variety of diseases, such

as tumours, skin affections, paralysis, fevers, bites of
snakes, and so on.

The second book is concerned chiefly with
internal and abdominal diseases stomach, liver, ;
and spleen, with some miscellaneous prescriptions,

and differs a good deal from the first book. It is
more learned, including some recognition of signs
of disease and attempts at diagnosis, and contains,
as we shall see, many passages which may be traced
to Greek and Latin medical writers.
At the end of the second book we find the follow-
ing verses :
'
Bald habet hunc librum, Cild quern con-
scribere iussit.
Hie precor assidue cunctis in nomine Christi
Quod nullus tollat hunc librum perfidus a me
Nee vi, nee furto, nee quodam famine l
falso.
Cur? quia nulla mini tarn cara est optima
gaza,
Quam cari libri quos Christi gratia comit.'
1
Famen (Low-Latin) = oratio, verbum.
THE LEECH BOOK OF BALD 41
'Bald is the owner of this book, which he

ordered Gild to write.
Earnestly I pray here all men, in the name
of Christ,
That no treacherous person take this book
from me,
Neither by force, nor by theft, nor by any
false statement.
Why? because the richest treasure is not so
dear to me
As my dear books, which the grace of Christ
attends.'
The form and language of Bald's hexameters
may be open to criticism, but their sentiment is

admirable. They show clearly that it was not
because Bald could not read Latin that he wanted
a book written in English.
It would seem from this that Bald was a leech
who wanted this book for his own use. Whether
Cild was merely the scribe, or the compiler of the
work, is not quite clear from the conscnbere I should

:
be inclined to think the latter, and also because the

MS. has some strange marks on the margin, which,
according to Mr. Cockayne, seem to point to the
sources from which certain portions of the book
were taken. Whether Bald and Cild were clerical
persons is but most probably one or
not stated ;
both were monks, since books were hardly written

except in monasteries.
The MS. is believed to have been written in
the half of the tenth century, that is, soon
first
after the death of Alfred. The book itself must

have been composed at an earlier date ;
for the fact
that the scribe has tacked on Book III, which was

really nothing to do with Bald's Leech Book, seems
to show that this was at all events not the original
MS., and must have been copied some

from
older source. Sufficient time had elapsed for some
confusion to creep in. At all events the book is
referred to soon after the era of Alfred.
This appears then to have been the textbook of
a practising doctor and the writer, who must also
;
have been a doctor, refers to two other leeches by

name, Dun and Oxa, so that the existence of a
class of professional leeches is clearly established.
Whether all were clerical persons it is impossible
to say.
The book is in the main
therapeutical, consisting
of prescriptions or formulae for a large number of
with scanty references to their symptoms
diseases,
and pathology. There is nothing like any general
introduction or statement of principles, whether of
pathology or treatment.
The maladies prescribed for are in part diseases
with definite names, Greek, Latin, or English in ;
part groups of affections, such as affections of the

head, of the eye, of the abdomen, &c. ;
and again in
part symptoms, such as headache, cough, &c.

It would be impossible to enumerate the diseases
named. They are such as head affections, 'half-

'
head's ache (hemicrania), eye and ear affections, sore
' '
throat, hare-lip, bringing up blood, host or cough

*
(stillextant as a provincial word), circle-adle,' i. e.
shingles black and deadened body,' i. e. gangrene

;
'
;
contraction of sinews, broken leg, &c. There are

'
names also for a
'
rough disease of the skin, for

a '
spring disease,' and for many other maladies.

In the second book is a rather long account of
half-dead disease, that is hemiplegia. Fever-adle,
that is, fevers, are mentioned, among which are
distinguished tertian, quartan, quotidian. There is
also lent-adle, or spring disease, which must refer
to spring agues or tertians. TJieor-adle is trans-
lated 'dry disease' by the editor, but this is
improbable (the true meaning is discussed on
'
p. 48, note). Poccas,' or Poc-adk, is very defi-
nitely mentioned,and must mean small-pox, since

'
in some charms found elsewhere the word Poccas
'
is taken as equivalent to 'Variola.' This is im-

'
portant, since the early use of the word

'
pox in
this But probably the
sense has been doubted.
Saxons did not draw the line between this and
measles. Pestilence is referred to, and not being
the same as small-pox probably meant the bubonic
plague. The word translated 'flying venom/ or

in modern language 'air-borne contagion,' seems
to refer to epidemic diseases generally. In one
place this is associated with the expression 'veno-
mous swelling,' which may refer to buboes (A.-S. L.
ii.
113), and confirms the conclusion that bubonic
plague was definitely known. A word meaning
'
by Mr. Cockayne
'
rough disease is translated

'
'
leprosy ;
but I think it is not certain that
this disease was meant. It was more likely the
lepra of the Greeks, that is psoriasis and other
rough skin affections. The name mickle

*
body,' i. e.
enlargement of the body, seems to mean elephan-

tiasis in the modern sense.
Besides snakes and other venomous creatures,
various kinds of worms are mentioned, and remedies
prescribed for them. It is not always easy to say
what species are meant, especially as the word

'
'
worm was applied to all kinds of lower creatures,
including insects.Thus we have hand worms,' '
'
deaw worms 'worms which ail men within,' the
1
,'
'
small worm,' worms which eat a man's flesh,' the

' *
boring worm,' and so on also leechdoms for a

'
worm-eaten body.'
The hand worm would seem to be the itch mite
(Acarus scabiei)\ and some of the remedies are
appropriate for this.
The following are some of the leechdoms (slightly
altered in order) :
'i. For hand worms and "deaw worms": take

dock or clote, such as would swim, mingle the roots
with cream and with salt, let it stand for three
nights, and on the fourth day smear therewith the
sore places.
2. If a worm eat the hand take marsh maregall,
1
:
red nettle, red dock, and the small bur, boil in cows'
butter when the salve is sodden, then further take
;
of salt three parts, shed thereupon, shake together
1
Dr. Bradley says '
deaw-wyrm should not be rendered " dew
worm." As deag-wyrmede glosses podagricus, the daw-wyrm
must have been something affecting the feet, as indeed the
allusion on next page shows.' I should therefore conclude that
it means the Acarus the feet, and might be rendered
affecting
foot worm/
'
and smear therewith lather with soap, about night-

;
time smear therewith.

Against a hand worm, take ship tar, and sulphur,
'
and pepper and white salt, mingle them together,

smear therewith.
'Against a deaw worm, let the man step upon
a hot coal ;
let him cool (his foot) with water, let
him step upon it, as hot as he hottest may.
*
For a deaw worm, some take warm thin ordure
of man they bind it on for the space of a night.
;
'
Some take a swine's lung warm (A.-S. L. ii.
123).
The paragraph (i) the same remedy is
fact that in
prescribed for hand worms and deaw worms con-

' '
firms the conclusion that this word means the itch

mite affecting the foot.
The remedies for pediculi are curious :
'
Against in ale oak rind and a little

lice ; pound
wormwood, give (the patient) to drink.
Against lice ; quicksilver and old butter, one
'
pennyweight of quicksilver and two of butter ; min- '
gle all together in a brazen vessel (A.-S. L. ii. 125).

Another kind of worm is called by the curious
name Ana worm.'
*
Mr. Cockayne explains this as
referring to a certain King of Sweden named On,
who gave his name to a sort of illness : but the
argument does not seem to me conclusive
1
.
From the account it is clear that some worm is
meant which under the skin, like the guinea-

lives
worm or dracunculus, which was known in the

East though not in England. If the worm was
English could only refer to bots or maggots of
it
bot-flies and breeze-flies, which infest horses and
1
A.-S. L. ii.
115, and Glossary, 369.
46 LECTURE 1: PART III
cattle. They rarely attack man ; though perhaps,

in ruder conditions of bucolic life, such instances
would be commoner. The treatment by powdered

glass I have not met with elsewhere.
If the ana worm grow in a man smear with the
1
black salve. If the worm eat through to the out-

side and make a hole, take a drop of honey, drop it
on the hole, then have broken glass ready ground,
shed it on the hole then as soon as the worm tastes
;
of this he will die. A

salve against the ana worm
thus shall one work take cinquefoil, that is five
:
leaf, and rue, boil them in butter, sweeten with

honey.
1
A drink for the same. Rub down into ale or
into wine seeds of radish and of colewort, let the
man drink it long and often against the ana worm
till he be bettered.'
We observe also remedies for a '

fiendsick
'
man,
that is a demoniac, and for a lunatic, and for the
' '
'
wode heart or frenzy, and for mindlessness '
(or idiocy) and folly. Also medicines are provided

'
against the tricks of elves, and malicious rune-lays

'
or heathen charms and if a man be mare-ridden,'

;
'
i.e. hag-ridden or has nightmare, and if horses or

cattle be bewitched (p. 291).
The remedies prescribed against these maladies
are various. For the most part they are herbal
medicines, a large number of herbs being often
united in one prescription though not more than ;
in many prescriptions of later times up to the

seventeenth century. Thus :
For a light drink. Take elfthon, githrife, betony,

'
the clove-wenwort, everthroat, horseheal, lupins ; two

parts of helenium, clote, waybroad, ontre, cropleech.

For liquid let half be holy water, half clear ale.'
It would be difficult to identify all these worts,
but they are certainly English.

1
A quieting drink. Betony, helenium, wormwood,
ontre, horehound, lupin, wen-wort, yarrow, dwarf
dwbstle, attorlothe, fieldmore (wild carrot)/
These prescriptions, in which native or garden
herbs only are prescribed, may be considered as
invented by the Anglo-Saxon leech himself. The
formulae which have definite names of authors
attached to them, viz.
'
Dun and
' '
Oxa,' are of this

kind (pp. 121, 293). In one of these oakum or tow
is mentioned.
Herbs were also worked into ointments, usually
made with butter ;
e. g.
'
A wound and silverweed and the
salve. Githrife
broad-leaved brown wort which waxeth in woods,
and a bunch of the flowers of lustmoce (supposed
by Cockayne to be lady-smock) pound all these and ;
boil first in a half proportion of butter and wring

5
through a cloth (ii. 93).

A more elaborate way of using the herbs was in
a bath, or even in a vapour bath ;
as in the
following :
1
A
bath for Blcece. Boil the worts ten times in
a basin and separately betony, neptan (nepeta),
;
marrubium, agrimony, yarrow, mint, horseheal,

hind-heal, churmel, earthgall, dill, marche, fennel,
of all equally much. Make then a stool of three
pieces of wood, with a hole below. Sit over a
bucket and cover thee over from above with
a garment lest the vapour escape pour (the hot ;
liquor) under the stool into the bucket let it reek ;

on thee. So mayst thou do thrice with the worts ;
and underneath stir with a stick if thou wilt have

'
it hotter (ii. 77).
Blsece, as appears from glossaries, meant some white

affection of the skin, i. e. Vitiligo or Leucoderma.
As a specimen of an Anglo-Saxon prescription
take the following, which is good for "Theor
'
l
disease :
Oxa taught this leechdom take wallwort, and

1
;
doffing and kneeholn and everlasting, and cammock,

and tunsing-wort, nine parts, brown(wort), bishop-
wort, and attorlothe and red nettle, and red hove,
and wormwood and yarrow, and horehound, pellitory,
and pennyroyal put all these worts into Welsh or
;
foreign ale and let him then drink it nine days,

;
and be let blood.'

For the 'Theor a drink
pain,' 'work into
alexanders, houseleek, wormwood, the two knee-
holns, sage, savine, carrot, lovage, feverfew, marche,
costmary, garlic, ash-throat, betony, bishop-wort ;
work them up into double brewed ale, sweeten with

honey. Let him drink for nine mornings no other
liquid, drink afterwards a strong portion, and be let
blood 2 .'
Here each of the potions contains fifteen or
sixteen worts, and there are still other receipts for
the same disease, so the leech Oxa had abundant
resources.
1
The word is theor adl, in plural theor adlum, translated by
'
Mr. Cockayne dry disease,' but this explanation not accepted
is
by modern scholars. Dr. Bradley says that it was some inflamed

swelling, and when occurring in the eye it is identified with
'
fig.' I therefore leave the word in text untranslated.

2
A.-S. L. ii. 121.
With regard to the way in which the Anglo-

Saxons used their drugs, it should be said that they
employed almost exclusively simples, that is, the
original herbs in infusions or powders which, though
containing often a great number of herbs, are un-
complicated and very different from the formulae
of Galen and from the elaborate confections or
electuaries, that is, compound medicines, afterwards

introduced by the school of Salerno, partly from
Arabian sources. This shows that the art of
pharmacy was in a very low state. Herbs were
used as watery infusions and decoctions, or made
up with ale, vinegar, and milk in draughts, or as
confections made with honey or mixed with butter
;
as ointments.
They were also used as plasters or poultices, and,
according to one prescription, in a vapour bath.

Prescriptions like these and many others must
be regarded as founded on an empirical knowledge
of the virtues of herbs, and as representing a
popular herbal medicine. That such a medical art

existed seems clear; and I shall afterwards bring
forward some facts to show that the knowledge
of herbs among the Anglo-Saxons was very
considerable.
But there a large element in this Leech Book
is
of a very different character and having quite

another origin. This is found mostly in Book II,
which deals with internal diseases. In this book
are many passages, especially those relating to
symptoms and pathology, which convey the

PAYNE H
doctrines of late Greek and Latin medical writers ;
in some places making a near approximation to

their words.
Before discussing the actual sources of this more
learned part of the Leech Book, it may be well to
quote a concrete example of the passages which

show the influence of the Greek or Latin writers in
the deeper and more thorough manner in which the
subject is treated, and one instance fully quoted

will be more instructive than numerous short
quotations.
As an example, then, of the more elaborate descrip-
tion of a certain disease, I will quote the account of
'
sore in the side,' or pleurisy.
Here are leechdoms for sore of either side,
'
and
tokens how the disease approaches, and how a man
may understand it, and how a man shall treat it.
These leechdoms shall be done for sore of side, and
these are the tokens of the disease, like unto the
tokens of lung disease and the tokens of liver-pain.
The men suffer with strong fevers and much
'
soreness on both sides. At whiles the sore striketh

upon the ribs, at whiles it is over all the side, at
whiles it cometh on the collar-bones, or after a little
on the shoulders or the lower belly. They cough fre-
quently at whiles they bring up blood they suffer
; ;
constant wakefulness the tongue is dry

; they ;
cannot lie on the left side if the sore is on the right,

nor on the right if the sore is on the left. . . .
There is also cold of the fingers and weakness of

'
the knees, their eyes and their hue are red, their
discharge (expectoration) is foamy, their urine yellow,
the inward digestion little, and there is pulsation
of the veins. The breathing is painful, the face
twitched there is dewy wet on the breast, like
;
sweat ; roughness of the throat from within, whis-

tling from the part where the sore is delirium of ;
the mind. If these tokens continue long, then the

disease is too dangerous, and one can do nothing for
the man. But ask the patient whether he were ever
struck or stabbed in the side, or had a fall, or had
a breakage. If it were so, he will be easier to cure.
If it is come of cold, or of inward evil humour, it is
so much the harder to cure' (A. -8. L. ii. 259).
About the first half of this description agrees to

a certain extent with Aretaeus (Morb. Acut. lib. i,
cap. 10), but can hardly have been directly copied
from that writer the differences are too great. It
;
is still less like the description in Alexander

Trallianus or that of Paulus Aegineta, who borrows
from Alexander. A good many points are common
to all the classical writers, from Hippocrates down-
wards.
'
But there are several '
tokens in the latter part
of the description which, whether accurate or not,
do not come from any of the writers named, nor, so
far as I can find out, from any ancient work known
to us. The Saxon writer also recognizes the occur-
rence of traumatic pleurisy, and the possibility of
confounding it with the idiopathic disease, which

the ancient writers do not. He mixes up (as did also
the ancients) some symptoms due to pneumonia or
bronchitis, such as expectoration,
haemoptysis,
whistling rales. On the whole, both in its errors
and in its correct statements, the account seems to
show a compilation of ancient traditions mingled
with some direct observation ;
and could hardly
have been merely translated from any old book.

Mr. Cockayne suggests that it may have been copied
from Philagrius, but the extant fragments of that
writer do not contain such a passage.
The account of pleurisy goes on to mention other
tokens which are of bad omen, such as previous
affection of the liver or lungs but if the pain come
;
from the spleen it is less dangerous. There isdanger

also when the expectoration
*
is of many a hue and
complexion.' This last phrase is a direct translation
from Alexander Trallianus.
The and contrast with the
rules for diet are short,
copious directions given by the Greek physicians ;
from whom, indeed, the Saxon leech differs widely.

For instance, Alexander expressly forbids shell-
fish, but the Saxon recommends
*
periwinkles re-
moved from their shells.' This is taken from
'
Marcellus Empiricus, who recommends 'cocleae for
pain of the side. Eggs are also recommended,
and peas, with bread in hot water, and light food
generally.
In his directions for the treatment of pleurisy the
Saxon leech stands for the most part on ancient
ways, and agrees on the whole with Alexander
Trallianus.
He begins with a mild vegetable laxative, a wort
'
drink,' given by the mouth or as a clyster through

a horn. Then he prescribes local applications to the
painful spot a swine's bladder containing warm

fresh water and oil as a sort of poultice or a bladder ;
containing warm salt (dry) with bran ;

a cerate with
horehound on cloth as a plaster; plasters or fomenta-

tions containing various herbs, as dill, rue, and laurel
leaves ;
fomentations with soft wool and oil. Most
of these applications were well known to the Greek
physicians.
If these measures do not help, a cupping-glass
isapplied on the shoulders in severe cases the
;
wounds are to be scarified and kept open for three

days. Of course there is venesection, but not
always at the beginning ;
the blood to be drawn
from the arm on the opposite side to that affected.
By way of internal remedies, coriander seeds with
honey, and one nauseous remedy (borrowed from

Marcellus Empiricus), droppings of a wild boar,
collected in the woods, to be drunk with water.
Also stronger purges if necessary.
It would be impossible to quote at the same length
the accounts of other diseases. I will only say that
for '
lung which corresponds more to pul-

disease,'
monary consumption than to pneumonia, there is

a copious collection of receipts, chiefly of herbal
remedies, some of them containing a formidable list

of ingredients. A large number of diseases affecting
the stomach are mentioned, and the remedies for
these are not less numerous. It is the same with
affections of the liver, and, what is strange, with

affections of the spleen, about which the old leeches
seem to have known much more than we know now.
The treatment of abscess of the liver culminates
in a surgical operation, of which more hereafter.
In these more learned parts of the Leech Book we
clearly see that the writer had before him some im-
portant authorities, Latin or Greek; and the question
what authors were laid under contribution is a very
interesting one.
None of these writers are ever quoted by name,
except Plinius, meaning probably Plinius Valerianus.
There is hardly anything to suggest a knowledge of
the older classics, Hippocrates, Galen, or Aretaeus l .
But a good many passages have been detected by

Mr. Cockayne, which are evidently taken either in
substance or in words from one Greek physician,
Alexander of Tralles, who li ved in the sixth century.
There are also passages closely resembling corre-
sponding passages in the works of Paulus of Aegina
or Paulus Aegineta (seventh century), but much
fewer. Now Alexander was not exactly an original
writer, as much was borrowed from
of his material
Galen and other Greek physicians, and Paulus copied
much from Alexander. A still earlier Greek writer,
Oribasius (fourth century), who copied Galen, seems
to have been the original of one passage, and one
was perhaps borrowed from Aetius (sixth century).
There are also passages borrowed, equally without
acknowledgement, from later Latin writers, such as
Plinius Valerianus, sometimes called Pseudo-Plinius,
not to be confounded with the great Roman natur-
alist Plinius. The name is once mentioned (vol. ii,
p. 155), but the quotation cannot be verified. Others
Mr. Cockayne detects allusions to Galen and Aretaeus in two

1
passages (A.-S. L. vol. ii, pp. 18 and 208), but it appears to

me that the resemblance is not close.
are Marcellus Empiricus, who lived about 400 A.D.;

Sextus Placitus, the writer of a very poor book about
medicines derived from animals, which we know
was translated into Anglo-Saxon Theodoras Pris-
;
cianus, and perhaps others. But all these writers

borrowed from their Greek predecessors and there- ;
fore the identification of passages as directly taken

from them is sometimes doubtful.
The materials drawn from the Greek would make,
Mr. Cockayne thinks, about one-fourth of the whole
book, but this seems to me to be a rather high
estimate. Most of the borrowed matter is from
Alexander, and there is no reason to think that the
Anglo-Saxon compilers went back further than that
writer.
Besides the above-named writers, no others can
be identified as the authorities of the Anglo-Saxon
compiler. I have tried to detect resemblances
between certain passages of the Leech Book and
corresponding parts of Celsus, Caelius Aurelianus,
and Cassius Felix, but without success. Moreover,
it is well to state that there is nothing in this
book which any writer of the school of

recalls
Salerno. Indeed, the earliest surviving works of

that school (as printed in modern times) are
of later date than the tenth century.
Now with regard to the Greek writers, the inter-
esting question arises whether the Anglo-Saxon
compilers knew their works in the original or
through the medium of Latin translations. We
have seen that at an earlier period learned men in
England had a considerable knowledge of Greek.

