The History of Costa Rica - Rankin, Monica

THE
HISTORY OF
COSTA RICA
Monica A. Rankin
The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations

Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling, Series Editors
THE
HISTORY OF
COSTA RICA
ADVISORY BOARD
John T. Alexander
Professor of History and Russian and European Studies,
University of Kansas
Robert A. Divine
George W. Littlefield Professor in American History Emeritus,
University of Texas at Austin
John V. Lombardi
Professor of History,
University of Florida
THE
HISTORY OF
COSTA RICA
Monica A. Rankin
The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations

Copyright 2012 by Monica A. Rankin

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, except for the inclusion of brief quotations in a
review, without prior permission in writing from the publisher.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Rankin, Monica A., 1972
The history of Costa Rica / Monica A. Rankin.
pages cm. (The Greenwood histories of the modern nations)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 9780313379444 (hardcopy : alk. paper) ISBN 9780313379451 (ebook)
1. Costa RicaHistory. I. Title.
F1546.R36 2012
972.86dc23
2011053292
ISBN: 9780313379444
EISBN: 9780313379451
16 15 14 13 12
1 2 3 4 5
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TO BRIAN
PURA VIDA, MI AMOR
Contents
Series Foreword
Preface
ix
xiii
Timeline of Historical Events
xv
Introduction: Pura Vida
Colonial Costa Rica
15
Independence and the Early Nineteenth Century
35
Emergence of National Identity
51
The Consolidation of the Liberal State
65
The Banana Republic
79
The Social Welfare State and Civil War
95
The Cold War and the Liberacion Era
113
viii
9
10
Contents
State-Led Development and Debt
127
Contemporary Costa Rica
143
Notable People in the History of Costa Rica
161
Glossary
171
Bibliographic Essay
183
Index
191
Series Foreword
The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations series is intended to provide students and interested laypeople with up-to-date, concise, and
analytical histories of many of the nations of the contemporary world.
Not since the 1960s has there been a systematic attempt to publish a
series of national histories, and as series editors, we believe that this
series will prove to be a valuable contribution to our understanding
of other countries in our increasingly interdependent world.
Some 40 years ago, at the end of the 1960s, the Cold War was an
accepted reality of global politics. The process of decolonization was
still in progress, the idea of a unified Europe with a single currency
was unheard of, the United States was mired in a war in Vietnam,
and the economic boom in Asia was still years in the future. Richard
Nixon was president of the United States, Mao Tse-tung (not yet Mao
Zedong) ruled China, Leonid Brezhnev guided the Soviet Union, and
Harold Wilson was prime minister of the United Kingdom. Authoritarian dictators still controlled most of Latin America, the Middle East
was reeling in the wake of the Six-Day War, and Shah Mohammad
Reza Pahlavi was at the height of his power in Iran.
Since then, the Cold War has ended, the Soviet Union has vanished,
leaving 15 independent republics in its wake, the advent of the
Series Foreword
computer age has radically transformed global communications, the

rising demand for oil makes the Middle East still a dangerous flashpoint, and the rise of new economic powers like the Peoples Republic
of China and India threatens to bring about a new world order. All of
these developments have had a dramatic impact on the recent history
of every nation of the world.
For this series, which was launched in 1998, we first selected nations
whose political, economic, and socio-cultural affairs marked them as
among the most important of our time. For each nation, we found an
author who was recognized as a specialist in the history of that nation.
These authors worked cooperatively with us and with Greenwood
Press to produce volumes that reflected current research on their
nations and that are interesting and informative to their readers. In
the first decade of the series, more than 40 volumes were published,
and as of 2008, some are moving into second editions.
The success of the series has encouraged us to broaden our scope to
include additional nations, whose histories have had significant
effects on their regions, if not on the entire world. In addition, geopolitical changes have elevated other nations into positions of greater
importance in world affairs and, so, we have chosen to include them
in this series as well. The importance of a series such as this cannot
be underestimated. As a superpower whose influence is felt all over
the world, the United States can claim a special relationship with
almost every other nation. Yet many Americans know very little about
the histories of nations with which the United States relates. How did
they get to be the way they are? What kind of political systems have
evolved there? What kind of influence do they have on their own
regions? What are the dominant political, religious, and cultural forces
that move their leaders? These and many other questions are
answered in the volumes of this series.
The authors who contribute to this series write comprehensive histories of their nations, dating back, in some instances, to prehistoric
times. Each of them, however, has devoted a significant portion of
their book to events of the past 40 years because the modern era has
contributed the most to contemporary issues that have an impact on
U.S. policy. Authors make every effort to be as up-to-date as possible
so that readers can benefit from discussion and analysis of recent
events.
In addition to the historical narrative, each volume contains an
introductory chapter giving an overview of that countrys geography,
political institutions, economic structure, and cultural attributes. This
is meant to give readers a snapshot of the nation as it exists in the
Series Foreword
xi
contemporary world. Each history also includes supplementary information following the narrative, which may include a timeline that represents a succinct chronology of the nations historical evolution,
biographical sketches of the nations most important historical figures,
and a glossary of important terms or concepts that are usually
expressed in a foreign language. Finally, each author prepares a comprehensive bibliography for readers who wish to pursue the subject
further.
Readers of these volumes will find them fascinating and well written. More importantly, they will come away with a better understanding of the contemporary world and the nations that comprise it. As
series editors, we hope that this series will contribute to a heightened
sense of global understanding as we move through the early years of
the twenty-first century.
Frank W. Thackeray and John E. Findling
Indiana University Southeast
Preface
I first ventured to Costa Rica in 1991 as a nave college student from
the Midwest, embarking on the grand adventure that was my summer
study abroad in Central America. I had hoped the trip would fine-tune
my Spanish language skills, having been told by numerous language
experts that in order to really speak a foreign language one must experience complete language immersion. And indeed I left the land of the
Ticos with more fluency than when I arrived. I managed to find my
way around the capital city, order food at restaurants, haggle with
vendors in the market, and complete most of my homework in a
timely fashion. It was in San Jose that I had my first dream in Spanish
and woke up feeling as though I had mastered the language. But my
Costa Rican experience took me far beyond language acquisition as
I absorbed the nuances of a beautiful culture and a captivating history.
The pulse of the city, the rhythm of daily life with my host family, and
the halcyon setting of the countryside on weekend excursions all combined to create a cultural experience that marked the beginning of my
fascination with Latin America. My life changed in important ways
that summerJune of 1991 marked my first steps on a path that eventually led to an academic career in Latin American studies. I also met
my future husband that summer in San Jose. Eight years later we
xiv
Preface
named our new puppy Tica as a statement of our affection for the
delightful country that had brought us together. To this day he shares
my appreciation for the land of Pura Vida! I hope this book imparts to
its readers some of sense of what Costa Rican exceptionalism means to
me.
I would like to express my gratitude to those individuals who have
supported this project. Costa Rican historiography is a developing
fieldparticularly for works published in English or available in the
United States. My friend and colleague Thomas Leonard first introduced me to this project. Kyle Longley and Sterling Evans provided
intellectual and moral support, and I relied heavily on their excellent
scholarship in diplomatic and environmental history, respectively. Bill
Beezley offered suggestions, critiques, and encouragement throughout the writing process. And although they are in different fields of
study, Jessica Murphy and Cihan Muslu watched this project evolve
from the very beginning and provided indispensable intellectual support. I would like to acknowledge the support staff at the McDermott
Library at the University of Texas at Dallas for helping me to secure
research materials and the editorial staff at ABC-CLIO for helping
me see this project through completion. Dr. Roger Dowdy sponsored
that initial study-abroad program in the summer of 1991, and he could
not have imagined at the time the kinds of future intellectual pursuits
the trip would inspire.
As always, I thank my husband Brian and my daughters Kyla and
Shiloh for their unwavering support and encouragement.

30,00012,000 BCE
Asiatic nomads cross the Bering Strait in a mass migration to the American continents.
10,0007000 BCE
First human inhabitants arrive in present-day Costa Rica

during the Paleoindian period.
2000300 BCE
Early Formative period begins and the first permanent

settlements are established.
300 BCE500 CE
Late Formative period.
500800
Early Polychrome period.
8001000
Middle Polychrome period.
10001500
Late Polychrome period; emergence of cacicazgos.
1502
Christopher Columbus lands along the Caribbean coast

of Costa Rica and adopts the native name for the region
Cariay or Cariai.
1506
Diego de Nicuesa leads an expedition along the Caribbean coast of Costa Rica.
xvi
1508
Patronato real decreed by Pope Julius II establishing the

Spanish Crowns royal patronage over the Catholic
Church in the Americas.
1524
Founding of Villa Bruselas by Francisco Fernandez de

Cordoba.
15251600
European diseases decimate native population.
1527
Villa Bruselas is abandoned by the Spanish.
1540
Founding of Ciudad Badajoz.

Arrival of Governor Rodrigo de Contreras, who becomes
known for his cruelty to natives.
Formation of the province of Nuevo Cartago y Costa
Rica.
1542
Spanish Crown passes the New Laws, which call for

humane treatment of natives and limit the encomienda
system.
1543
Arrival of Governor Diego Gutierrez y Toledo.
1544
Native uprising against the cruelties of Governor Gutierrez y Toledo.
1564
Founding of Cartago, which becomes the provincial

capital.
1565
Formation of the province of Costa Rica.

Juan Vazquez de Coronado becomes the first governor of
the province of Costa Rica and is known for his humane
treatment of natives.
1568
Governor Perafan de Rivera arrives in Cartago and introduces the encomienda system.
Costa Rica becomes part of the audiencia of Guatemala.
1590s
Emergence of Costa Rican mule trade.
1609
The audiencia of Guatemala becomes a captaincy general.
1635
Appearance of La Negrita or the Virgen de los Angeles

near Cartago.
1660s
Emergence of cacao cultivation.
1709
Talamanca native uprising.
xvii
1710
Execution of Pablo Presbere as punishment for his role in

the Talamanca uprising.
1722
Basilica of Our Lady of the Angels completed in Cartago.
1740s
Decline of Costa Rican cacao trade.
17591788
Bourbon reforms of the Spanish Crown intensify under

Charles III.
1808
French monarch Napoleon Bonaparte invades Iberian

Peninsula and forces the abdication of the Spanish king,
eventually sparking independence movements in Latin
America.
18101820s
Wars of independence waged throughout Spanish colonies in Latin America.
1812
Promulgation of the liberal Spanish Constitution of

Ca diz, which called for dramatic reforms and greater
equality for the Latin American colonies.
1814
Spanish monarch Ferdinand is restored to the throne after

the defeat of Napoleon Bonaparte. He immediately abrogates the Constitution of 1812.
1821
Captain General Gabino Ganza declares independence

for the audiencia of Guatemala, which includes the province of Costa Rica.
Central America is absorbed into the newly independent
Mexican empire.
1823
Costa Rica breaks away from the Mexican empire.

Mexican empire collapses.
Formation of the United Provinces of Central America,
made up of Costa Rica, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras.
San Jose becomes the capital of Costa Rica.
1824
United Provinces constitution is promulgated, modeled

after the Spanish Constitution of 1812.
Juan Mora Fernandez elected as the first president of the
province of Costa Rica.
1825
Costa Rican government removes tithe on export crops.
xviii

Manuel Jose Arce becomes the first president of the
United Provinces of Central America.
1829
Costa Rican mint is established.
1830
First printing press arrives in Costa Rica.
1830s
Costa Rican merchants begin exporting small amounts of

coffee.
1830s1840s
Land reforms aimed at encouraging coffee cultivation are

introduced.
1833
Costa Ricas first newspaper, El Noticiero Universal, is

founded.
1834
Ley de ambulancia is passed calling for the administrative

capital to rotate among Costa Ricas four principal cities.
1835
War of the League fought by Heredia, Alajuela, and Cartago against San Jose after Ley de ambulancia is abolished.
1838
Costa Rica withdraws from the United Provinces of Central America.
1840s1930s
Costa Rica ruled by coffee presidents.
1842
President Braulio Carrillo passes the Law of Foundations

and Guarantees, naming himself executive for life and
giving himself significant authority.
Jocote Pact signed between Francisco Moraza n and
Vicente Villasenor, leading to the eventual overthrow of
Braulio Carrillo.
Francisco Morazan overthrown and executed after less
than six months in office.
1843
Universidad de Santo Tomas opened in San Jose.
1844
Constitution of 1844 promulgated, allowing for direct

elections.
1846
Costa Ricas first major highway, between the port of

Puntarenas and the Central Valley, is completed.
1848
Costa Rica declared a republic. A new constitution is

promulgated, eliminating direct elections.
Pacfica Fernandez, wife of President Jose Mara Castro
Madriz, designs the Costa Rican flag.

1850
xix
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty between the United States and

Great Britain.
Costa Rican government launches a failed attempt to
attract French colonies in southern Costa Rica.
1850s
Coffee exports dominate Costa Rican economy.
1851
Major earthquake strikes the Central Valley.
1852
Teatro Mora opens in San Jose.
1856
National Campaign against U.S. filibuster William

Walker.
Juan Santamara becomes a national hero at the Battle of
Rivas.
18561857
Cholera epidemic spreads throughout Costa Rica.
1859
Constitution of 1859 promulgated.
1860
Juan Rafael Moraousted one year earlierexecuted by

firing squad.
William Walker executed in Honduras.
Creation of Public Works Department within the Costa
Rican government.
1862
First national census.
1865
Civil registry is established.
1867
Port of Limon opened to external trade.
1868
First telegraph line between San Jose and Cartago is built.
1869
First normal school for teacher training opens in San

Jose.
First system of indoor plumbing introduced in San Jose.
Laws passed establishing free and obligatory public education, codified in the Constitution of 1869.
1870
Tomas Guardia Gutierrez takes power.
18701889
Era of the Olympians.
1870s1920s
Wave of Afro-Caribbean migration to eastern Costa Rica.
1871
Constitution of 1871 promulgated.
xx

Costa Rican government signs a contract with Henry
Meiggs for the construction of the nations first railroad.
1877
Tomas Guardia passes Law on Individual Rights.
1881
Creation of Costa Ricas national archives.
1883
Soto-Keith contract.
1883
Minor Keith marries Christina Mara Fernandez, daughter of former president Jose Mara Castro Madriz.
1884
Electric street lights installed in San Jose.

Archbishop of San Jose and entire Jesuit order expelled
from Costa Rica by liberal government.
1885
Ley general de educacio n comu n passed, establishing a

national curriculum.
1888
National library established.

Costa Rica adopts Civil Codes, which allow civil marriage and divorce.
Catholic-run Universidad de Santo Toma s closed by
liberal government.
1889
Opposition candidate wins presidential election, bringing

an end to the era of the Olympians.
1897
National Theater opens.
1899
United Fruit Company formed in merger between Minor

Keith and Boston Fruit Company.
1903
United States backs Panamanian independence and

secures an agreement to build a canal.
1910
Large earthquake in Cartago causes more than 700

deaths.
Artisans and Labourers Union formed in Limon.
1914
Panama Canal completed.
1917
Military coup begins dictatorship of Federico Tinoco.

