CounterInsurgen

cy Plan
This document is our Groups Plan to fight the Insurgency
Groups in the Philippines.

PSFTP CL
2012-01
BRAVO
COY

GROUP

MEMBERS

INTRODUCTION
For the past 40 years and probably still going on, the Filipino nation faced the same
threat and, sad to say, still exhibits the same complacency. This is alarming because I
know how the communists operate and how fanatic they are in pursuing their goal. I
was one of the first NPA organizers in the Visayas and I know exactly how the CPPNPA-NDF operates. From a band of 40 ill-equipped rebels in 1969, they are now able to
build thousands of armed regular guerilla fighters throughout the country. We are only
taking account of their armed elements. This excludes their mass-based supporters and
those in their sectoral front and pseudo partylist organizations.
Some might ask: Why were the previous and present administrations helpless in
curbing the insurgency problem? It is in this light that I am sharing with you what I have
experienced in my more than ten (10) years with the communist underground
movement. I am hoping to atone for my misdeeds when I was there. As such, you might
profit from my horrendous experience.
It is not enough that we know the enemy only by name. The more important thing is that
we should know the nature, characteristics, strategies, tactics and weaknesses in its
entirety so that we will be able to effectively engage the enemy in combat.
Lack of knowledge regarding the enemy is fatal. The late president Ferdinand E.
Marcos, during his administration, employed full military strength against the Godless
insurgents. Instead, the latter was able to gain more solid grounds, as they incesssantly
inched ahead to reach undeniably 17,000-strong armed regulars. The Aquino
administration, with its policy of social reconciliation, became a laughingstock in the
eyes of the communists. In just one year and a half into Corys ascendancy to power,
the NPAs swelled to 25,000 regulars. Then Defense Secretary Fidel V. Ramos
Lambat-Bitag strategy of winning the hearts and minds of the people was an effective
formula. He subscribed to the idea of using the enemys methodology of countereducation, organizing, and mobilizing the Filipino people against the communists.
The wave of NPA surrenderees and mass supporters in the late 80s and early 90s can
be accredited to this outreach project. Some factors such as the massive factionalism
within the underground movement due to tactical differences does contribute to its
downturn.
In tandem with the Armed Forces and my own initiative, the National Alliance for
Democracy (NAD) the umbrella organization of anti-communist groups formed in l988,
we initially and successfully implemented the project. This is an alliance of quite a
number of anti-communist organizations, throughout the country. The idea of educating
and organizing the people gained ground. But during his presidency, Ramos legalized
the CPP-NPA-NDF, by repealing RA1700 (Anti Subversion Law) without the precondition of laying down their weapons. The joint effort lost steam and utterly failed. It
forced us to distance from him (Ramos) and modestly continued our own pro
democracy campaign.

Ousted President Joseph Estrada might be popular in his all-out war policy against the
insurgents but his purely military approach in curbing a very complex problem brought
him tragedy, instead. He succeeded in the military aspect but failed to recognize the fact
that communist forces are not just those who carry firearms. The bulk of their forces are
the organized workers, student activists, the urban poor, as well as those who carry only
pens and books but adept in manipulating public opinion to advance their cause. As
good tacticians, the communists were able to exacerbate the contradictions between
the two so-called reactionary (liberal and conservative) forces. By employing pressure
politics, Erap has to go after being impeached.
Going daily to the streets and replacing presidents from time to time is part of the
communist retinue and objective to destroy our country: politically and economically,.
The communists had a great and fantastic ride. To project to our lowly folks that the
Philippines cannot attain stability as a result of Uncle Sams imperialism, feudalism and
bureaucrat capitalism doctrine and menu is proof enough of their deceptive
propaganda. The ills of isms are not the makings of America but of the Spanish
regime! History would tell us that this is so.
When President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo took her oath of office as the countrys new
President, she ordered a stop to military and police operations against the NPA and its
new-found tactical ally the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). This resulted to
countless deaths of government officials (mostly congressmen and mayors), civilians,
military and police officers. The communists also pressured her administration to
release from prison all convicted NPA assassins without giving consideration to the
pleas of the victims relatives. The release from prison of Donato Continente, primarily
responsible in assassination of US Army Maj. James Rowe, was the No.1 issue that the
communists demanded. She ordered the resumption of the peace talks with the CPPNPA-NDF in Oslo, Norway.
The information that I will share with your will enormously be of great importance in the
fight against the Maoist communist CPP-NPA-NDF. For us, the famous Chinese military
leader Sun Tzu said Know yourself and your enemy to win a hundred battles, holds
true until today.

THOUGHTS THAT THE INSURGENTS USED

Marxist-Leninist This group adopts the policy of hegemonism and socialist imperialism
in spreading communism to the world. War materiel, firearms, troops and or military
advisers are being sent to other countries for permanent conquest. It believes in the
flexibility of parliamentary struggle and in violent urban insurrection with the proletariat
or industrial workers as the leading force. The old Partido Komunista ng PilipinasHukbong Mapagpalaya ng Bayan (aka Huks)-Democratic Alliance and Congress of
Labor Organization headed by the Lava brothers and Luis Taruc are classic examples of
revolutionaries espousing this type of communism. In the present time, the group of the