But before and at the time of Alfred learning had
so much declined that it is improbable there were
any real Greek scholars in England. That there

were men capable of translating from the Latin is
evident from the works of the king himself and of
those whom he employed in translations.
Moreover, it seems as if all that is traceable as of
p . . .
Greek origin might have been obtained from Latin

translations. The works of Alexander, according
to his latest editor, Dr. Puschmann, were translated
into Latin at least as early as the end of the ninth
or beginning of the tenth century (say 900 A.D.),
since a MS. of that date still exists in the library
of Monte Cassino. This is a little before the
date of our Leech Book, and probably there were
still earlier MSS. One point in favour of the
Anglo-Saxons having borrowed from Latin versions
is that they have included certain fragments of an
ancient Greek writer, Philagrios, which are em-

bedded in the text of Alexander. Now these
fragments, Dr. Puschmann says
l
are found in the ,
Latin, but not in the Greek MSS. of Alexander's

works. Of mentioned by
course, Philagrios is not
name, any more than Alexander, in the Saxon
2
version .
1
Alexander von Tralles, edited by Dr. Theodor Puschmann,
Vienna, 1878, vol.
pp. 91, 104. i,
2
Since, however, the Latin MSS. must have been translated
from a Greek original, we should naturally infer that some
Greek MSS. existed, containing these fragments of Philagrios.
And, in fact, these fragments are given in Greek in the edition
On the whole, then, we must conclude that there

isno necessity to suppose that the passages from
Alexander were taken from the original Greek text.
It is most probable, if not certain, that they came
from a Latin version. The amount apparently
borrowed from other Greek writers is so small
that the question hardly arises.
We see then that the dogmatic or literary part of
the Anglo-Saxon medicine was based upon a few
late Greek and Latin authors. What was the
general character of the materials on which they
built?
must be confessed that the Anglo-Saxons, with
It
all their zeal for learning and respect for the
ancients, were very unfortunate in the time at

which they began to form their medical literature,
namely, the period from the ninth to the eleventh
century. It was the time when European medi-
cine stood at its very lowest level and if any ;
period deserved the name of the dark ages it was

this. The works of the classical Greek physicians
of Alexander Trallianus, in Greek and Latin, edited by Guinther

of Andernach (Guinterius Andernacus) at Basel, 1556. These
fragments might have been derived from some Greek MS. now
lost ;
but Dr. Puschmann thinks that they were more probably
retranslated by Guinther from the Latin back into Greek. There
is no doubt that this kind of falsification was sometimes
practised at the time of the revival of learning, when the
Greek classics were first printed. If a portion of the Greek
text was wanting, but was accessible in a Latin translation,
the editor would turn this passage from the Latin into the
best Greek he could furnish, and print it without comment as
the original.
PAYNE I
had been almost and were inaccessible in

forgotten,
Western Europe, since very few authors, and of
these mostly fragments only, had been translated
o into Latin. Greek medicine had rapidly declined
since the time of Galen. In the Eastern empire he
still had followers who compiled from his writings,
but no worthy successors. The tradition of surgical

skill left by the great Graeco-Koman surgeons was
completely and no work on surgery belonging

lost,
to this period is known which shows any practical
familiarity with the art. Even the work of Paulus,

in the seventh century, which preserved some of
its traditions, does not seem to have been widely
known. Scientific medicine was being clouded
over by the mystical philosophy and magic of
the Orientals, Gnostics, and Neoplatonists. The
old and sound methods of treatment were being
superseded by charms and incantations with mis-

applied religious rites.
There were no medical schools in Italy or Western

Europe generally, with one exception, the school of
Salerno, which was beginning to emerge from
obscurity, and even in the eleventh century pro-
duced some notable works.
The popular medical authors in this period were
the few Greek physicians who were accessible in
Latin, and the Latin authors already referred to, of
whom perhaps the most popular was Marcellus
Empiricus. It is difficult to imagine anything
called medicine meaner or less scientific than his

work. He was not a physician, but a diligent
collector of what might be called Eoman medical

folklore, and of prescriptions of every sort and com-
plexion from all kinds of sources. A large part of

his remedies consisted in charms, often of the most
puerile kind. Of anatomy, of real pharmacology, of
clinical observation, there is not a trace. Plinius,
called Valerianus, is probably a fictitious name, but
is assigned to a compendium of popular medicine,
taken partly from the Natural History of the
genuine Pliny, partly from other sources. It

shows than the work of Marcellus,
less credulity
but is totally unscientific. Besides these, there
were some popular works of natural history, the
Herbarium of Apuleius, and others, of which we
shall speak later.
It is no discredit to the
Anglo-Saxon compilers
that they failed to construct from these materials
any satisfactory body of medical science. But it

must also be said that they were quite incapable,
from want of experience and of a learned tradition,
of supplying anything original from their own
resources. There is hardly anything which suggests
what we call clinical observation. For example,
I have not found feeling the pulse mentioned any-
where in the Leech Book, nor is there any account
of the appearances presented by the urine, to both
of which clinical signs the classical physicians, Greek
and Eoman, attached great importance. Indeed,
definite symptoms of disease of any kind are seldom
pointed out.
There is still one other source of medical know-
ledge from which something in the Leech Book is

derived, namely, direct intercourse with the East.
One of the most interesting chapters, unfortunately
imperfect at the beginning, is that in which are

mentioned certain prescriptions sent, doubtless with
the drugs prescribed in them, by Helias, Patriarch
of Jerusalem, to King Alfred. It is known that
Alfred sent envoys to, and had messages from, the
Patriarchs of Jerusalem. His biographer, Asser, states
distinctly that he himself had

and read seen
letters, accompanied with presents, which were sent
to the king by Abel, Patriarch of Jerusalem \ The
date of this record is probably about 888 A. D. so :
that the account given in the Leech Book is
precisely confirmed.
The prescriptions quoted in the Leech Book are
for the use of certain drugs, the
produce of Syria
or adjacent lands, viz. scammony, the product of
a Syrian convolvulus ammoniacum, the native
;
'
country of which appears to be Armenia

'
spices ;
from Arabia dracontian (tragacanth), galbanum, and

;
balsam or balm of Gilead, all indigenous in Asia

Minor and petroleum, which is still, as of old,
;
found in Judaea. The

patriarch also strongly
recommends tyriaca' (6-qpLaK-ff) or treacle, the famous
*
antidote of Andromachus, of which Galen wrote so
largely. This last I have not found mentioned else-
where the Anglo-Saxon books, and it was

in
evidently, like the other compound Greek medicines,

1
Six English Chronicles, edited by Giles, London, 1848, p. 78.
' '
Abel seems to be merely a mistake for Helias.
unknown to the Saxons. A white stone, Lapis

aldbastrites, or alabaster, is also highly commended.
The chapter is thus summed up at the end All
:
*
this Dominus Helias, Patriarch of Jerusalem, bid

one say to King Alfred V
'
From the statement of Asser we may infer that

the patriarch did not omit to send the drugs at
the same time as he sent directions for their use.
Besides these things, we find in the Leech
all
Book a large number of charms, formulae of incan-

tations, and superstitious rites, though decidedly
fewer than in some other books of the Anglo-Saxon
medical library. This part of the subject I defer
for the present, as also a consideration of the
Anglo-Saxon surgery.
SUMMARY
If we analyse the several factors which make
up this textbook of medicine used by an Anglo-
Saxon practitioner, we find that they are somewhat
as follows :
1. A herbal medicine founded on a wide know-
ledge of native plants and garden herbs, which was

an original achievement of the Anglo-Saxon leeches,
and only in part derived from Latin or other books.
2. A body of doctrine derived from classical
medicine, chiefly from Latin translations of Greek
authors, but not always traceable to its original
source.
1
A.-S. L. vol. ii, pp. 175, 289, 291. Scammony is men-
tioned in two other places, p. 273 (with a test for its good
quality) and p. 281.
62 LECTURE I: PART IV
3. Some knowledge of
surgery is indicated,
but its extent cannot be determined. It may have
been partly empirical and traditional, partly
derived from books.
4. There is a superstitious element, consisting
of charms and superstitious rites connected with
medicine, much of which may be traced to late

Greek and Latin medicine, and to formularies used
by the clergy. But an indeterminate amount may
represent Teutonic and Celtic folklore.
This subject will be considered in the next
lecture.
PART IV
THE 'HERBARIUM' OF APULEIUS
The largest in bulk of the
Anglo-Saxon Leech-
doms, and that which occupies the first volume of
Mr. Cockayne's edition, is a translation into Old
English of the Latin Herbarium Apuleii Platonici,
with some other short treatises. No less than four
MSS. of this translation have survived, a remark-
able number considering how scanty the remains of
Anglo-Saxon literature are, and showing that the

book enjoyed great popularity. The most remark-
able MS. is one in the British Museum, originally in
the Cottonian Library, which, though sadly damaged
by fire, must have once been a splendid volume,

and decorated with a large
beautifully written,
number of coloured figures of plants and animals \
1
Brit. Mus. Cottonian MSS., Vitellius, C. iii.
THE 'HERBARIUM' OF APULEIUS 63
It is believed to have been written about 1000-

1050 A.D. One of the three other MSS. was
written as late as about 1150. The text as given
by Mr. Cockayne is chiefly taken from the first-

mentioned copy, with corrections from the others.
The original work is in Latin, and is attributed to
a writer (possibly fictitious) called Apuleius Platoni-
cus, who must not be confounded with Apuleius of
Madaura, the philosopher and romance writer,
author of The Golden Ass. The book is believed to
date from about the fifth century, though no copy
so old as this is known. Some scholars think it
was written in Nothing whatever is known
Africa.
of the supposed author, and the name Apuleius was
probably assumed. In the MSS. the name is

strangely corrupted, sometimes Apoliensis and some-
times even Plato appearing as the author. The full
title is Herbarium Apuleii Platonici quod accepit db
Escolapio et Chirone centauro magistro Achillis (' The

Herbarium of Apuleius Platonicus, which he
received from Aesculapius and Chiron the Centaur,
the master of Achilles ').
In the Saxon, as in some of the Latin MSS., is a
picture showing figures of Escolapius (Aesculapius),

Plato, and Centaurus. These three personages are
grasping a large volume, which the Centaur and
Plato are apparently receiving from Aesculapius, or
Plato from the two others. The book consists of
132 chapters, each containing an account of a herb,

with a figure, coloured in most copies. The text in
the A.-S. version begins with the name of the herb
in English ;
but in a few instances the Latin name
is merely copied or it is left blank. Then follow
in most cases one or two synonyms, and some
indication of the locality where the plant is found,
e. g.in fields, in ditches, in cultivated places, sandy
places, and so on. After this the medicinal uses of

the herb are enumerated in several paragraphs.
These uses are for various diseases, and also for
the bites of snakes, scorpions, or other venomous
creatures. These animals are often represented in
the figures. This fact clearly shows the South
European (or perhaps African) origin of the work.
There are no descriptions, properly so called, of
the herbs. It was intended that they should be
identified by the figures.
Besides the Herbarium, which occupies the
greater part of the book, there are two other
shorter treatises appended. One is a collection
of chapters on medicinal herbs, with figures, closely
resembling the
chapters of the Herbarium, but
mostly with some sort of description of the plant.

The English names are often omitted, as if the
translator not know them. Most of these
did
descriptions and medicinal uses are from Dios-

corides On Materia Medico,, directly or indirectly.
The resemblance to the Greek author is sometimes
close, sometimes slight ;
but of course this insignifi-
cant tract corresponds to a small fragment only of
his great work.
Finally, we have a translation of a Latin treatise

on medicines derived from animals Medicina de
quadrupedibus. In Latin MSS. the treatise is
attributed to Sextus Placitus Papyriensis (or Plato-
nicus), but this name does not seem to occur in the

Saxon text. Sextus Placitus was an historical per-
sonage who some authorities in
lived according to
the fourth century, according to others in the sixth
after Christ. It is generally accepted that he was
the author of this not very valuable treatise, which
is largely based upon Pliny, with some superstitious
charms, and with other prescriptions which, though

not magical, are equally absurd. The English
version begins as follows :
'
They say that a king of the Egyptians, hight

"
Idpartus, bid health (or sent greeting ") to Caesar
Octavianus his friend, saying, " By many examples
I am aware of thy virtues and prudence, and yet
I ween that thou never earnest to know leechdoms of
thus mickle might, such as I learn are those which
we obtained from Aesculapius. I then make it
known for thy instruction and for that I wist thee
worthy of this, to wit, that is, of leechcrafts of wild
:
beasts so far as it is well said."

:
The king Idpartus and the whole message to

Octavianus must be pure fiction. Then follow fifty-
three chapters on different quadrupeds, each with a
picture of the beast, and paragraphs on the medicinal

uses of various parts of animals and their excreta.
To understand the real origin of this collection of
treatises we must turn to the Latin MSS. of the
same text. These are very numerous in most of
the great European libraries, more especially in
those of Italy, showing the great popularity of the
work. The British Museum contains at least four
Latin MSS., one of them containing Apuleius only.
These are all newer than the Anglo-Saxon version l .
The actual original of the Anglo-Saxon version is

therefore still to seek.
The MS. copies of Apuleius, with the additions
already mentioned, were multiplied up till the end
of the fifteenth century, when the compendium was
superseded by the German printed herbals. But

a little earlier than the earliest German herbal,
the treatise of Apuleius first received the honours
of print. An Italian physician, Joh. Philippus de
Lignamine, medical adviser to Pope Sixtus IV, and

also, like many learned men
in those days, a printer,
discovered in the library of the Monastery of Monte
Cassino a MS. of Apuleius, with coloured figures.
This he printed, about the year 1480, at his own
press, a small quarto volume in which the
in
coloured figures of the MS. were represented by
rough cuts the earliest known printed figures of

plants
2
. The printed
text differs from the Anglo-
Saxon version chiefly in containing a large number
1
I say 'at least four' because another very beautiful MS.
(Sloane 1975), though not bearing quite the same name, contains
the Latin text of all the treatises mentioned above. It was
written in England in the fourteenth century, and is placed

among the 'select' MSS. of the Library, being exhibited in
a show-case. The other Latin texts are Harleian 5294, Harl.
4986, Harl. 1585 (from which the above-mentioned Sloane MS.
seems to have been derived), Harl. 585 (which is partly Anglo-
Saxon, partly Latin), and Additional MS. 17063.
8
A copy of this extremely rare work may be seen in the
British Museum. Other Latin editions are that of Paris, 1528
of Greek and Latin synonyms of the herbs, which
would have been superfluous in the English trans-
lation. This text, without the figures, has been
several times reprinted.
Comparing the printed book with the MSS., we

find that the earliest editor, like the
Anglo-Saxon
translator, left out some things. To begin with,
the first chapter of the Herbarium on vettonica
(betony) is really an abridged copy of a separate
treatise, De Herba Vettonica, ascribed, though with
little Antonius Musa, physician to
probability, to
the Emperor Augustus. In this, as in some of the
other treatises, are curious prayers or conjurations;
one addressed to the Earth, 'Precatio Terrae,' be-
'
ginning Dea Sancta Tellus

'
another to all herbs,
;
'
'
Precatio omnium herbarum ;
while the sacred herb
vettonica has a prayer all to itself. These passages
are sometimes illustrated with figures, such as that
of a man
praying to the goddess of earth, and
mythological subjects, as the god Mercury bringing
in eachhand a bulb or plant of the sacred herb
etmolum or moly (garlic) to a classically robed
figure dignifiedwith the name '(H)Omerus author' ;
meaning, of course, that Homer tells the story All

1
.
these things, being purely pagan, were naturally

omitted by the Pope's physician, P. de Lignamine
(who dedicated his work to a cardinal), as they were
(with other works), and in the Aldine Collection of Latin

medical writers, Medici antiqui omnes qui Latinis literis, etc.,
Venice, 1547. See figures 6 to 9.
1
See figure 17.
by the Anglo-Saxon translator; but they may be
seen in some Latin MSS. in the British Museum,
one, at least, of which was written in England
1
.
We also note a curious point, that the Herbarium

'
of Apuleius has a colophon Explicit Liber Platonis
de herbis masculinis feliciter,' and the continuation
begins Incipit Liber Dioscoridis. In hoc Libro con-
*
tinentur herbae femineae LXI.' But why the first

collection should be called masculine and the latter
feminine herbs, I have not been able to discover.

We see also that the Anglo-Saxon so-called Diosco- '
'
rides is not quite perfect.
Another curious point is that the first chapter
of the book on 'Medicines from Quadrupeds' is
written as a separate treatise in some MSS., with
the title Epistola de Taxone or Epistola de Bestiola
quam aliqui melem vacant, Quidam vero Taxonem. That

is,
*
a letter on the Badger.'
We also observe that in some cases the Saxon
translator has expanded the Latin text by the
addition of new prescriptions for the use of the
drugs.
These details are not important in themselves,
but the general conclusion important, namely, is
that this collection of treatises on natural history

existed as a whole in the Latin, and was translated
1
See the Harleian MS. 1585, and the later Sloane MS. 1975
founded upon it, which was certainly of English origin, and
belonged to a convent. These beautiful works of archaic art are
well worth inspection, imperfect as they may be from a botanical
point of view.
as awhole into the early English or Saxon tongue.

Hence the supposition that any part was translated
direct from the Greek of Dioscorides falls to the
ground. Nor can we suppose that the Anglo-Saxon

translator compiled his work from many sources.
One Latin MS., of a kind of which there are many
in European libraries, would have sufficed.
The whole constitutes, according to our ideas,
a very poor book of natural history. In the
sections on plants there is, strictly speaking, no
botany, and the therapeutical part belongs to the

lowest period of Koman medicine. The zoology is
contemptible.
Nevertheless, the Anglo-Saxon scholars showed
their intelligence and good sense in making this
poor book their own. Desiring to improve their

knowledge of natural history in relation to medicine,
they took the best work on the subject they could
find in Europe, translated it into the vernacular
tongue for general use, carefully copied the pictures

by which the plants were to be identified, and
whenever it was possible replaced the Latin names
by their English equivalents.
Before speaking of the figures, which constitute
a very important part of these MSS., it will be well
to give some specimens of the text.
RAVENS' LEEK (A SPECIES or OBCHIS).

'i. This wort, which is called <ra,Tvpiov, and by
another name ravens' leek, is produced on high
downs, and in hard places, and also in meadows,
and in cultivated lands, and in sandy ones.
2. For difficult wounds, take roots of this wort,

1
which we named satyrion, and which also some

men call priapiscus, and pound together; it cleanseth
the wounds and cures the scars.
'3. For sore of eyes, that is, when that one be
blear-eyed, take juice of this wort, and smear the
eyes therewith without delay it removes the sore.'
;
(A.-S. L. i.
109.)
A figure of this herb is given, evidently an orchis;
but the draughtsman so misunderstood it that he
has not made the flowers properly attached to the
stem. (See fig. I.)
MUGWORT (Artemisia vulgaris).
1. This wort, which artemisia, and by

4
is called
another name mugwort, is produced in stony places,
and in sandy ones. Then, if any propose a journey,
let him take him in hand this wort artemisia, and
let him have it with him, then he will not feel much
toil on his journey. And it also puts to flight devil-
sickness (demoniac possession) and in the house in ;
which one hath it within, it forbiddeth evil leech-

crafts, and also it turneth away the (evil) eyes of evil
men.
For sore of inwards, take the same wort, and
*2.
pound it to dust, and mix it with new beer give ;
it to drink, soon it relieves the sore of the inwards.

'3. For sore of feet, take the same wort and pound
it with lard, lay it to the feet ;
it removes the sore-
ness of the feet.' (A.-S. L. i.
103.)
BROWNWORT (Ceterach officinarum).
1. For disease of spleen, take roots of this same

1
wort, which the Greeks name aa-nXriviov (asplenium],

and the Komans teucrium, and also the English call
brownwort pound it to small dust give it to drink
; ;
in light wine, therewith thou wilt observe a remark-

THE HERBARIUM OF APULEIUS
* '
71
able thing (i. e. a wonderful cure). Also it is said

that the wort was found out thus that is, it once :
happened that a man scraped (in the Latin threw

out] intestines with the spleen upon this wort, then
soon the spleen clave to this wort, and it quickly
consumed the spleen for which reason some men
;
called it splenitm, which (spleen) in our language is

called the milt. Hence it is said that swine which
eat its roots are found to be without a spleen \
'2. Some also say that it has a stalk with twigs
like hyssop and leaves like beans, hence some men
name it by the same name hyssop. The wort is
gathered when it is in full blossom. It is of a famed
kind in the mountain lands which are named Cilicia
and Pisidia.' (A.-S. L. i. 159.)
YARROW (Achillea millefolium).
1. Of this wort, which

1
is named millefolium and
in our language yarrow, it is said that Achilles the
'
'
alderman (i. e. chieftain) found it out and he, ;
with this same wort, healed them who were struck

and wounded with iron. Also, for that reason, it is
named of some men Achillea. With this wort it is
said that he also healed a man named Telephos.
2. For toothache, take a root of this wort, which
'
we named millefolium ; give it to eat fasting.

3. For wounds which are made with iron, take
'
this same wort, pounded with grease lay it to the ;
wounds it purgeth and healeth the wounds.