United States announces policy of nonrecognition.
1919
Popular uprising overthrows Federico Tinoco.
1923
Formation of the Costa Rican Feminist League.
1924
Jorge Volio Jimenez forms the Reformist Party.
xxi
1928
Banana Massacre on United Fruit Company plantation in

Cienaga, Colombia.
1930s
United Fruit Company expands banana cultivation to the

Pacific coast.
1931
Creation of Costa Ricas first Communist Party.
1934
Great Banana Strike in Limon involving 10,000 workers.
1940
University of Costa Rica founded.

Center for the Study of National Problems founded.
1941
Publication of Mamita Yunai.

Costa Rica declares war on the Axis powers following the
Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor.
1942
Nazi submarines sink San Pablo cargo ship docked at the

Port of Limon.
Jose Figueres arrested and sent into exile.
Introduction of Social Guarantees by President Rafael
Angel Calderon Guardia.
1943
Communist Party changes its name to the Peoples Vanguard Party.
1945
Social Democratic Party founded.
1948
War of National Liberation and formation of the Second

Republic.
Abolition of Costa Ricas standing army.
Formation of the U.N. Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Caribbean.
1949
Adoption of the Constitution of 1949.

Universal adult suffrage enacted, including women and
people of color.
1950s1970s
Import substitution industrialization serves as Costa

Ricas economic development framework.
1951
National Liberation Party founded.
1953
Women vote for the first time in national elections.

Jose Figueres elected president.
xxii
1954

Creation of National Fisheries Plan and the National
Institute for Housing and Urban Development.
Jacobo Arbenz, left-leaning president of Guatemala, is
overthrown in a U.S.-backed coup after he attempts to
expropriate United Fruit Company lands.
Costa Rica boycotts the Tenth International Conference of
American States in Caracas to protest the dictatorship of
Marcos Perez Jimenez.
1955
Teodoro Picado, Jr., launches a failed attempt to overthrow Jose Figueres by leading an invading force from
Nicaragua.
Institute of Costa Rican Tourism (ICT) founded.
1956
Wildlife Conservation Law passed.

Mexican film Pura Vida! debuts in Costa Rica, eventually
giving rise to a national motto.
1957
Costa Rica proposes arms reduction in Latin America

through the Organization of Latin American States.
1959
Cuban Revolution.
1960
Creation of the Central American Common Market.
1961
U.S. President John F. Kennedy introduces the Alliance

for Progress as an aid program for Latin America.
1962
Costa Rica joins the Central American Common Market.
1968
Creation of the Center for the Promotion of Exports and

Investments (CENPRO).
Eruption of Mt. Arenal volcano.
1969
Soccer War between Honduras and El Salvador.

Forestry Law is passed.
1970s1980s
Civil wars in neighboring Central American nations.
1972
Creation of the Costa Rican Development Corporation

(CODESA).
1973
Oil shock caused by manipulation of production and supply of oil among OPEC countries.
1974
Ratification of the Convention on International Trade in

Endangered Species.
xxiii
1976
Ratification of the Convention for the Protection of Flora,

Fauna, and Places of Natural Scenic Beauty in the Countries of the Americas.
1977
Creation of the National Parks Service.

Social Christian Unity Party is founded.
1980s
Lost decade, marking economic stagnation in Latin

America.
1981
Costa Rica defaults on foreign debt.

Export Processing Zone and Industrial Parks Law establishes free trade zones.
1982
Costa Rica accepts nearly $100 million in aid from the

International Monetary Fund and begins imposing austerity measures.
Creation of the Costa Rican Coalition of Development Initiatives (CINDE).
19821989
Costa Rica receives more than $1 billion in aid from the

United States.
U.S. backed contras wage war in Nicaragua in an attempt
to bring down leftist Sandinista government.
1983
Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI) created by United States

to offer aid to Central America and prevent revolutions.
19831985
Contadora Group attempts to mediate Central American

conflict.
1984
Efforts to privatize CODESA begin.
1985
Costa Rica receives $11 in military aid from the United

States.
Tourism Investment Incentives Law is passed.
1986
Reagan administration withholds aid to Costa Rica after

President Oscar Arias publicly opposes contras.
Oscar Arias sponsors peace talks with other Central
American leaders.
1987
Esquipulas II Peace Accord is reached to bring an end to

Central American civil wars.
Oscar Arias wins Nobel Peace Prize for his role in pursuing Central American peace.
xxiv
1991
Magnitude 7.5 earthquake strikes Limon.
1997
Intel Corporation opens major microchip manufacturing

plant in Heredia.
2002
Because of declining voter participation, Costa Rica is

forced to hold a run-off presidential election.
2004
Former president Miguel Angel Rodrguez resigns as

secretary-general of the OAS over corruption allegations.
2006
Oscar Arias elected president again after a constitutional

amendment changes the law on term limits.
2007
Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR)

narrowly approved by Costa Rican voters.
2010
Laura Chinchilla elected as Costa Ricas first female

president.
Map of Costa Rica. (Cartography by Bookcomp, Inc.)
1
In 1956, a Mexican film debuted in Costa Rica. The comedy, directed
by Gilberto Martnez Solares, tells the tale of a clumsy yet likeable
main character whodespite his near-constant blundersmaintains
a positive attitude that is represented by his use of the phrase that also
serves as the title of the film. The phrase becomes his optimistic
response to lifes obstacles and his own failures, and he delivers the
line in such a cheerful manner that a small number of Costa Ricans
began emulating his attitude by using the phrase in daily conversations. The phrase that was introduced to Costa Rica in 1956 had
become so widely used by the 1970s that it is now considered part of
Costa Rican national identity. The name of the Mexican film that gave
rise to a uniquely Costa Rican national mantra: Pura Vida!
Since 1956, the expression pura vida has come to epitomize the character of the Costa Rican nation. Pura vida translates literally to pure
life, but its meaning in colloquial usage varies widely. It is commonly
expressed as a form of salutation and as a parting remark, similar to
the way aloha is used in Hawaii. Additionally, it is frequently used as
a general affirmative response, an expression of positive feeling, and
a term of friendship. But the phrase resonates even more deeply with
The History of Costa Rica
many Costa Ricans who use it to express a relaxed and peaceful outlook on life. Pura vida provides a useful trope through which we can
examine the Central American country that has earned a reputation
for economic stability, long-standing political freedoms, and an
advanced system of social justice, particularly when compared to the
experiences of its Latin American neighbors. Costa Ricans embrace
the expression as a reflection of the nations own sense of exceptionalismas a symbol of the national character that sets it apart from its
Latin American neighbors. While some may challenge the notion of
Costa Rican exceptionalism, many more will affirm that the motto
Pura Vida is a fitting one to describe the unique national identity that
has emerged in Costa Rica over the course of its history.
GEOGRAPHY
Located in the heart of the Central American isthmus, Costa Rica
measures slightly less than 32,000 square miles (roughly 51,000 square
kilometers), making it approximately the size of the state of West
Virginia.1 Abundant rivers crisscross the nation, providing fresh water
for irrigation, industry, and domestic use. Costa Rica shares a border
to the north with Nicaragua and to the southeast with Panama. One
of the largest rivers, the San Juan, marks the northern border with
Nicaragua and is fed by two other main rivers, the San Carlos and
the Sarapiqui. Boundary disputes and disagreement over navigation
rights on the San Juan River generated significant conflict between
Costa Rica and Nicaragua, particularly in the decades following
independence in the nineteenth century. The smaller Sixoala River
forms part of the border with Panama in the southeast.
Costa Ricas 800 miles (1,290 kilometers) of coastline include boundaries marked by both the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean. The
Pacific coastline is roughly three times the length of the Caribbean
coast. Its topography is rugged and hilly, and Pacific coastal rivers
are largely unnavigable. But the Pacific coast is host to two major peninsulasthe Nicoya to the north and the Osa to the south. Puerto Caldera and Puntarenas are two main ports that operate along the Pacific
coast. They serve industrial shipping needs and are also ports of call
for some tourist cruise lines. The Caribbean coast has a smoother
topography with inviting and well-developed beaches, making it an
ideal setting for the luxury beach resorts that have been developed in
recent years. The rivers in this region are more navigable, and 14 major
river systems empty into the Caribbean Sea. The thriving tourism
industry has taken advantage of impressive whitewater rapids along
many of these rivers to market Costa Rica as a favorite destination for

adventure vacationers. Puerto Limon is the nations primary Caribbean port. Its strategic location as the main exit point for Costa Ricas
agricultural export sector in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries facilitated the growth of the city, which now boasts a population of roughly 60,000. U.S.-based railroad and tropical fruit companies recruited large numbers of Afro-Caribbean migrants workers to
the region, many of whom have remained in Limon and have given
the city a unique cultural flair.
Costa Rica enjoys a varied topography, with a combination of coastal
plains and mountainous zones, that is ideal for certain types of agriculture. The relatively small landmass that makes up the nation is generally divided into four geographical areas based on location, climate,
and topography. The Northwest Peninsula includes the Nicoya Peninsula
that juts out prominently into the Pacific Ocean from Costa Ricas
northwestern coast. The North Central Plains region borders Nicaragua, and many areas of the plains have been cleared for livestock. The
region also contains lush rainforests, which have made some areas of
the North Central Plains popular destinations for the nations many
ecotourists. The Tropical Lowlands occupy the Caribbean and Pacific
coastlines, where climate and soil conditions allowed the emergence
of a thriving banana industry in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries. The Central Valley is nestled in the mountain ranges that divide the coastal regions. Costa Ricas largest cities are located there,
and the Central Valley has historically been the hub of political and economic activity, at least since the beginning of the colonial period.
Costa Ricas climate is mainly tropical and subtropical, with a characteristic warm and dry season from December through April and a
rainy season from May through November each year. Costa Ricans
refer to the dry months as summer because the lack of rainfall tends
to be accompanied by warm, sunny weather. The rainy season is generally cooler and therefore is referred to as winter in Costa Rica.
During the rainy season some areas of Costa Rica experience neardaily tropical downpours while other areas receive more prolonged
bouts of steady rain. The average annual rainfall is between 80 and
160 inches for the country as a whole.
Temperatures vary by region more than by season. Coastal areas are
the warmest with average annual temperature ranges around
80 degrees Fahrenheit. Due to their altitude, the highland regions are
much cooler with average annual temperatures between 40 and
50 degrees Fahrenheit. The Central Valley is generally known for its
temperate climate. Rainfall also varies by region with the Caribbean
coast generally receiving more rain than the Pacific coast. As a result
of differences in cloud cover, rainfall, and other climatological factors,
the Pacific coast is often warmer on average than the eastern coast.
Costa Ricas tropical and subtropical climate supports a system of
rainforests and one of the most diverse ecosystems in the world.
In recent decades the government has taken important steps to protect
tropical vegetation and to cultivate an ecotourism industry. Roughly
25 percent of the nations territory today is set aside as forest reserves,
national parks, or some other protected-area designation.
A series of mountain ranges bisects Costa Ricas coastal topography,
with four main cordillera chains descending the length of the country
and making up the Continental Divide through Central America. The
Talamanca Mountain Range is located in the south and stretches
across the border into Panama. It houses Chirripo Mountainwhich
is Costa Ricas highest peak at 12,450 feet (approximately 3,800
meters)as well as the Cerros de Escazu, which form part of the border of the Central Valley. The Talamanca Mountain Range is the largest cordillera in Costa Rica, and its difficult terrain has meant that
much of the range remains unexplored. The Guanacaste Mountain
Range is located in the north, stretching westward toward the Nicoya
Peninsula and resting close to the Nicaragua border. It is home to a
number of national parks and nature preserves. The Tilaran Mountain
Range and the Central Mountain Range are more centrally located,
just north of the Central Valley.
The dramatic presence of Costa Ricas many mountain ranges is due
to the active shifting of two tectonic platesthe Cocos Plate on the
Pacific side and the Caribbean Plate to the east. The Cocos Plate is
gradually compressing underneath the Caribbean Plate, which results
in significant volcanic and seismic activity in Costa Rica. Indeed, its
dozens of active volcanoes situate Costa Rica as part of the Pacific
Ring of Fire. Volcanic activity occurs regularly throughout the mountainous zone, drawing a number of tourists to Costa Rica each year.
Four major volcanoes are located in the Central Mountain Range:
Poas, Irazu, Turrialba, and Barva. All four are situated in protected
national park land, and they are surrounded by spectacular forests.
They are the highest volcanoes in Costa Rica, and all have been active
but not destructive in recent decades with the exception of Barva,
which has not been active for hundreds of years. Arenal, the nations
most active volcano, is located in the Tilaran Mountain Range. It was
considered inactive prior to the 1960s, but a major eruption occurred
on July 29, 1968, and the crater has been regularly belching out lava,
Ash cloud created by the eruption of Mt. Arenal, July 29, 1968. (AP Photo)
ash, and boulders ever since. Arenal has become a major tourist attraction with its impressive eruptions that were occurring almost nightly
until late in 2010. Nevertheless, dangerous eruptions are not common,
although a major eruption occurred at the Irazu volcano in 1963, after
which ash and debris rained over San Jose and other areas of the
Central Valley for two years.
Such high levels of tectonic activity also make Costa Rica home to an
extensive network of fault lines that produce regular seismic movement, ranging in strength from minor tremors to more powerful and
destructive earthquakes. Seismic activity has long played a prominent
role in the nations history. Cartagoa principal colonial city in the
Central Valleysuffered severe damage due to temblors throughout
the colonial period and the nineteenth century. In fact, a major tourist
attraction there is the ruins of the Parish of Santiago Apostol Church.
The church was leveled by a major quake in 1910, which claimed more
than 700 lives, but city residents left the ruins of the church structure
in place. It is now part of a city park in the historic center of downtown
Cartago. In 1991 a magnitude 7.5 quake struck near Limon, destroying
much of the surrounding infrastructure and resulting in substantial
casualties. Costa Rica may experience as many as 1,000 mild tremors

each year, but most go unnoticed by the population.
PEOPLE
Costa Ricans refer to themselves as Ticos (or Ticas in the female
form), and the colloquialism has become yet another expression of a
Costa Rican sense of national exceptionalism. While the origin of the
moniker is uncertain, a commonly held belief is that it came about
because of Costa Ricans tendency to add the suffix -tico instead of
-ito to the end of nouns. Appending the suffix -ito to the end of words
makes them diminutive in Spanish, and it is also an expression of
affection. Costa Ricans unique use of the suffix -tico sets them apart
from the rest of Latin America, and many Ticos believe the practice
eventually evolved into the charming sobriquet reserved exclusively
for native Costa Ricans. The use of the word Tico to describe all things
Costa Rican is recognized throughout the country and indeed around
the world. Numerous Costa Rican businesses use the word Tico in
their names, and the word is frequently used as an adjective to
describe something from Costa Rica.
According to the 2011 Costa Rican census, of the roughly 4.5 million
Ticos inhabiting the nation, nearly two-thirds reside in the Central Valley, or Meseta Central. This includes the approximately 1.4 million people who live in San Jose, the nations capital. In contrast to many other
regions of Latin America, the countrys population is relatively ethnically homogenous. This is due in part to the comparatively small
indigenous population that resided in the region in the preColumbian era. When the Spanish arrived in the sixteenth century,
they found small, scattered native villages, which were difficult to
conquer and resistant to Spanish control. Many of the villagers fled
into the surrounding highlands, and small villages remained outside
the Spanish system throughout the colonial period. The expansion of
capitalist agriculture through the cultivation of coffee, and later tropical fruits, eventually encroached on Indian lands in the nineteenth
and twentieth centuries. Miscegenation between European settlers
and the local indigenous population did occur, and today approximately 94 percent of Costa Ricans are classified ethnically as mestizo.
But the preponderance of the nations European racial and cultural
heritage is still evident today as most Costa Rican mestizos categorize
themselves racially and ethnically as white. Only about 1 percent
of the population is classified as Indian, and most of them live
as subsistence farmers on specially designated Indian reserves.
This serves in stark contrast to neighboring Guatemala, where roughly