late Felimon Popoy Lagman, the Partido ng Manggagawang Pilipino-Bukluran ng

Manggagawang Pilipino-Sanlakas group (PMP-ABB-BMP-Sanlakas) are strong
adherents to this ideology after they rejected the basic doctrine of Maoism during a split
in the mid-80s.
Maoist this group believes in the Protracted Peoples War (PPW), a combination of
armed and political struggles and uses the peasantry or the farmers as the main force
of the revolution. It espouses the dictum of encircling the cities from the countryside as
its main strategy to destroy government and ultimately capture political power. The
CPPNPA-NDF, Bayan Muna, KMU, etc. are espousing this type of communism although
they prefer to be called as National Democrats (Natdems). Their form of struggle is
armed and bloody.
They primarily believe in parliamentary struggle through national and local elections to
attain its communist objectives. However, armed struggle is not ruled out. In the
Philippines, there are several groups espousing this type of communism but they prefer
to call themselves civil society (socialists) to hide their true communist identity. In the
spirit of internationalism, they extend financial assistance to other communist
revolutionary groups throughout the world.
MarxismLeninism is a communist ideology, officially based upon the theories of Karl
Marx and Vladimir Lenin, that promotes the development and creation of an
international communist society through the leadership of a vanguard party presiding
over a revolutionary socialist state that represents a dictatorship of the proletariat.[1]
MarxismLeninism (and its derivatives) was the dominant ideology of the international
Communist movement following the ascension of Joseph Stalin in the Soviet Union, and
as such, it is the political ideology and movement most often associated with the word
"Communism". A society organised through a vanguard party on Marxist-Leninist
principles seeks to purge anything considered bourgeois, or idealist from it in addition, it
seeks to implement universal atheism through the abolition of religion. It supports the
creation of a single-party state; it rejects political pluralism external to communism,
claiming that the proletariat need a single, able and unifying political party through which
to represent themselves and exercise political leadership. Through the policy of
democratic centralism, the communist party is the supreme political institution of the
Marxist-Leninist state and is the prime legal force of societal organisation.
MarxismLeninism is a far-left ideology based on principles of class conflict,
egalitarianism, dialectical materialism, rationalism, and social progress. It is antibourgeois, anti-capitalist, anti-conservative, anti-fascist, anti-imperialist, anti-liberal, antireactionary, and is opposed to bourgeois democracy.

Additionally, MarxismLeninism opposes certain aspects of other forms of Marxian

socialism, including left communism and council communism, as well as certain aspects
of non-Marxist socialist movements, such as anarchism and syndicalism.
The Marxist-Leninist state utilizes a state socialist economy, based on scientific
planning and democratic consensus. It supports public ownership and organisation of
the economy through the abolition of private ownership of land and the means of
production, which become common property utilised by the people through the state. [8]
In the past, it typically replaced the role of market in the capitalist economy with
centralized state management of the economy, which is known as a command
economy.[8] However in recent decades an alternative Marxist-Leninist economy that
exists is the Socialist market economy that has been used by the People's Republic of
China, Socialist Republic of Vietnam and historically by the People's Republic of
Hungary and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.
Marxist feminism is a sub-type of feminist theory which focuses on the dismantling of
capitalism as a way of liberating women. Marxist feminism states that private property,
which gives rise to economic inequality, dependence, political confusion, and ultimately
unhealthy social relations between men and women, is the root of women's oppression
in the current social context.
Marxist feminism's foundation is laid by Engels in his analysis of gender oppression in
The Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State. He claims that a woman's
subordination is not a result of her biologic disposition but of social relations, and that
the institution of family as it exists is a complex system in which men command
women's services.
According to Marxist theory, the individual is heavily influenced by the structure of
society, which in all modern societies means a class structure; that is, people's
opportunities, wants, and interests are seen to be shaped by the mode of production
that characterizes the society they inhabit. Marxist feminists see contemporary gender
inequality as determined ultimately by the capitalist mode of production. Gender
oppression is class oppression and the relationship between man and woman in society
is similar to the relations between proletariat and bourgeoise. Women's subordination is
seen as a form of class oppression, which is maintained (like racism) because it serves
the interests of capital and the ruling class. Marxist feminists have extended traditional
Marxist analysis by looking at domestic labour as well as wage work.
Radical Women, a major Marxist-feminist organization, bases its theory on Marx' and
Engels' analysis that the enslavement of women was the first building block of an
economic system based on private property. They contend that elimination of the

capitalist profit-driven economy will remove the motivation for sexism, racism,
homophobia, and other forms of oppression.
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, both Clara Zetkin and Eleanor Marx
were against the demonization of men and supported a proletarian revolution that would
overcome as many malefemale inequalities as possible. As their movement already
had the most radical demands in women's equality, most Marxist leaders, including
Clara Zetkin and Alexandra Kollontai, counterposed Marxism against bourgeois
feminism, rather than trying to combine them.

Communism in the Philippines

Only a few of us are aware that there are several communist parties in the Philippines
advocating three types of communism. The old Partido Komunista ng Pilipinas (PKP)
organized in November 7, 1930 and its military arm the Hukbong Mapagpalaya ng
Bayan (HMB) or Huks organized by Crisanto Evangelista and Vicente Lava were
espousing the Russian-type. It was crushed in the 1950s through the unstinting effort of
the late President Ramon Magsaysay. However, recent developments would show that
the PKP is again active in Central Luzon.
The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), founded by Jose Ma. Sison in
December 26, 1968, and its military arm the New Peoples Army (NPA), organized in
March 29, 1969, initially composed of whatever was left of the Huks, headed by
Bernabe Buscayno, are espousing Chinese or Maoist type of communism. It vigorously
pursues and reaffirms the doctrines of Mao Tse Tung. Their group call themselves
the Reaffirmists.
Right after the Edsa revolution in 1986 or People Power 1, Fr. Conrado Balweg formed
the Cordillera Peoples Liberation Army (CPLA) to advance autonomy to the Cordilleras.
He and the CPLA practically repudiated the communist ideology in this mountainous
region. His year-ender assassination in 1999 perpetrated by his own blood brother,
Jovencio, brought a vivid realization of the fact that communism does not respect
consanguinity nor family relation. He was treacherously killed right in their own ancestral
home. The brother is still a communist-at-large.
In the mid-80s, the CPPs Manila-Rizal Regional Party Committee and its armed
component, the Alex Bongcayao Brigade (ABB) headed by the late Felimon Popoy
Lagman and Nilo de la Cruz, broke away from the mainstream and formed their own
underground party the Partido ng Manggagawang Pilipino (PMP). They are the core
of the Rejectionists faction. A firm believer of the proletarians role in urban uprising,
Lagman formed a big labor center the Bukluran ng Manggagawang Pilipino.