;
'4. For a swelling take this same wort mille-

folium pounded with butter lay it to the swelling. ;
1
is thus told by Apuleius, and comes
This extraordinary story
originally from Pliny (Nat. Hist, xxv, 20), who ascribes the
discovery of the herb to Teucer. The next paragraph also comes
from Pliny. In the Anglo-Saxon version the sense is confused.
It only means that some give the same name (splenium) to
a quite different herb.
5. In case that any man with difficulty can pass

'
water, take juice of this same wort with vinegar,

give it him to drink wondrously it healeth.'
;
There follow in the Anglo-Saxon version, eleven

more paragraphs about yarrow, which are not con-
tained in the Latin text. I give only one of
them.
man's head burst, or a strange (unnatural)
'7. If a
swelling appear on it, let him take roots of this same
wort, and bind them on his neck then cometh to ;
him good benefit/ (A.-S. L. i.

p. 195.)
This last is curious because the use of amulets or
periapts (that is, drugs merely worn upon the body)

israrely alluded to in Apuleius, and this paragraph
was probably an addition by the Saxon translator.
MANDRAGORA
The chapter in Apuleius treats of the mandra-
last
gora or mandrake, a plant of which so many fables

have been told. This is not an English plant, and
probably at this time was not even cultivated in
English gardens, as it was later so that the Anglo- ;
Saxons had no direct knowledge of it, and only

repeated what they read about it in the Latin books.
The following is the Anglo-Saxon version :
MANDRAGORA (MANDBAKE. Atropa Mandragora).
'i. This wort, which is named //aj/<S/>ay6pay, is great

and illustrious of aspect, and it is beneficial. Thou
shalt in this manner take it. thou When comest
to it, then thou shalt recognize it by this, that it
shineth at night altogether like a lamp. When
firstthou seest its head, then inscribe (Latin text

1
surround) thou it instantly with iron, lest it flee
from thee ;
its virtue is so great and so famous that
itwill immediately flee from an unclean man when
he cometh to it, hence, as we said before, do thou
"inscribe" it with iron and thou shalt delve about
;
it so that thou touch it not with the iron, but thou

shalt earnestly with an ivory staff delve the earth.
And when thou seest its hands and its feet, then
tie thou it up. Then take the other end and tie it
to a dog's neck, so that the hound be hungry next ;
cast meat before him so that he may not reach it,

except he jerk up the wort with him. Of this wort
it is said that it hath so great might, that whatsoever
thing diggeth it up shall soon in the same manner

be deceived (i. e. shall fall down dead) 2 Therefore .
as soon as thou see that it be jerked up, and have

possession of it, take it immediately in hand, and
twist it, and wring the juice out of its leaves into
a glass ampulla (or pitcher), and when need come
upon thee that thou shouldst therewith help any
man, then help thou him in this manner.
2. For headache, and in case that a man may not
1
sleep, take the juice, smear the forehead and the ;
wort also in the same manner relieveth the head-

ache and also thou wonderest how quickly the
;
sleep cometh.
'4. For podagra, though it be very severe, take of
the right hand of this wort and also of the left, of
either hand by three pennies' weight; reduce to dust ;
give to drink in wine for seven days (the patient) ;
will be healed, not only so that the swelling is allayed,
1
It is evident that the Anglo-Saxon translation was an error,
since the herb was not to be touched with iron. The Latin
word is circumducere, meaning to make a line round or outside it
with iron.
2
In the Latin text the word is decipere, which is evidently
a mistake for decidere = fall down dead, die.
but it also healeth the tugging of the sinews and
wonderfully healeth both the evils.
'
5. For witlessness, that is, for devil-sickness

(demoniacal possession), take from the body of the
same wort mandragora by weight of three pennies,
administer to drink in warm water, as he may find
most convenient soon he will be healed.
;
7. If any see some grave mischief in

'
his house,
let him take this wort mandragora, as much as he
may then have, into the middle of the house he ;
banisheth all evils out of the house V (A.-S. L. i. 245.)

In the Latin edition printed by Philip de Ligna-
mine (about 1480) the directions for digging up the
mandrake are omitted, but they are contained in most
of the Latin MSS. Some other prescriptions are
added, among which is a remarkable one for the use
of the herb as an anaesthetic, omitted in the Anglo-
Saxon version.
If any one has to have a limb amputated, or

'
burnt, or cut, let him drink an ounce and a half in

wine, and he will sleep so long that the limb may
be cut off without pain or feeling.'
This is a very early, perhaps the earliest, notice
in a Latin book of surgical anaesthesia, though the
2
original observation came from Dioscorides .
The various legends connected with the mandra-

gora can be best understood with the help of the
1
This doubtless refers to evil spirits.
8
This prescription was repeated in many mediaeval books up
to the Hortus Sanitatis of the fifteenth century. Probably the
practice was occasionally resorted to; since Johannes Vigo
speaks in his Surgery of this use of mandragora, but says it was
not without great danger. See the English translation of his
works, 1571, fol. 193.
THE HERBARIUM OF APULEIUS
' '
75
old pictures. We
see that the plant had a tap-root,
often double (but, as Gerard protests, by no means
always so), which suggested the figure of a man in

fact, 'aforked radish with the head curiously carved.'
(Possibly this odd description of a man was suggested
to Shakespeare by the figure of Mandragora in an old
herbal.) Then it was imagined that some specimens
were like a man, others like a woman and botanists ;
made two species 1 Then the powerful narcotic

.
odour of the fresh root may possibly have sometimes

and accordingly the fable sprung
affected the senses,
up that it was fatal to dig up the root, and an

innocent dog was made the victim. Another story-
was that the semi-human plant, when it was torn
up, uttered a shriek, which it was death to hear.
Accordingly, the bystanders are sometimes repre-
sented as stopping their ears. In some figures,
probably the earliest, we see only a transition from
a modified root to something like a human form ;
but in the later figures there is a complete human

head with long hair, and the sexes are distinguished.
Figures of this kind were made artificially out of
various roots, and popularly sold, even in Gerard's
time.
But to pursue this subject further would take too

long. I will only remark that the fabulous virtues
of this plant in relation to sexual matters are not
mentioned by the Latin writers (though there is
1
There are, in fact, two species, but one is not more like a man
or a woman than the other.
a slight allusion to them in Dioscorides), nor

by
their Anglo-Saxon and mediaeval followers. This
particular form of superstition seems to have come
from the East *.
THE FIGURES OF HERBS

If we compare
the series of figures of plants
which run through the Latin and English MSS. of
Apuleius, we
are struck with the fact that they are
very frequently copied one from another. This is

especially the case in the earlier MSS., while in
the later copies, which come down as late as the
fifteenth century, there is greater variety. Though
it is not possible to trace one uniform series through
all the books, it is quite clear that the figures were
not generally copied direct from the plants. They

were copied from older figures, and these from
others older still, so that we should have to go
back through several generations of copyists, and
probably through several centuries, before we could
arrive at the prototype or original picture made by
an from the original herb. It
artist is strange to
think that we may be now looking at figures of
plants, many times copied, of which the originals

were blooming several centuries ago.
The supposition that there were some ancient
drawings from which most of the existing illustra-
1
For the commonsense view of mandragora, see Turner's
Herbal, 1568, Part II, fol. 46; Gerard's Herbal, 1597, p. 280; or
Matthiolus's Commentaries on Dioscorides (of which there are
many editions), under the word. For figures of Mandragora see
Figs- 3> 4> 5> 6 -

THE FIGURES OF HERBS 77
tions of the Herbarium have, so to speak, descended

is more than plausible. Botanical illustrations were
not unknown to the ancients. Pliny gives the
names of three Greek botanists Crateuas, Diony-
sius, Metrodorus who introduced this attractive
method of teaching medical botany.
They printed
*
the likeness of herbs, and wrote under them their

effects (and uses).' But Pliny himself remarks on
the fallacies introduced by the degeneration of the
l
figures in the hands of copyists .
Examples of these ancient botanical illustrations

still survive, however, in the Greek MSS. of Dios-
corides on Materia Medica, illustrated with coloured
figures ;
of which five are known to exist 2
.
The figures in these MSS. are extremely interest-
ing in the history of botany, and are valued as helps
1
C. Plinii Naturalis Historia, lib. xxv, cap. 4. Crateuas
is said to have lived in the first century B.C. He is quoted
by Galen and Dioscorides, as well as by Pliny. See Gurlt,
Biographisches Lexicon der Aerzte, vol. vi, p. 887.

2
Two of these MSS. are in the Imperial Library at Vienna ;
two at Paris in the Bibliotheque Nationale, one of which is

undescribed ; oneis or was in the Phillipps Library, Cheltenham.
One of the Vienna MSS. is known to have been written at the

end of the fifth century B.C.; the other is older, but of less
certain date. The other MSS. are later. See article by Dr.
'
E. Bonnet, Essai de 1'identification des plantes medicinales
mentionnees par Dioscoride,' Janus, April, 1903, p. 169, and fol-
lowing numbers; also Daubeny, Lectures on Roman Husbandry,

X 857, p.
231. Few of these figures have been published, but
a collection of engravings from one of the Vienna MSS. is pre-
served at the Botanic Garden, Oxford, and a smaller series in the
library of the Linnean Society, London. A few are copied in
Dr. Daubeny's book.
in identifying the plants mentioned by Dioscorides,
though they have been found less valuable in this
respect than was anticipated. Judging from the

copies which I have seen, they do not seem to throw
any light on the origin of the figures which are
found in the MSS. of Apuleius, though the style of
art is very similar. The older figures are, however,
less conventional.
All these figures of plants have certain general

characters in common, by which they differ from
modern botanical figures, and exhibit the characters
of Graeco-Boman or classical art showing the way
;
the classical artist went to work in representing
objects of natural history. The figures are formal

rather than realistic what we should now call
;
diagrammatic, giving rather the artist's idea of the

plant derived from a knowledge of several specimens,
than an actual portrait of one specimen. They are
very generally symmetrical on both sides and
modified into graceful forms. These characters are
seen in the Anglo-Saxon copies as well as in the
Latin MSS., and this feature should be taken into
account in estimating the value of the figures.
The portraits of some plants are at least recogniz-
able others have departed so far from the original
;
prototype that we can hardly guess what they were

meant for. The artists who copied them from one
MS. to another seem to have been tempted to show
their skill by treating the plant as an artistic object,
making it in some cases purely decorative, in others

wildly fanciful.
THE FIGURES OF HERBS 79
Now might seem that the Anglo-Saxon artists,

it
whose skill in drawing, as we know from other

examples, was certainly considerable, might have
produced better figures if they had copied the plants
direct from nature. But before condemning them
for contenting themselves with copying old ex-
amples, we must consider what the object of intro-
ducing these figures was. It was not to illustrate
the book by representations of known objects; it was
to identify the plants described by the old writers.
This could only be done by adhering strictly to the
old figures. Had the artist given figures of what
he believed to be the plants intended by the old
writers, he might have made a wrong identification.
Hence simple copying was the only plan which
would serve the purpose for which the book was
intended, namely, identification. The Anglo-Saxon
artists followed the only conscientious, and accord-
ing to their view, useful method, so that I do not

suppose a single figure in the Saxon MS. was,
or was intended to be, a direct transcript from
nature.
ENGLISH NAMES OF HERBS

In translating the Herbarium, the Anglo-Saxon
translators substituted as far as possible native
English names for those of the original. In some
cases they could only modify or translate the Latin.
Thus Pes would naturally be rendered Lion's
leonis
'
foot,' Lilium would become Lilie,' and so on. Some-

*
times the translator could find no English name,

and retained the Latin, or left a blank. In some
cases the identification is evidently wrong ;
but
making allthese allowances, it is still remarkable
for how many plants there was an English name
already existing. Many of these still survive, many
unfortunately are lost. The first name of a herb
in the original book, for instance, vettonica or
bishopswort,' where we have

'
betonica is translated
now only the modified Latin word 'betony.' The

l '
next is arnoglossa or plantago, rendered waybrade
or 'waybroad,' a picturesque name for the broad-
leaved weed of waysides and lawns, which we now
*
call by the misleading appellation plantain.' Un-
fortr&dde untrodden to pieces ') is an appropriate
(
l
name for the stubborn weed knotgrass, and maythe

(msegthe) is more attractive than the modified Greek
camomile. Many other instances might be quoted,
not merely as philological curiosities, but as show-
ing that the Anglo-Saxons, before they translated
Apuleius, had recognized and given English names
to a large number of native plants. Similar
evidence supplied by the numerous English
is
names occurring in the other Leech Books, and

also in the 'glossaries' or lists giving English
equivalents for Latin and Greek names of plants,

which are a familiar feature in Old English and
Middle English Literature. Of these lists, at least
six are known which definitely belong to the Old
English or Anglo-Saxon period, being written
before the middle of the twelfth century *.
1
Earle's English Plant Names, Oxford, 1880.
ENGLISH NAMES OF HERBS 81
From allthese sources Mr. Cockayne has com-
piled a list of between 700 and 800 names of plants

used in the Anglo-Saxon period \ If we deduct
from these all of later date than 1150, as well as
allpurely Latin names or translations (though a few
which had become vernacular, such as rose,' must '
be admitted), we find about 500 English names

of plants in use during the period named. It
would not necessarily follow that the Anglo-Saxons

had recognized and named 500 plants, since there
must have been some synonyms and some names
inaccurately applied, but it shows a very extensive
knowledge of herbs.
The point becomes clearer if we compare this
number with the number of plants enumerated in
other books. The Herbarium of Apuleius, with the
additions from Dioscorides, gives 185 plants. In
a very interesting work by the Eev. G. Henslow,
Medical Works of the Fourteenth
Century (London,
1899), a list given of names and synonyms of
is
plants mentioned in works of the fourteenth

century. This shows an increasing use of Latin
list
and also of French names. Making deductions

similar to those used in the other case, I find the
number of Englishnames is something like 400.
Certainly there is some falling-off as compared
with the Anglo-Saxon period. The earliest herbal
printed in Germany, the Herbarius of 1484,
records only 150 plants. The next, the German
Herbarius of 1485, gives 380 and the great Latin
;
1
Cockayne, A.-S. L. vol. iii, p. 311.
Hortm Sanitatis of 1491 has 530, including many

foreign plants. There seems to have been no
increase in the number of species known to
botanists. It is only in the herbals of the sixteenth
century, when the science of botany took a new
start, that we find a real advance, and an immense
number of new species recorded.
The general conclusion to be drawn from all
these facts is that the Anglo-Saxons took a keen

and genuine interest in the study of plants for
medicinal uses. Much of this was doubtless due to
the monkish physicians and the herb-gardens of the
monasteries, but there must also have been a popu-
lar and widespread love of flowers a national
characteristic which may still be recognized in the
cottage gardens of the South of England. Along
with this there went accurate observation and dis-
crimination, so that these unlearned botanists were

able to recognize and name a much larger number
of native plants than they could have known
through the translated Latin books. Their know-
ledge of botany was not only much more extensive
than has been supposed, but it was original.
It is strange that after the Anglo-Saxon period
there was
so little progress, the principal change
observable in the mediaeval literature of botany
being the giving of new names to known plants.

Indeed, we cannot help agreeing with the hard
saying of Professor Earle, that there was a great
'
decadence in botanical knowledge in England

between the eleventh and sixteenth centuries/
LECTURE II
PART I
ANGLO-SAXON SURGERY
THEKE are not references to surgery in the

many
Anglo-Saxon Leech Books, and there is nothing like
a regular treatise on the subject. This would not
by any means imply that there was no knowledge
of surgery or no regular profession of surgeons.
Surgery has always been less connected with book

and less dependent upon literature for its
learning,
maintenance and progress, than has been internal
medicine. Surgery, as its name implies, is essen-
tially a handicraft, and may, like other crafts, reach
a considerable degree of excellence without possess-

ing a literature. Practical skill in it may be handed
on from one generation to another by apprentice-
ship and tradition without any aid from books.
There must be surgeons before there is a systematic
art of surgery there must be an art of surgery
;
before there is a surgical literature. Hence surgical

books come late in the development of the pro-
fession. It is clear that there were surgeons in
England from the seventh century onwards,
at least
though they had no special name distinguishing

them from leeches in general. This is abundantly
shown by the historical quoted in the
notices
former lecture. They had not, however, reached so
84 LECTURE II: PART I
high a stage of development as to produce a surgical

literature. Therefore the scanty notices of surgery
in the Anglo-Saxon books must be taken as
implying a wider range of experience than they

actually display ; while, on the other hand, when
directions for difficult operations are copied from
some old author, it may sometimes be the case that
the Saxon translator is describing an operation
which he never himself performed.
The treatment of accidents seems to have been
simple : for instance :
1
For broken head, take betony bruise it and lay :
it on the head above then it unites the wound and

;
healeth.'
Again, for the same
'
: take garden cress, that
which waxeth of and is not sown put it in
itself, ;
the nose, that the smell and the juice may get to
the head.'
Another prescription for the same is a wort drink

made of wallflower and attorlothe (Panicum crus
galli], and pellitory and wood marche (Sanicula
Europaea), and brown wort (Ceterach officinarum)
and betony.
Make all the worts into a wort drink, and mix
'
therewith the small cleaver (Galium aparine] and

centaury and waybroad (Plantago mawr), of all
most especially betony and if the brain be exposed,
;
take the yolk of an egg and mix a little with honey,

and fill the wound and swathe up with tow, and so
let it alone and again, after about three days,
;
syringe the wound, and if the hale sound part shall

have a red ring about the wound, know thou then
'
that thou mayest not heal it ( A.-S. L. ii. 23).
ANGLO-SAXON SURGERY 85
For broken bones we have the following pre-

scription :
'If the shanks be broken, take bonewort (ban-

wort generally interpreted as violet or pansy),
;
pound it, pour the white of an egg out, mingle these

together for the man whose shanks are broken.
For a broken limb, lay this salve on the broken
'
limb, and overlay with elm-rind, apply a splint ;
again, always renew these till the limb be healed.

Clean some elm-rind, and boil it thoroughly, then
remove the rind, take ground linseed and brew it up
with the drink (decoction) of elm. That shall be
'
a good salve for a broken limb (A.-S. L. ii. 67).
There are several references to flow of synovia!
' ' ' '
fluid lith-seaw or lithule (joint-juice or joint-oil)
from a joint. This implies a wound of the joint,
though not positively so stated

it is The remedies l
.
for the lesion were such as the following :
'Burn lithwort (jointwort, sambucus, elder),

hound's head (?),
and pound them up with roasted
apple ; mingle all that together ; apply it.'
Take vinegar and sour crumbs of barley loaf and

1
earthworms, mingle together, and bind on wet ;
the joint with vinegar or with sour ale' (A.-S. L.

ii-
133-5).
Nothing is said of any further surgical treatment,

so we must suppose that the surgery of joints was at
a very low ebb.
For dislocations I find only one prescription.
'If a man be wounded on the top of his head
and the bone be broken, take sigelwherf (probably
1
Mr. Cockayne refers to a passage from Alfred's Laws,
showing that this kind of wound was the subject of special
enactment (A.-S. L. ii. 132).
marigold) and white clover plants and woodruff

l
;
put into good butter and strain through a cloth.

'
2. If the shoulder get up out of place, take the
salve, apply a little warm with a feather it will ;
soon be well with the man (A.-S. L. ii. 327).

'
But we need not suppose that the surgeons knew

nothing of mechanical reduction of dislocations.
For cancer we find the following extraordinary
remedies :
'Take goat's gall and honey, mingle together of

both equal parts, apply to the wound.
For the same
'
Burn a fresh hound's head to
:
ashes, apply to the wound. If it will not yield to

that, take a man's dung, dry it thoroughly, rub
to dust, apply it. If with this thou art not able to
cure him, thou mayst never do it by any means'
(A.~S. L. ii.
329).
For wounds in general there is a very efficient
ointment :
'
Work
a good wound salve thus Take yarrow, :
and the nether part of woodruff, feldmore (wild

carrot), and the nether part of sigelwherf boil in ;
good butter, wring through a cloth, and let it stand.

Pretty well every wound thou mayst cure there-
'
with (A.-S. L. ii.
327).
The most
elaborate surgical operation described
in the Leech Book of Bald is that for opening an
abscess of the liver (Book II, cap. xxii, A.-S. L.
ii.
207-9).
1
Sigelwherf means the same as Solsequium or Heliotropium,
a plant supposed to turn towards the sun. It is interpreted in
glossaries, golds,' which might mean the corn marigold or garden
'
marigold (Calendula).
The chapter is headed For the sensitive hardness '
of the Liver.' In the first place, various lotions and

fomentations are recommended, the ingredients of
which are suggestive of some borrowing from
Alexander Trallianus, but the subject is continued
in a manner quite different from the treatment
'
recommended by that author. Other '
wort drinks
are prescribed '
if the swelling is become an abscess
and bursteth.' If pus is discharged by the urine,
diuretics are tobe given, and the prognosis is good,
since the matter may be got rid of in this way. If,
*
however, the swelling and the pus mount up to that

degree that it may seem possible for one to cut into
it and let it out,' then proceed as follows :
'
First make a salve of culvers' (pigeons') dung l
and the like, and bathe the part with water and the
worts before spoken of.
When thou understandest that the swelling is
*
growing soft and mild, then touch thou it with the

cutting iron, and cut a little and cleverly, so that
the blood may come out, lest an evil pouch (or
sinus) descend Do not let too much
in thither.
blood at one time, lest the sick man become too
languid or die but when thou dost prick or cut it,
;
then have a linen cloth ready that thou mayst

soon bind up the cut therewith and when thou ;
wilt again let more, draw the cloth off, let it out
a little at a time till it gets dry. And when the
wound is clean, then enlarge it that the thirl (or
aperture) be not too narrow but do thou every day ;
syringe through it with a tube, and wash it out by

those means after that, lay thereon what may
;
1
This is recommended as an outward application by Paulus
Aegineta.
cleanse the wound. If it turn very impure, cleanse

it with honey and draw it again together/
After this comes a remarkable observation :
'
Whenthe insensible hardening of the liver is of
too long duration then it forms a dropsy which
cannot be cured.' This evidently refers to cirrhosis
of the liver with ascites ;
and is remarkable because
long after this, and up to the seventeenth century,
the prevalent belief was that dropsy caused hardening
of the internal organs instead of being caused by
it. The Saxon text gives, however, the doctrine
of the Greek physicians, such as Aretaeus and
Alexander.
With
regard to the operation itself, I can find no
description like it in any Greek or Latin author.
Alexander Trallianus does not speak of an operation,
nor does Paulus Aegineta nor Galen. Aretaeus
speaks of opening an abscess of the liver with a red
hot instrument, and the operation is said to be
spoken of by Hippocrates (though I have been
unable to trace the reference), and the recommenda-
tion is repeated by Aetius. But this is a different
operation from that spoken of in the Anglo-Saxon

text, and no full description is given by any of the
authors named.
Celsus, indeed, says that some people open a
vomica (abscess) of the liver with a scalpel, but
gives no details. Indeed I have not been able to
find so elaborate and complete a description of the
operation in any ancient writer.