40 percent of the population is classified as Indian.
The prevalence of European heritage in Costa Rica belies the fact
that the nation was host to significant waves of immigration at various
times throughout its history. A small influx of African slaves arrived
during the colonial period, but their numbers were quite small, and
most were assimilated into the European and mestizo population by
the beginning of the nineteenth century. A more significant wave of
Afro-Caribbean migration occurred between 1870 and 1920 to fill the
need for laborers in the construction of the nations first railroad and
later on coastal banana plantations. Chinese, German, Italian, and
Nicaraguan workers also migrated to Costa Rica in the late nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries, but they were outnumbered by the West
Indians from Jamaica, St. Kitts, Barbados, and Trinidad. Migrant workers settled primarily along the Caribbean coast, where a thriving banana
plantation economy was emerging. During that time, nearly 25 percent
of Costa Ricas population growth was due to immigration. Immigrants
labor was vital in developing the nations transportation infrastructure
and expanding its economic base, but their presence was often the
source of intense racial conflict. A series of laws was passed in the early
twentieth century that aimed to prevent West Indian migrants in
particular from relocating to the Central Valley and the Pacific coast.
Those laws were later repealed, and descendants of the original AfroCaribbean laborers were free to relocate to other areas of the country.
But the impact of such discriminatory practices is still evident today as
most of the black population in Costa Rica remains concentrated in
Limon and the surrounding provinces along the eastern coast.
With a relatively high life expectancy and a relatively low infant
mortality rate, Costa Rica ranks high according to common measures
of overall health and standard of living. Its population grows at a
manageable 1.3 percent per year, and the national government has historically devoted considerable resources to social services. Costa
Ricans have ready access to health care and social security, and many
outside observers credit those programs in explaining the nations relatively high standard of living. Costa Ricans take pride in the nations
tradition of high-quality education programs, and approximately
95 percent of the adult population is literate.
ECONOMY
Historically, Costa Ricas economy developed as one based on agricultural production. The nations biodiversity, topography, and
moderate climate allow for the cultivation of a variety of foodstuffs.

Early European colonists learned early that despite the name Costa
Rica (rich coast), the region yielded few precious metals or other mineral resources. Colonial settlements emerged around privately and
publicly owned landed estates, and Costa Ricans experimented with
a number of agricultural products prior to the nineteenth century.
After achieving independence from Spain, Costa Rican landowners
began cultivating coffee, which became the nations first commodity
export product. A national coffee elite emerged, controlling politics
for many decades in the last half of the nineteenth century. By the
end of the century U.S. entrepreneursled by railroad magnate Minor
Keithhad secured lucrative land contracts and were developing a
new industry in banana cultivation. Keith created the United Fruit
Company (UFC), and he expanded his business venture to include
most of Central America and significant holdings in northern South
America as well. As the original banana republic, Costa Rica saw a
dramatic expansion of its export economy through the cultivation of
bananas and other UFC activities.
While the advent of the banana industry brought some benefit to
Costa Rica, the fact that U.S. business interests dominated the new
export sector became a source of contention over time. Workers
argued that UFCs labor practices were exploitative while national
leaders grew concerned that the economy was growing dependent
on a foreign entity. In the last half of the twentieth century, new economic models were put into place that aimed to develop an industrial
sector and to create a new level of economic self-sufficiency for the
nation. Those models were labeled import substitution industrialization, and over time the push to industrialize proved enormously
costly to the national government. Like other Latin American nations,
Costa Rica suffered a severe debt crisis in the 1980s, and in exchange
for foreign aid packages from the United States and the International
Monetary Fund national leaders were forced to impose a number of
economic reform measures that effectively dismantled the industrialization schemes of the preceding decades.
In the final years of the twentieth century, Costa Ricans turned
increasingly to neoliberal economic models, which emphasize trade
liberalization policies and the creation of a favorable climate for foreign investments. Costa Rica continues to be an agricultural producer,
but it has also diversified its economic base as well. Technical manufacturing firms have opened operations in free trade zones near port
cities and in the Central Valley. Costa Ricas service sector has
expanded significantly as well, a trend aided by the existence of a
highly skilled and educated workforce. Notable growth has occurred

in the tourism industry, with large luxury beach resorts and adventure
and ecotourist facilities opening throughout the country in recent decades. Costa Ricas reputation for peace and stability has made the
country an attractive option for international travelers. High school
and college students also look to Costa Rica as a favorite destination
for study abroad programs that focus on language and culture.
POLITICAL SYSTEM
Costa Ricans have long embraced their political system as evidence
of Costa Rican exceptionalism. Over time, the nation has gained a reputation as a defender of democracy and as a symbol of political stability. To be sure, Costa Rica suffered its share of instability and conflict,
particularly in the decades immediately following independence. But
the extreme violence and near-constant abrogation of governments
that plagued many other regions of Latin America did not afflict Costa
Rica. Brief struggles emerged in the immediate aftermath of independence as local leaders sought to sustain their authority through various power shifts. Costa Rica endured an attempted invasion by a
private U.S. citizen acting as a mercenary, or filibuster, in the 1850s
and several strongman dictators in the nineteenth century. A brief
period of dictatorial rule returned in the 1920s, followed by a 44-day
civil war in 1948, but the scale of political volatility was significantly
less than the protracted and bloody insurrections that repeatedly
occurred in the rest of Central America.
Costa Ricas government operates as a democratic republic under a
constitution that was revised and rewritten in 1949. The three
branches of governmentexecutive (made up of the president and
two vice presidents), legislative, and judiciaryoffer a set of checks
and balances, and power has changed hands peacefully since the governing document went into effect. Some consider the Supreme Electoral Tribunal to operate as a fourth branch of government. It
oversees elections, campaigning, political party activities, and all
other functions associated with the electoral process. All citizens ages
18 and older are permitted and required to vote, and Costa Rica has
generally enjoyed an impressive rate of voter turnout. Costa Ricans
have an aversion to allowing any one person or party to wield too
much power, and the outgoing president is not allowed to run for
immediate reelectionin fact a former president must wait eight
years before running for president again. Voters have demonstrated
their reluctance to allow one party to dominate by generally electing
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the presidential candidate from the opposition party in each election.

In 2010 Costa Ricans flouted that trend and elected the nations first
female president, who had been vice president to the incumbent.
Laura Chinchilla, who was 50 years old when she took office, was seen
by many as a new generation and a fresh start in Costa Rican politics.
Administratively Costa Rica is divided into seven provinces: Alajuela,
Cartago, Guanacaste, Heredia, Limo n, Puntarenas, and San Jose .
Representing the provinces in the national Legislative Assembly are
57 deputies who are selected by a combination of direct election
and proportional representation. Deputies are not eligible for immediate reelection but may run for office again after sitting out one fouryear term. Until recently Costa Rica had a fairly stable two-party system, but voter discontent in the 1990s allowed grassroots opposition
parties to gain ground, and a new multiparty system has emerged.
This type of system can be more cumbersome as it requires a large
degree of cooperation and alliances across party lines.
CULTURE
As the motto Pura Vida suggests, Costa Ricas population maintains
a carefree and optimistic attitude, and that spirit is often associated
with a number of historical and contemporary characteristics that
have defined national identity. Unlike the Central American nations
surrounding it, Costa Rica boasts a relatively smooth and peaceful historical development, particularly in the twentieth century. Having dissolved its standing military in 1948, the country avoided much of the
violence and political instability that plagued other Latin American
nations in the context of the Cold War. Indeed, Costa Rica has been
viewed as a stabilizing force in Central America, and former President
Oscar Arias Sanchez (19861990, 20062010) was awarded the 1987
Nobel Peace Prize for his role in bringing an end to the bloody and
violent armed conflicts that were raging in Guatemala and El Salvador
as well as general political unrest in Honduras and Panama in the
1980s. His peace accords were widely popular and were viewed as a
Central American solution to a Central American problem, allowing
the region to resolve Cold War unrest without the domineering hand
of the United States. Additionally, eliminating its military budget
allowed Costa Rica to expand its expenditures for education and other
social services significantly. Education spending stands at roughly
5 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), ranking Costa Rica 66th
in the world. By comparison, the United States ranks 46th with 5.5 percent of GDP devoted to education. Such a strong emphasis on
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education in Costa Rica has produced an impressive literacy rate and

has allowed the country to cultivate a large middle class of educated
and highly skilled workers.
Costa Ricas Spanish heritage is evident in the predominance of the
Roman Catholic religion. Indeed, the constitution of 1949 named
Catholicism as Costa Ricas official religion, but it did not forbid other
religions. Evangelical and other Protestant religions have gained
ground in recent years, but more than three-quarters of Costa Ricans
still consider themselves Catholic. Catholicism was an important presence during the Spanish conquest and the colonial period, and when
the nation became independent in the nineteenth century Catholic
leaders often played a prominent role in political and social developments. The Church controlled early education and was the keeper of
vital statistics, such as births, marriages, and deaths, but by the end
of the nineteenth century Liberal politicians had secularized many of
the social functions the Church had fulfilled. Anticlericalism in Costa
Rica was not as contentious as it was in other areas of Latin America,
but conflict between church and government leaders did surface from
time to time.
Even though Protestant denominations have made significant
inroads into Costa Rica, the Catholic Church maintains a ubiquitous
presence. Large colonial churches adorn the central plazas of large
cities and small villages alike, and significant numbers of Costa Ricans
attend mass regularly. Prayers are read at the start of each day in public schools, and many government offices have a small chapel or
shrine for employees. One of Costa Ricas national symbols is the Virgen de los Angeles, or La Negrita, in honor of a stone figurine of the
Virgin Mary discovered by a peasant girl in the seventeenth century.
Small shrines to the Virgin are common throughout the country, and
many Ticos visibly showcase their faith by displaying crucifixes and
other religious replicas in their homes, cars, and places of business.
Other national symbols were created and reinforced by the national
government starting in the nineteenth century. Costa Ricas most
widely recognized national hero is Juan Santamara, a lowly foot soldier who sacrificed himself to bring the Costa Rican army to victory
against the invasion by U.S. filibuster William Walker in the 1850s.
Statues to Juan Santamara are prominently displayed throughout
the country, and San Joses international airport is named for him.
The music that became Costa Ricas national anthem was written
around the same time. Lyrics were added in 1903, and the anthem
was officially adopted by the government in 1949. Costa Ricas flag
features a wide horizontal red stripe through the middle surrounded
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by narrower white and blue stripes above and below. The national
coat of arms is featured on the left side. Costa Rica adopted the color
scheme in 1848, modeling the national symbol after the French flag
in a statement of support for revolutionary activity in Europe. The
nation celebrates its independence day on September 15, and a number of additional government holidays commemorate national heroes
and religious occasions throughout the year.
Markers of Costa Rican culture further reflect the nations rich history. Pre-Columbian civilizations produced a number of impressive
artifacts, and recent excavations have generated new interest in early
jade and gold figurines from Costa Ricas early inhabitants. As a
colony, Costa Rica was generally poor and isolated from the power
centers of the Spanish empire. Some remnants of the rich colonial heritage are visible in majestic churches and other historic architecture,
but Costa Ricas colonial culture left fewer imprints than are evident
in other areas of Latin America. Starting in the nineteenth century,
buildings, artwork, and daily practices began to reflect historical
trends that accompanied an emerging Costa Rican character. The
income generated by the coffee industry allowed the elite to import
markers of high culture from Europe, a common trend in the nineteenth century. Monuments and public buildings, such as the National
Theater, often imitated European styles that were considered the hallmark of sophistication and modernization. In the early decades of the
twentieth century, literature, art, and other cultural expressions began
to reflect more nationalist themes as writers and painters sought to
create a national style and rejected the informal imperialist tendencies
associated with borrowing cultural signifiers from abroad.
Cultural expressions in Costa Rica often followed economic trends.
In the early decades of the twentieth century, bucolic settings characterized many artistic works, and the role of the agricultural sector
was prominently visible. One of Costa Ricas most well-known novels,
Mamita Yunai, is set on a Caribbean banana plantation and describes
the plight of exploited banana workers. In the last half of the twentieth
century, writers and artists often looked to the urban middle class as a
representation of Costa Rican culture, and in recent years, environmental issues have become a favorite topic. Other artists have resurrected a unique style of folk art to appeal to the growing number of
foreign tourists. Charming folk dances, carved figurines, and the
painted Costa Rican miniature oxcart tantalize tourists and satisfy
their quest for quaint, local culture.
In the 1970s the Costa Rican government formed the Ministry of
Culture, Youth, and Sports along with other national organizations to
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promote theater, music, and art. Government funding for artistic programs has been unreliable as the country experienced major economic
crises in the 1980s, but the forum for promoting a national culture
remains. Daily expressions of popular culture today reflect the strong
influence of the United States and the rest of the world in Costa Rica.
Movies and television are popular forms of daily entertainment, and
most of them are produced in the United States or in neighboring
Latin American countries. Sports offer another form of cultural
expression, and futbol, or soccer, is one of the most popular forms of recreation. Informal games pop up wherever a ball and makeshift field
can be found. Professional leagues offer a source of common identity
for fans, and the Costa Rican national team provides an important
forum for national unity during World Cup series.
The notion of Tico exceptionalism exemplified in the expression
pura vida is tied to a long history in which Costa Ricans have generally
viewed themselves as distinct from their Latin American neighbors. It
is a hard-won label that can belie the fact that the nation experienced
its share of ups and downs during the era of Spanish colonial rule,
the period of national consolidation in the nineteenth century, and
the quest for political and economic stability in the twentieth century.
But the fact remains that today Costa Rica enjoys a reputation as a stable and peaceful country. That reputation is illustrated by the fact that
the small Central American nation has successfully attracted a diverse
array of direct investments by foreign corporations and is a favorite
destination for vacationers and student travelers. While there are
some who question the validity of Costa Rican exceptionalism, the
concept has come to define the way many Costa Ricans understand
the nations history. Costa Rica is peace. Costa Rica is democracy.
Costa Rica is happiness. Costa Rica is Pura Vida!
NOTE
1. All facts and figures in the chapter are from the 2011 version of the Central
Intelligence Agencys World Fact Book.
2
Colonial Costa Rica
THE TALAMANCA INSURRECTION
On July 4, 1710, Pablo Presbere, a native of the Suinse indigenous community, was paraded through the streets of Cartago in the Central Valley of Costa Rica and then publicly executed by Spanish colonial
officials. His corpse was decapitated and the head placed on a high
stake for public display. Presbere had been condemned to death for
leading a native uprising against Spanish settlers and missionaries in
the Talamanca region of southeastern Costa Rica. Indigenous insurgents had revolted as Spanish settlers attempted to extend colonial
rule to the Talamanca region and to bring the people there under
Spanish control. Rebels targeted symbols of Spanish authority, burning more than a dozen chapels and killing several missionaries and
soldiers. The response by colonial officials was immediate and aggressive. More than 700 natives were captured along with Presbere, and
the group of prisoners was marched for two weeks from Talamanca
to the city of Cartago; 200 perished during the arduous journey. Presberes execution was intended to serve as a testament to Spanish
power as well as a warning to other local natives who might be
tempted to resist colonial authority.
16
Despite the harsh punishment imposed on Presbere and his followers in 1710, the natives of the Talamanca region continued to resist
Spanish attempts to colonize the area. More than two centuries after
the first Europeans landed on the shores of Costa Rica, large pockets
of native resistance thrived in many of the outlying areas, indicating
precisely how tenuous the Spanish administrative presence in Costa
Rica was. Indeed throughout the rest of the colonial period, natives
in Talamanca and in other regions remained free from direct Spanish
subordination. Their success can partially be explained by the distance
and difficult topography separating the outlying region from centers
of Spanish colonial authority in the Central Valley that allowed many
natives to remain outside the official colonial sphere. But Talamancan
autonomy was also due to an emerging sense of unity among local
natives groups and a strong resolve to maintain a sense of independence. In his death, Pablo Presbere became a symbol of the natives
defiant spirit and their successful efforts to resist Spanish rule, and today he is recognized as one of the countrys national heroes. But this
incident illustrates more than just the recalcitrant nature of the local
native population. It is a fitting example of the complexities that
emerged in the Costa Rican province during the colonial period.
Small, scattered indigenous communities proved difficult for the
Spanish to conquer, and many of the peripheral regionslike Talamancaremained isolated and detached from the colonial society that
was emerging in the Central Valley.
PRE-COLUMBIAN PEOPLE
When the first Europeans arrived in the Americas in the late fifteenth century, they found a variety of native civilizations ranging
from small, scattered tribes in outlying regions to large, sophisticated,
and densely populated cities. Archaeological evidence indicates that
Asiatic nomads crossed the Bering Strait between Asia and presentday Alaska between 30,000 and 12,000 BCE. As hunter-gatherer societies, many of those people migrated southward, arriving in presentday Costa Rica between 10,000 and 7000 BCE during an era known as
the Paleoindian period. For several thousand years, Costa Rican
natives remained nomadic and relied on hunting and gathering techniques for subsistence. The Early Formative period began in 2000 BCE
when pre-Columbian peoples began making the shift away from the
nomadic lifestyle to more permanent settlements based on rudimentary agriculture. During the Late Formative period from 300 BCE to
500 CE and the Middle Polychrome period from 500 to 1000 CE cultural
Colonial Costa Rica
17
differences among various regions in Costa Rica began to emerge.