The groups political party-list is Sanlakas which participated in the 1998 elections and
won a seat in the 11th Congress in the person of Renato Magtubo. In the run-up to the
2001 elections, Sanlakas did not make it but their other party-list, Partido Manggagawa,
gained two (2) during 12th Congress with Renato Magtubo and JV Bautista. In the
current 13th Congress, the Partido Mangagawa only have one representative in the
person of Renato Magtubo.
Another underground group, the Marxist-Leninist Party of he Philippines (MLPP) and its
armed wing, the Rebolusyonaryong Hukbo ng Bayan (RHB) was established. Its area of
operation is basically in Central Luzon. Thus, only in this part of the country, a threecornered fight, so to speak, exists between the RHB, the NPA, and the government
armed forces.
In 1997, Lagman and De la Cruz parted ways. The latter joined another break-away
group the CPPs Negros Island Regional Party Committee headed by Arturo Tabara,
Manuel Caliso and Ike de los Reyes to form the Rebolusyonaryong Partido ng
Manggagawa-Pilipinas (RPM-P) and its military wing, the Revolutionary Proletarian
Army-Alex Bongcayao Brigade (RPA-ABB). Arturo Tabara used to head the CPPs
Visayas Commission. Unknown to many is their ideological leanings that is however
apparent that of espousing reforms.
Akbayans Etta Rosales increasingly has been defending the lines of the RPMP-RPAABB. The alliance of Akbayan with the RPM-P/RPA-ABB is on a tactical level.
Akbayans ideology is based on the Euro-communist type. It won a seat held by Etta
Rosales in the 11th and two seats in the 12th Congress. In the current 13th Congress,
Akabayan has 3 partylist representatives: Etta Rosales, Riza Hontiveros-Baraquel, and
Mario Aguja. In the 14th Congress, aside from Riza Hontiveros-Baraquel, UP Professor
Walden Bello took his seat in the House of Representatives, last April 28, 2009. Though
anti-US, they currently espouse a non-violent approach in attaining reform.
Let us only focus on the CPP-NPA-NDF in as much as it is the most deceptive and most
brutal among the communist rebel groups. As stated earlier, the CPP-NPAs strength
multiplied by leaps and bounds, from an initial national membership of 40 then to tens of
thousands of ideologically-equipped regular armed cadres. At present, there are more
than 100 CPP-NPA-NDF fronts, all over the country. They thrived and grew with the use
of various deceptive techniques and strategy to manipulate our people. Foremost is
their penchant to instill fear on hapless Filipinos, especially in the countryside.

Sword and Shield Theory

The Strategy employed by the communists is the so-called sword and shield theory.
According to Mao, a communist should fight like a knight with sword and shield as its
weapons. The sword represents the armed struggle policy of the communists, or
simply put, revolution. To implement this theory, they organized the NPA. As a knight,

the sword is used to kill the enemy. So is the NPA the killing machine of the CPP. It is
tasked to kill military personnel and all anti-communist elements of society.
The shield represents the United Front organ of the CPP. The implementing arm, with
regard to the CPPs united front policy, is the National Democratic Front. As shield, the
NDF protects the body and the head, which is the CPP. Its primary task is to influence
or attract the sympathy of the middle forces or the petty bourgeoisie in the urban
centers. When it has succeeded, the CPP is now ready for war. It has the sword (NPA)
operating in the countryside, and the shield (NDF) operating in the cities and town
centers. Both the NPA and the NDF are directly under CPPs powerful Central
Committee. But the communists are always projecting the NDF as the umbrella of all
national democratic organizations including the CPP to make it appear that the
communist party is not in control of all revolutionary forces fighting for reforms. This is a
classic case of deceptive strategy to avoid the issue of communism as the word
communist is not generally acceptable to the people.
The Sword
The New Peoples Army (NPA). How do they play their role? For its part, the NPA
organizes different units to become smooth and effective. First, they have the SemiLegal Team (SLT) and Propaganda Organizing Team (POT) to enter rural communities
and do work for the masses. The first thing they do is to establish contact persons
(CPs). From these CPs they are able to implement social investigation and class
analysis (SICA) and gather information. Usually the economic and social conditions of
the people in the barangays especially the economic status of every resident must be
given due importance to determine who will be their possible ally and prospective
enemy.
The CPs will then be formed into Barangay Liaison Group (BLG) whose primary task is
to invite selected barangay folks (mostly poor peasants and farm workers) to a meeting.
The topics mainly focuses on the basic problems of society allegedly brought about by
feudalism, bureaucrat capitalism and US imperialism. There and then brainwashing
starts with other issues with propaganda values taking cue. Usually, their education
touches on some environmental protection. This the reason why they are against mining
activities, construction of dams, and illegal logging. They also concentrate on the issue
of land reform to agitate the peasants to hate the landlords and government.
After a series of indoctrination, convinced participants will now be formed into Barangay
Organizing Group (BOG) and will now start to organize the people into different cells:
men, women, youth and children. When the BOG is already selfsustaining, the SLT/POT
will now proceed to the next targeted barangay to continue their mass work. They leave
behind a now-politicized barangay whose conditions are ripe for the Sandatahan Yunit
Propaganda (SYP). This unit makes entry to the barangay unhindered. In military
parlance, the barangay is already considered as infiltrated at this stage.

The presence of armed men might alarm the barangay officials and other residents and
usually report this to the military or police. But military/police operations usually bear
negative results because the BOG has already been consolidated and has provided
assistance to the armed SYPs like pasa-bilis and extend refuge to the communist
armed NPAs. These organized and brainwashed barangay folks will then be mobilized
to attend rallies, demonstrations and other forms of anti government mass actions.
Usually, mass actions are centered on the socalled massive military operation in the
countryside. A barangay with a solid mass-based structure will then be transformed
into a Barangay Revolutionary Committee (BRC) or Komite sa Balangay ( KOMBAL).
It will take time for the military and the police to detect such presence because of mass
support coming from the civilian population. Anybody who would dare report the
presence of NPAs in the barangay would be killed in front of barangay folks. Anybody
who would dare oppose their views would be eliminated in the guise of cleansing the
barangay of bad elements. Those who refuse to be convinced are subjected to the
muzzles of the gun placed on their mouth. A sort of political power growing out of the
barrel of the gun practice.
The NPA is composed of several regular units that operate in their respective areas of
operation. One is the Main Regular Guerilla Unit (MRGU) that serves as the regional
force of the CPPs regional political structure the Regional Party Committees (RPCs).
The Front Guerilla Unit (FGU) or the District Guerilla Unit (DGU) operates within
specified district or province covered by the RPCs. The Local Militia (LM), considered as
the NPAs first line of defense, and the masa that provides the logistics are put to work
as pasa bilis a sort of communication system efficiently established by the NPA.
Nowadays, they effectively the cellphones dubbed as text bilis to send information to
the communist NPA.
Before the military reaches their objective, the NPAs are already forewarned that the
enemy is coming. This is because the communists have already assimilated all the
information regarding the operation of government forces. The higher operational
command of the NPA, for its part, will order the local militia to harass and engage the
military in combat. Usually, in this kind of operation, many among the local militia are
killed and several masa arrested. The government armed forces will then issue a
press release saying: Communist Terrorists Killed in Encounter. Many of us will take the
news at its face value and would think that it is military might versus the dismal armed
strength of the NPAs. But the exact opposite becomes the issue. This is the classic
example of - -Bayan Muna by day; NPA by night.
The communists will exploit the issue through their sectoral front organizations, like
KARAPATAN, Promotion of Church Peoples Response, Gabriela, and others. They will
then send fact-finding missions to conduct investigation and agitational propaganda
among the relatives and friends of the socalled victims. Thus, another round of
recruitment ensues. They usually have use trimedia facilities to discredit the military. It
would be foolish to believe that the communists are saddened because ofthe incident.
In fact, the more members of the local militia and masa that the military kills, the happier

