A Greener Shade of Grey: A Special Report On Renewable Energy in China
A Greener Shade of Grey: A Special Report On Renewable Energy in China
A Greener Shade of Grey: A Special Report On Renewable Energy in China
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Table of contents
Editors note Energy policy: A greener shade of grey Wind power: Weather warning Solar power: An array of difficulties Hydropower: Dammed fast Waste-to-energy: Rubbish plans? 2 3 8 12 16 18
Editors note
ow green will China become? Beijing is taking aggressive measures to steer the country towards lower-carbon energy use, with some notable successes. Yet Chinas energy use is both vastit is the worlds largest consumer of energyand dirty. It relies on coal for two-thirds of its energy needs and ranks as the worlds biggest carbon polluter. The articles collected in this report examine Chinas progress across a number of alternative-energy forms, presenting the Economist Intelligence Units view of what the future holds for each. Chinas use of solar power, wind energy and hydropower is destined to grow rapidlythough, as we explain in this report, not so fast that ascendant Chinese renewables firms can feel secure. We project that the combined share of renewable energy and nuclear power (a formula reflecting the way China tracks its own alternative-energy use) will rise from 13% in 2010 to over 16% at decades end. Although this may sound like modest growth, in nominal terms the increase in Chinas use of renewables will be roughly equivalent to Canadas total annual energy consumption. As a result of this and a growing appetite for natural gas, climate-warming coal will satisfy a lower proportion of Chinas energy needs. Yet in 2020 we expect coal to provide well over half of Chinas energy consumptionwhich by then will have swollen greatly. As a result, 35% more coal will be burnt in 2020 than in 2010. Together with strong demand for other fossil fuels, this means that carbon emitted from burning fuel will rise by over 40% by 2020. Although China will grow greener in relative terms, judged purely on how much carbon it emits, the opposite will be true. Grey will remain the dominant colour. Martin Adams Energy Editor Hong Kong, May 2012
With a mixture of incentives and penalties China is opening up a continent-sized economy for renewable-energy equipment.
Another key objective during the eleventh five year plan period (2006-10) was cutting energy intensity (units of energy per unit of GDP) by 20%. This featured the kind of efforts that harked back to an earlier era of command and control: measures included the forced shuttering of plants. Uncharacteristically, it ended in failure (by a single percentage point, according to official figures that some suspect are inflated). This green push is being carried over into the current five-year plan, 2011-15, which is replete with new targets (see table). There is a carbon intensity reduction target, for the first time, seeking to cut carbon emissions per unit of GDP by 17% during the five-year period. China is also committed to a carbon-intensity reduction of 40-45% from 2005 levels by 2020.
Target setting
China's official energy targets 12th five year plan 2011-15 Official target EIU forecast 13th five year plan 2016-20 Official target EIU forecast
Energy intensity, % change over five-year period Non-fossils' share of total energy at end-period, %* Wind power generating capacity at end-period, GW Solar power generating capacity at end-period, GW
Hydropower generating capacity at end-period, GW 325 297 Sources: National Development and Reform Commission, Economist Intelligence Unit
* Official targets are thought to refer to final energy use; EIU forecasts are for gross domestic energy consumption of nuclear, renewables and waste
In what would be a remarkable turnaround, reports in the official press continue to speak of a possible cap on energy use by 2015this coming from a country that, until the most recent round of international climate talks in Durban last year, staunchly resisted any efforts to cap its carbon emissions as a bar on its economic development. A recent article in the official English-language newspaper, China Daily, reported plans to impose a cap of 4.2bn tonnes of coal equivalent (tce) by 2015, citing Han Wenke, the head of the Energy Research Institute under the National Development and Reform Commission, which co-ordinates economic planning in China. This compares to consumption of 3.5bn tce in 2011, by official reckoning. The plan proposes breaking down the overall objective into provincial and city-level targetsalthough Mr Han described the national target as relatively flexible, in contrast to those for energy efficiency and carbon-emissions intensity
its overall target. This points to a disconnect between objectives at the centre and in the provinces, which tend to prioritise economic growth. Still, the policy hierarchy in Beijing is currently devising more sophisticated tools to make a cap work. Provisions for both a national emissions-trading scheme and carbon tax feature in Chinas draft Climate Change Law, although this may not be approved for as long as three years. Trials of carbontrading regimes will begin next year in seven provinces and provincial-level cities chosen to reflect various stages of development within China. This remains highly experimental. Beijings scheme, for instance, will reputedly take in direct emitters next year and cover those indirectly responsible for pollution from 2014. Even before this initiative, local exchanges were competing to establish themselves as models for a national carbon-trading scheme (though few carbon credits have actually changed hands). A nationwide scheme does not look likely within this five-year period. However, a carbon taxlikely to be set initially at a low rate of perhaps Rmb20-30/tonne (roughly US$3-4/t)may see the light of day during this planning period. Unlike carbon-trading arrangements, the design of the tax and procedures for implementing it are said to be fully-drawn. Precisely when it will actually be unveiled may depend to some degree on developments in international climate-change talks, where it could be used as a bargaining chip. Whatever the case, at the initial levels that seem likely, the tax will have little impact on emissions.