Spanish exploration in the region began at the end of the Late Polychrome period. By then, Costa Rica had become a site of cultural and
economic interactions between local indigenous people and the preColumbian civilizations that inhabited both North and South
America.
Estimates suggest that prior to the arrival of Europeans, approximately 400,000 indigenous people inhabited the region that today
encompasses Costa Rica. Generally, archaeologists divide preColumbian Costa Rica into three distinct geographic and cultural
areas. The Central Highlands and Atlantic Watershed zone encompasses the area stretching from the Central Valley to the Atlantic
coast. The Greater Chiriqu-Diqus region is located along the
southern Pacific coast. The Guanacaste-Nicoya area is located in the
northwestern corner of present-day Costa Rica, bordering Nicaragua
and the Pacific Ocean. Compared to other pre-Columbian civilizations
in Mexico and South America, Costa Rican native communities were
relatively small and dispersed, but their small size and lack of a centralized political organization made it difficult for the Spanish to bring
these Central American indigenous populations under control. This
was particularly true of native groups in the Central Highlands
and Atlantic Watershed zone as well as the groups in the Greater
Chiriqu-Diqus region.
The sparsely populated central and southern regions of Costa
Rica were inhabited by Bribri, Cabecares, Cotos, Guaym, Quepos,
and Borucas, which were all subsets of the South American Chibcha
group. These groups shared a number of common cultural traits with
their South American progenitors. They were seminomadic, living in
small settlements and subsisting on tubers, tree fruits, small animals,
and fish. The architectural sites in these regions suggest additional
South American influence, particularly in the form of large spherical
stones found at burial sites and other locations. Central and southern
Costa Rica lacked large organized native settlements and yielded little
in the way of precious metals. Gold, jade, and other materials played a
prominent role in religious rituals and were symbols of political and
economic power, but the quantity and quality of precious metals and
gems were much poorer than in other areas of the Americas.
Costa Ricas natural topography kept the southern portion of the
isthmus relatively isolated from the large native societies that had
emerged in Mesoamerica over many centuries. The area known as
Mesoamerica (or Middle America) encompasses central and southern
Mexico and extends southward to include present-day Guatemala,
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Belize, El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua in Central America. The

pre-Columbian societies that occupied this area developed sophisticated systems of agriculture, astronomy, mathematics, and religion.
As early as 1500 BCE, the Olmec civilization rose to prominence in central and southern Mexico. Their influence quickly spread throughout
Mesoamerica and extended as far as the northern regions of Central
America. The Olmecs built large cities, impressive architectural structures, and a complex political organization. The eventual decline of
this civilization facilitated the rise of other Mesoamerican societies,
and the Olmecs are often referred to as the mother culture in the
region. The Teotihuacan, the Zapotecs, and the Maya were sophisticated civilizations that emerged throughout central and southern
Mexico and Central America from 300 BCE to 650 CE. Influenced by
the scientific and cultural advances of the Olmecs before them, these
societies built cities that housed some of the largest populations in
the world at that time. The Maya were in a state of decline by the time
European explorers arrived in Central America, but a significant
though dispersed population could be found throughout Central
America.
While the formal Mayan empire did not extend as far south as Costa
Rica, archeological evidence indicates that its informal reach did
extend to the Nicoya region. Relatively large populations inhabited
the northern Pacific region and parts of the Central Valley, where the
influence of Mesoamerican civilizations was evident through commonalities in agriculture, diet, and religious beliefs. These included
the Garabito, Pococ, Corobici, Orotina, Tomi, Chira, Guetar, and
Chorotega societies. The largest and most organized of these peoples
were the Corobici and the Chorotega, who were located in the Nicoya
Peninsula in the north along the Pacific coast. Like the Maya and the
Aztecs to the north, Costa Rican natives held religious beliefs that
were based on a polytheistic pantheon and tied very closely to natural
phenomena. Natives used the scarce amounts of gold available in the
region to create religious relics, which were housed in specially designated temples. Religious ceremonies incorporated some human sacrifice, although this practice was relatively rare in comparison to other
Mesoamerican civilizations. Like the Maya, the natives of northern
Costa Rica revered corn and developed religious practices to ensure
a fruitful harvest. Indeed the cultivation of corn and other agricultural
products was an important part of daily life for native communities in
the Nicoya Peninsula, and it facilitated the growth of organized and
more densely populated villages.
Colonial Costa Rica
19
Although pre-Columbian villages had earlier been organized into

large confederations, by the beginning of the sixteenth century this
political organization had broken down, and the Spanish were greeted
by semiautonomous villages loosely organized into chieftainships, or
cazicazgos. Each of these chieftainships was administered by a member
of the local nobility known as a cacique, and each occupied a specific
place within the regional hierarchy. Caciques generally inherited their
authority through kinship ties, and their authority was legitimated
through religious beliefs. Many native populations attributed divine
and supernatural qualities to local leaders. Warfare, as a means of
acquiring wealth, material goods, territory, and a slave labor force,
was not uncommon among the chieftainships. As a result, a system
of loose alliances had evolved among many of the main chieftainships
in the northern regions. Spanish conquistadores sought to disrupt
these alliances and subvert the system of cacicazgos that had kept a
tenuous balance prior to their arrival.
SPANISH CONQUEST
The first Europeans arrived in present-day Costa Rica in 1502, when
Christopher Columbuss fourth voyage landed on the Caribbean
coast. Columbus, who famously assumed he had landed in India, also
erroneously reported in his journal that the region held great caches of
gold. The area, which is today the port city of Limon, was called Cariari or Cariay by the local native population. Columbus retained
the name, and later conquistadores perpetuated the myth of the
regions mining wealth by naming it Costa Rica, or rich coast. The
great irony of this nomenclature is that Spanish conquistadores, and
later Spanish settlers, found very little mineral wealth, and throughout the colonial era Costa Rica gained a reputation as one of Spains
poorest overseas possessions.
Unlike other regions of the Americas, the Spanish conquest of Costa
Rica was difficult and drawn out. After Columbuss initial landing in
1502, other explorers were drawn to the region by the promise of great
riches. The first attempt at establishing a permanent Spanish presence
in Costa Rica occurred in 1506 when the Crown dispatched Diego de
Nicuesa to colonize the region. Nicuesa led an expedition to Central
America but landed far south of his intended landing spot and was
forced to travel northward over land from present-day Panama. He
encountered hostile natives and unforgiving terrain as he struggled
to lead his forces toward Limon. Nicuesa eventually abandoned his
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quest after losing more than half the members of his expedition. After
Vasco Nunez de Balboa discovered the Pacific Ocean in 1513, even
more Spanish explorers arrived in Costa Rica, leading expeditions
along both coasts.
It was not until 1524 that the next explorer attempted to establish
another permanent settlement when Francisco Fernandez de Cordoba
founded Villa Bruselas along the Pacific coast. Although the town was
abandoned after just three years, it served as a base of operations for
the first formal attempts at conquest in Costa Rica. Spanish conquistadores raided neighboring native villages and sent captured Indians
into forced labor. In fact, many natives were shipped to other Spanish
settlements in the Caribbean and along the mainland to serve as slave
laborers for the earliest conquistadores and settlers. Some Spanish
leaders followed the example that had produced desired results in
Mexico by allying themselves with native caciques and demanding
the local leaders comply with onerous tribute and labor demands.
Cooperation between caciques and conquistadores prevented the
natives from mounting an organized and united resistance to the
Spanish incursions, and it also quickly undermined the authority of
local leaders. Many natives did resist, but their efforts were hampered
by the introduction of European diseases against which natives had no
immunity. Many of the Costa Rican indigenous people succumbed to
smallpox, influenza, typhus, and other European illnesses, while
others were captured and enslaved. By the 1550s, the native population in the Nicoya Peninsula had dropped by more than 75 percent,
and by the end of the century it had fallen by more than 90 percent.
Because Costa Rican natives along the Caribbean coast and in the
south were less unified politically and did not subscribe to the same
strict system of cacicazgo that was dominant in the Nicoya Peninsula,
the Spanish faced a more difficult conquest in those regions. Early
attempts to explore the Caribbean coast in search of gold and other
valuable resources eventually met considerable native resistance in
the early decades of the sixteenth century. Furthermore, infighting
among Spanish conquistadores undermined their ability to navigate
unfamiliar territory, a difficult climate, and the increasingly hostile
native people in the surrounding areas. For example, in 1540 Hernan
Sanchez de Badajoz attempted to establish a permanent settlement to
facilitate the conquest of the Caribbean coast. Ciudad Badajoz had only
been in existence a few short months when Rodrigo de Contreras
the recently appointed governor of neighboring Nicaraguaarrived
to challenge Sanchez de Badajoz for control over Spanish claims in
the region. Contreras eventually placed his rival under arrest and
Colonial Costa Rica
21
dissolved Ciudad Badajoz. Instead of seeking an alliance with local

native leaders, Contreras and others like him attempted to force the
caciques of small surrounding villages into submission, inciting a violent response. Contreras eventually returned to Nicaragua where he
gained a reputation for his cruelty to natives and became a target of
Bishop Antonio de Valdivieso and Bartolome de las Casas in their
quest to compel the Spanish Crown to protect the native population
of the Americas.
In an attempt to bring a sense of order to the region, in 1540 King
Charles of Spain created a new administrative unit encompassing
most of contemporary Costa Rica. The province of Nuevo Cartago y
Costa Rica was to be administered by Diego Gutierrez y Toledo, who
arrived in 1543 and established two townships close to the Caribbean
coast. Gutierrez lasted only one year in his leadership position as his
cruelty toward neighboring native people and his incessant quest for
gold eventually led to a violent native uprising in which Gutierrez
and many of his men were killed. The Caribbean coast proved difficult
for the Spanish to control until well into the seventeenth century. It
was only after conquistadores managed to establish control over the
Central Valley that the coastal regions in the east eventually also fell
under Spanish dominance.
Even though Spanish attempts to rule Costa Rica began almost
immediately in the early decades of the sixteenth century, the conquerors did not manage to establish a permanent settlement until the
founding of Cartago in the 1560s. Located in the Central Valley,
Cartago served as the capital of the Costa Rican province until 1823,
when the administrative seat was moved to San Jose. Under the leadership of Juan Vasquez de Coronado, Cartago served as a base for
expeditions of exploration and conquest in the surrounding areas.
Vasquez de Coronado became known for his fairness and his humane
treatment of the native population in surrounding areas. He encouraged Spanish settlers to move into the fertile valley surrounding the
city of Cartago where they worked to develop an incipient agricultural
sector. Having achieved impressive success in the Central Valley in
just a few short years, Vasquez de Coronado departed for Spain in
1565 to receive the appointment as governor and adelantado (the kings
representative in administrative, legislative, and judicial affairs) of
Costa Rica by the Spanish Crown. But his ship disappeared on the
return voyage, and Costa Rica was left without its leader.
The tenuous order that Va zquez de Coronado had achieved
appeared to be threatened, particularly after a series of native uprisings nearly caused settlers to abandon Cartago entirely. But in 1568
22
Perafan de Rivera arrived to take over as governor, and his presence

and policies brought a renewed sense of order. He immediately
launched a series of counterattacks against the native uprisings in
the regions surrounding Cartago. He also began targeting indigenous
communities in the outlying areas in an attempt to bring the entire
isthmus under control. But Spanish soldiers and settlers demanded
greater compensation for participating in ventures against unruly
natives in frontier areas, and the Spanish governor was forced to institute the system of labor distribution that was being employed in other
areas under Spanish control. The encomienda system rewarded conquistadores by allowing them to exact labor and various forms of tribute from conquered natives.
As in Spains other colonies, the Spanish use of the encomienda in
Costa Rica attracted conquistadores and helped the Spanish consolidate control over the Central Valley by the end of the sixteenth century. Nevertheless, the application of encomienda grants in Costa Rica
evolved quite differently compared to other colonies. In particular,
Spanish settlers in Costa Rica demanded that natives within the encomienda system fall directly under their authority. This demand was a
violation of the Spanish Crowns New Laws of 1542, which stipulated
that only the Crown itself had direct authority over the native people.
But conditions in Costa Rica were not the same as in other regions
where the Spanish conquest had already been carried out. The lack
of mineral resources attracted fewer conquistadores, and the dispersed nature of the native population made conquest more elusive
on the Central American isthmus. As a result, Spanish officials
allowed settlers to have direct authority over the native population
and accepted this concession as a necessary evil of the realities of
conquest in a difficult region.
In all of Latin America, exploration and military conquest was
always accompanied by a spiritual conquest as well. Priests and missionaries accompanied conquistadors in the Americas from the first
expeditions, and they were an important presence in Costa Rica as
well. The Spanish Crown fervently believed it had a God-given duty
to Christianize natives in the Americas, and evangelization became a
motive as well as a tool of conquest. Franciscan friars established missions and helped to reorganize native communities into reconcentrated villages that allowed for greater control. Church objectives of
converting natives to Catholicism and assisting in the conquest often
came into conflict with traditional native religious beliefs, and the
Christianizing mission was far from peaceful throughout much of
the colonial era.
Colonial Costa Rica
23
After 1570 the administration of Costa Rica became more systematic

and more formalized. In 1568 Costa Rica became part of the audiencia
of Guatemalaa recently formed judicial and geographic entity that
remained in place throughout the colonial period. Audiencia districts
were generally political units as well, known as captaincies general;
and the audiencia of Guatemala formally became a captaincy general
in the early seventeenth century. Costa Rica also fell within the jurisdiction of the larger viceroyalty of New Spain. While in theory local
Costa Rican leaders answered to the president of the audiencia and to
the viceroy of New Spain, distance, geographic impediments, and a
local economy that yielded few riches kept Costa Rica relatively isolated from the rest of the Spanish empire. As a result, the local governor and the town council (cabildo) of Cartago had considerable
authority over the province of Costa Rica throughout the colonial
period.
THE COLONIAL ORDER