the communists would be. In the first place, killing is the primary scheme of eliminating
different classes of people in line with their aim of achieving a class-less society.
According to the communists, the peasant farmers are the most unreliable allies of the
revolution because they are individualistic and unscientific. Unscientific because they
believe in so many superstitions and that their faith in God is very strong.
In the program of the communists, the peasant sector is the first to be eliminated. But in
the process they will use the farmers for the advancement of their cause. This is the
very nature of the communists! They will use anybody for as long as you are still useful
but once you have outlived your usefulness, they will kill you. Lest we forget that they
could just kill you easily for they do not value human life. For any communist, everything
in this world is just- - matter in motion. If they kill you as a human being, they then
would just hasten your transformation into another kind of matter, not in motion but as
- - fertilizer.
The communists are masters in the art of deception. Take the issue of land reform, for
example. Is there land reform in Red China, Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Cuba, and other
countries under communist rule? The answer is a resounding NO! But look at how they
use the issue of land reform just to deceive our brother Filipinos. In fact, one of the
reasons why many farmers are joining the ranks of the communists is because they
were made to believe that after the revolution, lands would be given for free. At times,
there is a grain of truth in their promise because those who get killed are indeed given a
parcel of land- six (6) feet below the ground The farmers will become the first
beneficiaries of this genuine and revolutionary land reform promised by the
communists.
The latest proofs of their insatiable thirst for peoples blood are the victims who were
unceremoniously dumped in the Inopacan mass graves, in Southern Leyte. Revelations
by relatives of the victims showed that the latter were manipulated, deceived, or forced
to join the Maoist communist armed movement without the knowledge or consent of
their respective families. Not only in Inopacan did this happen. There are quite a
number of newly discovered mass graves of the Maoist communist terrorists.
In the mid-80s, several prominent party members like Rollie Kintanar and Nilo de la
Cruz were responsible in organizing NPA special urban hit squads called Sparrow
units. They operate in the urban centers as part of their strategic offensives. The move
sparked squabbles among party members when Joma Sison criticized it as a premature
strategy since the political mass work in the countryside is not yet ripe for the final
encirclement of the cities. The squabbles resulted to factionalism when some leading
cadres of the CPP finally rejected the basic principle of Maoism!
The Shield
The National Democratic Front (NDF). The NDFs main concern is to poison the
peoples minds with half or twisted truths by using its front organizations or the so-called

cause-oriented or militant groups. Take for example the case that I mentioned earlier.
It would appear in the newspapers that it was an encounter. But the NDF and its front
organizations would demonstrate and go into mass actions to condemn it and call it
MASSACRE! If an NPA is killed, they will shout military abuses, militarization, fascism,
human rights violation, etc. but when and if a government soldier or a plain civilian is
killed by the NPAs they wont shout human rights violations at all because for them it is
alright. Their propaganda is aimed at discrediting the government and to demoralize
the military.
How does the NDF carry out its program effectively? The NDF organized different
sectoral front organizations or infiltrate existing organizations to advance their cause. All
these front organizations are under the umbrella Bagong Alyansang Makabayan or
BAYAN. It is directly under the NDF which in turn is under the CPP Central Committee.
The role of BAYAN is to coordinate and supervise the activities of all aboveground
(legal) sectoral front organizations. With one effective structure or command lineage, it
would not be surprising to learn that when one of these groups raise an issue, it is
immediately echoed and re-echoed down the line. It is clear though that they are only
mouthing things fed to them by the CPP.
In the labor sector, they have the Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) organized by Bert Olalia, a
confessed Marxist. Today, it is headed by Crispin Beltran, a Bayan Muna representative
during the 12th Congress and used to be an original member of the CPPs National
United Front Committee (NUFC). This fits well in the communists program of
subjugating the Philippines. In fact, KMU is playing one of the most important roles
towing the NDF agenda. The communist ideology considers the working class or
proletariat as the most advanced class or elements of the revolution. Under the KMU
are different labor federations and smaller labor organizations bringing the name of
democracy, nationalism, progress, militancy and such other attractive words? Mao Tse
Tung in this regard, said: Let a hundred flowers bloom,- meaning, the more flowers
they grow, the more bees it would attract. Following that line, the more organizations,
the more workers they could attract and recruit.
Mao has said: A good communist is like a good fisherman. A good fisherman uses
bigger nets to catch a lot of fish. In communism, the more organizations, the better it is
for the communists in their recruitment campaign. I did not say that all members of the
KMU are communists. It only takes two or three communists to manipulate its decisions
and actions. These are the so-called party group. This would ensure that all of the
organizations activities and programs must carry the seal of approval of the CPP. Their
ultimate aim is to destroy our national economy. Jose Ma. Sison in his book entitled
Philippine Society and Revolution, said: The workers can temper its own class by
waging strikes and general strikes (Welgang Bayan) to paralyze its class enemy
(capitalists) in preparation for the seizure of political power in coordination with the New
Peoples Army.
In the student and youth sector, they have the League of Filipino Students, the National
Union of Students in the Philippines, and Youth for National Democracy, Kabataan para