2,000
10.0
1,600
8.0
1,200
6.0
800
4.0
400
2.0
0 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 2013 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020
Source: Economist Intelligence Unit.
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stations and factories closer to the eastern seaboard, which exacerbates power shortages. This is being addressed in several ways, however. The most significant move is to encourage construction of 14 big coal-industry bases. Coal will be converted into electricity at these hubs, avoiding altogether the countrys already-strained railway network. A sweeping scheme to construct a network of ultrahigh voltage cables over the course of this decade, though presented in a green rinse as a means of bringing renewable power from the interior to the coast, will also provide a way to transmit this new wave of coal-fired power. (Chinas coal-industry centres could be doubly harmful for Chinas energyefficiency and carbon-intensity plans, as local governments in the west covet the opportunity to foster new heavy-industrial basescoal-to-liquids plants, for instanceto capitalise on the anticipated coal-mining boom.)
Green-ish pioneer
What does all this mean for Chinas profile as an energy consumer? We forecast that by the end of the decade coal will have declined as a percentage of Chinas (far expanded) energy use. Cleaner-burning natural gas will become more important, as policymakers throw their weight behind its greater uptake. It will displace some coal used for baseload electricity generation, as China imports more and tries to develop indigenous shale-gas resources. Coal will nonetheless still provide well over half of Chinas energy. In absolute terms, the country will burn 35% more coal by 2020 than it did in 2010. We project that carbon emitted through burning fuel will rise by 43% between 2010 and 2020 (see chart 1). As a percentage of gross domestic energy consumption, the share of renewable energy (including waste as well as hydropower, by far the largest form of renewable power) and nuclear power will grow from 13% in 2010 to 16.4% at decades end (see chart 2). (Direct comparison with government targets is complicated, partly because official measures of total energy differ from our own.)
Many of Chinas criticsand perhaps some who hope that Coal Petroleum products Natural gas Electricity China will lead the way on climate Nuclear Hydro Combustible renewables and waste Solar/wind/other actionwill be disappointed by this performance. Apologists for China will argue that for a developing economy even such huge growth in carbon emissions 2020 2010 represents commendable progress; things would be much worse if it failed to act. They might also point out that in Chinese Source: Economist Intelligence Unit. policy circles the scientific basis of climate-change is not a matter of debate, unlike in Washington DC. This debate will continue to generate hot air of its own. What seems indisputable, though, is that with a mixture of incentives and penalties China is opening up a continent-sized economy for renewable-energy equipment. China is not only spurring the use of wind turbines, solar panels and dams. Its low-cost production, economies of scale and the mobilisation of large pools of financial resourcessuch as tens of billions of dollars in controversial low-interest loans from state banksis forcing down the cost of deploying renewables, to the alarm of competitors. Last year, global solarpanel prices fell by half. China has fuelled the rise of some of the worlds biggest renewables-equipment makers. Prosperity in these firms large home market is not assured, however. International solar manufacturers are refocusing on China to make up for less bright prospects overseas. A slowdown in wind installations at home means Chinas wind manufacturers must look abroad ever more urgently. As a result, consolidation will gather pace in both sectors. In the long run, though, drawing on significant domestic demand will sustain the companies that survive the shake-out. For Chinese firms overseas competitors, this is ominous; politicians in the US and elsewhere will continue to complain about lost jobs and unfair trade practices as competition for global market share in green technology intensifies. Yet, as the worlds governments struggle to address climate change, the growth of renewable power in China, and the related ascent of Chinese clean-tech manufacturing firms, will serve as the primary engine driving the green economy for years to come.