Despite its name meaning rich coast and contrary to the unremitting quest for riches by Spanish conquistadores, the colonial province
of Costa Rica yielded little in precious metals or any other resources
of value. The region attracted few colonists, and the mountainous
regions surrounding the Central Valley provided natural protection
for the scattered groups of Indians who continued to resist Spanish
control. Eventually a diverse land tenure system emerged out of the
original encomienda grants, particularly after the passage of the New
Laws in 1542. Once a system of labor allocation that worked hand-inhand with the promise of allowing Spanish settlers to become members of the landowning elite, the encomienda eventually became a form
of tribute collection. Spaniards could acquire significant wealth by collecting tribute from natives within the encomienda system, and many of
the earliest conquistadores and settlers took advantage of the tribute
system to acquire wealth and a labor force for their landed estates.
Nevertheless, the precipitous decline in the indigenous population
meant that settlers arriving late to Costa Rica often found that local
natives had already been distributed to the Spanish elite and the
potential for becoming a member of the landowning noble class was
limited for them. As a result, Costa Rican agriculture in the colonial
period became characterized by various forms of production, largely
dependent upon region and local population.
In the Central Valley, multiple forms of land tenure emerged simultaneously as Spanish control over the region was consolidated. The
24
earliest conquistadores had been awarded large landed estates, but as

the colonial period progressed smaller farmsknown as chacraspredominated the agricultural system. These farms were often only able
to support a single family and, despite their disdain for manual labor,
Spanish colonists were forced to work the land themselves. Many chacras were public lands surrounding municipal areas that were rented
out by local governments. Communal indigenous communities also
coexisted with Spanish settlements in the Central Valley, although
early settlers generally claimed the best lands for themselves, leaving
native villages to struggle on less arable lands.
In the Nicoya Peninsula, larger landed estatesknown as haciendas
grew out of the early encomienda system and were initially facilitated by
a more concentrated indigenous population. Hacendados were generally
those who had successfully made the transition from the labor encomienda system to the tribute encomienda system. They retained large
land allocations and used wealth acquired from exacting tribute payments from surrounding native villages to purchase a slave labor force.
Many hacendados also used their wealth to expand their landholdings,
and a system of very large landed estates, or latifundio, took root in the
northern regions of the Costa Rican province. Late in the colonial
period, as the Spanish eventually established more firm control over
the eastern portions of the province, plantation agriculture developed
along the Caribbean coast. The emergence of plantation estates
coincided with the cacao boom in Central America, but eventually plantations also began producing tobacco and other commodity products.
THE SPIRITUAL CONQUEST

As the Spanish extended their reach over the Americas and worked
to consolidate control over the colonies, settlers recreated as much of
their Spanish culture as possible in their new setting. They did this in
part as an attempt to replicate the familiarities and comforts of home,
but introducing Spanish culture was also a mechanism by which the
newly arrived inhabitants aimed to dominate the remaining native
population. The encomienda system, introduced both to appease conquistadores and to make effective use of native labor, was a close replication of the seigniorial system of land tenure that was in place in
Europe. Other markers of European culture soon made their appearance as new crops and animals were incorporated into the emerging
agricultural system. European livestock and crops, such as cattle, pigs,
wheat, and sugarcane, thrived alongside agricultural goods that were
native to the Americas. Spaniards introduced European standards of
Colonial Costa Rica
25
dress, and the Spanish language quickly became the dominant form of
communication, even among disparate native tribes. In all of these
instances, the ascendancy of Spanish cultural markers over those of
the indigenous population served to placate Spanish settlers with the
familiarities of home. But it also served as a method of control and a
symbol of Spanish dominance over native culture.
The Spanish use of religion was no different. The earliest explorers
and conquistadores had pursued their adventures, at least nominally,
under the banner of a just war. The Spanish Crown was staunchly
Catholic, and in 1508 Pope Julius II sanctioned the patronato real, or
royal patronage. This papal decree established a close and collaborative relationship between the Catholic Church and the Spanish Crown
and effectively empowered the Spanish to carry out the conquest as a
religious mission. As a result, members of the Church often accompanied expeditions to conquer areas of the Americas, and missionaries
almost always arrived to newly conquered areas on the heels of conquistadores. The Church and the Crown worked in concert to quash
native religious practices and to ensure that all of the Spanish Crowns
new subjects converted to Catholicism. Despite these efforts, many
native religious practices persisted, and some conversions were
questionable at best as Spaniards often resorted to mass baptisms
where many indigenous participants were unaware of the significance
of the ceremony. Once converted, many natives often strayed back to
their former religious practices, which were more familiar in times of
enormous change. Furthermore, indigenous beliefs were generally
polytheistic, allowing for the worship of multiple deities and requiring homage to the entire pantheon to maintain a balance according
to a recognized hierarchy. Since native religions were closely tied to
nature, disasters such as weather phenomena, diseases, earthquakes,
and volcanic eruptions were often understood as a failure to worship
a particular deity sufficiently. There was certainly room in the indigenous pantheon for Catholicism, and many natives attempted to supplement, but not replace, those previous religious practices with
Spanish religious beliefs.
Some Spanish leaders confronted religious resistance violently,
destroying relics of indigenous beliefs and resorting to physical punishment for natives found to be continuing their former religious
practices. Others saw the need to accommodate native tendencies
and tolerated a modest degree of indigenous influence in religious
practices; and they considered the more conciliatory approach to be
the most effective way of subverting indigenous religions. As a
result, local traditions often emerged as a syncretic blend of
26
Catholicism with remnants of native religions. In Costa Rica, this

syncretism was most evident in the appearance of the Virgen de los
Angeles, who eventually became known as La Negrita, or the Black
Madonna, and was eventually recognized as the patron saint of the
nation.
According to legend, La Negrita was discovered in 1635 by a native
peasant girl while she was washing clothes at the springs outside of
Cartago. The virgin appeared as a small figurine carved out of black
granite. The girl took the tiny statue home, but the next day she discovered that the virgin had mysteriously disappeared from her small
hut and had reappeared at the spring where the girl originally found
it. Church officials quickly determined that this Virgen de los Angeles
wanted a chapel to be built on that spot in her honor. Similar to
Mexicos Virgin of Guadalupe, Costa Ricas La Negrita is associated
with the non-European population. The statues dark color and the
fact that she was discovered by an Indian girl appealed directly to
the nonwhite population. While Spanish settlers initially maintained
their devotion to the European styled image of the Virgin of Ujarras,
Indians, blacks, and those of mixed race descent looked to La Negrita
as a close representation of their religious identity.
The Basilica of Our Lady of the Angels was completed in Cartago in
1722 to replace the modest structure that had been built to La Negrita
in 1639. Throughout the seventeenth century, confraternities devoted
to the Virgen de los Angeles emerged in Cartago. Membership in these
brotherhoods was largely made up of black and mixed-race devotees
in the earliest years, but by the eighteenth century the local Spanish
population had started taking a more active role in festivities to honor
La Negrita. By the 1780s, Church officials declared the Virgen de los
Angeles to be the patron saint of the city of Cartago, and they sanctioned specific festivities to honor her. Those activities included an
annual pilgrimage that relocated the Virgins figurine from the basilica
to the main cathedral in Cartago, where it was displayed for several
weeks in a celebration known as la Pasada. Incorporating the cathedral
into the local celebration was a clear sign that Catholic leaders had
assimilated the local patron saint into mainstream Church practices.
Over time, devotees from the surrounding areas began making pilgrimages to Cartago to honor the Virgin. The devotion to La Negrita
grew, and shortly after independence she was officially named the
patron saint of Costa Rica. Pilgrimages to Cartago continue to this
day, and the Virgin is celebrated every August 2 when hundreds of
thousands make the journey to the cathedral during la Pasada to honor
Our Lady de los Angeles.
Colonial Costa Rica
27
Basilica of Nuestra Senora de Los Angeles (Our Lady of the Angels) in Cartago is
the site of pilgrimages to La Negrita, Costa Ricas patron saint. ( Jolanda Jolanda
Pattijn | Dreamstime.com)
AGRICULTURE AND ECONOMY

Settlers in Costa Rica quickly discovered that the rich coast moniker was a false representation of the resources the region had to offer.
Failing to uncover lucrative mining deposits and continually facing resistance from the scattered groups of local natives, Spaniards sought
economic activities to sustain the colony. One of the first of these activities was cattle raising, which was introduced in the Central Valley
and northern Pacific plains. Ranchers raised cattle primarily to sell
the hides and to process tallow for use in candles and lubricants. The
early livestock industry was inefficient and failed to bring a significant
profit. A market for other agricultural goods began to emerge by the
late sixteenth century, and in addition to production for local consumption, landholders in the Central Valley began to market surplus
foodstuffs. Early agricultural activities included the production of
onions, garlic, and corn in addition to pigs and hens, which were
exported through Portobello in the Spanish Empires tightly controlled trade network. With the development of these agricultural
activities and due to the Spanish Crowns move away from its reliance
on encomienda grants, land tenure in Costa Rica shifted to the hacienda,
particularly in the Pacific northern region of Nicoya.
28
By the beginning of the seventeenth century, Costa Rica had firmly

established its reputation as an outpost of the Spanish empire. Compared to Central Mexico and the northern Andes in South America
whose large native empires had been effectively brought under
Spanish control and whose mountainous terrain yielded large deposits of mineral wealthCosta Ricas modest agricultural economy
was far less impressive, and the region attracted fewer Spanish settlers. Furthermore, the Spanish Crown devoted far more resources
and administrative attention to the more profitable colonies in New
Spain and Peru. As a result, few resources were available for the construction of cities and the development of an economic infrastructure
to facilitate trade. Interior transit routes were often treacherous and
poorly maintained, and government income was so sporadic that
colonial officials were forced to rely on neighboring Nicaragua to supplement administrative expenses. Costa Ricans reacted to this reality
by developing an early sense of autonomy and self-sufficiency that
persisted throughout the colonial period and after.
In the early years of the seventeenth century, new economic activities began to emerge that would bolster Costa Ricas financial status
and tie the region more directly to the outside world. Merchants to
the south developed a demand for mules as a way to transport goods
by land across the narrow Panamanian Isthmus. Mules bred in Nicaragua and Honduras were transported through Costa Rica, and some
livestock regions in Costa Rica began breeding mules as well. The
mule train brought some economic stability to Costa Rica, but its
income potential was limited since mules could only be transported
during the dry season each year. In the last half of the seventeenth century, cacao cultivation emerged as an important part of the Costa
Rican economy. Cacao beans are the main ingredient in chocolate,
and as the treat became more popular in Europe, demand for cacao
fueled new economic activities in Costa Rica. In fact, cacao exports
became Costa Ricas first commercial tie to the European markets.
Cacao trees thrived in the tropical regions in the eastern part of the
colony, and the proximity of Caribbean ports facilitated shipping.
As the cacao trade expanded, plantation agriculture emerged and
began to dominate the tropical zones along the Caribbean coast. The
Matina region became one of the most important cacao producing
areas. Many of the lands in that region were newly acquired by Spanish settlers since small bands of recalcitrant natives also inhabited the
Matina Valley. As the Spanish gained control over more fertile lands,
new cacao plantations emerged and an urgent need for a reliable plantation labor supply also developed. Some planters attempted to fill
Colonial Costa Rica
29
their labor demands by forcing the local indigenous population into

service. Others resorted to using African slave labor. Although slavery
was not as prevalent in Costa Rica as it was in other areas of Latin
America, it did constitute an important part of the colonial labor system. Reliable statistics for slave populations in colonial Costa Rica
are lacking, but some studies indicate that census data throughout
the colonial era consistently showed approximately 200 pure blacks
in the province. While the black population remained constant, the
part-black or mixed-race population (mulatto, zambo, and pardo)
grew substantially, indicating that a small but steady stream of African
slaves arrived in Costa Rica throughout the colonial period and that
racial miscegenation was common. By the early nineteenth century,
the part-black population of Costa Rica had reached nearly 9,000
and people of African descent accounted for 13 to 17 percent of the
population in major cities such as San Jose , Ujarras, and Alajuela.
Mulattos and blacks made up more than 50 percent of the population
in the west-coast city of Esparza.1
The institution of slavery in Costa Rica reflected the unique position
the colony played in the Spanish Empire. While many inherent cruelties
of the slave labor system were certainly a reality in Costa Rica, the
nature of the economy and social system in the colonial outpost created
a labor system that was distinct from many other areas of Latin
America. Slaves duties in colonial Costa Rica included laboring on
cacao plantations, which tended to be relatively small in comparison
to the large sugar and coffee plantations in Brazil and in the Caribbean.
Cacao plantations were often managed by absentee owners, which
meant the labor force operated with more autonomy and frequently
under better working and living conditions than in other areas. Furthermore, manumission was not uncommon in Costa Rica, either through
slaves purchasing their own freedom or by slave owners granting
slaves their freedom in reward for good service or in a last will and
testament. By the end of the colonial period, a prominent free black
and mixed-race population had become a part of the Costa Rican demographic. Some free blacks and mulattos worked as overseers on plantations, while others worked in supervisory roles in the livestock
industries along the northern Pacific coast. Racial and cultural assimilation was also quite common, and over time, many Costa Rican blacks
and mulattos were racially and socially integrated through marriage
with the white and mestizo population.
The cacao trade, supported by a small but prominent slave labor
force, sustained the Costa Rican economy through the end of the seventeenth century, but after that the once-lucrative cacao sector
30
experienced a precipitous decline as several factors conspired against