sa Demokrasya at Nasyonalismo (KADENA), etc. They now have chapters in many high
schools, colleges and universities throughout the country. The students also are very
important because in every NPA squad there is always a political officer and it should
come from the student sector, according to the book Philippine Society and Revolution
by Jose Ma. Sison.
The Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (KMP) is the biggest and foremost umbrella front
organization in the peasant sector. You try to listen to the arguments of the supposedly
unlettered farmers against issues on RP-US Balikatan exercises, globalization, or hear
him talk about US imperialism, fascism, capitalism, and about the Philippine economy.
For sure you will shake your head in disbelief. Before, they do not know anything about
ismo, pasismo, imperyalismo, kapitalismo, and piyudalismo. All they knew were
only misis mo, ikaw mismo, and pasmo.
In the professional sector, they have the Alliance of Concerned Teachers (ACT). They
are now infiltrating government employees through the Confederation and Unity for
Reform and Advancement of Government Employees (COURAGE). The religious sector
has its Task Force Detainees of the Philippines, Promotion of Church Peoples
Response (PCPR), and the Ecumenical Movement for Justice and Peace (EMJP). The
Church is even backing the very and obviously biased human rights group
KARAPATAN. It is hard to believe that many spiritual leaders fell prey to the communist
standard of double-talk. But this is true! The international spokesman of the NDF is a
Roman Catholic priest Fr. Luis Jalandoni. He is from the Visayas. He is now in Europe
with his wife an erstwhile nun and a ranking party member Connie Ledesma.
Sometimes it is hard to call Jalandoni father but somehow, it is justified because the
truth is he has fathered many children. The award-winning movie Sister Estella L.
was based on the life story of his wife Sister Connie Ledesma, portrayed by actress
Vilma Santos, the current Governor of Batangas.
The Maoist communist CPP-NPA-NDF has succeeded in infiltrating the legislative
branch of government. This is in line with Vladimir Lenins teaching: Use democracy to
destroy democracy, use nationalism to destroy nationalism, and join the parliament to
destroy the parliament. In fact, the communists are now Congress. Their deceptive
propaganda lured millions of votes for Bayan Muna in the several party-list elections
that they joined. As members of Congress, they now can spend millions of pesos in
taxpayers money to finance their armed struggle. Just recently, Bayan Muna
representatives were able to convert all the areas, earlier considered by the military as
red areas, into Bayan Muna chapters. In short, any attempt of the military to send out
patrols into these areas are considered illegal acts or pure harassment. Now, the
military would be helpless if Satur Ocampo and Crispin Beltran visit these areas
bringing along with them food provisions, guns, and ammunitions for the NPAs. To top it
all, no one can question their use of government funds, through the Philippine
Development Assistance Fund (PDAF), many have said are Pork Barrel funds, to fuel
the communist insurgencys cause against the government.

In the 13th Congress, the Maoist communist party-list representatives are as follows:
BAYAN MUNA Satur Ocampo, Teddy Casio, and Joel Virador; ANAK PAWIS
Crispin Beltran and Rafael Mariano, GABRIELA Liza Maza. Despite their being small
in number, somehow they were able to influence the House leadership. We must not
forget that they once sought refuge in the Lower House and used their immunity from
arrest, which the House leadership easily agreed to.
With the 14th Congress, the Maoist communist got its own dose of medicine: an effective
antidote to their malicious propaganda, wily character, and the manipulative use of
Congress to advance their cause. My entry into Congress was actually proverbial. A
decision of the Commission on Election, sitting en banc as the National Board of
canvassers for Partylist, issued NBC Resolution No. 09-001, April 24, 2009
implementing a Supreme Court decision enjoining the inclusion of ANAD as among the
new partylist organizations in Congress.
Many a Representatives in Congress have expressed satisfaction that the Maoist
communist pseudo partylist organizations, Bayan Muna with Satur Ocampo, Teddy
Casino, and Neri Colmenares; Gabriela with Liza Maza and Luzviminda Ilagan;
Anakpawis with Rafael Mariano and Joel Maglungsod, and Kabataan Partylist with
Raymond Palatino, have now found themselves in a very untenable position with ANAD
Partylist holding sway and effectively unmasking them as Maoist communist partylist
personalities and organizations.
In same way, these pseudo partylist organizations are practically using government
funds to fan the flames of their sworn objective to overthrow the duly constituted free
and democratic government and replace the same with a communist dictatorship. In a
nutshell, ANADs entry has not altered the course charted by these personalities for the
Maoist communists-terrorist organization.
Notwithstanding the fact that they had to glaringly subdue their intentions and
machinations in the Lower House of Congress, they have become emboldened with a
new strategy of getting at least 3 seats in the Senate, during the May 10 national
elections. Courtesy of Makabayang Koalisyon ng Mamamayan (Makabayan), the
Maoist communist are currently training their sights on the Senate titillating political
mainstream parties with their self-acclaimed 2.3 million captive votes and about Php 1
billion pesos in election booty in exchange for these political parties support for the
Senatorial bids of Satur Ocampo, Liza Maza, Teddy Casino, and Rafael Mariano.
This is aside from the programmed increase in their partylist representation in the Lower
House by adding the Alliance for Concerned Teachers (ACT), the Confederation for the
Unity, Reform and Advancement of Government Employees (COURAGE), and
MIGRANTE (Overseas Filipino Workers).

COUNTER INSURGENCY PLANS IN THE PHILIPPINES

"SANDUGO MASTER PLAN" (The PNP ISO Master Plan) dated 04 December 2001
This serves as the long-range and holistic master plan of the PNP in waging an internal
security support operations nationwide. Premised on the estimate of the national
situation and other considerations, it prescribes the counter-insurgency support
strategy, operational concept, scheme of implementation, service support and
coordinating instructions in order to accomplish the PNP's internal security support
mission.