Chart 2: Split decisions
(China's gross domestic energy consumption, by fuel, percentage of total)
Leading manufacturers also blame decreases in the average selling price of wind turbines caused by the increasing market competition, in the words of Goldwind. Bruising price warfare between Chinese makers, many of whom cannot compete
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with the likes of Sinovel and Goldwind on technology alone, is a franker way of putting it. While cheaper turbines bring closer the day when unsubsidised wind power can compete with fossil fuels, for many turbine manufacturers such aggressive pricing could eventually prove disastrous. Less rampant demand growth also deserves a big portion of the blame. The march of turbines across China has slackened in pace. At its peak, installed capacity more than doubled each year and demand for turbines consequently rocketed (see chart 4). But this could not continue indefinitely. By 2011 the slowdown in installations was such that demand for new turbines actually dipped below levels in the previous year for the first time in memory (although China was nonetheless the worlds biggest market, putting up nearly half of all wind towers erected last year). This turnaround partly reflects the grids difficulty keeping up with the pace at which new wind farms are spawned. Often State Grid, Chinas dominant electricity utility, lacks the capabilities and, critics complain, the inclination to accept power that is generated at grid-connected wind plants. Worse, based on official figures, 28% of turbines did not even have a connection to the grid at the end of 2011. State Grid dislikes wind energy because the power it produces is not only expensive but also variable, which can pose a threat to the stability of the electricity network. In addition, many developers go ahead with projects in the nether reaches of northern China even when the utility has warned them it has no intention of laying down the costly cables needed to hook them up to the grid. Government compensation to State Grid for the costs of building such links has reportedly been slow coming, in many cases, and incomplete. Until recently, grid companies have also contended with poor quality technology within the farms that undermines their ability to maintain a steady connection. This is changing, however. Probably the biggest disturbance in the status quo in Chinas wind sector in recent years came from outages at three wind farms in the first half of 2011, affecting nearly 2,000 turbines. These high-profile accidents
jolted the central government into action. Beijing last year bombarded the industry with a raft of new technical standards. Most importantly, regulations now require state-of-the-art connections for all installed turbines: developers must make sure they are equipped with low-voltage ride-through (LVRT) technology, which enables turbines to carry on operating even when voltage dips precipitously, but which has been generally lacking in China. (Developers cannily shifted this responsibility to turbine manufacturers, who have scrambled to obtain the necessary approvals.) This is one plank of a broader effort, which picked up momentum in 2011. The central government wants to bring the industry more tightly under its own control, rein in the rate of expansion and shift the focus from quantity to quality. One important way it is doing so is by granting itself more say over project approvals. Wind farms smaller than 50 megawatts (MW) previously only needed local approvals; now, they must also receive the nod from the National Energy Administration (NEA). Weeding out less economic projects and closing the grid connectivity gap are the aimsthough, if effective, this initiative will also further dampen demand for turbines. Other measures are being taken to try to patch up the sectors problems. From December 2011, the renewable surcharge on power sales, which is used to reimburse grid companies for buying expensive renewable power, was raised from Rmb0.004/kWh to Rmb0.008/kWh. And China is seeking to overcome the geographical mismatch between supply of and demand for renewable energywind farms cluster in the north, while Chinas citizens live mainly along the eastern seaboardin innovative ways. Chinese engineers have invented a new variety of ultra-high voltage (UHV) cables that are being laid across the country in a strong smart grid to bring power from Chinas relatively empty extremities to its urban east. Another approach is to bring the wind farms to the people. The governments latest plans lay a heavier emphasis on distributed projects (which plug directly into local distribution grids and/or customers systems but do not feed into the transmission network). Provinces including Anhui, Jiangxi and Hubei, which are far to the south of the traditional wind bases and where the wind typically blows less hard, will receive priority in future approvals assessments.