It is clear, then, that this passage was not bor-
rowed from any of the ancient surgical texts now

known to us and the Saxon writer must have had
;
access to some ancient works which have not sur-

vived ; unless, indeed, the account was merely based
upon the actual experience of a contemporary
surgeon. Without saying that this is an impossible
supposition, I think we must admit that it is not
very probable.
There is an operation for hare-lip mentioned
(A.-S. L. ii. 57), which, like that for abscess of the
liver, seems above the general average of the

surgery.
*
For hare-lip, pound mastic very small, add the
white of egg, and mingle as thou dost vermilion *,
cut with a knife, sew fast with silk, then smear
without and in with the salve, ere the silk rot. If
it draw together, arrange it with the hand anoint ;
again soon.'
This isolated fragment of plastic surgery is not
described in such a way as to make it clear that the
Saxon leech had actually performed the operation
or seen it performed. But I have not been able to
find the original of the passage in any ancient
author.
Amputations are spoken of, but seem to have been

performed only for gangrene of a limb and in this ;
limitation the Anglo-Saxons seem to have followed

the old Greek surgeons, for neither they, nor their
followers the Arabians, nor the mediaeval doctors
1
This seems to mean as vermilion is mixed with white of egg
for painting. In the old painting for decoration of books, white
of egg was the medium chiefly employed.
seem to have generally recommended amputation of

a limb for any other lesion.
In the chapter, 'Of blackened and deadened body'
(A.-S. L. ii.
83) we read, after some description of
the condition :
wan (livid) or red things be come from

'If the
without, from wounds or cuttings or blows, soon do
thou heal those "things" with scarifyings and on-
layings (poultices ?) of barley, after the manner which
leeches well know thou shalt amend it. If the
;
blackened part be to that degree deadened that no

feeling be therein, then must thou cut away all the
dead and unfeeling part, as far as the quick, so that
there be nought remaining of the dead flesh, which
before felt neither iron nor fire. After that one
shall heal the wounds l '.
After some directions for after treatment, the

writer goes on:
'Apply the leechdoms according as thou seest

(the state of) the body. For a great difference there
is in the bodies of a man, woman, or child, between
that of a daily wright (workman) and that of the
idle, between old and young, &c.
'If thou wilt carve off or cut off a limb from a body,
then look thou of what sort the place be, and the
strength of the place, since some of the places readily
rot if one carelessly tends them some feel the ;
leechdoms earlier, some later. If thou must carve

off or cut off an unhealthy limb from a healthy body,
then carve thou not it on the edge of the healthy
body but much more cut or carve on the whole and
;
living body; so thou shalt better and readier cure it.'

Nothing is said about any means for arresting
1
Text is corrupt here. What Cockayne reads 'dolh swa thu'
= wounds as thou, must be '
dolhswathu '
= wound-traces, and
the scribe seems to have missed a line out.
haemorrhage after the operation. But Haeser (Gesch.

der Medicin, i. 500) remarks that the surgical
writers after Celsus and Galen seldom mentioned
these precautions, as they took them for granted.
if
Therefore, we need not suppose that the Saxon

surgeons were quite unacquainted with any methods
for stopping bleeding from severed or wounded
vessels.
In the treatise called Book III of the Leech Book
of Bald, but which really is no part of that work,
there is a curious bit of rough surgery.
"
'
If a man's headpan (skull) be " gelenked (trans-
lated seemingly iron-bound by the editor), lay the
man with face upward, drive two stakes into the
ground at the armpits, then lay a plank across his
feet, then strike on it thrice with a sledge beetle.
'
It will soon come right (A.-S. L. ii. 343).
It is not quite clear what is meant by the curious
term 'gelenked.' We might think of something
which produces rigidity of the neck, dislocation of
cervical vertebrae, tetanus, or only the familiar
1
stiff neck.' With regard to the extraordinary pro-
cedure suggested, it would be useless to speculate
exactlywhat was intended. Possibly there was

some vague recollection of the benches or other
wooden machines, known by such names as the
Scamnum Hippocratis, the Plinthium Nilei, &c.,
used by the Greek surgeons for reducing dislo-
cations *.
1
Figures attempting to reconstruct these machines are given
by Vidus Vidius in illustration of a treatise of Oribasius, taken
from Heliodorus De Machinamentis (Chirurgia e Graeco in
:
This is more intelligible :
If a man's bowel be out, pound galluc (comfrey),

1
wring through a cloth into milk warm from the

cow, wet thy hands therein, and put back the bowel
into the man, sew up with silk, then boil him galluc
for nine mornings, except need be for a longer time.
'
Feed him with fresh hens' flesh (A.-S. L. ii. 359).
Comfrey (Symphytum officinale) had the reputation
of possessing great power in uniting wounds or
broken parts and is still used for that purpose 1 in
;
England.
The actual cautery was used by the Saxon sur-
geons ;
thus in a leechdom for wounds we read :
*
If the edges of the wound are too high (granu-
lations run them round with a hot iron very lightly,
?)
'
so that the skin may whiten (A.-S. L. ii. 97).
In another place directions are given for healing
the sores made by surgical cauteries.
Latinum conversa, Paris, 1544, folio). More authentic figures

from a MS. of the ninth or tenth century of great interest for
the history of Greek surgery are given by H. Schb'ne in his
Apollonius von Kitium, &c. that is an illustrated commentary

;
by a later Greek surgeon on the treatise of Hippocrates on joints

(4to, Leipzig, 1896, with thirty-one photographic plates).
Dr. Hamilton Hall, of Tunbridge Wells, has sent me an
1
interesting note on the use of this herb in Sussex. It is thought

to be of great use in diagnosis.
'
The local
scrape modus is to
the root and put the scrapings (not unlike a dish of horseradish)
on the part alleged to be " sprained." If it adhere, there is un-
questionable evidence of the sprain; if not, there is no sprain
whatever, the patient may suppose. As a matter of fact the
scraped- wort poultice does harden very notably on a hot inflamed

area, and sticks for a considerable time. Moreover, there is
another point. The full story is that there are two comfreys the
pink for a man, and the white for a woman ; and the colour of
the flower does, in fact, vary.'
Bleeding by venesection is of course often re-

ferred to; sometimes it is directed that a special vein
should be opened. Cupping was also used, and
the 'cupping glass' is mentioned. But the operation
was also performed with a horn. Eather frequent
reference is made to scarifications, especially of the
legs, as a substitute for venesection (A.-S. L. ii.

4).
The Anglo-Saxons used several kinds of baths.

That most frequently mentioned is the stone bath,' '
that is, one in which the water was heated by putting

hot stones into it amethod of procuring hot water
still used for various rustic purposes at farms and
country houses in the present day (A.-S. L. ii. 61, 69).

Medicated baths are mentioned, and also the medi-
cated vapour bath referred to in my former lecture.
Clysters are several times mentioned ;

and were
administered apparently with a horn (A.-S. L. ii. 261).
I cannot say more about Anglo-Saxon surgery.
The general impression we derive from the books
is that it was a mixture of rough empiricism with
traditions and some definite documents derived
from the surgery of the Greeks. It is not sur-
prising that many passages, which appear to come
from some ancient author, cannot be identified for ;
we know that the literature of the best period of

Graeco-Koman surgery, the works of Archigenes,
Heliodorus, Leonides, Antyllus (all of whom are
more advanced than Celsus, the last and greatest
later than Galen), have perished, with the exception
of certain fragments preserved in the writings of
Oribasius, Aetius, and others. Possibly these works

existed in a more perfect state in the tenth century.

Possibly also a more minute research than I have
been able to make might detect the origin of some
of the Anglo-Saxon surgery. But not having been
able to consult the most complete texts containing
the fragments of these surgical authors, I must leave
that point for future inquiry.
PART II
CHARMS AND SUPERSTITIOUS MEDICINE

There is one element in the Anglo-Saxon
medicine, of which I have deferred the considera-
tion, but which must now be duly appreciated, that
is,the superstitious element by which I mean the
;
use of charms, incantations, exorcisms, the wearing

of amulets or other magical objects, the employment
of ceremonies and religious rites in the gathering or
preparation of medicines, and so forth.

There is no doubt much of this kind in the
Anglo-Saxon leechdoms, but it has by no means
the preponderance which some have assigned to it.
There was not more superstition in the Anglo-Saxon
medicine than in the contemporary and earlier
medicine of other countries. What there was
superstitious and magical in the Anglo-Saxon
writers was not peculiar to them, but was in part
derived from the literature of a much higher and
older civilization than theirs, and what was not
thus derived might easily be paralleled in those
more learned and cultured writings. In fact, one
SUPERSTITIOUS MEDICINE 95
might go further and say that such superstition as

is found hi the Anglo-Saxon medicine has been
found in the medicine of most countries and in

most ages of the world. With certain exceptions,
what we call superstition has generally formed
a part of every medical system, and if we look
impartially at the various systems of medicine now

prevailing in various parts of the globe, we find the
same thing ;
our own European art of healing is
the exception. So has this been regarded,
little
that it is necessary to emphasize the truth that

medicine free from superstition is not the rule, but
the exception.
One great and brilliant exception, indeed, there
has been recorded in the history of medicine. The
Greek art of healing for several centuries, from the
age of Hippocrates to that of Galen at least, or
later, was almost entirely free from supernatural
beliefs or superstitious practices. We know that
the Hippocratic medicine was developed out of
a system practised in the temples of Aesculapius,
which was an appeal to unseen and
essentially
supernatural powers, but it quickly threw off these
superstitious elements, and gave to the world an
example of medicine free from superstition. Thus
did Greek medicine remain for many centuries. In
the voluminous writings of Galen, though he was in
later times quoted as having countenanced these
things, there is no recommendation of charms or

magical proceedings of any kind.
Galen, for instance, in the introduction to his
96 LECTURE II: PART II
work on '
Simples,' speaks of a certain Pamphilus,
who wrote a book on herbs, that he was given to *
old wives' fables, and certain marvellous Egyptian

quackeries, mixed up with incantations used in
gathering medicinal herbs he employed periapts
;
(amulets) and juggleries which were not only useless

and outside the art of medicine, but perfectly false ;
and to discuss these things would be waste of time .' l
The meaning of this is plain enough, and all medical

writers of the pure Greek tradition, with their Latin
followers, either expressly or tacitly repudiate these

magical arts. For instance, Soranus, an eminent
writer on medicine and obstetrics, expressly rejects
charms and the like though he says to women in
;
childbirth charms may be sung, for it soothes them

and does no harm. This remains true till about the
sixth century, as will be shown hereafter.
Moreover, may I observe, in anticipation, that

when the Greek medical tradition was revived at
the school of Salerno in the tenth century and
earlier, this school also was entirely free from super-
stition. The broad stream of Greek medicine was
reduced to a narrow rill, but it was unpolluted 2 .
1
Galen, De Simplicium Medicamentorum Facultatibus, &c.,
lib. vi, Prooemium, Kiihn, vol. xi, p. 792.
2
It is, perhaps, as well to say here that the same is true,
broadly speaking, of Arabian medicine, -which was, in fact, a

version of the Greek. We do not find, in the Arabian medical
classics, charms or magical formulae, or reference to evil spirits
as causing disease, whatever may have been the popular beliefs
on such subjects. Avicenna and others recognized, indeed, the
occult powers of certain natural objects and the significance of
It must not be supposed, however, that there was

no superstitious medicine in Greece or in the Roman
empire during these centuries on the contrary, it ;
flourished abundantly, though it belonged to popular,
not to learned medicine. In Greece, from the

earliest times known to us, we find references to it.
In Homer weread that Ulysses, when wounded by

a wild boar, was cured by the sons of Autolycus
with incantations (Odyssey xix. 456), though I believe
there is no similar allusion in the Iliad. Similar
passages in other Greek poets.

may be found The
passages of the same purport in the Latin poets,
Horace, Martial, and others, have often been quoted
and need not be repeated.
However, the general belief must be noted that
most of the superstitious medicine of Eome and
even of Greece was derived from the East. Accord-
1
ing to Pliny , magic, the doctrine of the Magi,
originated in Persia, and was founded by Zoroaster :
and was brought into Greece by Osthanes, who

accompanied Xerxes on his war against the Greeks.
Notwithstanding this untoward political association,
Osthanes induced the Greeks to accept magic not
their colour and form, and were devoted

to alchemy and astro-
logy. Still, Arabian medicine began to reign in European

as the
medical schools, charms and medical superstitions began to dis-
appear from the works of regular physicians. Alchemy and
astrology, baseless pseudo-sciences as they were, at least pro-
fessed to be founded upon physical laws and the properties of
natural things, not upon the capricious actions of supernatural
beings.
1
Plinius, Naturalis Historia, lib. xxx, cap. 2, et seq.
only with zeal, but with a positive mania. Pliny

does not say that this was the only source of super-
stitious medicine, for there were traces of the same
in Italy, and more especially in Gaul. In his own
day, he says, magical medicine was celebrated in
Britain with such striking ceremonies that it might
seem as if the Britons had taught it to the Persians.
I quoted in the first lecture Pliny's account of the
rites used by the Britons in gathering medicinal
plants. But while some such belief in mysterious

powers and associations of natural objects might be
found in many parts of the world, it still remains
true that what the Eomans called magic, they, in
succession to the Greeks, derived from the East.
Besides the art of the Magi, there were the astro-
logy of the Babylonians and Egyptians, the Neo-Pla-
tonism of Alexandria with its multitudinous demono-
logy, the obscure beliefs of Gnosticism, dealing in
charms, spoken, written, or engraved on gems. All
these had a share in the vast system of magic or
superstitious medicine which gradually pervaded

Rome and the Roman empire. The Oriental super-
stitionshad great success. Several of the emperors,
Nero, Trajan, and others, fell under its influence ;
though in the end they tried to suppress it.

Several minor Latin medical writers became in-
fected with the superstitious taint, and introduced
magical formulae into their writings such, for ;
instance, as Serenus Sammonicus, the medical poet,

Apuleius Platonicus before mentioned, Sextus
Placitus, and above all, Marcellus Empiricus. But
99
these writers were not in the direct line of suc-

cession of Greek medicine. Pliny, though he ex-
presses great scepticism or utter disbelief in the
doctrines of the Magi, has preserved for us a large
number of their rites and formulae. This eclecticism
makes his Naturalis Historia a great storehouse of
information on these subjects. Though no longer
accepted, as it formerly was, for an infallible
authority, this ancient encyclopaedia becomes now

of ever-increasing importance to us as the history of
science is more studied.
Our concern here of course, with magic or
is not,
magical medicine in general, which is far too large

a subject to be considered now but only with the ;
relation of these superstitions the regular or

to
orthodox art of healing, which means here the
Greek classical medicine dating from Hippocrates.
But a word must be said in explanation of what we
understand by superstitions and what by regular
medicine.
I hope you will not demand of me a definition of
the word superstition,' for to frame one would be
'
a difficult task. I take the word in the usual sense,

and apply it to medical proceedings and methods
belonging to the following classes.
First we have charms and incantations, carmina
in Latin, tirooSai in Greek ;
that is, in plain English,
songs. These forms of words were originally meant

to be sung, and very often contain some rime,
jingle, or alliteration. The

origin of these may
perhaps be traced partly to the mere use of pleasing
sounds and soothing words to lull the pains of

disease, as to this day they are used in our lullabies
and cradle-songs to lull children to sleep. In old
days sick persons of all ages, as well as infants in
the cradle, were soothed and comforted by these
simple melodies. In our days infants in the
cradle only have the benefit of such consoling
strains adults on the sick bed do not demand,
:
and certainly do not receive this sort of consola-

tion.
But this explanation does not carry us very far ;
and is plainly not of general application. Indeed,

many of our modern nursery rimes are relics of
literary forms which had once a much deeper and

sometimes a more formidable meaning. For a large
number of these magical medical formulae have
evidently a definite purpose, that of banishing the
evil spirits which were imagined to be the authors
of disease. The belief that internal maladies due to

no visible cause are the work of evil spirits is
traceable in the earliest records of ancient medicine

which we possess, and is found among uncivilized
races in most parts of the world, as the accounts of
travellers and investigators clearly prove
l
. It is
1
The earliest known medical writings are those of the
Sumerians, the ancient inhabitants of Mesopotamia, now par-
tially deciphered from cuneiform inscriptions, dating from the
fourth or fifth thousand years before Christ. In these are found
formulae of conjurations, and accounts of symbolical rites by
which the sick were to be freed from diseases. The physician
was a seer, astrologer, and interpreter of dreams.
In the Babylonian medicine, every disease was personified as
evident that we have here one of the most funda-

mental, perhaps the most universal conception of
the origin of internal diseases. The magical
formulae framed with the object of coercing evil
spirits were banned by the Christian Church,
which substituted for them the formulae of exorcism
found in all ancient liturgies, and still, I believe, by
no means formally repudiated, though seldom
employed. The term exorcista is still applied to
one of the lower grades of ordained persons.
Beside these two origins for charms and the like,
there is another factor which is very evident in
a great deal of what we call superstitious medicine,
namely, a belief in the mysterious powers of natural

forces and of natural objects ; especially those of
the organic world, plants and animals, but also
those of inorganic origin, such as the stars of
heaven, springs of water, minerals and gems derived

from the earth. It was thought that these
mysterious influences could be propitiated and
brought to render service to mankind by special
prayers and forms of words. These prayers and
conjurations are in many cases addressed to the
deities supposed to rule over these phenomena of
nature, but not always so ;

for such beliefs were not
necessarily connected with actual polytheism, and
were something apart from the formal religion of
a special demon, who was to be expelled by conjurations or

exorcisms. The names of demons were the names of diseases
(Von Oefele, in Neuburger und Pagel, Geschichte der Medizin,
Vol. i, pp. 60, 71, 72).
the temples. We might call the belief 'Nature-
worship/ but that expression must not be taken too

literally. What lies at the bottom of it all is a dim
belief in some unseen powers, different from the
physical properties of nature, but manifested in the
external world and that these forces stand in some
;
mysterious relation to the spiritual nature of man,

as the physical forces are related to his bodily
frame.
To pursue this would be
vast subject further
beyond my knowledge and my powers. I must be

content with the above superficial glance at what
I believe to be the chief sources of what we call
medical superstition. The question which concerns
us is how these magical elements, banished
by the
school of Hippocrates from regular medicine, came
again to be mingled with it, and to form so impor-

tant a part of European medicine for many cen-
turies.
There are two Greek writers more especially to

whom the responsibility belongs of introducing into
classical medicine the magical elements derived from
the East, namely, Alexander of Tralles, so often
referred to as a great authority with the Anglo-
Saxons, and Aetius of Amida, both of the sixth

century. Aetius was probably the older, but
Alexander the more influential. To understand his
position we must remember that Alexander was an
Asiatic Greek, born at Tralles in Lydia, the son of
a physician who was fortunate in a brilliant and
highly educated family of sons. Several of the

brothers were successful professional men, and one,

Anthemius, has a place in history as the architect of
one of the most memorable buildings in the world,
the great Church of St. Sophia at Constantinople.
This fact not only shows the high intellectual level
of the family, but suggests that it was a Christian
family, a conclusion confirmed by some allusions in

the writings of Alexander himself. Alexander was
a highly educated physician trained in the great
traditions ofGreek medicine, which was still flour-
ishing and full of resources, though it had ceased
to produce any original works, and showed unmis-
takable signs of decadence. How did he then, a
learned and highly gifted man, fall away from the
truth, as we should say, and embrace these super-

stitious errors? It is clear that however much
a Hippocratic physician might try to preserve the
medical tradition in its purity, he must be greatly
influenced by surroundings. The society in
his
which Alexander lived, from the lowest to the
highest classes, believed implicitly in Oriental magic
and other superstitions. In medical matters this
belief gave rise to a popular medicine dealing with
what Alexander calls physical or natural
fao-iicd,
remedies, as distinct from the learned remedies of

the regular physicians. To this popular medicine,
Alexander, though he generally employed regular
and approved remedies, made large concessions, and
excused himself for his compliance in the following
way. There are many patients, he says, who will
not submit to regular medicinal or dietetic treat-
ment, and hence the physician is obliged to have