The Counterinsurgency Campaign

The armed forces' primary mission in the late 1980s was combating the communist
insurgency. During Marcos's last years, the communist movement expanded rapidly in
political influence and military strength. By 1986, when Aquino came to power, the
armed forces estimated that there were some 22,500 regular NPA guerrillas active in
sixty-three of the country's seventy-three provinces. Reported insurgent strength
peaked the following year at about 26,000 people. The Muslim insurgency, meanwhile,
was relatively quiet. Although the military maintained forces in Moro areas, clashes with
government forces were infrequent and the threat of a full-scale resurgence was low
(see The Communist Insurgency; The Moros , this ch.).
Despite many well-publicized programs, the counterinsurgency effort in the early and
mid-1980s was clearly failing to stem the rising tide of communist influence.
Government estimates of NPA strength more than tripled between 1983 and 1986, from
around 6,000 to more than 20,000. Recognizing the growing problem, Marcos escalated
the counterinsurgency effort, emphasizing civic action. Under the aegis of the Home
Defense Program, military units constructed roads and schools, provided disaster relief,
assisted in maintaining security and public utilities, and performed law enforcement.
Army engineer units, greatly expanded with United States assistance, played a key role
in these development efforts. The armed forces also took part in literacy projects and
the National Livelihood Program, which were designed to improve the standard of living
in rural areas.
These programs notwithstanding, the government lost ground in its efforts to win hearts
and minds. Part of the reason was the declining popularity of the Marcos government
and increasing criticism of the armed forces. Many Filipinos felt that those in the military,
particularly in the Philippine Constabulary and the militia, the Civilian Home Defense
Force, had become increasingly abusive and corrupt. Human rights groups documented
numerous petty crimes as well as more serious instances of unlawful arrest, torture, and
"salvaging," the assassination of suspects and detainees. Most victims were suspected

insurgents or their supporters. Public respect for the military eroded while relations
between the armed forces and important groups, such as the Roman Catholic Church,
deteriorated. Attempts to improve discipline within the armed forces through retraining,
punishment, and dismissal appeared to do little to quell growing public fear and
suspicion.
Initially, the Aquino government reversed the decline in human rights performance and
made notable strides in restoring the tarnished image of the military. The 1987
constitution outlawed torture and all forms of "secret and incommunicado detention." It
also established a permanent Commission on Human Rights and directed that the
militia, constabulary, and police forces--frequent targets of abuse complaints--be
disbanded. The armed forces were far less abusive in 1986 according to human rights
groups. However, military discipline apparently worsened over the next two years. In
1987 military personnel were primary suspects in the assassination of a prominent leftist
political activist and in two other incidents that resulted in the deaths of twelve Manila
demonstrators and seventeen rural villagers. International human rights monitors
alleged that abuses in 1988 were as bad as they were under Marcos. In an apparent
reaction to mounting criticism, the military renewed efforts to improve civil-military
relations, and reported abuse by the military declined over the next two years.
Human rights remained a concern in 1991. According to the United States Department
of State's 1990 annual human rights report to Congress, abuses--including extrajudicial
killings-- continued. The report also criticized the government's failure to prosecute
those responsible for the crimes. Lapses in the administration of justice were attributed
in part to the strong imperative of the military to protect its own members, who were
tried in military courts. Convictions on human rights violations were rare. Still, by 1990
the overall armed forces human rights record under Aquino was much improved over
the Marcos era.
Although the Aquino government scored other successes in its counterinsurgency
campaign, initial efforts proved disappointing. The new administration hoped that many
NPA personnel could be coaxed out of the hills following the overthrow of Marcos and
took up the theme of reconciliation in 1986. One of Aquino's first acts was to release
political detainees, including captured CPP chairman Jose Maria Sison. Later, following
talks with senior representatives of the communists' National Democratic Front, the
government agreed to a sixty-day cease-fire, which ended in February 1987. The
president also issued an executive order establishing the National Reconciliation and
Development Program. The revived rebel amnesty program was inaugurated in January
1987 to encourage NPA defections by offering land, job training, and assimilation into
society. The reconciliation approach was a disappointment to the government, however,

as few insurgents surrendered. As a result, Aquino altered government strategy in

March 1987 when she announced the "unleashing" of the military.
Following the 1986 change of government, the military resumed full-scale
counterinsurgency operations with a new strategy known as Mamamayan, meaning
people. Mamamayan was similar in most respects to the previous counterinsurgency, or
COIN, plan, Marcos's Katatagan (stability), but added President Aquino's theme of
reconciliation to the original program of "clear, hold, consolidate, and develop." The
revised COIN plan called for military units, with the cooperation of other government
agencies, to systematically clear areas of insurgents, to hold the region against
returning guerrillas, to consolidate support for the government, and to develop the area
economically. The first task--clearing rebel-infested areas--was seen as the task of
mobile forces--the army battalions and constabulary special action forces. The role of
holding and consolidating liberated regions was assigned to territorial forces--the
constabulary, police, and militia units.
The updated counterinsurgency strategy was complemented by revamped armed forces
tactics that were generally credited with contributing to the insurgency's decline during
the late 1980s. Under Aquino, the military continued its shift away from conventional
methods such as food blockades, cordon and search operations and hamletting (the
forced relocation of villages controlled or threatened by the NPA). These methods,
employed during the 1970s war against the Moros, were too often ineffective and
counterproductive because they frequently alienated the populace. In other respects,
the military's approach to COIN efforts changed little. Most military units operated as
they had under Marcos, in static positions protecting town halls, businesses, and major
roads.
The deployment of special operations teams beginning in 1987 and the formation of
new militia units in 1988 were touted by military leaders as important steps toward more
effective COIN. Special operations teams were squad-sized military counterinsurgency
teams dispatched to CPP-influenced villages to dismantle the communists' political
infrastructure by conducting civic action and propaganda programs. These teams
worked in conjunction with the newly revamped militia, now called the Citizens Armed
Forces Geographic Units (CAFGUs), to provide security to each remote barangay (see
Glossary). The CAFGUs replaced the Civilian Home Defense Force, which was
frequently criticized as abusive by human rights groups. Local anticommunist vigilante
groups, some associated with the military, also proved effective deterrents to communist
organizing and NPA activity in certain areas (see Organization and Training , this ch.).
Improved military intelligence also played an important role in undercutting the
insurgency in the late 1980s. Military intelligence agents repeatedly captured top CPP