it. As cacao plantations expanded further into the Matina region and
other areas along the Caribbean coast, colonists increasingly encountered fierce resistance among the zambos mosquitosa group made up
of the interracial descendants of escaped African slaves and the
indigenous population, who occupied the eastern portion of Costa
Rica and Nicaragua. Zambos generally defied Spanish rule and operated autonomously as a pseudokingdom throughout the late seventeenth and much of the eighteenth centuries. They were formally
recognized by the British, and they traded with English merchants in
Jamaica, which helped to sustain them economically. To supply that
trade, zambos carried out raids against Spanish establishments
throughout Central America, including cacao plantations in Costa
Rica. Cacao planters struggled to defend against these raids, and at
one point colonial officials even attempted to reach a peace accord
with the raiders in the interest of protecting local growers. Nevertheless, Costa Rican planters could not compete with cacao production
in Venezuela and other colonies because of high transport costs, and
by the middle of the eighteenth century Costa Ricas cacao trade was
in decline.
SOCIAL STRUCTURE
As Costa Ricans experimented with new agricultural pursuits to
meet the evolving needs of the colony, a system of power brokerage
developed and became firmly rooted in the social structure. An elite
class emerged, originating with the earliest conquistadores, whose
descendants maintained close family linkages and passed down
power and wealth from one generation to the next. These families
tended to hail from the original encomendero class, and they controlled
the largest landed estates in the Central Valley. Much of Costa Ricas
modest colonial population resided in the Central Valley, creating a
distinct sense of isolation for Costa Ricans. That isolation was exacerbated by the rugged mountainous terrain of the Central Valley and
the lack of adequate roads and bridges connecting the interior region
to the coast and to neighboring colonies. During the rainy season in
particular, some mountain passageways were impassable even under
ideal conditions and travel by land from Costa Rica to the seat of the
audiencia government in neighboring Guatemala took several months.
The arduous nature of that journey kept many colonial and Church
officials from making regular trips to Costa Rica, and as a result inhabitants of the Central Valley were not immediately tuned in to the major
Colonial Costa Rica
31
developments in the Spanish Empire. Physical isolation, a lack of

adequate communication, the relatively small size of the population,
and evolving economic realities combined to create an ever-growing
sense of autonomy and the beginning notions of a unique Costa Rican
identity.
Some semblance of general Spanish culture was certainly evident.
The Church played a prominent role in society and closely guarded
morality and behavior. Gender relations operated under a patriarchal
norm, particularly among the upper classes, and the Church played
a vital role as regulator of marriage and domestic life, arbiter of disputes, and keeper of vital statistics through religious sacraments. As
in other regions of the Spanish colonies, the Costa Rican population
generally broke down into a social stratification based on race and ethnicity. The elite white families of pure European descent generally
held the most privileged social, political, and economic positions
while the population of color was often seen as socially inferior and
worked in less prestigious professions. But these characteristics often
played out with a specifically Costa Rican flair. Local religious practices often deviated from the precise structures of Catholic dogma to
incorporate folk beliefs from the masses. The syncretic blend of popular and institutional rituals that emerged in the devotion to the Virgen
de los Angeles is one of the most visible examples of this phenomenon, but the influence of local folk culture on religious practices was
prominent throughout the colonial period.
The particularities of the Costa Rican economy also contributed to
nuanced but important distinctions in the social structure. While the
European elite controlled large estates and dominated the highest
political and economic positions, Costa Rican society had already
developed in a way that was far more egalitarian that in other Spanish
colonies. Some early histories of Costa Rica perpetuated an exaggerated portrayal of a democratic, agrarian society dating back to its
colonial origins, and while those early portrayals misrepresent the
realities of colonial society, a somewhat equitable system did emerge
in many areas of the colony. Since the Costa Rican economy had failed
to produce a profitable commodity agricultural sector, elite landowners did not necessarily enjoy a standard of living comparable to
colonial elites in Mexico or South America. Particularly as the cacao
sector declined, many of the landed elite found it difficult to afford a
large pool of laborerseither wage earners or slaves. In the last century of the colonial period, the sector of small agricultural peasants
grew as hacienda production declined. The slave labor force also
diminished through manumission. Many elite landowners worked
32
their own lands just as the small subsistence peasant farmers did.
Over time and especially among the masses, racial miscegenation produced a population that was largely a blend of indigenous, African,
and European ethnicities. Nevertheless, despite miscegenation and a
relatively egalitarian economic structure, discrimination based on ethnicity and socioeconomic position persisted. The old aristocratic
colonial families centered around Cartago continued to dominate the
elite class, and social privilege generally remained limited to those of
white, Spanish ancestry.
The social trends that had emerged in the Costa Rican province by
the eighteenth century were already evident in the early years of the
colonial period. The earliest European explorers encountered a relatively small and dispersed native population compared to other areas
of Latin America. The demographic realities of the region combined
with a difficult topography and lack of mineral wealth attracted only
small numbers of Spanish settlers, the majority of whom took up residence in the Central Valley. Scattered native dwellings, a lack of gold
and silver, and little interest among Spanish conquistadores meant
that the formal conquest period in Costa Rica was difficult and drawn
out. Some of the earliest settlers in the Central Valley were the predecessors to the close-knit circle of elite landed aristocracy that came to
dominate local political and social networks. But the landed elite
existed side-by-side with small farmers and other poor Costa Ricans
in the Central Valley as agriculture became the economic backbone of
the colony.
Even though Costa Rica was part of a large and powerful empire, a
clear sense of local autonomy and singularity evolved throughout the
colonial period. Yielding little in the form of valuable natural resources, Costa Rica failed to capture the attention of the Spanish
Crown, and a significant administrative presence did not emerge
there. As a result, the Spanish Crown devoted few resources to the
region and the local population often had to fend for itself. Even after
centuries of colonial rule, many parts of Costa Rica remained unconquered as significant pockets of defiant native populations still persisted in the outlying regions outside of the Central Valley. The story
of Pablo Presbere that opened this chapter is but one example of the
continued resistance of Costa Rican natives as late as the eighteenth
century. As the colonial period drew to a close, Costa Rica was a
Colonial Costa Rica
33
diverse region with a relatively self-sufficient European and mestizo

population in the Central Valley but also with vast frontier lands in
the surrounding countryside. Both the more settled central region
and the unsettled frontier area would play an important role in the
emergence of a new independent republic in the nineteenth century.
NOTE
1. Michael D. Olien, Black and Part-Black Populations in Colonial Costa Rica:
Ethnohistorical Resources and Problems, Ethnohistory 27, no. 1 (1980): 1719.
3
Independence and the Early
Nineteenth Century
THE JOCOTE PACT
On April 11, 1842, Honduran general Francisco Morazan signed the
Jocote Pact with Costa Rican general Vicente Villasenor. The Costa
Rican military leader had been dispatched by the nations president,
Braulio Carrillo, to repel Morazans invading force, but Villasenor
betrayed the president, whose regime had become increasingly dictatorial. Under the Pact of Jocote, Villasen or joined forces with his
would-be adversary and overthrew Carrillo. The agreement stipulated that Moraza n would take over as head of the provincial
government, and the Honduran liberal promised to institute a series
of reforms for the good for the Costa Rican people. But almost
immediately after Moraza n took power, Costa Ricans rose up in
opposition, and less than six months later he was executed by firing
squad in San Jose . Moraza ns downfall ultimately stemmed from
rumors that he was planning to reintegrate Costa Rica into a federation with other Central American states.
36
The events surrounding Morazans death unfolded less than two decades after Costa Rica achieved its independence from Spain, and the
nations strong reaction to Morazan illustrates both the volatility and
the emerging sense of autonomy that characterized Costa Rica in the
first years following independence. Making the transition to self-rule
after being an ancillary part of a large overseas empire for more than
300 years proved to be a difficult task. Local Costa Rican leaders experimented with various forms of political organization after independence, leading the region to join the Mexican empire, to become part
of a Central American federation, and ultimately to establish a separate
and sovereign republic. New security and economic concerns created a
sense of urgency for national and local leaders to bring stability to the
region and to facilitate modernization. Costa Ricans endured many difficult decades as national leaders and ordinary citizens alike grappled
with their new political, economic, and social realities. But throughout
the trials that accompanied the process of nation formation, Costa
Ricans sense of autonomy and singularity remained constant.
ERA OF INDEPENDENCE
Costa Rica began the nineteenth century as it had spent the previous
centuriesas a Spanish colony in the audiencia of Guatemala. But turmoil had been brewing within the Spanish Empire since the Bourbon
royal line in Spain had inherited the throne from a long line of Hapsburg rulers in the early eighteenth century. Several Bourbon rulers
had instituted major changes throughout the colonies, and those
reforms intensified under the rule of Charles III (17591788). Bourbon
reforms were generally designed to enhance the administrative and
economic effectiveness of the colonies. New policies included such
things as improved tax collection, a more streamlined administrative
system, more open trade policies, the creation of tobacco monopolies,
and a larger and ostensibly more professional military. With the exception of the tobacco monopoly, few of these new policies had a direct
and immediate impact on Costa Ricans. But the residual effects of
the Bourbon reforms helped to shape the regions path in the nineteenth century. Many of the reforms caused resentment throughout
the Americas, particularly among the American-born colonial elite,
and in some circles discussions of greater autonomy and even
independence began to circulate.
Ideas about autonomy that had sparked in the late eighteenth century were fanned into full-fledged flames after the French monarch
Napoleon Bonaparte forced the abdication of the Spanish king in
37
1808 and installed his own brother on the throne. Colonists throughout the Americas formed resistance juntas and declared their independence from French-controlled Spain. In many areas that initial
declaration of autonomy in opposition to the French quickly transformed into movements for complete independence and self-rule.
Some of those movements in the colonies took inspiration from events
in Spain, such as the promulgation of the liberal Constitution of Cadiz
in 1812, and independence leaders often modeled ideas about new
social and governing structures after the new progressive system laid
out in Spain. The constitution, which was drafted by Spanish and
American members of the resistance juntas, called for dramatic
changes in the political and social fabric of the Spanish empire by
introducing concepts such as equality, representative government,
and individual rights. The influence of the French Enlightenment
was evident in the document, and when Spanish monarch Ferdinand
VII was finally restored to the throne in 1814 and immediately abrogated the constitution, many colonists who already endorsed Enlightenment ideas moved to support independence even more fully.
While the fervor of independence was not as urgent in Costa Rica,
colonists there watched with keen interest as major rebellions erupted
to the north in Mexico and to the south in New Grenada (present-day
Venezuela). Those rebellions escalated into full-scale wars between
1810 and the 1820s, and one by one portions of Spains colonial empire
broke away in attempts to form independent nations. The wars devastated many areas of the once-prosperous Spanish Empire as violent
battles and contagious diseases claimed lives, trade routes and local
production were disrupted, and the long-standing system of power
brokerage was called into question. And while the wars for independence that plagued other Spanish colonies for more than a decade
did not touch Costa Rica directly, other Central American colonies
did see minor insurrections, particularly in the early years of the
independence movement. Most of those were stifled fairly easily, but
they did serve as indications of new attitudes that were emerging
among some sectors of the population. Costa Rica did experience trade
disruptions and other peripheral effects of the wars, but it was not host
to the major battles and other destructive signs of war. Nevertheless, the
minor insurrections in Guatemala, Nicaragua, and San Salvadorin
addition to the major wars in Mexico and South Americadid have
an impact on many Costa Ricans. Some feared the political and social
instability that challenging long-standing royal authority would surely
bring, while others embraced the new ideas ushered in by the Enlightenment and promoted by liberal independence leaders.
38
The first half of the nineteenth century was chaotic as all mainland
colonies that had been under Spanish control secured independence
by 1824 (Spain retained its Caribbean colonies until the end of the
nineteenth century). Nevertheless, the future of this once large and
prosperous colonial empire was uncertain as military and provincial
leaders throughout the Americas experimented with various forms
of political organization. Some former colonial provinces broke away
almost immediately and formed autonomous republics. Others
banded together in loose confederations based in part on the remnants
of colonial administrative units. Costa Rica had been part of the
audiencia of Guatemala, and the captain general, Gabino Ganza,
declared independence for the entire Central American province on
September 15, 1821. At the same time, neighboring Mexico had secured
its independence, and its leaders formed an empire that was extremely
conservative in political orientation. Former independence leader
Agustn Iturbide became Emperor Agustn I and set up a governing
system that relied on monarchical rule and that maintained close ties
with the Catholic Church. Since the viceroyalty of New Spain had
encompassed all of Central America, Iturbide considered the regions
to the south to be part of the newly formed Mexican empire. But some
residents of those areas had other ideas, and minor revolts in Guatemala
and San Salvador delayed consolidation for several months. By January 1822, a relative stability had been achieved, and all of Central
Americaincluding Costa Ricawas annexed to the Mexican empire.
UNITED PROVINCES OF CENTRAL AMERICA

The Mexican empire was the result of an incompatible relationship
between Mexicos liberal, republican-oriented independence leaders
and a cadre of conservative elites who hoped to shape an independent
nation that would still retain much of its traditional colonial character.
Those contradictory political philosophies were also evident in Costa
Ricaand indeed throughout all of Central Americaand the difficulties inherent in the Mexican empire manifested themselves at the
local level as well. Political divisions were rife in the immediate aftermath of independence, and rifts quickly began to surface. Within the
province of Costa Rica, local elites within the four main cities of San
Jose, Alajuela, Heredia, and Cartagothe colonial capitaljockeyed
for power and often disagreed over how to shape the regions future.
Leaders in Heredia and Cartago tended to concur with the visions
of Mexicos conservative elite, and they strongly supported joining
the Mexican empire. Leaders in San Jose and Alajuela opposed the
39
idea of empire and instead pushed for the formation of an independent nation with some form of republican government. Those disagreements culminated in a brief but significant civil war. At the
battle of Ochomogo on April 5, 1823, monarchist supporters from Cartago were defeated by prorepublican forces from San Jose . While
Costa Rican leaders clashed over their individual governing visions,
political divisions also erupted in Mexico City as republican proponents clashed with the newly installed emperor. By 1823, the Mexican
empire had collapsed while Costa Rica and other Central American
provinces broke away.
In 1823, the provinces that today make up the nations of Costa Rica,
Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras joined together to
form the United Provinces of Central America. The United Provinces
was structured as a loosely organized federated republic with its
capital in Guatemala City. Delegates from each of the provinces, under
the leadership of Jose Cecilio del Valle of Honduras, drafted a new
constitution, which was promulgated in 1824. It was a liberal document modeled largely after Spains 1812 Constitution of Cadiz and
the Constitution of the United States. It abolished slavery and established procedures for a limited electorateeffectively restricting suffrage to the wealthy and educated. It also protected the privileged
position of the Catholic Church as the official religion while at the
same time limiting its authority.
The governing document called for the constituent provinces to
retain a large degree of autonomy and called for each to elect a provincial president to serve as a regional executive. Nevertheless, other provisions within the document countered the ostensible aims of
maintaining provincial autonomy. The constitution established a central
government, which included a president and a legislative body made
up of representatives from each province. Because the legislature was
designated according to proportional representation, the more populous province of Guatemala was allotted 40 percent of the initial 45
congressional seats, giving that region disproportionate influence in
shaping policies in the central government and creating a system of distrust and rivalry that would ultimately prevent the United Provinces
from establishing a strong, unified political presence.
THE EMERGENCE OF A NATIONAL GOVERNMENT