'
'
recourse to physical remedies, for a good physician
should be ready to help his patient by any kind
of means. But he will only recommend such
measures as have been approved by long experience.
Alexander defends the use of certain charms by
saying that he had proved by experience their
efficacy in diseases. Such remedies were, however,
only to be used when ordinary measures failed, and
were not to be given to any chance patient, but only
to those who had and could keep a secret
faith
(a suspicious precaution). But it would be an act

of inhumanity to omit the use of what did so much
good. Alexander further excuses himself by

quoting a passage from a work of Galen (of which
the original is now lost), to show that the master
himself did not deny the efficacy of magical
remedies :
'The divine Galen, who had formerly believed

charms (f7ra>8ai) to be of no value, nevertheless,
after a long time and great experience, found that
they were extremely powerful. Hear then what
he says in his treatise On Medical Treatment in
Homer.'
These are the words of Galen :
'
Some think, as I myself did for a long time,
that charms are no better than old wives' fables,
but I have become convinced in the course of
time, and by manifest evidence, that there is
power in them for I have had experience of their
;
utility to those stung by scorpions, and not less

in the case of bones swallowed and sticking in
the throat, which were at once expectorated by
the help of a charm. There are many which are

excellent for particular cases ;
and the charms
attain their end.'
These words may have been written by Galen,

but it is to be observed that the work from which
they are ostensibly taken, On Medical Treatment in
Homer, isquite unknown except in this reference,
and seems to have perished, so that Alexander's
quotation cannot be verified. If Galen really wrote
thus, it must have been in his old age, and this
tardy can hardly weigh against the
recantation
explicit disavowal found in other places, and the

entire absence of any prescription of charms in his
other writings.
However, was enough for Alexander, who pro-
it
ceeds in the same passage to say that the most
powerful remedy against stone in the kidneys is

a ring made of Cyprian copper, on which should be
engraved the image of a lion, the moon, and a star ;
and which should be worn on the little finger or

the medicinal (i.e.the ring) finger!
Alexander's writings indeed contain a large
number of magical formulae and rites, most of which
are probably of Oriental origin, but some were picked
up during his travels in Italy and elsewhere and

some contain Christian allusions. It seems desirable
to give some examples of the superstitious receipts
found in this classical Greek writer, to show what
kind of material was found in the sources from
which the Anglo-Saxons derived much of their
medical lore.
Alexander recommends that medicinal herbs

should be gathered with prayers and magical incanta-
tions, and special ceremonial rites at special times
determined by the position of the heavenly bodies.
Certain parts of animals or plants had wondrous
powers if hung round the neck of the patient, or
applied to the affected part of the body. The same

effect had sacred words, or even a verse of Homer,
written on gold or vellum and worn upon the body

as an amulet. Along with these went many other
beliefs and practices which we call superstitions.
As examples I will quote one or two of Alexan-

der's prescriptions for gout.
The tendons from the legs and claws of a vulture
are to be applied to the ankles of the patient
affected with gout, taking care that the right foot
of the bird is applied to the right foot of the man,
and the left to the left.
Again, the small bones from the foot of a hare,

hung round the patient's neck, greatly alleviate
the pains in the joints ;
but the hare must not be
killed.
Some recommend writing the following verse of

Homer on a gold leaf while the moon is in the sign
of Libra still better if she is in the sign of Leo :
8'
a.yopr\, vrrb vTwayj^To yata.
(Iliad, ii.
95.)
'The assembly was in confusion, and the earth
underneath groaned.'
Another charm was to write on a gold leaf, when
the moon is waning, the following words, and tie it
up, with the tendons of a crane, in a packet which

the patient was to wear round his ankle :
Meij threu, moe, phor, teux, za, zon, the, lu, chri, ge,
ze, on,as the sun is kept stable in these words, and
is renewed every day, so make this organ firm as it
'
was before, now, now, quickly, quickly &C. 1 !
Another more elaborate

still piece of magic to
cure the gout was as follows :
Dig round the sacred herb Hyoscyamus before

'
sunset with the thumb and the medical (or third)

finger not touching the root, and address it in
a solemn invocation "Sacred herb, I bid thee,
I bid thee, to-morrow I summon thee to the house
of my patient to stop the rheum of his feet, I con-
jure thee by the great name of Jaoth, Sabaoth, the
God who made the earth solid and the sea to stand
still, &c. Take into thyself the spirit and power of
the earth, thy mother, and dry up the rheum of this
"
man or this woman.'
The next morning the herb was to be dug up
before sunrise with the bone of a dead animal,
taken in the hand and conjured with the sacred
names Jaoth, Sabaoth, Adonai, Eloi, sprinkled with
and then, with another charm, hung round the
salt,
2
gouty patient's neck .
These quotations are fair samples of the magical

medicine of Alexander but it must not be supposed
;
that he always prescribed remedies of this kind for
gout or for other diseases. On the contrary, the
1
Helm (Incantamenta magica Graeca Latina, 1892, p. 535)
explains these monosyllables as representing the twelve signs of
the Zodiac; but as there are thirteen words one must be super-
fluous.
2
Alex. Trallianus, ed. Puschmann, Vol. ii, p. 584.
greater part of his work is taken up with the

ordinary medical treatment; and his recommenda-
tions are often very sensible and useful. But we
see that the door was thus opened to the wildest
fancies and grossest superstitions, such as we find
in the Greek successors of Alexander, and still
more in their Latin contemporaries. One Latin

writer, Marcellus Empiricus, earlier than Alexander,
especially abounds in such charms ;
and it was
from his writings, as well as those of the later
Greek and Latin medical authors, that the Anglo-
Saxons borrowed a good deal of their magical
medicine.
I know that it will naturally be asked, whether
a great part of these Saxon charms and medical
rites are not derived from Teutonic or Celtic medi-
cal folklore. The answer to this question is diffi-
cult for more reasons than one. It is not easy

from the form or contents of a charm to know
whether it originated in folklore or in borrowed
learning. A great deal of so-called '
folk-medicine
'
isold-fashioned regular medicine which has sunk

down to the level of the unlearned, and has some-
times put on a rustic dress. It is not all so, of course,
but many charms and the like collected by students
of folklore and called provincial may be traced to
Oriental, Greek, or Latin sources. know that We

'
the northern nations had '
runes or charms con-
cerning herbs, but none of the charms in the Leech

Books can be definitely traced to such a source,
though there is at least one written in runic
characters. There is also a very remarkable poem

concerning herbs in which Woden is introduced,
though it contains also but Christian allusions ;
this can hardly be called a charm. There are some

other curious charms in verse which may be very
ancient. The witchcraft
of the northern peoples is
also well known, but this finds a place in the Leech
Books only as an evil sorcery against which charms
are given ;
as there are also against elves, against
elf-disease, and for an '
elfshot,' that is, bewitched

animal. There is also a remedy (not a charm),
against a
'
dwarf,' that is, a malignant spirit Also 1

.
we have a charm
'Against every evil rune-lay, and
:
one full of elvish tricks, write this writing in Greek

letters "alpha, omega, Jesum Beronike (St. Ve-
'
ronica)," &c.
With
regard to Celtic popular medicine there is
a charm containing unknown words which the
editor identifies as Irish, and another described as
Scottish (i.e. Gaelic or Irish), but which the editor
says appears to belong to no known language (A.-S. L.

ii. ii, US)-
these quotations we see that anything in
From
the nature of a rune-lay was purposely omitted as
being of heathen origin, and hence proscribed by

the Church. The whole spirit of the Leech Books
generally is Christian, and thus opposed to the old

pagan charms and witchcraft. The absence of
charms avowedly derived from the old folklore is
1
A.-S. L. i.
139, 365, 369. See also Mr. Cockayne's Introduc-
tion, p. xlvii.
thus easily explained. If there were any such their

origin was ignored.
This brings us to the very important question
which we must consider for a moment, viz. the
attitude of the Church with respect to magic and
superstitious medicine generally.

Of course this attitudewas one of hostility. All
this superstitious medicine was so closely connected
with pagan idolatry, native, classical, or Oriental,
that the Church could not sanction it it was ;
thought to be the work of demons and evil spirits.
But at the same time the reality and power of these

charms and rites were not questioned. These evil
powers had to be overcome by the power of the
true God. The charms were met by counter-
charms. Invocations of Christ and the saints were
substituted for the invocations of spirits and the
occult powers of nature. Thus it must be said that
in their condemnation of the evil powers the clergy
maintained an intellectual atmosphere which was
eminently favourable to superstition and credulity.
This is perhaps the explanation of their want of
success in dealing with magic. In the books of
penalties for spiritual offences, such as the Paeni-
tentiale of Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury,
which is one of the earliest, penalties are imposed
upon those who had to do with witchcraft, heathen
rites, worship of trees, and other natural objects,
and so forth. In the translations of the Latin
books of herbs already spoken of, the invocations
to the earth, to herbs and the like, were carefully
omitted, or in some
instances erased in the MSS.,
Christian prayers and benedictions being sometimes
substituted.In gathering medicinal herbs, prayers
and masses were to be said in place of the old
heathen formulae.
For instance, in the Latin MSS. of the Herbarium
of Apuleius there are, as before mentioned, some-
times found prayers addressed to the earth, to all
herbs, and to some special herbs. These are not
strictly a part of the treatise of Apuleius, but often
prefixed to it, and are of course omitted by the
Anglo-Saxon translators. A formula which seems
to take its place in some degree is a 'Benedictio
Herbarum' found in another place. It is as fol-
lows :
Omnipotens sempiterne deus qui ab initio mundi

'
omnia instituisti et creasti tarn arborum generibus

quam herbarum seminibus quibus etiam benedic-
tione tua benedicendo sanxisti eadem nunc benedic-
tione olera aliosque fructus sanctificare ac benedicere
digneris ut sumentibus ex eis sanitatem conferant

mentis et corporis,' &c. (A.-S. L. iii. 79).
We find also prayers called 'Benedictio potus' and
'
Benedictio unguenti,' intended to accompany the
use of medicines and salves. But these are rather
religious than medical, and can hardly be called
charms. Mr. Cockayne says there are similar
prayers in the Durham Ritual.
In such ways did the Church seek to wean the
people from the use of heathen magic in medicine,
though apparently with little success. For all
through the middle and later ages, these super-

stitionswere very general, and are by no means
extinct even at the present day.
As a specimen of the manner in which this
subject was treated by the highest minds among
the ecclesiastics I will quote from the noble sermon
of St. Eligius, or Eloy, Bishop of Noyon, to which
I referred in a former
Though the bishop
lecture.
was not an Anglo-Saxon, he lived at a time which

comes within our period, namely, in the seventh
century.
'Before things I declare and testify to you

all
that you none of the impious customs
shall observe
of the pagans, neither sorcerers, nor diviners, nor
soothsayers, nor enchanters, nor must you presume
for any cause, or for any sickness, to consult or
inquire of them for he who commits this sin loses
;
unavoidably the grace of baptism. In like manner

pay no attention to auguries and sneezings and ;
when you are on a journey pay no attention to the

singing of certain little birds. But whether you
are setting out on a journey, or beginning any other
work, cross yourself in the name of Christ, and say
the Creed and the Lord's Prayer with faith and
devotion, and then the enemy can do you no
harm. .Let no Christian place lights at the
. .
temples, or the stones, or at fountains, or at trees,

... or at places where three ways meet, or pre-
sume to make vows. Let none presume to hang
amulets on the neck of man or beast even though ;
they l)e made l>y the clergy, and called holy things, and
contain the words of Scripture ; for they are fraught,
not with the remedy of Christ, but with the poison
of the Devil. Let no one presume to make lustra-
tions, nor to enchant herbs, nor to make flocks pass
through a hollow tree, or an aperture in the earth ;
for by so doing he seems to consecrate them to the

devil.
1
Moreover, as often as any sickness occurs, do

not seek enchanters, nor diviners, nor sorcerers, nor
soothsayers, or make devilish amulets at fountains
or trees, or cross-roads but let him who is sick
;
trust only to the mercy of God, and receive the

sacrament of the body and blood of Christ with
faith and devotion and faithfully seek consecrated
;
oil from the church, wherewith he may anoint his
body in the name of Christ, and according to the

Apostle, the prayer of faith shall save the sick, and
the Lord shall raise him up' (Maitland, The Dark
Ages, London, 1841, p. 150).
We can
hardly approve, indeed the medical
profession cannot be expected to approve, of so
literal an interpretation of the Epistle of St. James,
as to ignore the aid of secular medicine for the sick.

But apart from nothing could be better than
this,
the tone of these injunctions. It must have re-
quired some independence of mind to forbid the
use of Christian amulets. The superstitions about
hollow trees and holes in the earth or in stones
were firmly believed in parts of the West of England
during the last century, and probably are so to-day'.
It would have been well if all ecclesiastical authorities
had been as enlightened and thorough-going as the

good Bishop of Noyon.
1
See Popular Romances of the West of England, or Drolls,
Traditions,and Superstitions of Old Cornwall, by Robert Hunt,
London, 1871, 2nd ed., p. 415.
ANGLO-SAXON CHARMS
The number of charms in the Anglo-Saxon leech

books taken together is considerable, but they
compose only a small portion of each book. In the
Leech Book of Bald, of which the two authentic
books contain about 160 chapters, some with many
paragraphs, including several hundred leechdoms,
there are only thirty formulae which can be called
'
Charms.' Of these, seventeen are distinctly
Christian, while four contain Latin or unknown
words, not Christian.
In the so-called Book III (not an integral part of
the work), which contains seventy-three chapters,
some long, there are twenty-three charms, of which
twelve are Christian. The larger proportion is
noteworthy. In other collections of leechdoms, the

proportion is somewhat larger but, on the whole,
;
as will be seen, themagical element, to which

much importance has been attached, forms really
only a very small part of Anglo-Saxon medical
literature.
As seems necessary to adopt some kind of
it
classification, I arrange the Anglo-Saxon charms

under the following heads :
Prayers, invocations, or other verbal formulae

I.
addressed to the herbs and special observances,

;
used when gathering them or other natural

remedies.
Prayers and mystical words repeated over

II.
the' patient, or written and applied to some part

ANGLO-SAXON CHARMS 115
of his body as an amulet, with or without material

remedies. Such words are often in a foreign tongue,
as Latin among those who do not speak it Greek ;
or Hebrew among the Latins. They are sometimes

in an unknown and unintelligible language like ;
those called by the Greeks 'Eêa-ta ypdâra, or
Ephesian words, the meaning of which phrase it

would take too long to explain. But they are some-
times in the vernacular \
III. Direct conjurations or exorcisms addressed
to diseases as if they were evil spirits.
IV. Narrative charms, that is, anecdotes relating

to sacred or legendary personages, who suffered or
did something analogous to what the patient is
suffering from.
V. Material magic ;
that is, the attribution of
magical powers to certain objects, such as plants

or parts of animals, stones and engraved gems ;
none of these objects being taken or used medi-

cinally,but applied to some part of the patient's
body, as amulets or periapts.
VI. Transference of disease by a verbal formula,
or a ceremony, to some animal or material object, or
in some way to the outside world.
Examples of most of these have been given from

Alexander Trallianus. I now give some eorrespond-
ing passages from the Anglo-Saxon books.
r
1
See Helm's Incantamenta Magica Graeca Latina, Leipzig, 1892,
p. 525.
I. CHARMS AND CEREMONIES EMPLOYED IN

GATHERING MEDICINAL HERBS, &c.
*
has been observed that prayers or invo-
I. It
cations addressed to herbs and natural objects are

for the most part omitted or avoided by the Anglo-
Saxons, when found in heathen authors. It is
strange, however, that the Saxons sometimes added

words of this kind. For instance, in the Herbarium
Apukii is a statement that Artemisia (mugwort)
carried in the hands prevents a traveller from
'
becoming tired (Herbarium Apuleii, A.-S. L. i. 103).

In the Leech Book of Bald we find the following
leechdom :
'
For much travelling overland, lest a man tire:
Let him take mugwort in his hand or put it in his
shoe lest he should weary. And when he will pluck
it before sunrise, let him say first these words
" Tollam te Artemisia ne lassus sim in via," sign it
(i. e. with the sign of the Cross) when thou pullest
'
itup (A.-S. L. ii. 155).
The Anglo-Saxons employed many sacred words
and ceremonies in gathering herbs. These, in the
books we have, are mostly Christian, and seem to
have been substituted for the heathen charms,
indigenous or classical, formerly used.
For instance :
If the worm or the bleeding fig (haemorrhoid)

1
turn downwards, delve round a plant of celandine

root and take it with thy two hands turned upwards,
and sing over it nine Pater Nosters, and at the ninth,
at " Deliver us from evil," snap it up, and take from
CHARMS IN GATHERING HERBS 117
that plant and from others that may be there a little

cupful (of juice) and let the man drink it and let ;
one rub him at a warm fire it will soon be well ;

'
with him (A.-S. L. iii. 39).
*
For the delirious :
'
Bishopwort, lupin, bonewort, everfern (polypody),

githrife (corncockle, gith ?) elecampane. When day
and night divide, then sing thou in the Church
litanies, that is, the names of the hallows (saints)
and the Pater Noster. With the song go thou near
the worts, and go thrice about them, and when thou
takest them go again to church with the same song,
and sing twelve masses over them, and over all the
drinks which belong to the disease in honour of the
'
twelve apostles (A.-S. L. ii. 139).
"
'
A
drink for " Theor disease l delve about sour ;
ompre (sorrel dock), sing thrice the Pater N ester,

jerk it up; then, while thou sayest sed libera nos
a ma/o, take five slices of it and seven peppercorns,
bray them together, and while thou be working it,
sing twelve times the psalm Miserere mei Deus and
Gloria in excelsis Deo and the Pater Noster, and
then pour it all over with wine when day and night ;
divide, then drink the dose and wrap thyself up

warm' (A.-S. L. ii. 117).
It is evident that this use of Latin prayers implies
that the leech who gathered the worts was a clerical
person.
The in the following leechdom is very
ritual
elaborate, and recalls the ceremonies prescribed by

Alexander Trallianus in gathering Hyoscyamus. It
'
is for elf disease,' that is, for a person bewitched
by elves.
*
Go on Thursday evening when the sun is set where
1
See note on p. 48.
thou knowest that Helenium stands then sing the ;
Benedicite and Pater Noster and a litany, and stick thy

knife into the wort; make it stick fast and go away;
go again when day and night divide; at the same
time go first to church and cross thyself, and com-
mend thyself to God. Then go in silence, and
though anything of an awful nature, or a man meet
thee, say not to him any word ere thou come to the
wort which thou. didst mark the evening before.
Then sing the Benedicite and the Pater Noster, and
a litany delve up the wort, let the knife stick in it.
;
Go again as quick as thou canst to church and lay

it under the altar with the knife. Let it lie till the
sun be up wash it afterwards, and make into a drink
;
with bishopwort and lichen off a crucifix boil in ;
milk thrice, thrice pour holy water upon it and sing

the Pater Noster, the Credo, and the Gloria in
and sing upon it a litany, and mark a cross
excelsis,
with a sword round it on three sides and after that ;
let the man drink the wort soon will it be well

;
'
with him (A.-S. L. ii. 347).
In the following leechdom pure water is made
medicinal by prayers :
If wens (? spasms) pain a man at the heart, let

'
a maiden go to a spring which runs due east, and

ladle up a cupful, moving the cup with the stream,
and sing over it the Creed and Pater Noster, and
then pour it into another vessel and ladle up some
more, so as to have three cups full. Do so for nine
days soon will it be well with the man (A.-S. L.
'
iii. 75)-
It is curious that no directions are given for the
patient to drink the water. This observance may

have been a relic of the old German and Northern
worship of springs, which the clergy, not being able
to abolish, sanctified with Christian rites. similar A
CHARMS IN GATHERING HERBS 119
superstition exists, or existed lately, in Cornwall as

l
to whooping cough .
The use of natural remedies and of sacred objects

is sometimes curiously combined. For instance :
'
Against any poison, put in holy water betony

and the small atterlothe, drink the water, and eat
the worts.'
If an adder strike a man, or for whatever (injury)
'
cometh of shots, wash the black snail in holy water ;
give him to drink V

II. CHARMS IN THE MORE ORDINARY SENSE, THAT IS,
MYSTICAL WORDS PRONOUNCED OR WRITTEN DOWN
Many charms in the Anglo-Saxon

of these verbal
books are derived from classical or from biblical
sources, being generally in Latin, and can hardly be
understood without reference to these.
For instance, in many of the Latin charms the
essential thing was to name the sick man and his
father, as in a tradition preserved by Pliny that the

root of nettle was a cure for ague ;
but the names
of the sick man and his parents must be pronounced
when it was pulled up 3 .
1
See R. Hunt's Popular Romances, $c., of the West of England,
2nd ed., 1871, p. 416.
Holy water was largely used in the preparation of medicines ;

2
and even this superstition has survived into modern times.

Mr. Hunt, in the work on Cornish superstitions already referred
to, says that the water used for baptism is regarded as 'holy
'
water and much prized. Fonts in country churches used to be
locked to prevent people from stealing the water left after a
christening, which was wanted to undo spells, i.e. against witch-
craft (op. cit., p. 413).
3
Plinii Naturalis Historia, xxii. cap. 16.
Similar forms of words are found in Marcellus
Empiricus, and other Latin authors.