Unresolved difficulties
As of yet, these assorted fixes will make little difference to the problems with the grid that hamper turbine makers. Laying down a UHV network will occupy Chinese engineers for the rest of the decade. Developers are indeed looking further south, which could help avoid adding to the strain on the grid; some hitherto neglected provinces further south raised installations growth dramatically last year. But they are starting from a very low base, and turbines are still overwhelmingly sprouting where the wind blows hardest, in the north (most numerously in Inner Mongolia, where the grid is already hard pressed). Lower wind speeds elsewhere mean that less electricity can be generated, and thus there is less revenue potential to attract developers to invest. A national power market that matches supply and demand across provinces appears a distant prospect Against this backdrop, the Economist Intelligence Unit expects a continued slowdown and levelling off in wind-power installation growth in China. Capacity will reach a still impressive 106GW by 2015,
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exceeding the official target of 100GW, and hit a mighty 180GW by 2020 (albeit falling short of the official goal of 200GW). But the headlong dash of the late 2000s will seem a distant memory.
Looking overseas
This is one reason why Chinese turbine makers could face an even harsher environment at home this year than they did in 2011. As the pie on offer shrinks, firms will try to cut out a larger slice; companies accustomed to competing on price will be tempted to simply engage in more of the same. Profit margins will probably come under greater strain, and a shake-out among Chinas dozens of turbine firms beckons. For those at the top of the pile, in particular, pressure will build to strike out beyond China. Recently, Chinas wind players have made some progress in reaching customers overseas, especially in the US, thanks mostly to Goldwind. Admittedly, turbine exports from China last year were equal to a tiny fraction (1%) of new capacity installed in the domestic market, judging from figures from the China Wind Energy Association, an industry body (which in China means that it has close ties with the government). Yet in important ways, some among Chinas market leaders are better placed to succeed abroad than they were a few years ago. Quality has been a big barrier. By consensus, however, top Chinese makers have pulled their socks up: Goldwind now reports availability (a measure of how reliably turbines work) of 98.9% in its 1.5MW turbine, up from 94.3% in 2008. (By contrast, there is room for improvement on its newer 2.5MW model, the availability rate for which languishes at 95%). Goldwind has so far been a savvier player on the international stage than Sinovel: it has hatched plans to manufacture equipment in the US, for instance, which may in future help it to avoid SinoUS trade frictions. Sinovel, on the other hand, is embroiled in an intellectual-property dispute with American Superconductor (AMSC). The US firm accuses Sinovel of stealing code from turbine control systems that it provided and is taking the case to Chinas supreme court. The fracas has threatened to deter some Western firms from doing business with Sinovel: Mainstream Renewable Power in Ireland has put on hold a deal until the AMSC case is resolved. Other Chinese makers should fear being tarred with the same brush. Given the scale of the leading Chinese turbine manufacturers, though, the risks are overstated. Sinovel recently announced an agreement with a Danish firm, Mita-Teknik, securing the supply of a turbine control system. Sinovels ambition, like Goldwinds, is undeterred: reports on April 16th said that Chinas top two are both mulling takeover bids for the worlds biggest windequipment manufacturer, Vestas, which could be a shortcut to overseas expansion. As their home market falters, Chinas turbine makers know very well that their fortunes will rely increasingly on catching foreign gusts.
A version of this article originally appeared on April 23rd 2012.