and NPA cadres and gathered revealing CPP and NPA documents. Rodolfo Salas, the
CPP's former chairman, was among numerous central committee members rounded up.
The fear of government intelligence penetrations of communist ranks contributed to
devastating purges of rebel ranks between 1985 and 1988.
Perhaps the biggest contribution to the counterinsurgency campaign in the late 1980s
was political, not military. Communist leaders admitted that Aquino, by restoring popular
government and democratic institutions, significantly set back the revolutionary
movement. Further civilian contributions in the fight against the communists were
encouraged by the creation in 1987 of Peace and Order Councils. Established at all
levels of government, the councils consisted of political and military leaders as well as
selected community representatives and were charged with fostering greater civilian
involvement and cooperation in what traditionally had been a military counterinsurgency
struggle. A 1989 United States military study, however, concluded that the COIN effort
remained largely a military effort despite the communist insurgency's political character.
Foreign and Filipino critics of the government's COIN program further alleged that the
communist insurgency had endured for more than twenty years because the Philippines
had not effectively addressed the social and cultural roots of the rural rebellion. The
communist rebellion, it was said, was fed by the same social and economic inequities
that had prompted previous peasant uprisings. The disparity between the small, but
very wealthy, elite and the many impoverished was fundamental to the appeal of the
revolutionary movement. Issues such as land reform resonated strongly among poor
farmers, who also complained of abuses by landlords and politicians. Until such
grievances were resolved, observers noted, they would continue to fuel insurgent
activity in the country.
Development of Counter Insurgency Plans
2009 At the beginning of the year, the Arroyo government issued orders for the military
to reduce the number of New Peoples Army (NPA) rebel bases by 80 per cent by mid2010. Arroyo stressed the need to terminate the communist insurgency, stating that the
rebel group is impeding progress and development in different parts of the country. The
prospect of peace talks between the government and CPP/NPA/NDF was discussed as
early as March. The peace talks were eventually scheduled to take place in August in
Oslo. But the talks were cancelled after the government refused to meet the CPPs
demand of releasing several communist guerilla leaders from prison. This year, 560
NPA rebels surrendered their arms and re-entered civil life. The Social Integration
Program (SIP), which was introduced by the Arroyo government in 2008, provides
rebels who surrender with livelihood assistance, immediate financial assistance and
remuneration for any arms they turn in. Although not related to the communist rebels,
the controversy after the November massacre of more than 50 political activists did not
help foster CPP and government relations. The powerful Ampatuan clan, thought to be

behind the massacre, controls much of the southern Philippines and was widely
believed to have helped President Gloria Arroyo win the 2004 Presidential elections.
2008 The persecution, abduction and killing of leftist civil-society leaders, accused of
organizing fronts for the NDF, continued to be condemned by human-rights
organizations. A UN report described the governments traditional explanation for these
disappearances and killings (that the CPP was purging itself) as completely baseless
and a cynical attempt to displace responsibility. A group of activists known as the
Tagaytay Five were released after a court found their 2006 arrest and detainment to be
unlawful. In November 2008, a government taskforce released a list of 260
disappearances, indicating military responsibility in 19 cases. To date, no soldiers have
been punished for involvement in abduction, disappearances or killings of civilians. A
CPP statement released in early 2008 called the prospects for renewed peace talks
dim and nil. Nonetheless, an informal meeting between the government and the CPP
was held in Norway. In December 2008, the CPP rejected the governments demand of
indefinite ceasefire as a precondition for resuming formal peace talks, and no new
meetings were scheduled. In late 2008, officials from the Moro Islamic Liberation Front
(MILF) rejected a CPP call for a joint intensified campaign in Mindanao (see Mindanao
conflict);
the
parties
were
said
to
have
a
tactical
alliance.
2007 May Elections for both houses of Congress as well as provincial and local
governments were generally considered free and fair, but were blemished by increased
violence and accusations of vote-buying. President Gloria Arroyos plan to oust the
New Peoples Army (NPA) by 2010 got off to a slow start. Only five of 100 NPA camps
were dismantled in the first half of the year. Late in the year, Arroyo attempted to revive
an anti-subversion law that would punish mere membership with the NPA. The
opposition argued the law would impede human rights. Accusations of political killings
and kidnappings of leftist activists brought international condemnation. NPA rebels
rejected an amnesty offer from the government, calling it a political ploy.
2006 In February, President Gloria Arroyo declare a one-week state of emergency after
a coup attempt. Arroyos troubles continued with the opposition filing an impeachment
complaint in June, and discussions taking place between the opposition and the CPP
regarding a possible alliance. The government declared an intensified campaign
against the communist insurgents, putting $19-million (U.S.) toward military and
logistical efforts. The government passed a law abolishing the death penalty in June.
The CPP-NPA saw the arrest of a leader, Delfin de Guzman (alias Rafael Cruz) and the
surrender of a party organizer Eutequio A. Pones (alias Ka Chong Uy) and his assistant
Danilo
M.
Semproso
(alias
Ka
Omar).
2005 The Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) refused to enter into peace talks
with the Philippine government as long as the CPP/NPA remained listed as a terrorist
organization by the United States and the European Union. President Gloria Arroyo
survived a year of political scandals involving electoral fraud and corruption as
Congress dismissed impeachment calls in September. The Presidents political troubles
hampered
the
restart
of
peace
negotiations
throughout
the
year.

2004 Official talks between the government and the Communist rebels were
indefinitely suspended by the rebels in August because the New Democratic Front
(NDF)
remained
on
the
U.S.
terrorist
organizations
list.
2003 In spite of occasional outbreaks of violence, efforts at resolving the conflict
continued. The alliance between the U.S. and Philippine governments was
strengthened when the latter was designated a major non-NATO ally of the United
States in May. The ceasefire signed between the government and the largest Muslim
rebel group, Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), in July could have a negative impact
on the New Peoples Army (NPA)more government forces would be available to use
against the communist rebels. In November, President Gloria Arroyo declared that she
would run in the May 2004 presidential election, contrary to earlier statements.
2002 The United States provided military support and training to the Philippines military
in Operation Shoulder to Shoulder, which the government used to step up security
measures against the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP), and the New Peoples
Army (NPA), both of which were placed on the U.S. governments list of foreign terrorist
organizations. The national police also deployed 500 plainclothes police officers or
Secret Marshals in response to the NPAs refusal to observe the traditional Christmas
truce.
2001 In April, the Philippine government and rebels met for peace talks in Oslo. The
talks began on a positive note with both sides aiming for peace within 18 months.
However, by June, the negotiations stalled after the rebels killed a congressman.
2000 After the suspension of peace talks in 1999, the peace process remained stalled.
1999 Peace talks between the government and rebels were suspended in May after the
Senate endorsed the Visiting Forces Agreement, allowing U.S. forces to conduct joint
military exercises with their Filipino counterparts.