This hint will help us to understand some charms
which seem at first sight quite unintelligible ;
for
instance, the following, which is a curious medley of

Latin and English :
Sing this for toothache after the sun hath gone

'
down "
Caio laio quaque voaque ofer saeloficia
:
sleah manna wyrm." Then name the man and his

"
father, then say Lilumenne," it acheth beyond
:
everything ;
when
it lieth low it cooleth ;
when on
earth it burneth hottest finit. Amen.' ; (A.-S. L.
iii. 8, 9.)
The first two words are for Gaio Seio. Gaius Seius
was used in Latin charms for a certain person,' *
6 SfTva, as we should say A or B. Gaius is the

fictitious name often used in Koman law books, as
John Eoe and others used to be in old English
law. The feminine Gaia seia occurs in a charm in
1
Marcellus Empiricus (cap. xxi. 3) Probably it had .
become a mere jingle.

These words look absolutely unmeaning, and are
anyhow not translateable ;
but may be corrupt
forms of Latin and Greek, which in the original,
'
were not without meaning. To explain wyrm we *
should remember that toothache was generally

attributed to a worm.
Another class of charms have their origin in
misused words from the scriptures or apocryphal
Christian writings, the names of the four Evangelists
being often used.

1
See Helm's Incantamenta magica, p. 480.
CHARMS IN WORDS 121
For instance, in the Leech Book of Bald we

have :
'
A drink against spring diseases (i. e,
Ague), Fever-
fue, the herb ram's gall (Menyanthes) fennel, way-
broad. Let a man sing many masses over the worts,
wet them with ale, put holy water on them, boil very
thoroughly, let the sick man drink a large cupful
as hot as he may, before the disorder be upon him ;
name the four Gospellers and a charm and a prayer.

Matheus + + Marcus + + Lucas + + Johannes + +
'
intercedite pro me. Tiecon, Leleloth patron, adiuro vos.
Again, a godly prayer. 'In nomine domini sit
benedictum Berenice Beronicen, et habet in vesti-
mento et in femore suo scriptum rex regum et
'
dominus dominantium (Rev. xix. 16 (Vulgate)).
Again, a godly prayer. In nomine sit benedictum
'
;
DEEKETH HAND THIN DEERETH HAND THIN "Thine

" '
hand vexeth, thine hand vexeth (A.~S. L. ii. 141).
The first part of this charm needs no explanation,

but it is curious to find, along with the four Evan-
gelists, such barbarous names as Tiecon, Leleloth.

Mr. Cockayne explains that Leleloth is the name
of an Arabian idol. The other is unexplained but
evidently they are not Christian names, and point
to an Oriental origin for the charm.
In the second godly prayer, the word Berenice
means Veronica, and refers to the legend of the
St.
sacred handkerchief which received the miraculous
picture of Christ. This is a favourite name in

charms.
In the third prayer the English words given in
capitals seem to have been in the original written
in Runic characters and are perhaps derived from
some old '
Rune-lay.' So that in this one leech-

PAYNE JJ
dom we have an extraordinary mixture of scrip-

tural names, heathen mythology and old Teutonic
l
folk-lore .
The following also comes from the Leech Book of

Bald:-
'For stroke of viper, remove from thine ears
the wax, and smear around therewith, and say
thrice the prayer of St. John :
Dominus meus et pater et films et spiritus sanctus,

cui omnia subiecta sunt cui omnis potestas sub-
:
iecta est et metuit et expavescit et draco fugit, et ;
silet vipera, et rubeta ilia quae dicitur rana quieta

2
torpescit, et scorpius extinguitur,' &,c. (A.-S.L.ii. 113).
Charms in an unknown tongue. Some of the words

used in charms are, as has been said, quite unin-
telligible, e. g. :
'
man or a beast drink a worm, sing the
In case a
lay hereinafter written in the right ear if it be of
male kind sing it in the left ear if it be of female
;
kind :
Gonomil, orgomil, marbumil, marbsai, ramum, tofeth,

tengo, docuillo, limn, &c.'
(I do not quote the whole, as such words convey
1
Charms containing the names of the four Evangelists were
commonly used in the Middle Ages and up to the eighteenth
century, if not at the present day. I have lately come across an
instance in a charm, one of many, written out and preserved

about the year 1713 by a doctor's apprentice in Berkshire, one
William Savory, who learned them from his master or from
a neighbouring doctor. It recites also the names of three wise
men of the East, Gaspar, Melchior, and Balthazar, favourite
personages in charms, and other holy names (see St. Thomas's

Hospital Gazette, vol. xiii, p. 89, May 1903).
8
Mr. Cockayne says that this prayer comes from the legendary
'
Assumptio Sancti lohannis apostoli.'

CHARMS IN WORDS 123
no sense to the reader). Dr. Bradley informs me

that the words are corrupt Irish but are not con-
secutively intelligible (A.-S. L. iii. n).
The following are from the Leech Book of
Bald : Some of these words are also Irish.
'
To stanch blood : some write
this, aegryn, thon,
struth, fola,aergrenn tart, struih on, tria, &c.' (about
thirty unintelligible words are given) (A.-S. L. ii. 55).
These words, or something like them, occur in
several charms.
'
For flying venom and every venomous swelling
[that is for epidemic diseases and for the bubonic
plague].
'
On a Friday churn butter which has been milked
from a neat or hind all of one colour and let it not ;
be mingled with water. Sing over it nine times

a litany, and nine times the Pater Noster, and nine
times this incantation :
Acrae, aercrae, aernem, nadre, aercuna, Twl, aernem

aeradspice,' &c.
Some of the words here look like corrupted Latin,

but cannot be made out. Mr. Cockayne says this
charm is said in the table of contents to be Scottish,
that is Gaelic or Irish, but the words themselves
belong to no known language.
The leechdom goes on :
'
Some teach us against bite of adder to speak one
" Faul" it
word, that is, may not hurt him.'
;
'Against bite of snake, if the man procures and

eats rind which cometh out of Paradise, no venom
will damage him. Then said he that wrote this
book that the rind was hard to be gotten.'
This is, I think, the only touch of humour in the
Leech Book.
It should be observed that charms in an unknown

tongue were much in use among the ancients. I
have given some examples from Alexander Trallianus ;
but they are still more numerous in Marcellus Em-

piricus The following
1
.
examples of these are
'
'
Ephesian words :
A charm against toothache was to repeat the

words Argidam, margidam, sturgidam seven times
on a Tuesday or Thursday when the moon was
waning.
For stomach-ache, to press the left thumb upon
the stomach and repeat adam bedam alam betar
alam botum. Another charm consisted in the
words :
Alabanda Alabandi alambo, with certain ceremonies.

There are a number of similar formulae, but
I have not found any identical with the strange
words used in the Anglo-Saxon charms.
One of the most extraordinary examples of the
employment of sacred rites in the administration
of medicines is the use made of ecclesiastical
furniture, such as sacramental vessels and even

church bells. This is an example from the Leech
Book of Bald :
Against fever disease: man shall write this A

upon the sacramental paten, and wash it off into
the drink with holy water.
+ + +^1+ + + + +CD+
" In
+ + + + + + + +
and sing over it. principio erat verbum, &c."
(John i.
i).
Then wash the writing with holy water
1
Helm's Incantamenta magica, p. 529.
EXORCISM OF DISEASES 125
off the dish into the drink, then sing the Credo,
and the Pater Noster, and this lay Beati Immacu- :
lati, the psalm (Ps. cxix) with the twelve prayer

psalms.'
(Then follows a peculiar charm which I shall
give later.) 'And let each of the two men (the
leech and the patient) sip thrice of the water'
(A.-S. L. ii.
137).
In the same place we find the following :
'
Adrink -for a fiend-sick man (i. e. a demoniac or
lunatic) when a devil possesses the man or affects
him from within with disease, to be drunk out of
a church bell.
'
Take yarrow, betony (and several other
githrife,
worts); work up the drink with clear ale, sing
seven masses over the worts, add garlic and holy
water, and drip the drink into every drink that
he shall afterwards drink and then let him drink
;
it out of a church bell, and let the mass

priest sing
this over him after he has drunk it " Domine sancte
:
pater omnipotens, &c."
III. EXORCISM OF DISEASES
Another very curious class of charms is that in

which the disease is conjured to depart, sometimes
with threats, as if it were an evil spirit. Many
such are among the Latin charms given by Mar-
cellus Empiricus, Pliny, and other Latin writers.
The belief in diseases being caused by evil spirits
has already been touched upon.
I will first give instances from the Latin writers.
Marcellus Empiricus gives for the cure of gout
what he carmen idioticum, fuge, fuge, podagra

calls
l
de pedibus meis et omnibus membris meis .' !
Carmen idioticum means, of course, a charm used

by laymen, a popular charm but a modern reader ;
might excusably take it in a different sense.

Heim gives from Plinius Valerianus a charm
against quartan ague, in which the disease is
threatened with the mighty name of Solomon.
'
Recede ab illo Gaio Seio 2
;
Solomon te sequitur V
With this may be compared the following Anglo-
Saxon leechdom :
1
Against a strange (or unnatural) swelling, sing upon
thy leech finger (third finger) a paternoster, and
draw a line about the sore and say Fuge diabolus, :
Christus te sequitur ; quando natus est Christus, fugit

dolor; and afterwards say another paternoster, and
'
4
fuge diabolus (A.-S. L. i.
394).
Several exorcisms of fevers and agues occur, as in

the following:
'
Contra frigora omnibus horis scribis in carta et
cum licio ligas ad collum egroti hora deficiente :
1
Marcellus de Medicamentis, cap. xxxvi. 70, p. 379, ed.
Helmreich.
2 '
For an explanation of the words '
Gaio Seio see above.
8
Heim, op. cit., p. 479.
4
The word translated strange is uncuthum,' literally un-
' ' ' '
known,' the meaning of which does not correspond to the modern

word uncouth,' but means weird or supernatural. In the form
'
' '
unketh it occurs in this sense in old English. This interpreta-
tion is supported by a superstition prevalent among the Irish
peasantry that sudden swellings on the hands or exposed parts

are caused by the touch of the hand of a fairy. In the Saxon
charm there is evidently an allusion to something of this kind.
EXORCISM OF DISEASES 127
'
In nomine domini crucifix! sub Pontio Pilato, per
signum crucis Xti, fugite febres, seu frigora coti-
diana, seu tertiana vel nocturna [? quartana] a servo
Dei N. Septingenta XIV milia angelo(rum) per-
sequentur nos (? vos) + Eugenius, Stephanus,
Protacius, Sambucius, Dionisius, Chesilius, et Quiria-
cus. Ista nomina scribe et super se portet qui
patitur.'
Against chills at all hours of the day write on
'
a paper and bind with a cord on the neck of the

patient in the evening the following :
"
In the name of our Lord, crucified under Pontius
Pilate, by the sign of the cross of Christ. Fevers
or quotidian chills, or tertian, or quartan, depart
from the servant of God N. Seven hundred and
fourteen thousands of angels will follow you +
Eugenius, Stephanus, Protacius, Sambucius, Dioni-
sius, Chesilius, and Quiriacus. Write these names,
and let the patient carry them upon him."
'
The seven names are doubtless those of early

1
Christian saints .
The charm referred to above as recited when

drinking the sanctified drink washed off the sacra-
mental paten is very similar to the last quoted. It
1
Charms of this particular kind do not often appear in
mediaeval books, but I have come across one such in a MS.
collection of recipes kept for his own use by a physician living
in England in the middle of the seventeenth century, whose name
does not occur, but who was evidently a highly educated man.
It is as follows :
Coniuratio Febrium.
Coniuro YOS febres de quacunque natione estis per P. F. et

S.S.,per admonitionem Christi, per Sanctam Mariana virginem,
ut non noceatis huic famulo Dei sed recedatis unde venistis.
Amen ... a ... g ... L ... a ... de.

contains no threats, but many holy names are

recited.
'
Adiuro vos frigores (frigora) et febres per Deum
pat.rem omnipotentem et per ems filium lesum
Christum, &c. ut recedatis de hoc famulo dei et
. . .
1
de corpusculo eius,' &C.
IV. NARRATIVE CHARMS

A very remarkable class of charms, which in our
leechdoms appear to be mostly of Christian origin,
are those founded on some narrative or legend,
plainly fabulous, but introducing Christian per-
sonages and names. There are several examples in

Marcellus and other Latin and Greek writers, many
of which are of course much older and pre-Christian ;
but I quote only those given in the Anglo-Saxon

books. Several survived in mediaeval and even up
to modern times.
1
I would venture to suggest, though I do not know whether
the passage has ever been considered in this light, that these
exorcisms may have been founded on a corruption of the passage
'
in Luke, cap. iv, v. 39, where it is said that Christ ' rebuked the
fever. The same word being used in verses 35 and 41 ; He
'
rebuked ' the devils.
It is probable that these charms were regarded as exorcisms,
which would only be efficacious if pronounced by a cleric, and

would be improper in the mouth of a layman. Hence they are
rare in strictly medical books, but some survive, I believe, in the
manuals for exorcists.
But the earliest exorcisms against diseases, regarded as demons,
are found in the early Babylonian medicine (see Note, p. 100).
NARRATIVE CHARMS 129
Perhaps the most remarkable, or at all events the

most absurd of these narrative charms, is one for the
toothache.
Contra dokrem dentium.
'
Christus super mar-
moreum sedebat Petrus tristis ante eum stabat,
;
manum ad maxillam tenebat et interrogabat eum ;
Dominus dicens, quare tristis es Petre ? Eespondit

Petrus et dixit, Domine, dentes mei dolent, et
Dominus dixit Adiuro te migranea
: vel gutta
maligna per patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum et
per caelum et terrain, et per XX ordines angelorum
et per LX prophetas et per XII apostolos et per IV
evangelistas, &c. ut non possit diabolus nocere
. . .
ei nee in dentes nee in aures, nee in palato famulo
dei,' &c. (A.-S. L. iii. 64).

This extraordinary story is met with in several
different forms. I have come across it in an English
MS. medicine book of the fourteenth century almost
in the same form as here.
It is strange to find a variant in modern English
which is current in Cornwall.
Charm for the toothache.
Christ passed by his brother's door,
Saw his brother lying on the floor :
What aileth thee, brother?

Pain in the teeth.
Thy teeth shall pain thee no more.
In the name, &C. 1
The following narrative charm has a special
showing that the Anglo-Saxons
historical interest as
were acquainted with small-pox, and regarded their
name '
poccas
'
as synonymous with
'
variola.' Else-
1
Hunt, Popular Romances of the West of England, 2nd ed.,
1871, p. 414.
PAYNE S
where there are several leechdoms for poccas,' and '
the word is used as equivalent to variola/ '
For poccas. Sanctus Nicasius habuit minutam

'
variolam et rogavit Dominum ut quicunque nomen

suum secum portaret scriptum Sancte Nicasi . . .
presul et martir egregie ora pro me N. peccatore

et ab hoc morbo tua intercessione me defende.
Amen.'
'
St. Nicasius had the small variola, and asked
of God that whoever should carry his name written
'
Oh St. Nicasius, bishop and martyr, pray for
!
me N. a sinner, and by thy intercession defend me

from this disease V
Another charm of this class introduces the name
of Longinus (or Longius), the traditional name of
the soldier who pierced the side of Christ upon the
cross.
For a stitch. Write a cross of Christ, and sing

1
thrice over the place these words and a Pater

Noster :
Longinus miles lancea ponxit dominum

'
et restitit
sanguis et recessit dolor' (A.-S. L. i. 393).
'Longinus, the soldier, pierced our Lord with
a lance, and the blood stopped and the pain ceased.'
This charm is found in the Compendium Medicinae
of Gilbertus Anglicus, and I have seen it also in
mediaeval manuscripts. It seems to have been a
very popular charm in the Middle Ages for healing
wounds and stanching blood.
Charm to hasten childbirth. It is not surprising
that wanting other means of hastening birth and
1
Cockayne, A.-S. L. iii.
295, from MS. Cotton. Caligula, A. xv,
fol. 125.
NARRATIVE CHARMS 131
relieving the pains of labour, the Anglo-Saxons had

recourse to magical rites and charms, as in the
following adjuration to the unborn child :
'
Maria virgo peperit Christum. Elisabet sterilis
peperit lohannem Baptistam. Adiuro te infans si
es masculus an femina per patrem et filium et
spiritum sanctum ut exeas, et [non ] recedas
l
et ;
ultra, ei non noceas neque insipientiam illi facias.

Amen.
'
Videns Dominus flentes sorores Lazari ad monu-
mentum lacrimatus est coram ludeis, et clamabat :
Lazare, veni foras ! et prodiit, ligatus manibus et

pedibus, qui fuerat quatriduanus mortuus.'
'
Write this on wax which has never been applied
'
to any work, and bind it under her right foot
(A.-S. L. i.
392).
may seem extraordinary that

It the history of
a dead man raised to life should be used to hasten
'
the birth of a living child, but this Lazarus charm '
seems to have been popular in the Middle Ages,
1
The sense here evidently requires a negative I conjure :
'
thee, infant, whether thou be male or female, by the Father, the

Son, and the Holy Ghost, that thou come forth, and draw not
back, and further that thou injure not the one nor commit any
folly against the other. Amen.' [Perhaps it merely means that '
thou do no harm to thy mother.']

The Lord, seeing the sisters of Lazarus weeping by his tomb,
'
himself wept in sight of the Jews, and cried out, Lazarus come !
forth ;
and he came out, bound hand and foot, who had been
four days dead.'
This charm is given by Mr. Cockayne from a Bodleian MS.
(Junius 85), of which the age is not stated, but the English part
is distinctly of the Anglo-Saxon period.
A
very similar one is quoted by Heim from a Latin MS. of
the eleventh century written in Germany (Incantamenta magica,
P- 55).
and might possibly be found lingering at the
present day in some parts of the country.

Another and earlier use of the story of Lazarus
may be quoted from Aetius of Amida, who has

been mentioned as one of the first to introduce
magic into Greek medicine.
To remove a bone sticking in the throat. Look at
'
the patient and say ai/eA0e oWow. " Come up, bone !
whether bone or fruit, or whatever else it is as ;
Jesus Christ raised Lazarus from the tomb, and

:
Jonah out of the whale."

Another charm is Take hold of the patient's
:
'
" Blasius the

larynx and say :
martyr, servant of
1 "
God, saith, Go up, bone or go down. !
V. MATERIAL MAGIC, OR AMULETS

Besides written charms used as amulets, certain
objects, such as parts of animals or plants, precious
and gems engraved with mystical devices,
stones,
were thought to have virtues against disease, if
applied to or carried about by the sick man. There
are many of these recommended by Alexander
Trallianus, Marcellus, and other old writers.

The following occurs in the Leech Book of
Bald:
'
For
onfall
2
(translated 'Fellon'). Catch a fox,
strike off the tusk from him while he is alive. Let
1
Aetius, Tetrabiblon , Book viii. fol. 165, 1. 46, ed. Venice,
1534-
2
This word is translated by Mr. Cockayne 'fellon,' i.e. boil
or whitlow, but this is not satisfactory, as the treatment is
only by internal medicines and charms without external applica-

tions. There is a bimilar charm in Marcellus Empiricus (cap.
MATERIAL MAGIC, OR AMULETS 133
the fox run away; bind (the tooth) in a fawn's

'
skin have it upon thee (A.-S. L. ii. 105).
;
Here are a number of charms for headache :
1
In case a man ache in the head, take the lower
part of crosswort, put it on a red fillet, let him bind
the head therewith.'
'
For the same : Delve up waybroad without iron,
ere the rising of the sun, bind the roots about the
head with crossworts by a red fillet. He will soon
be well.'
For the same
'
Seek in the maw of young swal-
:
lows for some little stones, and mind that they

touch neither earth, nor water, nor other stones ;
look out three of them sew up three of them in ;
what thou wilt, and put them on the man that

hath need he will soon be well. They are good
:
for headache and eye-troubles, and for temptations

of the fiend, and for night visitors (goblins), and
for spring disease (ague), and for nightmare, and
for fascination, and for evil incantations.
They
must be big nestlings in which thou shalt find them *
(A.-S. L. ii. 307).
*
Take a live crab, put his eyes
For swollen eyes.
out and put him alive again into water, and put the
eyes upon the neck of the man who hath need. He
'
will soon be well (A.-S- L. ii. 307).
The injunction to let the animal which supplied
the amulet go alive is found in several instances.
An almost similar prescription is given by Marcellus
Empiricus (De Medicamentis, cap. viii. 51, p. 69, ed.
viii. 129) in which the tongue

is to be cut out of a living fox and
worn as an amulet for albugo, i.e. white spots on the eyes. Per-
haps the Saxon translator got into some confusion. Also the
brain of a fox was used to preserve children from the falling '
sickness.' On the whole we must conclude that the meaning of

' '
onfall is uncertain.
Helmreich, 1889). There are several such prescrip-

tions in the Medicine from Quadrupeds of Sextus
Placitus, translated by the Anglo-Saxons and re-

ferred to in my first lecture. The teeth of a badger
are there said to have magic virtues.
The following, from the work just named, is
curious, as it is not contained in the original Latin,
but seems to have been added by the Saxon trans-
lators :
'For a fever. Take the right foot-shank of a dead

black hound hang it on the arm. It shaketh off
;
'
the fever (A.-S. L. i. 363).
TRANSFERENCE OF DISEASE BY A VERBAL

VI.
FORMULA, OR BY A CEREMONY TO SOME ANIMAL OR

MATERIAL OBJECT, OR IN SOME WAY TO
THE OUTSIDE WORLD
In these observances it was thought necessary
that the object to which the disease was transferred
should be thrown away, or, if an animal, should be
allowed to escape alive or driven away as a sort
of scapegoat. Running water, sometimes used for
such purposes, obviously fulfils this condition spon-
taneously.
An instance of making the disease pass into
running water the following curious prescription
is
for some disease of the skin :
'
For Blaece \ Take goose-grease and the nether end
1
Blcece was some kind of skin disease. It is rendered in
one Glossary vitiligo, but it is also regarded as equivalent to
lepra in the old sense, that is the modern psoriasis. See

Cockayne's Glossary in vol. ii. The word is connected with bleach.
\
TRANSFERENCE OF DISEASE 135
of helenium, and viper's bugloss, bishopswort, and

hayrife pound the four worts well together, wring
:
them, add thereto a spoonful of old soap if you have

it, mingle thoroughly a little oil and at night lather
it on. Scarify the neck after the setting of
the sun, pour silently the blood into running water ;
"
after that spit three times, then say Have thou :
this unheal (evil) and depart away with it." Go

again by a clean wayto the house, and go either
'
way in silence (A.-S. L. ii.