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Conditions appear ripe for consolidation throughout the industry, from suppliers of basic materials such as polysilicon, to makers of cells and modules.
the end of last year qualify for a rate of Rmb1.15/kWh; later projects will earn Rmb1/kWh. Then, in December, the government lifted its solar power capacity targets: by 2015, the new plan is to install 15GW, versus the previous aim of 10GW; the 2020 target was more than doubled to 50GW. As a result, installed capacity last year jumped from under 1GW at the end of 2010 to an estimated 3.2GW in 2011 (although reliable data is difficult to come by and estimates vary considerably). Solar sector CEOs talked up the possibility that China will add up to 5GW this year, which helpfully boosted their firms share prices. Andrew Beebe, the chief commercial officer of Suntech, the worlds largest solar manufacturer, told the Economist Intelligence Unit that the companys sales in China could climb above 300MW this year, pushing them up to safely above 10% of revenues. In addition to supporting Chinas push to carve out a big share of the global market for new-energy technology, stimulating demand at home coincides with other government priorities, such as job protection and pursuing greener economic growth. Yet China must balance competing policy priorities: there will be limits to how much it intervenes. Beijing often seeks (with varying degrees of success) to replicate the workings of a market economy by encouraging consolidation. Chinas 12th five-year plan industrial template for developing the solar industry, released in February, envisions just this. The government wants to see continued reductions in the cost of solar panels and stronger industry leadersthat is, one company with annual sales over Rmb100bn and between three to five firms with sales of at least Rmb50bn by 2015. Currently, China has hundreds of solar manufacturers; all but 15 could fall by the wayside within five years, Li Junfeng of the Energy Research Institute under Chinas top economic planning body, the National Development and Reform Commission, said late last year.
Wind behind it
In regulating the industry, Beijing will bear in mind the problems facing Chinas wind sector. An over-enthusiastic build-out of wind equipment-making capacity has narrowed profit margins. Despite impressive installations growth in China, moreover, many turbines lack connections to the grid. Beijing will not want to see a repeat performance with solar plants. (Anecdotally, smaller solar plants are already having trouble securing grid connections.) Doubts also pertain to the commercial allure of the new feed-in-tariffs, according to analysts and industry insiders alike. Last years buoyant installation growth may have been artificially inflated: some attribute a sharp spike at the end of last year to a rush to build projects approved before July 1st, in order to qualify for a higher feed-in-tariff rate. Many companies installing solar plants now are trying to gain an early foothold in a promising market, a ploy more suited to bigger, state-owned developers. Smaller players, by contrast, are said to be waiting until better returns are on offer, although investors do not yet know for how long the new tariffs will be valid. Another reason why Chinas government may be cautious in its regulation of the solar market is that the prospects for overseas demand for Chinese makers products, though less rosy, are not yet dire. In fact, the USs new import levies are something of a damp squib. Some analysts had expected duties of up to 30%, whereas in the event the tariffs ranged from 2.9% (on Suntech Power) to 4.73% (on Trina Solar); all other Chinese makers were hit with a rate of 3.61%. Chinas solar firms should barely blink, while many of their indebted competitors are in trouble.
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45.0 40.0 35.0 30.0 25.0 20.0 15.0 10.0 5.0 0.0
Smaller Chinese solar manufacturers will therefore struggle. Already, there have been reports that banks in Jiangsu province, a heartland of solar manufacturing, are reluctant to lend to local solar firms. But the likes of Suntech and Yingli look a much less threatened species. Vertical integration, market dominance and backing from policy lenders like the China Development Bank will cushion them greatly. What are the risks to our view? One sign that installations growth could take off more quickly in later years would come if State Grid exceeds expectations and makes quick progress in connecting new solar plants to its power network. A flowering of local incentives for solar plants in Chinas sunny west and northwest could also prompt a rethink. The biggest possible upset may lurk in the US. A final judgement on the subsidies case will be made in June, but the greater threat for Chinese makers could come from a preliminary decision, due in mid-May, in a second case. Chinese makers are charged with dumping their products in world markets below cost; anti-dumping duties are normally higher than those meted out in subsidy cases. Stiffer tariffs could cause Beijing to more energetically help Chinese firms by further spurring home demand. Eventually, the controversy in the US could make large Chinese renewables firms stronger, and not just by speeding consolidation of the Chinese solar sector. It may also serve to underline a lesson to which some of them are already aware: probably the best way to sidestep the risk posed by trade
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disputes is to build factoriesthus create jobsin target markets. Suntech, for instance, claims to be relaxed about US import tariffs because it makes solar products in Arizona. Following such a path may whittle away some of Chinese makers cost advantage. But with such large market shares, that may not matter much.
A version of this article originally appeared on March 29th 2012.