As the particulars of the new federation took shape in Guatemala
City, Costa Rican elites made use of their new suffrage rights by electing Juan Mora Fernandez as the first provincial president. A native of
40
San Jose, Mora Fernandez was committed to liberal policies and had
played a leading role in declaring Costa Ricas independence from
Spain. He later helped to lead Costa Ricas withdrawal from the Mexican
empire. By all accounts, Mora Fernandez was a capable leader. He
oversaw important developments in Costa Ricas early years as part
of an independent nation, including the founding of the first printing
press, the first mint, and an incipient system of social services such as
health and education. Mora Fernandez and his supporters relocated
Costa Ricas capital from Cartago to San Jose , which had become
the hub of the liberal elite in the early nineteenth century. Mora Fernandez was reelected, but political friction among the four principal
cities surfaced once again in 1830, and his second presidential term
was defined by attempts to maintain peace in a volatile environment.
Mora Fernandez completed his second term in 1835, and his successor served only two years before resigning and turning over leadership to Braulio Carrillo Colina.
Carrillos administration is generally recognized as the beginning of
Costa Ricas liberal reform era of the nineteenth century. The new
leader immediately began implementing policies intended to modernize the nation and make its economic and political systems more efficient. By passing the Law of Foundations and Guarantees, Carrillo
was able to streamline government bureaucracy in a highly centralized system that gave the executive significant authority. Like many
nineteenth-century liberal leaders throughout Latin America, the
Costa Rican president believed a more authoritarian executive was
necessary to bring a sense of order to the turmoil that was so prevalent
in the decades following independence. He reformed civil and criminal codes within the judicial system and increased government revenue by restructuring government monopolies on alcohol and
tobacco. Taken collectively, these policies helped to solidify the power
of the state and gave Carrillo the legitimacy necessary for carrying out
some basic liberal reforms. Such reforms included the introduction of
a system of land privatization that targeted communal municipal
lands and distributed them to small farmers. Carrillo also implemented reforms intended to improve government efficiency and
strengthen the economy. These included paying off government debt
and curtailing corruption in government offices.
With constant turmoil throughout Central America and increasing
infighting among Costa Ricas major cities, Braulio Carrillo understood that his authority was tenuous and that he faced the threat of
overthrow by the regions more conservative political forces. In an
attempt to strengthen his own administration while weakening his
41
would-be adversaries, Carrillo reformed the nations armed forces. He

implemented policies that augmented local security forces, enhanced
the national militia, and created a modern urban police force for San
Jose. And to keep potential opponents in check, Carrillo diminished
the presence of armed forces in select areas around the country.
Carrillos rule also was not without its problems. He inherited a
cumbersome administrative system whereby the seat of the executive
rotated among the four principal cities. The previous administration
had created the process through the Ley de la Ambulancia in an
attempt to maintain a balance among the four cities and to appease
local elites. Carrillo abolished the system shortly after taking office,
provoking a brief but formidable uprising by Heredia, Alajuela, and
Cartago against the government in San Jose . The armed conflict
between these major cities became known as the War of the League.
Carrillos forces quashed the rebellion with relative ease, but the new
president reacted to the threat by becoming increasingly dictatorial.
He seized the property of those who had fought against him, and
many of his adversaries fled into exile. Carrillo further enhanced the
power of the executive, and he solidified the position of San Jose as
the principal administrative center.
By the end of his first term, Carrillos autocratic tendencies had
taken firm root. He passed antivagrancy laws to bring more order to
society and enacted policies intended to strengthen the state at the
expense of the Catholic Church and municipal governments. In 1839,
Carrillo ran for reelection and was defeated by Manuel Aguilar, but
Aguilar was ousted by a coup just one year later, which brought
Carrillo back to power. He suspended the constitution in 1841 and
declared himself absolute ruler for life. He continued ruling as a dictator until he was eventually overthrown in 1842.
THE DISSOLUTION OF THE UNITED PROVINCES

Carrillo is perhaps best remembered for his role in facilitating Costa
Ricas secession from the United Provinces of Central America. The
federation had faced numerous challenges from its inception, not the
least of which stemmed from fears and suspicions that the more populous province of Guatemala was positioned to dominate the central
government. Furthermore, many leaders in the provinces jealously
guarded the notion of local autonomy while acknowledging the need
for a larger and more unified federated republic that could potentially
offer greater economic stability and political security than any of the
five provinces could achieve alone. The governing structure of the
42
United Provinces and the attitudes of local elites created irreconcilable

contradictions between the quest for autonomy and the need for unity.
But the most serious challenge to the United Provinces manifested in
escalating discord between governing elites who disagreed over the
political future of the region. Conservative elites throughout Central
America sought to maintain many of the systems that had been in
place during the colonial period, including protecting the power of
the Catholic Church and strengthening the role of the central
government. Liberal leaders believed that the antiquated systems of
the colonial period must be cast off in order for the federation to
progress. They favored policies to diminish the power of the Church.
Many promoted land reform decrees aimed at stripping the Church
and other communal entities of landholdings and redistributing those
lands to create a population of private property owners. Liberals also
promoted economic policies that favored relatively free trade and the
development of commodity agriculture products for export.
In 1825 Manuel Jose Arce of El Salvador became the United Provinces first president as the result of a disputed election. Although
Arce was initially elected as a liberal, he quickly lost the support of
liberal elites as he catered to the interests of powerful conservatives
in Guatemala. His relationship with the Guatemalan traditional elite
further antagonized the regionalists in Costa Rica and caused even
greater distrust for the central government in Guatemala. Many feared
that Guatemalas larger population and proximity to the governing
institutions of the United Provinces would allow the province to
dominate federation policy, and Arces presidency did little to assuage
those fears. Shortly after taking office, Arce saw political unity disintegrate as the United Provinces descended into a three-year civil
war. That conflict came to an end only after Honduran liberal leader
Francisco Morazan drove Arce from power and was elected as the
new president of the United Provinces in 1829. Morazan forced many
of his conservative rivals into exile and initiated an aggressive liberal
reform platform. Guatemala, which had been a hotbed of conservative
politics, became host to a number of revolts as local liberal leaders
took control there and pushed through their own reforms.
While the United Provinces decade-long series of revolts had little
direct impact on Costa Rica, the indirect consequences of such turmoil
were significant. The push for local autonomy seemed all the more
warranted as neighboring provinces erupted in revolt and the delicate
balance of power within the loose confederation became increasingly
tenuous. In his efforts to instill a sense of stability and order in Costa
Rica, Braulio Carrillo convened a special delegation to determine the
43
regions future path. In 1838, he declared Costa Rica an independent

and sovereign nation. The United Provinces of Central America
quickly disintegrated as Honduras and Nicaragua broke away and
declared their sovereignty at the same time. Within the next year, the
failed experiment to form a Central American federation had come
to an end.
Costa Rica continued to feel the effects of its participation in the
United Provinces many years later. Carrillos dictatorship became
increasingly repressive in the early 1840s as he suspended many
personal liberties and attempted to impose morality codes on the
population. He passed decrees outlawing vagrancy and vice while
attempting to instill the values of hard work among the people.
Carrillo continued to justify those measures by insisting that they
were necessary for the advancement and modernization of the nation,
but the liberal elite rallied as he restricted individual freedoms and
suspended the constitution. After spending a brief period in exile in
South America, the former liberal president of the United Provinces,
Francisco Morazan, returned to Central America, put together a small
force, and launched an invasion from the Pacific coast. Moraza n
appealed to Costa Ricans who had grown disillusioned with Carrillos
dictatorial regime and promised to liberate them from his repression.
Indeed, many of the Costa Rican dictators enemies offered support
to Morazan and saw his arrival as an opportunity to rid the nation of
an increasingly autocratic regime.
Carrillo sent his trusted military leader Vicente Villasenorwho
had fought with him in the War of the Leagueto repel Morazans
invasion. But instead of engaging Moraza n in battle, Villasen or
betrayed Carrillo and negotiated an alliance with the former leader
of the United Provinces. In the Jocote Pactthe story of which opened
this chapterVillasenor joined forces with Morazan in an attempt to
oust the Carrillo dictatorship. The agreement stipulated that a
representative assembly would be convened to restore a more
democratic system to Costa Rica and that Morazan would serve as
the provisional leader of the Central American nation. The VillasenorMorazan alliance quickly defeated Carrillo and forced the dictator to
flee the country. Initially many Costa Ricans welcomed Moraza n
enthusiastically, especially as the new leader dismantled the authoritarian system of his predecessor and reinstated individual liberties.
He implemented a new taxation system in an attempt to solidify the
governments fiscal position. Morazan also instituted a system of compulsory military service as a way to buttress the nations military
defenses, but he maintained an inner circle of El Salvadoran security
44
forces, which served as a reminder that Costa Rica was being led by an
outsider. Soon after taking power, he began making attempts to reconstitute a Central American federation, and his support among the
Costa Rican people quickly faded. A few short months after Morazan
entered San Jose a revolt erupted against him led by General Antonio
Pinto. Morazan and his supporters fought against the uprising for
several days before fleeing to Cartago. He and several loyal military
leadersincluding Vicente Villasen orwere eventually captured.
They were transferred back to San Jose where they were publicly
executed in September 1842.
THE EMERGENCE OF COFFEE

The political consolidation of Costa Rica as an independent nationstate in the late 1830s coincided with a series of economic transformations that would have long-term repercussions for the rest of the century. Since the end of the colonial period, elite merchants and
planters in the Central Valley had been experimenting with new enterprises to bolster the economy and to increase their own personal profits. But colonial entrepreneurs and large landowners failed to develop
a cash crop or other major industry that would expand the regions
trade and strengthen its internal commercial sector. After independence, various entrepreneurs attempted to establish viable industries
through mining and the cultivation of brazilwood, which was valued
as a natural dye. Nevertheless, they quickly found Costa Ricas natural
resources to be limited, and these industries faltered.
The impetus to establish an income-generating export industry
became all the more urgent because many Costa Rican leaders were
influenced by liberal political and economic ideals. Liberal ideology
stressed the need to leave behind the antiquated traditions of the past
and to move the nation forward toward a prosperous future. To do
this, many proponents of liberalism advocated the creation of a land
tenure system that favored individual private property owners, who
because their economic well-being was tied to land ownershipwould
also become responsible and productive citizens. From an economic
perspective liberal leaders generally favored dismantling many of the
restrictive trade policies that had defined colonial mercantilism. They
attempted to structure national economies that were tied to the global
marketoften through the production and export of agricultural commodity cash crops.
Many of the economic and political elites in the former Spanish colonies found liberalism appealing as they sought to stabilize and fortify
45
new nations after independence, and Costa Rican leaders were no different. The commercial limitations imposed by the Spanish Crown
under the colonial system had impeded economic growth substantially in Costa Rica, and local leaders were eager to support policies
that would promote commercial expansion. But while other Latin
America nations endured decades of political strife as civil wars and
other crises erupted when political conservatives pushed back against
liberal measures, Costa Ricans escaped much of that turmoil. As a
colony, Costa Rica had been far removed from the traditional centers
of Spanish imperial authority. And the elite conservative power
brokers within the colonial systemnamely the Church, the military,
and high-ranking members of the royal bureaucracywere largely
absent from daily life in colonial Costa Rica. As a result, liberalism
took hold relatively easily and quite quickly among Costa Rican leaders in the decades following independence, as evidenced by the policies and reforms enacted by Braulio Carrillo. That liberal impulse
carried over into economic policy as well. Failing to establish a strong
export industry through mining or other local production, farmers
and merchants began experimenting with other products.
In the 1830s, merchants began exporting small amounts of coffee,
first to South America and later to the European market. Costa Rican
topography and climatological conditions were well suited for the
production of coffee, and worldwide demand for the product was
quite strong. The cultivation of this commodity crop expanded
quickly, aided by liberal government policies that promoted the export
of coffee and offered incentives for its cultivation. By 1850 coffee
exports dominated the Costa Rican economy and a system of power
brokerage between coffee elites and the peasant class emerged.
The Costa Rican government encouraged and facilitated the emergence of the coffee industry through land policies and economic
incentives. Throughout the colonial period and immediately after
independence the majority of Costa Ricas population lived in the
Central Valley. The fertile lands of that region were ideally suited to
coffee cultivation, but individuals did not own most of the land as private property. Instead, municipal governments rented large tracts of
communal landknown as tierra de leguato users in a land tenure
system left over from the colonial period. In unoccupied or frontier
regions, large swaths of public landknown as terrenos baldos or tierras publicaswere available for cultivation.
Beginning as early as the 1820s, municipal leaders of San Jose
sought to dismantle what they perceived to be the antiquated systems
of the colonial period and replace them with more liberal policies
46
designed to promote growth, modernization, and progress. The land

tenure system was one of their targets as liberal leaders argued that
public or communal land holdings impeded growth and that individual private-property owners were better suited to maximize the profitability of agricultural lands. Therefore, San Jose municipal leaders
implemented land privatization policies that allowed farmers to
acquire public lands at little to no cost. Soon other major cities adopted
similar policies, and by the 1830s national laws were passed that
expanded and strengthened liberal land reform. The government also
offered other incentives such as free coffee seedlings and assistance in
surveying lands. In 1825 the government removed the tithe on export
crops, and in later years it offered subsidies to coffee farmers.
Particularly in the early phases of the emergence of the coffee industry, many government policies favored small land holdings over large
haciendas. In fact, in many areas of the country more than 90 percent of
coffee estates were less than 50 manzanas, or roughly 86 acres.1 In other
areas of Latin America, market pressures often threatened the viability
of small land holdings. Inheritance practices often subdivided estates
that were too small to yield a profitable harvest. Many peasant farmers
sold out to land speculators, particularly as the price for property in
prime areas rose steadily. Those same pressures existed for Costa
Rican coffee farmers, and some consolidation of coffee lands into large
estates did occur. But the governments preference for small farmers
persisted, and as land in the Central Valley became more valuable
government leaders passed laws extending land distribution policies
to outlying areas of the country. By the 1840s the government was
facilitating the settlement of terrenos baldos in frontier regions outside
of the Central Valley. Legislation was also passed that limited the
amount of land that any one individual could acquire.
As a result of these government initiatives an intricate system of
small farms that coexisted with larger estates emerged as the backbone of the coffee industry. And even though the elite planter class
financed the earliest exports of coffee, small farmers and peasants participated in the supply of the coffee crop, particularly as demand for
coffee grew. Furthermore, the labor force in the coffee industry was
generally made up of relatives and other members of individual
households rather than wage laborers working in forced labor or other
exploitative systems. The growing market and healthy demand for
coffee beans resulted in expanding access to credit for coffee growers,
and by the end of the 1840s small family farms and large estates operated side-by-side to increase coffee cultivation more than 12-fold over
the output at the beginning of the decade. Because the coffee sector
47
relied on small farmers to produce a significant portion of the raw