77).
For Take, to begin, a hazel or an elder

'
onfall.
stick write thy name thereon, cut three scores, and
;
fill the name with thy blood throw it over thy ;
shoulder or between thy thighs into running water,

and stand over the man. Cut the scores and do
'
all this in silence (A.-S. L. ii. 105).
We have here a charm combined with throwing

away an object :
'
For flying venom (i. e. air-borne infection). Make
four strokes with an oaken brand towards the four
quarters of heaven. Make the brand bloody, throw
it away and sing this three times :
'
-j- Matheus me ducat -f- Marcus me

conservet, -f- Lucas me liberet -|-
lohannes me adiuvet semper. Amen.
Contrive [contere] Deus omnem
malum et nequitiam per virtutem
patris et filii et spiritus sancti
sanctifica me Emanuhel ihs xps
libera me ab omnibus invidiis inimici
benedictio domini super caput meum.
potens Deus in omni tempore. Amen '
(A.-S. L. iii. 53).

'
Matthew, lead me !
Mark, preserve me !
Luke,
deliver me !
John, assist me !
Lord, crush all evil
and wickedness by the power of the Father, the

Son, and the Holy Ghost, &c.'
MISCELLANEOUS CHARMS
Besides these special classes there are other

charms difficult to classify. An instance is the
following numerical charm. similar form of words A

occurs in many nursery rhymes, and some of these
'
rhymes have been shown be of

4
counting-out to
great antiquity.
'
For Kernels (i.e. scrofulous glands). Nine were
Noththe's sisters then the nine came to be eight,
:
and the eight seven, and the seven six, and

the six five, and the five four, and the four
three, and the three two, and the two one, and the
one none. This may be medicine for thee from
kernels,and from scrofulles, and from worm, and
'
from every mischief ( A.-S. L. iii. 63).
Who Noththe was

unexplained. Perhaps the is
charm was derived from a similar one recorded by

Marcellus Empiricus. He recommends, to get rid
of 'glands,' to repeat at night or evening the follow-
ing : novem glandulae sorores, octo glandulae sorores, etc.

down to una glandula soror : novem fiunt glandulae
J
ending with nulla fit glandula .
The latest form of the charm I know is a Cornish
rhyme.
1
Marcellus, de Medicamentis, cap. xv. 102, p. 151. Possibly
'
'
Noththe wassome word corresponding to glandula,
originally
such as nodus, which was mistaken for a proper name.
MISCELLANEOUS CHARMS 137
Charm for a tetter.

1
Tetter, tetter, thou hast nine brothers,
God bless the flesh and preserve the bone,
Perish thou tetter and be thou gone.
In the name, &c.
Tetter, Tetter, thou hast eight brothers,'
and so on, till tetter, having no brother, is impera-

J
tively ordered to begone .
Among miscellaneous charms are these :
In case a man be month sick (lunatic), take skin

'
of mere-swine (porpoise) make it into a whip. ;
Swinge him therewith soon will he be well. ;
Amen' (A.-S. L. ii. 335).

1
If a man
going to fight with his foe, let him
is
seethe swallow nestlings in wine, or in spring water ;
then let him eat them before the fight' (A.-S. L.

ii- 155).
'
Against a woman's chatter. Taste at night fasting
a radish that day the chatter cannot harm thee'
;
(A.-S.L.u. 343 ).
This seems ludicrous ;

but the word translated
chatter, Gemcedlan, must really mean something
mischievous or harmful. The sense probably is:
'
Against a witch's spells.'
A LAY OP THE VIRTUES OP WORTS

In the collection called Lacnunga or recipes,
printed in the third volume of Cockayne's Leecli-
doms, we find (p. 31), besides ordinary charms, some

1
Hunt, Popular Romances of the West of England, 2nd ed.,
p. 414.
remarkable verses relating to herbs. The MS.

from which these are taken (B. M. Harleian MS.
585), is a miscellaneous collection, described in the
Farrago medicamentorum et in-
*
old catalogue as
cantationum sive carminum, diversis manibus sed
vetustis.' Hence it is not a complete book, but
a medley of receipts in Latin and English, so that
there is nothing in the book itself to show the origin
of this curious poem, in which there is a remarkable
mixture of heathen and Christian ideas.
Professor Skeat, who has kindly given me some
information about the poem, says that it *
is an old
heathen charm preserved down to Christian times,
when allusions to Christianity would be possible.

The dialect is Wessex, or South Saxon, generally
Anglo-Saxon not Midland and not Northern.
called ;
The MS. seems to be late tenth century.; but it is

a reminiscence of something older.'
'
The poem is a lay in the usual alliterative

'
Anglo-Saxon metre, addressed to nine sacred worts

(though one is a tree), viz. mugwort, waybroad
(Plantago), stime (lamb's cress), atterlothe (Panicum
crus galli), maythen (camomile), wergulu (nettle),
crab-apple, chervil, and fennel.

Mr. Cockayne gives a metrical translation of the
lay in alliterative lines, of which I give the first
portion, with a few trifling alterations to make it
more intelligible though I may thus have some-
;
times a little interfered with the metre.

'
Have a mind thou mugwort,
What thou didst mention,
LAY OF THE VIRTUES OF WORTS 139
What thou didst prepare

At Regenmeld l
Thou hightest una,

The eldest of worts.
Thou hast might against three
And against thirty.
Thou art good against venom,
And against vile things that fly,
Mighty against the loathed ones
That rove through the land.'
The last two lines appear to refer to epidemic

diseases.
Why an Anglo-Saxon should have so much

reverence for the humble mugwort we do not know ;
but it was a sacred herb among the Greeks, taking

'
its name Artemisia from Artemis, who assisted
'
women in childbirth. For this reason it was some-

times called Herba matrum, and sometimes, by a
curious inversion, Mater lierbarum.
The other worts are addressed in turn thus :
'Thou waybroad, mother of worts.' Stime is

spoken of thus Stime hight this wort on stone
:
'
'
she grew, standeth against venom.' Atterlothe is
the wort which fought against worm (snake) this ;
avails for venom.' Of maythen it is said that

*
never for flying ill fatally fell man, since maythen
was given for medicine.'
But the most remarkable passage is the account
2
given of wergulu which I will give ,
at length.
1
This is a place-name, perhaps mythical (Dr. Bradley).
2 ' ' '
Wergulu is translated crab apple by Mr. Cockayne, but
'
in a list on the next page it is replaced by nettle.' Dr. Bradley '
wcergol = accursed
'
writes Wergulu
: seems to be the feminine of
4
This is the wort which wergulu hight ;
This did the seal send

Over the sea's ridge
Of other poison
The malice to mend.
These nine plants
'Gainst nine poisons.
'
A worm came sneaking,
man.
It bit a
Then took up Woden
Nine wondrous twigs.
He smote the nadder
Till it flew in nine bits
There did apple and poison
Bring about that it [sc. the nadder]
Nevermore entered house.'
The meaning of this second passage evidently is
that Woden with nine sticks of the crab tree slew
some worm,' i. e. adder. This may be a legend
'
from the northern mythology, but of this I can say

nothing. The use of the sacred number nine in
several passages is notable.
The two remaining worts, chervil and fennel, are
spoken of as two mighty
'
ones.'
'
These worts
the Lord created, "witty" (i. e. wise and skilful)
as he is.'
The conclusion is that these nine worts avail
against nine exiles from glory *, against nine venoms

and flying vile things, against the red venom, the
stinking venom, &c., against water blister, against
(preserved only in wcergolnyss =

maledictio. There is no reason
to render it crab-apple, or apple at all.'
1
Meaning nine devils (Cockayne). The phrase suggests fallen
angels.
LAY OF THE VIRTUES OF WORTS 141
thorn blister, &c., against any venoms which come

from any quarter, and so forth.
Near the end the name of Christ occurs, but
the sense is very obscure.
This extraordinary composition has not the form
of a charm, but still, it is directed to be sung
in the same way as a charm and with the same
intention.
But what makes it notable is the remarkable
mingling of beliefs and different kinds of learning.

The beginning suggests some knowledge of classical
botany, such as we find in other Anglo-Saxon books.

The story of Woden belongs to Northern myth-
ology and finally we have Christian belief in the
;
mention of Christ. This combination of diverse

elements is in fact characteristic of Anglo-Saxon
medicine generally, and more especially of their
herbal medicines. In this we find, as I have tried
to show, a traditional popular knowledge of herbs,
with further acquisitions derived from classical
medicine and from magic all this
being sifted, cor-
;
rected, and dominated by the formularies and beliefs

of the Christian clergy.
I cannot say more on this subject of charms and
magical medicine, though the subject is certainly
very interesting. As we have
seen, some part of
the Anglo-Saxon beliefs on these matters may be
traced back to classical sources, and, beyond them,
to Oriental magic. It is probable that, if we knew
more about it, we should find the roots of other

portions in the old folk-lore of the Teutonic and
Celtic peoples, but of this I am

not competent to
speak. Another field of research lies in the subse-
quent history of these magical words and ceremonies.
I believe that on investigation it would be found
that many of them survived all through the Middle

Ages and longer. Some will be found to have
endured, in spite of popular education and scientific
medicine, to the present day.

Of these survivals I have been able only to bring
together a few scattered instances, but the subject
would well repay investigation by those who are
conversant with popular traditions and provincial
customs not yet quite obsolete. Probably no very
small number of persons are even now, with more
or less credulity, repeating the words and perform-
ing the rites in which our Anglo-Saxon ancestors

placed implicit confidence.
THE TREATISE IIEPI AIAAHEON 143
PAET III
THE TREATISE HEPI AIAAEEON

There is one treatise in the Anglo-Saxon medical
library very different in character and origin from
the rest which requires special mention. It has
the Greek title n*pi SiSdgecw, of teachings,' which

l
'
appears to mean '

of medical doctrines or '
schools
of medicine.' This only appropriate, how-
title is
ever, to the first chapter of the book the remainder ;
consists of prescriptions for a number of ailments,
beginning with the head and proceeding downwards,

as in the Leech Book and in many other medical
making in all sixty-six chapters. It has

treatises,
been shown by Herr Max Loweneck who has pub- 1
,
lished a new edition of the work from the same

MS. in the British Museum as that edited by Mr.
Cockayne, that it is an abstract of, or in part trans-
lated from, a Latin treatise by a writer of the school
of Salerno, who lived in the eleventh century,
Petrocellus or Petronius. The title of his treatise
is Practica Petrocetti Salernitani. It has been printed,
though apparently from an imperfect copy, by De
Kenzi, in the collection called Cottectio Salernitana,
vol. iv (Naples, 1856). The Latin and English are
both printed in Herr Loweneck's edition, so that
they can be easily compared. There are also some
indications that the treatise was indebted in part
1
Erlanger Beitrdge zur englischen Philologie, No. xii ; Ilepi
Si8atov, eine Sammlung von Rezepten in englischer Sprache,
herausgegeben von Max Loweneck, Erlangen, 1896.
144 LECTURE II: PART III
to another writer of the same school, Gariopontus.

Both these writers lived and wrote before the middle
of the eleventh century, which was an important
epoch in the School of Salerno.

It is, therefore, clear that the Anglo-Saxon com-
piler was acquainted with works of the School of
Salerno belonging to that period, and, without enter-
ing fully into the subject, I must say a few words
about what this School of Salerno was.
The origin of this, the oldest school of medicine
in modern Europe, and indeed the earliest European
university, is still obscure, and cannot be certainly

assigned to any definite date. The one thing certain
is that there had been living there from what were
called, even in the eleventh century, ancient times,

a group of physicians who not only practised but
taught their profession. The reason for this con-
centration of medical art in a small place was that,
being situated in a mild and salubrious climate on the

coast of Italy, south of Naples, Salerno had a great
reputation a health resort, to which patients
as
flocked not only from Italy but from other parts of
Europe. As the reputation of its doctors increased,

students also collected there to learn their profession.
In this way, gradually and informally, a school of
medicine grew up, as a school might conceivably
have grown up in other popular health resorts had
there been no universities or other recognized centres
of learning. There was, however, some kind of
organization, with a Provost or Prior at its head ;
and a more complete official recognition was given

THE TREATISE IIEPI AIAASEflN 145
to the school by Frederick II, King of Sicily,

in 1231.
At the time we are now speaking of, in the
eleventh century, the absence of other important
medical schools in Europe made Salerno the one
eminent school of the healing art in Western
Europe, and it only lost this pre-eminence through
the rise of the University of Montpellier. This is
the simple explanation, which it is necessary to
emphasize because a different but erroneous theory
has found its way into standard historical works.
This theory ascribes the foundation to Saracen teachers
who are supposed to have introduced into Italy the
Arabian medicine or to the monk Constantine the
;
African, who was the first to make known that

Arabian medicine to the western world. But there
is no foundation for the belief that the origin of the
Salernitan school was due to the Arabians or to
their interpreter Constantine. The Arabian medi-
cine was indeed introduced by Constantine at a
definite tune, after the middle of the eleventh
century; but at that time the school was already
celebrated, and had produced medical works still
extant, which show no trace of Arabian influence.
Nor there any better ground for another theory,
is
that Salerno was an ecclesiastical foundation. The

one fact that the early teachers of the school
among
we find the names of Jews, and of women, as well
as of ecclesiastics is sufficient to refute this theory.
Into the further history of Salerno I cannot enter,
but must refer those who desire more information
146 LECTURE II : PART III
to Mr. Rashdall's admirable History of European

l
Universities .
If we
say that this and other Salernitan books of
the time were based upon the teaching of Hippo-
crates, it may convey an impression of more direct
following and closer conformity than really exist.
The teachers of Salerno were eminently practical ;
they took from the Greek books what was useful for
practice,and useful especially for treatment, neglect-
ing the theoretical side, and did not pay much
attention to symptoms or diagnosis. What profess
to be quotations from Hippocrates are absurdly
inaccurate, and the Greek words often so badly
be beyond recognition.
spelt as to
Now be asked, where did the early teachers
it will
of Salerno get their knowledge and what kind of ;
medicine did they teach ? The answer is, that their

doctrine was a direct survival of the old Greek
medicine, and especially of the teachings of Hippo-
crates, who was so much honoured at Salerno that
the school was popularly called Civitas Hippocratica.
Galen was not much quoted, though his authority
was great, and the later Greek physicians of Asia
Minor, and Byzantium, such as Aetius and Alexan-
der, whom have
before referred to as great
I
authorities with the Anglo-Saxons, were on the
1
The Universities of Europe in the Middle Ages, by Hastings
Rashdall, Oxford, 1895, vol. i, ch. iii. See also L'^cole de
Salerne, Saint-Marc et Daremberg, Paris, 1880.
ed. For the
original sources, see De Renzi, Storia documentata della Scuola
medico, di Salerno, 2nd ed., Naples, 1857; and Collectio Salerni-
tana, five volumes, Naples, 1852, et seq.

THE TREATISE EEPI AIAABEflN 147
whole less recognized. Of the Latin medical writers
they were influenced only by Caelius Aurelianus, the

'
chief Latin writer of the sect of the methodists.'
It is alsovery noteworthy that the Salernitan writers
of the first period were entirely uncontaminated by
the superstitious medicine which had invaded Europe
from the East and nothing like charms or magical
;
rites can be found in their works. The school of

Salerno was thus a survival of the Greek medicine
lasting into theMiddle Ages; it was the bridge

between the old medicine and the new.
So much it seems desirable to say, in order to
show what was the nature of the medical doctrine
contained in the old books of Salerno, which the
Anglo-Saxons embraced with their usual receptive-
ness, and translated into their vernacular English.
It will be seen that this treatise 'Peri Didaxeon'
differs very widely from the rest of the Anglo-Saxon
medical library. It seems possible that had the old

English school not been violently cut short by the
Norman invasion, it might have entered on a new
phase, tinctured by the medicine of Salerno. But
this could not be and, moreover, the Salernitan
;
medicine itself, immediately after the time we are

now speaking of, was profoundly altered by the
introduction of the Arabic versions of the Greek
medical classics. On the other hand, it is conceiv-
able that this book, which exists only in a single
manuscript, may have been merely the work of one

individual translator and not have been widely
;
known.
The differences between this and the other Anglo-

Saxon Leech Books are very striking. Although, like
the others, it is little more than a collection of
receipts, the prescriptions are notable for the small
number of drugs contained in them, thus contrast-
ing with the profuse polypharmacy of the old

Anglo-Saxon leechdoms. The herbs prescribed are
mostly such as would occur in Southern Europe,
and though some of these were Northern herbs also,
we miss the profusion of native English herbs in
which the old leeches delighted. A few oriental
drugs are mentioned. The pharmacy is generally
very simple and, as might be expected, there is an
;
entire absence of charms and superstitious rites.

On examining this curious treatise more closely,
we must confirm the important discovery of Lowe-
neck, that a great part of it is based upon the Latin
treatise called Practica of the Salernitan physician
Petrocellus already mentioned. But this does not
account for the whole of the English book. The
order of the chapters is different, and there are some
passages not to be found in that writer while in ;
some places the English text gives a fuller reading

than is to be found in the Latin. One curious fact is
that certain Greek words occur in the English version
which are not found in Petrocellus. For instance,
we find a word, *e<aAo7jWa, or pain of the head,
meaning nearly the same as cephalaea, or head-

ache. This, with other unusual words, occurs in
another Salernitan work of the same period, the
Passionarius of Gariopontus, showing that it was
THE TREATISE IIEPI AIAAHEflN 149
a term current in the school of Salerno. The word

is classical, or at least cannot be found in our
not
Greek dictionaries, and, so far as I know, is not used
by Hippocrates or Galen.
We must now give a few extracts.
The prologue from which the book takes its name,
though not really a part of it, deals with the history
of medicine, and as this is a subject which naturally
interests us, we will quote it in full.
1
Here beginneth the book
Ilepl Ai.8dgt<av, that is,
the setting forth for how many years leechcraft was
hidden, and the learned leeches sagaciously investi-
gated about the ascertaining of it. The earliest was
Apollo, and his son Aesculapius, and Asclepios ;
and Asclepios was uncle of Hippocrates these four ;
earliest invented the building up of leechcrafts about

fifteen hundred years after Noah's flood in the days
of Artaxerxes, who was king of the Persians they ;
revealed the light of the leechcrafts. know We

that Apollo first invented methodicam, that is, the
irons, when one healeth men with knives, and
Aesculapius empiricam, that is, the leechening (or
medical use) of leechcrafts, and Asclepios loicam
(logicam), that is, the observance of the law and the
life, and Hippocrates theoricam, that is, the foreseeing
of the sicknesses l
.
Then Plato and Aristoteles, the very learned

'
philosophers, followed after these the aforesaid

leeches, and they said that there are four humours
in the human body inasmuch as there are also in
;
the rainbow [?] that is, the liquid (or phlegm) in the
;
head, and the blood in the breast and the rough (or ;
red) bile in the inwards, and the black bile within the
(gall) bladder. And each of them ruleth for three
1
The rest of this chapter is not contained in the Latin text of
Petrocellus, at least in this form.

months. That is from the i8th Calends January to

the 8th Cal. April the phlegm in the head is
waxing,' and so on.
Asthe other days are not correctly stated I will
only give the sense, which is that from the winter

solstice to the vernal equinox, phlegm increases ;
from the midsummer, the blood from that

latter to ;
time to the autumnal equinox, the red bile from ;
that to the winter solstice again, the black bile.

That is, broadly, the four humours dominate in
winter, spring, summer, and autumn respectively.
This doctrine is found in Petrocellus and many old
writers part of the celebrated old doctrine
;
it is
of the 'humours,' the foundation of the humoral
pathology, but is not elsewhere expounded in Anglo-

Saxon medicine.
This curious sketch of the history of medicine is
also found prefixed in a MS. in the British Museum 1
to an anonymous treatise which appears to be
identical with the Practica of Petrocellus. It is also
given, though not in the same words, by Isidore of

Seville in his Etymologiae, from whom it may possibly
2
have been derived .
The matter of the extract will not bear, and

hardly deserves, criticism. The most remarkable
error is mistaking Asclepios and Aesculapius for two
different persons.
The rest of the book consists of a collection of
1
MS. Harl. 4977; also in Sloane 2839.
2
S. Isidori Hispalensis Episcopi Libri Etymologiarum lib. iv; De
Medicina, cap. 3 ;
De Inventoribui Eius, ed. Venice, 1483, fol. 20.
THE TREATISE IIEPI AIAAEEflN 151
remedies for various diseases, beginning with those

for the head. The first chapter is headed For '
'
humours (i. e. of the head) :
1
Thus one work the salve for " humours," and
shall
thus shall they be healed. Take twenty shillings
weight of litharge, and twenty shillings weight of
new and half a sextarius of vinegar, and four
lime,
shillings weight of oil of myrtle, and mingle to-
gether, and rub them thoroughly up together with
the vinegar, and then take some other oil, and
mingle therewith and smear the sore therewith V
This is in fact an ointment of acetate of lead.
There is a remarkable mingling of languages in
the following prescription :
Contra glaucomata. For dimness of eyes.