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total hydro capacity to just under 300GW by then. By 2020, however, we expect slower installations growth, to 332GW (see chart 6). This will fall short of the governments reported target of 380GW (which it is rumoured may be raised to 430GW), including 330GW of conventional hydro and 50GW of pumped storage. Chinas best-laid hydro plans are likely to go awry due to the difficulty of harnessing ever more inaccessible water resources. Growing concerns about the environmental costs of dam-building, and local-level opposition to human relocation caused by hydro projects, will also have an impact. Such factors, together with stiff domestic competition, will push Chinese hydro companies on overseas adventures. They are already proceeding with vigour: International Rivers, a non-governmental organisation, has traced the involvement of Sinohydro, the worlds biggest hydropower firm, in 195 (sometimes controversial) dam projects in 60 countries. Chinese dam-builders bring with them some of the advantages of Chinas wind and solar makers. Cost, for instance: some recent bids have undercut rival hydro companies by a quarter. Mostly, though, state-owned Sinohydro and its ilk resemble Chinas other natural-resources champions like PetroChina or Sinopec. They are not shy about wading into high-risk countries like Sudan and Myanmar. Diplomats bring them business: civil-engineering schemes like dams often feature in Chinas resources-forinfrastructure deals in Asia and Africa. Meanwhile, dam projects can dwarf anything Suntech or Goldwind can do. China Three Gorges Corporation last year proposed investing US$15bn in Pakistan, where it wants to dam the Indus river valley. Suntechs total revenues in 2011 were only around US$3bn. From this angle, too, hydro has the power.
A version of this article originally appeared on May 11 2012.
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Juicy incentives have attracted investors. Incineration is treated as a renewable energy form in China, so plant owners receive a feed-in tariff. It is hard to overstate the importance of this. Elsewhere, other revenue streams play a bigger role: incineration plants in Europe charge rubbish haulers tipping fees that may reach above 100/t (US$132/t) of waste; in China, tipping fees rarely top Rmb100/t (US$16/t) and usually hover around Rmb50/t. Only about one-fifth of revenue comes from tipping fees in many cases; the rest flows from selling electricity. A refreshing openness to private-sector investment has also encouraged growth in waste-to-energy installations. Chinas energy sector remains state-dominated, but early legislation on waste, passed almost a decade ago, allowed private-sector investment. Lured by the potential of the China market, foreign and local players alike have rushed to stake claimsin some cases submitting loss-making tender offers just to get a foothold. A 2009 study by Standard Chartered found that over one-half of orders for new waste-incineration facilities came from China.
Public resistance
Lax enforcement is partly to blame for these pollution problems, but the fragmented nature of the sector exacerbates matters. Consolidation would create stronger firms able to invest in cleaner technologies. Yet an industry shake-up, anticipated by industry experts and policymakers, appears to be years off. Over 40 firms will commission the next 100 planned incineration plants, by some accounts. Public opposition may stand a greater chance of forcing change. Pollution is an ever more sensitive subject in China and people living nearby existing plants, offended by odourous emissions and worried
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about possible health risks, have protested against new projects. Information on protests is patchy, but according to Chinese media reports by mid-2010 construction of at least six new incineration plants had been postponed due to public opposition. City officials say in interviews that many Chinese mayors are blocking new projects, concerned that they will trigger unrest and spoil their chances of promotion. As more incinerators are built, opposition is likely to mount. Citizens demands for more transparency and better monitoring have already begun to change practice on the ground. Beijing last year spoke of introducing a minimum tipping fee that reflects the costs of environmentally safe rubbish-combustion within the next four years. This could translate into waste plants burning less coalor, more likely, into plants being able to afford to take simple measures like turning on their flue scrubbers. Ultimately, though, higher tipping fees must be funded by Chinas citizens. It will be a brave government official who explains that better health, like cleaner energy, comes at a price.
A version of this article originally appeared on March 5th 2012.
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While every effort has been taken to verify the accuracy of this information, The Economist Intelligence Unit Ltd. cannot accept any responsibility or liability for reliance by any person on this report or any of the information, opinions or conclusions set out in this report.
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