OUR GROUPs COUNTER INSURGENCY PLAN

Our Paramount Task
Our primary task is to use their weapons against them: First, conduct a massive
propaganda drive against the communists and expose its evil and sinister goals;
Second, organize the people who are already aware of the communist threat so that we
can put up a common front against the communists or red unions; and Third, mobilize
the people, especially the workers, against the front organizations of the CPP.

They have succeeded in infiltrating our countrys legislative mill Congress.

We have to act now. Let us not wait for the unborn children to take up the cudgels and
fight for us. It might be too late. The time to act is now! Today! Do we have to wait till the
blood-red flag with the hammer and sickle is waving proudly all over the land?
In Parting It is usually not by force of arms that the communists bring a country down,
but by MANIPULATING public opinion to their advantage.

Have a Good Program on Education, Skills Development,

Agrarian Reform and Livelihood Project:
One strategy of the communists in luring the uneducated poor farmers and the urban
poor into their cause is the issue of poverty which they instantaneously and
spontaneously blame on government. This is very alarming because this attracts not
only the poor but also those whose concerns are for the poor, like the clergy.
Yes, it cannot be denied that there is massive poverty in our society today. But while the
communists are shouting and complaining about poverty, nobody dare expose that the
prevalence of poverty is the condition that the communists wanted most. They are
primarily responsible in our peoples misery. Look, what prosperity the country had
before 1968. There was no widespread insurgency problem during that period, the
Philippines managed to be the second richest country in Asia next to Japan. Poverty
reared its ugly head only after the establishment of the wily CPP-NPA. Why? Because
when the NPA activities were intensified in the 70s up to present, people in the
provinces who wanted to live in peace were forced to leave their places and move
toward urban centers. They prefer to become refugees in the cities rather than continue
farming and are caught in the crossfire between the military and the NPA. As a result,
farmers were being displaced from their natural place of work and without any urban
technical know-how, were forced to live in poverty, in the cities. A condition that would
naturally led to social problems.
Those who were left behind in the rural areas have no other choice but to stop working
in part or in whole, at the farms, then join the guerillas. Instead of planting and growing
something, the farmers are now fighting against the government. Considering that our
country is an agricultural economy and when nobody intends to work in the farms, this
will naturally led to food shortages and underproduction. This has resulted in the
shortage of rice and forcing our government to import rice from nearby Vietnam and
Thailand. Not only that, this condition is deemed as the root cause of rice smuggling
which is prevalent and rampant now. Instead of attracting investors to resolve the
growing unemployment, the communists are too busy organizing workers to engage in
labor strikes. These resulted to the massive closures of companies and capital flight
outside of the country thus vigorously contributing to the ever-increasing unemployment

of our people. Are these not that factors leading to poverty? And yet, they keep blaming
on the system, the Americans, and the people in government! Poverty is not the cause
of insurgency but rather the other way around. It is insurgency that causes poverty!
A Better Peace Talk and Intensive Fight:
The Maoist communist CPP-NPA-NDF lives and thrives on deception and terrorism. If
one does not fall on their deception, terrorism sets in. In 1986 the entire country,
through the Cory government, fell into the communist trap. The NDF claimed that,
through Antonio Zumel and Satur Ocampo, they are the legitimate body to represent all
revolutionary forces in the Philippines, including the CPP-NPA. This is not true! It is lie!
The NDF and the NPA are two co-equal bodies under the CPP Central
Committee.Therefore, clearly stated that the NDF was a wrong party that the
government should dealt with during the ceasefire period and peace talks. It should
have been the CPP Central Committee! To exemplify this hile the military stopped all
of their operations against the communist terrorists during the ceasefire period, the NPA
was having heydays liquidating civilians, military and police personnel. They continued
firing despite the agreement. This is a case of talk, talk, talk orchestrated by the
NDF; while the armed NPA does the fire, fire, fire. The most cogent reason is that the
NPA is not bound to comply with whatever agreement signed between the government
and the NDF.
Also, this shows the insincerity of the CPP in the negotiations for peace because in the
first place, the communists do not believe that they can take over power of government
through peaceful means. As Mao Tse Tung said Peace is only possible after the
revolution. They use the ceasefire issue to advance their intentions. The elbow room
afforded to them, during any of those 60 days ceasefire periods were immense: a) they
could not be arrested because of the safe conduct passes issued by the government;
b) they continue recruiting members, conduct retraining programs, re arming and redeployment of troops in the different parts of the country. After the 60-day ceasefire
period, the enemy grew even stronger. That is what Mao Tse Tung was referring to
when he said -take one step backward and two steps forward.
To emphasize our point, in June 2001, the Arroyo administration made another mistake
when she once again offered to talk peace with the communists. While the
negotiations were going on somewhere in Norway, the NPA intensified its armed assault
on hapless civilians and government officials that costs the lives of Gov. Rodolfo
Aguinaldo of Cagayan, Cong. Marcial Punzalan of Quezon, Mayor Cesar Platon of
Batangas and several others. The supposed talking points are the issues of human
rights, peace, democracy, etc. The discussion for a possible peace was a complete
failure because both sides failed to arrive at the exact definition of terms acceptable to
both. Besides, the communists do not have a fiber of intention to seek and talk peace
with a government that it seeks to overthrow and replace!
The recent initiatives for the resumption of the peace negotiations, with Norway playing
an important role as facilitator, turned out to be a big dud with the Maoist communist

NDF asking one-to-many demands pushing, as always, the GRP and the government of
the Philippines to subvert its own laws by setting free and quashing all the criminal
cases filed against 14 Maoist communist rebels who are currently in detention by virtue
of a warrant of arrest issued by our courts of law.
Jose Ma. Sisons appetite for double talk and lies continues to holds sway as he
blatantly threatened to scuttle the Norwegian sponsored resumption of the oftenly
stalled peace talks after the government refused to budge-in to their demand. This
despite governments bending too much by releasing from detention Elizabeth Principe
and Randall Echaniz, both top leaders in the Central Committee of the Maoist
communists CPP-NPA-NDF plus an assurance that Rafael Baylosis and Vicente Ladlad
would not be arrested pending the holding of the talks.
Like a spoiled brat, the Maoist communists penchant for deceit and lies has shown and
as always would be.