'This shall be for dimness of eyes, which the
Greeks call glaucomata. Take of woman's milk three
spoonfuls, and celandine id est celidonia juice one
spoonful, and aloes and crocus, safran gallice and
mingle them together, &c.' (A. -8. L. iii.
97).
This shows that the writer copied some Greek

words, himself wrote Latin, and knew that crocus
was The latter fragment
called safran in French.
of knowledge is intelligible if we remember that his
version was written after the Norman conquest. The
1
The word which I have translated 'humours/ oman, is
'
rendered by Mr. Cockayne in all places but evidently
erysipelas,'
this is too narrow an interpretation. It means moist eruptions
on the skin, still often popularly called humours. In this passage
it means probably impetigo of the scalp, as appears from
the Latin of Petrocellus Hoc tamen proprium ad achoras
:
'
adiutorium est quod recipe Lytargiri 3 xx et calcem vivam

:
cum aceto tere et supermitte oleum et utere,' Practica Petrocelli,

cap. 12; Collectio Salernitana, vol. iv, p. 196.
Latin text much

only prescribing the
is shorter,
same remedies ad caliginem, without giving any
Greek name to the disease.
There is an extraordinary mistranslation in the
following prescription for nyctalopia :
'For those who cannot see from sunrise to sunset. For

nectalopas (w/craAeoTras), that is, in our own language,
the men who are able to see nothing after the rising
of the sun till he go again to his setting. This is the
leechcraft which thereto belongeth. Take a kneecap
(or knee bone) of a buck and roast it, and, when the roast
sweats, then take the sweat and therewith smear

the eyes, and after that let him eat the same roast ;
and then take fresh asses' dung and squeeze it, and
smear the eyes therewith, and it will soon be better
'
with them (A.-S. L. iii. 99).
The words here translated 'kneecap of a buck'
are in the Latin epar urricinum (or ericinum), the
liver of a hedgehog. This extraordinary blunder
1
seems inexplicable .
This is one of the prescriptions for which no

equivalent can be found in the Latin :
'
For affections of the tongue. This leechcraft shall
1
The Latin text of Petrocellus is as follows : 'Ad Noctilopas.
Ad noctilopas oculorum, id est, qui post solis ortum usque ad
occasum videre non possunt. Epar urricinum assum fiat, et ex
humore qui inde defluit, dum assatur, oculos inunge, et ipsum
dabis ad manducandum ;
et asinino fimo per lintheum colato
'
perunges (Practica Petrocelli ; Collectio Salernitana, vol. iv,
p. 202). It is curious that 'nyctalopia' is here used, as it has
been by most modern writers, for day blindness ;
whereas
the ancients generally used the term for night blindness (see
remarks by Mr. Tweedy in Quain's Dictionary of Medicine, article
'Nyctalopia'). The error may, perhaps, have started with the
writers of the school of Salerno.
THE TREATISE IIEPI AIAAHEHN 153
be done for men whom

the string under the
in
tongue is and
badly swollenthrough the string
;
first every disorder cometh on the man. Then take

thou first the kernel that is within the peach, and
kernel of wild cucumber and colewort stalk pound ;
them together and cut the string under the tongue

and put the powder in and it will soon be better
;
'
with him (A.-S. L. iii. 103).
Though we do not know the original of this,

the mention of peach-stones and wild cucumber
makes it probable that the prescription was of
Italian origin.
The following is an example of a simple prescrip-
tion :
'Ad acidiva. For acidiva, that is, the hot water

which shooteth up out of the breast, and at whiles out
of the maw. Then shall he (the patient) drink five
handfuls of salt water, and again take seed of worm-
wood, and seethe it in water, and mingle it with
wine, and let the man drink it also take three or ;
five peppercorns, and let him eat them. Again

take betony, one shilling's weight, and seethe in
water, and give him to drink fasting. Again take
rue and pound it, and then lay it in vinegar, and
give him to drink fasting. Also take seed of lovage,'
a handful, and let him eat it l (A.-S. L. iii. 129).
1
The corresponding passage in Petrocellus is Accidiva vel :
'
carbunculus coquitur in pectore vel in stomacho quasi aqua

calida; pacientesautem aque salse bibant ciatosV; mitigat dolorem/
etc. All the drugs named in the English text are mentioned,
except the last (Coll. Salern. iv, p. 223, 47, De Saliva).

The description corresponds to an attack of flatulence and heart-
burn, though it is strange to find carbunculus used of an internal
disorder. The word accidiva seems to be a synonym of
accidentia. In Low Latin this was used for '
malady
'
as well as
'misfortune' (=mor bus, infortunium,maZacfo'e accidentelle. Migne,
154 LECTURE II : PART III
The rest of the book must be lightly passed over.

It contains a good many Greek names for diseases,
many of them very incorrectly spelt, some indeed

which look like Greek being quite unintelligible.
There are also references to, and even what profess
to be quotations from Hippocrates, which, however,
are very inaccurate. For instance, a long passage
begins with the statement that, according to Hippo-
crates, some bodies have more veins than others,
and that the body is warmer in those that have more
veins than in those which have fewer. The real
sense is that some bodies have wider veins than
others 1
. This seems to show that the translator
was not very strong in Latin. (A.-S. L. iii. 143.)
COMPARISON OF THE SALERNITAN 'PRACTICA' WITH

THE SAXON LEECH BOOK
Before leaving the Practica of Petrocellus of
Salerno, it may becompare with it

interesting to
our earliest original medical textbook, the Leech
Book of Bald and Gild, and see if the one has any
great superiority over the other. In making this
comparison only fair to remember that the
it is
Anglo-Saxon treatise was written about a century

earlier.
The books are alike in this, that neither can be
Lexicon Med. et Inf. Latin). Perhaps the writer thought there

was some connexion with acidus. At least Mr. Cockayne seems
'
to have fallen into this error in translating it acidity.'
1
Hippocrates, in the second book of the Epidemics, speaks of
those who have wide veins ; but says nothing about their being
warmer than others (Hippocrates, ed. Kiihn, vol. iii, p. 433).
called original, except in the sense of an original
compilation, derived from several different sources.
Each consists mainly of a collection of medical
receipts,with hardly any general exposition, and
only scanty references to pathology and symptoms.
The first point that strikes one in which the
Salernitan book has a clear superiority over the
Anglo-Saxon, is the complete freedom of the former

from the magic and superstition which tainted the
Anglo-Saxon and all other European medicine of
the time. This a most important and praiseworthy
is
feature in the School of Salerno, which placed that

School not only above the Anglo-Saxon leeches, but
also above thecontemporary Greek physicians of the
Eastern Empire, and above Mediaeval medicine in
Europe for two centuries or more.
Apart from this, there is considerable similarity
between the two books. The Anglo-Saxons, like
the Salernitans, borrowed largely from the old
Greek medicine, adding thereto from their own
knowledge and experience. Both apparently knew
the Greek through Latin versions but the Anglo-
;
Saxons, though they fell into some strange errors,

made more copious and, generally, more valuable
extracts than the Salernitans, whose references to
Hippocrates and Galen are so marvellously inac-

curate as sometimes to appear almost fictitious.
In addition to this, the Anglo-Saxons had their old
indigenous herbal medicine while the Salernitans
;
had traditions handed down through many genera-

tions of practical physicians. The Saxons had a much
wider knowledge of herbs, and disposed of a larger

Materia Medica than the doctors of Salerno, whose
Pharmacopoeia seems to have been somewhat
limited.
On the other hand the Salernitans show a more
intelligent selection of drugs, and perhaps were wise
in using only a few ;
at least they were right in
combining a few only in one prescription. Their

formulae are clear, simple, and written on a uniform
system which implies traditional skill and culture.
The Anglo-Saxon leechdoms are often obscure,
cumbrous, and composed on no regular system,
using a large number of drugs at once. This last
error, indeed, was not peculiar to them for equally
;
complicated prescriptions were used by English and

Continental physicians up to comparatively recent
times. But with greater resources than the Salerni-
tans, the Anglo-Saxons certainly showed less skill
in making use of them.

Taking one thing with another, we cannot say
that, apart from the baneful influence of super-
stition,the old English Leech Book of the tenth
century was inferior to the Latin Salernitan treatise

of the eleventh. No treatise of the School of
Salerno contemporaneous with the Leech Book is
known, so that the Anglo-Saxons had the credit of
priority. Their Leech Book was the first medical
treatise written in Western Europe which can be
said to belong to modern history, that is, which was
produced after the decadence and decline of the

classical medicine, which belongs to ancient history.
LAST PERIOD OF A.-S. MEDICINE 157
Admitting that it is impossible to draw the line

between ancient and modern, and recognizing also
the many crudities and imperfections of our
earliestEnglish work on medicine, it seems fair to
regard it, in a sense, as the embryo of modern
English medicine, and at all events, the earliest
medical treatise produced by any of the modern
nations of Europe.
LAST PERIOD OF ANGLO-SAXON MEDICINE

I have said that we have no materials for a con-
tinuous history of Anglo-Saxon medicine. We are
guided from one epoch to another, with wide inter-

vals, mainly by the fragmentary remains of medical
literature. Therefore we are unable to say whether
English medicine changed its character as time
went on, in the latter part of the Anglo-Saxon rule,
or under the first Norman kings. We know that,
even before the Conquest, there was increasing
intercourse between England and the continent,
especially Normandy. The influence of Norman

culture and habits was considerable, and increased
during the reign of Edward the Confessor, especially
in ecclesiastical matters. But I cannot find evidence
of any such influence in medical science, in which
the Normans had little or nothing to teach the
English. Beyond the one or two French words
found in the last of the old English medical books,
there is nothing Norman in the Anglo-Saxon
medicine.
There is, however, one occurrence recorded in the
reign of Edward the Confessor, which, perhaps, has

some significance, namely, that the last of the old
Anglo-Saxon kings chose as his personal physician
Baldwin, a French monk of St. Denis, afterwards
Abbot of Bury St. Edmunds.
This choice was only in accordance with the well-
known partiality of Edward the Confessor for
Norman or French culture but shows perhaps that
;
the old Anglo-Saxon medicine was going out of

favour in high quarters. I have not been able to
discover the names of the physicians of any earlier
Saxon kings, nor any evidence that there was any
definite office called that of Eoyal Physician. Bald-
win is, therefore, the first Koyal Physician of whom
I can find any definite record. He continued to
discharge the same functions as physician to William
the Conqueror.
HEALING BY THE ROYAL TOUCH

There is one question of medical interest connec-
ted with the reign of Edward the Confessor, that is
the alleged miraculous healing by that monarch of
scrofula, called in later times the King's evil. It
is commonly stated that the sainted King first dis-
played the peculiar power claimed for the Kings

of England of curing a patient afflicted with this
disease, and founded the ceremony or

special
'
service of the
*
Healing afterwards used. But the
story of King Edward's having cured a patient

with this disease by his touch, is first found in the
Gesta Eegum of William of Malmesbury, written some
HEALING BY THE ROYAL TOUCH 159
eighty years later ;

and even there no special stress
is laid upon this case, which is only one of several
miraculous cures ascribed to the King. The story
has the familiar features of the legends of miracles
of healing by the Anglo-Saxon ecclesiastics,
saints or kings, as we them in the his-
find
tories and chronicles from Bede onwards. There
is, therefore, no real historical evidence to connect
Edward the Confessor with the introduction of
healing by the royal touch, and we are relieved

from the obligation to discuss further what is in
1
itself a very interesting subject .
CONCLUSION
When in reading the life of some eminent man

we come near to the record of his death, it is not
without a certain feeling of melancholy though the ;
event may be well known to us, and happened long

ago. So in approaching the close of Anglo-Saxon
medicine we feel that we cannot part without regret
from a national school of science which had done
much and had promised still more.
As we have seen, the old English medicine was
not immediately crushed by the Norman Conquest,
1
William Beckett, an able surgeon of the time of George I,
seems to have been the first seriously to criticize these stories in

his tract on Touching for the cure of the King's evil (London,
1722), where he gives several original documents. Why one par-

ticular disease, scrofula, came to be regarded as specially amenable
to cure by the royal touch, is not shown by Beckett, and, so far as
I know, has never been satisfactorily explained.
160 LECTURE II: CONCLUSION
any more than the old English literature. The
Anglo-Saxon medical school still continued to be
productive till the middle of the twelfth century ;
and this was also the final date of the last historical
record in old English, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle,
of which the last entry was made in the year 1154.
After this the old English ceased to be a literary
language, and ceased also to be the language of
science.
Thus easy to see why the Anglo-Saxon
it is
medicine, though not destroyed, was neglected and

forgotten. The Normans, being unable to read the
old English books, regarded them as useless lumber.
Their own learned works were written exclusively
in Latin, the universal learned language of the
continent. Moreover, as is well known, the English
monks, who must have constituted a large propor-
tion of the leeches, were often turned out of their
monasteries to make room for Norman and French
votaries. Thus the Norman reigned in the schools,
and Latin, with which the invaders were more
conversant than the English were, prevailed uni-
versally. When the gates were once opened the
Latin world came in like a flood, under which the
old English literature and science were submerged.
I cannot pretend to estimate the far-reaching
results of thus bringing in continental culture to the
insular English. But I must venture to say that, in
medicine at least, this did not mean the introduction
of higher culture or deeper learning. The Norman
physicians had little or nothing to teach the English.
CONCLUSION 161
They had more regular schools of medicine ;

but
whether they were better practitioners we cannot
say. As to their actual knowledge, they were at
that tune merely living on the remnants of Greek
and Latin medicine, which the Anglo-Saxons also
had known how to assimilate. In knowledge of
herbs they must have been inferior to the English.
No new element was brought into medical science
till the introduction of Latin versions of Arabian
medical works, and of the Arabic translations from
the Greek, transformed the whole of European
medicine and this change was not effected till more
;
than a century after the Norman Conquest.

The old English book-language emerged again,
as we know, after its temporary eclipse by French
and Latin, and gave birth to our great English
literature. But the old English medicine never
rose again. When a national medical literature
appeared again in England, in the works of such

men as Gilbert, Gaddesden, and John of Arderne,
it was written almost entirely in Latin.
We can,
however, trace some survival of the old
Anglo-Saxon medicine throughout the Middle Ages
in the works of popular medicine, written in Eng-
lish, and known as Medicine Books or Leech Books,
of which a large number survive, in manuscript, in
the British Museum and elsewhere. Few of them
have been printed 1
.
I know only the Mittelenglisches Medizinbuch, edited by

1
F. Heinrich, Halle, 1896, 8vo, and Medical Works of the Four-

teenth Century, brought out by the Rev. George Henslow, London,
162 LECTURE II: CONCLUSION
Like the old leechdoms, they consist merely of
collections of receipts, recommending herbs and
other drugs, with a large number of charms. Many
of the herbal prescriptions and of the charms can
be traced back to the Anglo-Saxon Leech Books.
Nor did this tradition die out in the Middle Ages.
We an obscure herbal medicine, distinct from
find
the more learned medicine of the regular doctors,
flourishing in the sixteenth century and after the

still
introduction of printing, preserved in the obscurer

books called Herbals (to be distinguished from the
learned herbals of Turner, Lyte, and Gerarde).
In the seventeenth century Culpepper and his fol-
lowers, though they repudiated charms, were the
successors of the herbalists. Even in our own day
there exists a popular herbal medicine, strangely
combined with the use of charms and magical
ceremonies of very ancient origin, which still holds
its place in popular belief. In this corrupt and
undignified form we may still trace some features
of the old Anglo-Saxon medicine.
1899, 4to, with some texts of later date, published by the Early
English Text Society. Some receipts were printed in Wright and
Halliwell, Reliquiae Antiquae, 1841-3, 2 vols.
Oxford : Printed at the Clarendon Press, by HORACE HART, M.A.

FIG. i. Haven's Leek, or Satyrion Orchis, from Anglo-Saxon
MS. version of the Herbarium of Apuleius (B. Mus. Cotton, Vitollius
C. iii, fol. 27). A.-S. L., Vol. I, p. loy. See j>. 6y.
~
"sT'o'
M>
J''u;. 4. Mandragora, witli the dog, as improved by au English
artist. From B. Mus. MS. Sloane 1975, tliirteentli century. Copied
from figure in MS. Harlcv 1585. See p. 66 (note p. 63 ;note), and
,
P. ;S.
a
'bo ;*
-3 .a
a 3
c3 O
^
jjj
eS ^
A
^\V -C -w
N~
^ Kn
^
-=
14^ .
& d,
l 4>
.5 8 r
5 -2S^
S .
cS >>2
S|^
SI'S .,
PH a; i
S'2
S-fJ
*1> 50
~
^S:
o a>
^3 u
g aT
S S^ 3
o
3^ be
O
? ||
ojj -
a^^
p T3
g
4- ^tsssBE
a c
>
1 x^J
O
L'-S
s.S
g fe
S^
^5
1 i
"aS
z
tii
i
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s
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>5 _4j
6<
O
r*t
FIG. 10. Herb called Hcliotropioii, or Solago minor, difficult to
identify ; with a scorpion and snake ti^hting'.From the A-S. MS.
Apuleius, fol. 40. A.-S. L., \'ol. 1, p. 169.
FIG. ii. 'Nadder Wort,' Basilisca, or Eegia, a herb not identified; with three
royal serpents or basilisks. For description see A.-S."L., Vol. I, p. 243. From the
A.-S. Apuleius, fol. 57.
e? $
T.P _~
^ Ô
^ D./-^ .
a) -S T-
b ? e2
3
1
a.
I*
s"^
a
o. S
a o
S' 2
2^
:-i^
i
11
*? tn
3 s
g 1
.
5T ce "S
a
9
^ *.
Sou
'
^ 05*
FIG. 21. Aristolochia, or 'Smear Wort'; A. Clematitis. From MS. Harley 1585,
col. 70. A.-S. L., Vol. I, p. 115. This is a climbing plant, spread out on a sort of
frame and illustrates the endeavour of the artist to turn the
; into a decorative
figure
object, with consequent loss of realism; as also seen in Figs. 19 and 20. See p. 78.
'
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IK'lJUN 91992
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A 001 286 241 3

English Medicine in The Anglo-Saxon Times

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L B. HUB. Dan..

THE LEECH BOOK OF BALD.

written 900-950 A.D. See A.-S. L., Vol. II, p. 158.

JNGLISH MEDICINE IN THE

JOSEPH FRANK PAYNE, M.D. OXON.

WITH TWENTY-THREE ILLUSTRATIONS

HENRY FROWDE, M.A.

corrected a large number of inaccuracies in Mr.

Cockayne's translation of the Anglo-Saxon texts ;

and has made other important suggestions, of which

Delegates of the Clarendon Press for undertaking

The have been chiefly taken from

MSS. in the British Museum, and have been first

coloured figures do not always come out well in

direct photography. Four cuts are taken from

Bibliographical Society, by permission of the Council

The which forms the frontispiece is from

surviving copy of the oldest medical book in the

II. HISTORY or ANGLO-SAXON MEDICINE ... 7

HISTORICAL EEFERENCES . . . . . .10

III. THE ANGLO-SAXON MEDICAL LITERATURE . .

IV. THE 'HERBARIUM' OF APULEIUS . . . . 62

EAVENS' LEEK (a Species of Orchis) . .

THE FIGURES OF HERBS . ... 76

II. CHARMS AND SUPERSTITIOUS MEDICINE ... 94

MYSTICAL WORDS PRONOUNCED OR WRITTEN

III. THE TREATISE HEPI AIAAEEON . . .

FIG. i. KAVENS' LEEK, OR SATYRION

2. THE MEDICINAL SQUILL

5. MANDRAGORA, WITH THE DOG, AND TWO

11. 'NADDER WORT,' BASILISCA . . .

14. SlGELHWEORFA, OR HELIOTROPION .

15. GLADDEN, OR GLADIOLUS

19. PYONIA, PEONY

A. D. 597 Introduction of Christianity by Augustine.

685 John of Beverley, disciple of Theodore.

about 730 Bede's Ecclesiastical History.

802 Egbert, King of Wessex, first king of all England.

901 Death of Alfred.

1000-1050 English version of Herbarium of Apuleius.

1043 Edward the Confessor crowned.

MR. PRESIDENT, It is my first, and a pleasing

gladly rendered, the most cordial thanks of our

mentioned as one of our benefactors, was born in

He became a member of our College in 1868.

Henry Brook and Thomas Sheridan. The varied

knew French, and German, as well as some-

thing of Hebrew, of modern Greek, and of Danish.

with whose name these lectures are associated.

seemed to me, that he would most appropriately

I would rather that he had been here instead of

myself. It was only when I was assured that he,

have entrusted to me. I can only say that I will

THE HISTORY OF MEDICINE

any large branch of science, ever compiled in any