beans, a more egalitarian and less exploitative system of commercial
agriculture emerged in Costa Rica compared to other countries where
agricultural production was dominated by the landed elite. As a
result, the elites found themselves in a system where they needed to
work in cooperation with the nonelites to advance coffees economic
potential. A unique symbiosis developed that allowed small farmers
to participate in significant ways in the global coffee trade.
Nevertheless, despite the strong position initially held by small
farmers in Costa Ricas foray into capitalist agriculture, the wealthy,
landed aristocracy still controlled important pieces of the coffee industry, including transportation, processing, and credit. Furthermore, as
coffee demand increased, landowners saw a concomitant appreciation
in the value of their lands. The privatization of communal lands and
the emergence of latifundiolarge landed estates in the hands of a
fewtook place only gradually in Costa Rica, but it did occur. As
landed elites in the coffee industry acquired more territory and
became more involved in the economy, their political influence
expanded as well. The coffee elites or cafetaleros became an important force in the Costa Rican political system over the course of the
nineteenth century as political power, economic decision making,
and even the presidency itself generally passed within a small group
of elite families with shared economic interests.
CULTURAL DEVELOPMENTS
Economic growth, precipitated by coffee exports, brought a measurable increase in general prosperity and the standard of living, particularly in San Jose and other major cities. By the 1850s, impressive levels
of progress were visible in urban areas as a preference for European
styles of architecture, entertainment, food, and various other forms
of material culture became clear. In 1852 the Teatro Mora opened as
San Joses first public theater. It featured the finest classic European
plays and musical performances. Public works projects brought paved
streets, improved drainage, and streetlights to major cities, and in 1869
the nations first system of indoor plumbing was installed in San Jose.
Education flourished, particularly among the elite, as the printing
press ensured that adequate books were available. Furthermore, as
more coffee was exported, Costa Ricans began importing a number
of consumer goods from abroad. Iron stoves, glass windows, and
other so-called luxury goods improved the standard of living for
many of the urban elite.
48
The impact of the coffee economy was not limited to the cities.
Developing an internal transportation infrastructure became a priority
and the elite formed private economic societies to ensure such projects
were realized. Costa Ricas first major highway connecting the Central
Valley to the Pacific port of Puntarenas was completed in 1846.
Construction of rail lines to the Caribbean coast began in 1871,
and construction of a Pacific rail line was underway by 1883. New
transportation lines facilitated not only the shipping of the coffee crop
but also the migration of the Costa Rican population. People often
relocated in response to new economic realities. Peasants from the
Central Valley, many of whom were squeezed off their lands due to
rising property values, began relocating to other agricultural regions
of the country. Those who migrated southward generally cultivated
alternate agricultural products such as beans, corn, potatoes, and
other vegetables to meet the food demands of the coffee-growing population in the Central Valley. Food production in the south also helped
to feed the slowly growing urban population. Migrants to the northern
Guanacaste region provided meat for the national market as well.
The first half of the nineteenth century became a time of enormous
change for Costa Rica. The region that had evolved as a colonial backwater over more than three centuries of Spanish imperial rule was
suddenly faced with the prospect of nationhood and self-rule. Spains
mainland colonies broke away from the empire between 1810 and
1824, which produced enormous change and political instability
throughout the region. Costa Rica was initially absorbed into the
newly formed Mexican empire, only to pull away a few years later
and establish a loose federation with other Central American nations.
But that experiment was also short lived; the federation of Central
America nations dissolved into smaller nation-states. At the same
time, Costa Ricans had to contend with local wars between major
cities and coups to oust political leaders.
Despite those challenges Costa Ricans laid important political, economic, and social foundations in the first half of the nineteenth century that helped to bring stability and growth in later decades. Small
farmers and large hacienda owners alike discovered the lucrative
industry of coffee cultivation, which made the nation relevant in the
emerging system of global trade. A profitable economic sector combined with a clearer political direction paved the way for important
social and cultural developments. These were most prominently visible
in the growth of major cities, the advent of an incipient educational
49
system, and the development of transportation infrastructure throughout the country. By the 1840s and 1850s, the colonial backwater that
had characterized Costa Rica in the sixteenth through eighteenth centuries had given way to an independent nation searching for a path to
progress.
NOTE
1. James Mahoney, The Legacies of Liberalism: Path Dependence and Political
Regimes in Central America (Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press,
2001), 145.
4
THE CREATION OF A NATIONAL HERO
On April 11, 1856, the Costa Rican military faced off against the invading force of filibuster William Walker. Pinned down by rifle fire,
commanders feared that the battle would quickly be lost as casualties
mounted and enemy troops continued to gain ground. Suddenly, Juan
Santamaraa simple day laborerturnedfoot soldiergrabbed a
nearby torch and ran full-charge into a hail of bullets to set fire to the
main structure where the enemy had holed up. Eyewitnesses and
other participants credited this act of bravery for turning the tide of
the Battle of Rivas in favor of Costa Ricafor allowing the hastily
assembled national military to salvage victory from the jaws of defeat
as Walkers larger and better-equipped force descended upon Central
America to claim territory for the United States. But Juan Santamara
did not live to see Walkers defeat and eventual execution. The young
soldier had barely reached the meson and touched his torch to the eaves
when he was struck down by enemy fire. His lifeless body slumped to
the ground as the flames of the inferno he had started lapped at his
head and eventually consumed his corpse in a dramatic blaze. As Juan
Santamara died, the image of a national hero was bornand with it a
52
more cohesive sense of nationalism that became fundamental to an

emerging sense of Costa Rican identity in the last half of the nineteenth
century.
In the years following the Battle of Rivas, Juan Santamaras legacy
reached legendary proportions, precipitated by the efforts of the liberal
government to craft a national hero that encompassed notions of patriotism and the character of the nation. By the middle of the nineteenth
century, Costa Rica was going through an era of national consolidation
that was in part facilitated by the wealth and relative economic stability
created by the coffee industry. Particularly after the uncertainties of the
independence period and Costa Ricas participation in the failed experiment of the United Provinces of Central America, Costa Rican elites
consciously pursued political institutions that would promote the
expansion of economic prosperity and national vitality. Juan Santamara
came to epitomize the process of national consolidation in the late nineteenth century as the future vision crafted by the coffee elite included
not only a liberal set of political and social principles but also the cultivation of patriotic and nationalistic sentiments to foster a cohesive and
unified sense of the nation.
LIBERALISM AND COFFEE POLITICS

Many new Latin American nations witnessed the emergence of
competing political parties in the nineteenth century based on diverging views of the regions colonial past and its potential for progress in
the future. Conservative leaders arose in areas that were home to a
strong Spanish presence during the colonial period and where traditional institutions of powersuch as the Church and the landed aristocracydominated. Liberals throughout Latin America generally
challenged the traditions and dominance of colonial institutions, positing that progress could best be achieved by casting off the regressive
and backward practices of the past. Costa Ricas isolation and relative
sense of autonomy during the colonial period meant that the region
did not attract the staunchly traditionalist Spanish elite, who instead
tended to settle in long-standing viceregal centers like Mexico and
Peru. Additionally, Costa Rica remained out of the reach of the
Catholic hierarchy, and even though Catholicism was the dominant
religion in Costa Rica, it did not permeate daily life and the political
influence of the Church was not as strong as in other areas of Latin
America. As a result, by the 1840s, liberalism had emerged as the preferred political and economic ideology among most of the nations
cafetaleros.
53
Liberalism was already evident in the policies and positions of

Costa Ricas early national leaders. But in the last half of the nineteenth century, the wealthiest of the elite coffee families formed a veritable ruling oligarchy. Under several successive administrations,
many of the tenets of nineteenth-century liberalism became formalized in the nations political reality through the passage of reform
laws, the enforcement of market-oriented economic policies, and
the promulgation of constitutions. Indeed, Costa Rica witnessed the
enactment of two constitutions in the 1840s alone. The first of
these came about in 1844, partially in response to the autocratic system
implemented by the earlier administration of Braulio Carrillo.
Enacted during the administration of Jose Mara Alfaro Zamora, the
Constitution of 1844 was heavily influence by the Enlightenment ideas
that had circulated prior to the wars for independence. It allowed for
direct popular election, albeit with a severely restricted electorate as
literacy, property, and gender limitations were spelled out in the document. The Constitution of 1844 also prioritized education following
the establishment of the Universidad de Santo Tomas one year earlier,
and it protected basic individual liberties, such as freedom of expression and freedom of association. A new constitution was created in
1848, replacing the 1844 document. The Constitution of 1848 maintained some of the foundations established in its predecessor but eliminated the system of direct elections, did away with the national
senate, and further restricted the electorate. The constitution also formally declared the nation to be the Republic of Costa Rica, and Pacfica Ferna ndez, wife of then president Jose Mara Castro Madriz,
created a design that was adopted in 1906 as the national flag. In keeping with the Enlightenment influence, the blue, red, and white horizontal stripes on Costa Ricas flag were specifically modeled after the
French design.
A paradox in Costa Rican liberalism appeared in the machinations
of electoral politics. While many liberal leaders espoused the virtues
of the social and economic aspects of the liberal agenda in both their
words and their actions, presidential succession was often dictated
by military might. More often than not, new presidents rose to power
as the result of a military coup backed by different factions within the
coffee elite. These coffee presidents dominated the national scene
until the 1930s, but contrary to the authoritarian means by which they
attained power, most ruled in a manner that upheld and even
strengthened the nations emerging liberal tendencies.
The first of these coffee presidents was Juan Rafael Mora, who was
Castro Madrizs vice president and rose to the presidency when his
54
predecessor was forced to resign. Once in office, Mora restricted the

electorate even further and began working to strengthen his executive
power against possible opposition in the national Congress. The despotic way in which he became president created significant discontent
among the nonelite population, and that discontent continued as
Mora instituted a system of land reform that dismantled the communally held properties that had traditionally been controlled by the
rural peasantry and then offered them for sale to private owners.
Much of that land was purchased by the wealthy cafetaleros, and many
of Moras economic policies benefited the coffee elite. He devoted
national funds to improve the road between Cartago and Puntarenas
in an effort to facilitate trade, and he manipulated the composition of
Congress to create an alliance system for his benefit within the
national legislative body.
Moras presidency was controversial, but he did enact policies that
were intended to benefit the nation as a whole. He created new hospitals in Puntarenas and San Jose, and he promoted public health policies in an attempt to eradicate smallpox and other communicable
diseases. Mora oversaw the reconstruction of public infrastructure following a major earthquake in 1851 and initiated a system of urban
planning in the capital city of San Jose. Diplomatically, Mora secured
formal recognition of Costa Ricas sovereignty from Spain, and he
finalized a treaty establishing a more defined boundary between Costa
Rica and neighboring Nicaragua.
CANAL ISSUES
It was during Moras presidency that Costa Rica became intricately
involved in global politics as merchants, filibusters, and national leaders from Western Europe and the United States turned their attention
to Central America. Attracted by the regions resources and also by its
strategic location as a transit point between the Atlantic and Pacific
Oceans, foreigners resorted to trickery and even the use of force in their
dealings with each other and with Central American leaders in a virtual
chess match to position themselves for economic and strategic gain.
As leaders in world trade, the United States, Great Britain, and even
France became keenly interested in the Central American region
immediately after independence. The area produced some desired
natural resources, but more importantly it offered a potential transit
point for trade between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans. Throughout
the first half of the nineteenth century the United States and its European trade rivals had periodically considered the possibility of
55
building a trans-isthmian canal to facilitate trade and transport across

the relatively narrow stretch of land in Central America. Of several
potential locations for such a project, one of the favorites was a transit
route along the San Juan River. The river runs more than 100 miles
along the Costa RicaNicaragua border from the Caribbean coast to
Lake Nicaragua, which is a large body of water that sits in southwestern
Nicaragua. The lakes western shore lies just 12 miles from the Pacific
coast across a narrow strip of land known as the Isthmus of Rivas.
The area was already a popular transport route, as ships would
travel by river to the lake. From there goods were unloaded and
transported by land to awaiting vessels at Pacific ports. Interested
investors eyed the Isthmus of Rivas as a sensible location to build
an artificial canal so that vessels could cross from one ocean to the
other without having to incur the expense and the delay of offloading goods to be shipped over land.
Because the region was already suitable for shipping and because it
was attracting so much interest from potential canal investors, the San
Juan River quickly became the subject of a lengthy and at times contentious border dispute between Costa Rica and Nicaragua. The river
itself was generally accepted as the demarcating boundary between
the two nations. But navigation rights on the river and the way the
boundary should be marked through the Isthmus of Rivas were
strongly disputed. During the colonial period, the Guanacaste region,
which encompassed the San Juan River, fell within the boundaries of
the province of Nicaragua. After the United Provinces of Central
America formed, Costa Rica annexed Guanacaste along with the
neighboring Nicoya region. When the United Provinces dissolved,
Costa Rica maintained its claim over Guanacaste and Nicoya. In the
subsequent decades, Nicaragua and Costa Rica engaged in a nearconstant dispute over Guanacaste as well as navigation rights on the
San Juan River.
While the official boundary between Nicaragua and Costa Rica
remained in dispute, foreign powers demonstrated strong interest in
the San Juan River and the Guanacaste region as well. The United
States and British governments both eyed the region as the favored
location to build a canal, and each wanted to ensure it had reliable
access to any future canal. U.S. leaders attempted to negotiate directly
with Nicaragua throughout the 1840s while the British strengthened
their claims in British Honduras (present-day Belize) and along the
Mosquito Coast. U.S. and British leaders eventually agreed to the
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty in 1850, whereby both countries would jointly
control any canal across Central America.
56
The French also maintained a strong interest in Central America,

and they reacted with concern at the passage of the Clayton-Bulwer
Treaty. French leaders launched negotiations with President Mora of
Costa Rica for colonization and transit rights in the southern portion
of the country. Mora went so far as to approve a colonization plan in
1850 that had been put forward by French promoter Gabriel Lafond
du Lurcy in the Dulce Gulf region along the Costa RicaPanama border. After several years, only a few hundred French colonists had relocated, and the plan fizzled.
Canal politics in Central America seemed to stall in the 1850s, particularly after the signing of the Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. Although
leaders in the United States, Great Britain, and France were keenly
interested in canal transit across Central America, none of those major
powers had the resources or knowledge to carry out such a monumental project at the time. But the fact that Central America was attracting
such intense attention at the time was indicative of several developing
trends. By the middle of the nineteenth century, global trade was driving economic expansion around the world. Commercial networks connected the Americas with Europe and Asia, and the new nations of
Latin America participated in those networks in important ways.
Business leaders and politicians alike in the United States and Western
Europe understood the importance of Central America both in terms
of trade and in terms of transit routes. Despite the fact that a transisthmian canal did not exist until the Panama Canal was completed
in 1914, canal politics were a driving force behind many diplomatic
episodes in Costa Rica, and in all of Central America, in the last half
of the nineteenth century.
WALKER AND FILIBUSTERS

A more serious global incursion into Costa Rica emerged in 1855
with the filibustering expeditions of William Walker. Walker was a
lawyer and journalist from the United States who abandoned his
career in 1853 to lead missions for territorial conquest in northern
Mexico and later in Central America. Walkers filibustering adventures were characteristic of the nineteenth-century U.S. notion of
Manifest Destiny. This was a belief that the United States had a Godgiven mission to acquire territory throughout the Western Hemisphere and to civilize the people there by imposing U.S. political,
social, and religious institutions, which proponents of Manifest Destiny thought to be far superior. People in need of civilizing were
often of mixed-raced descent, and Manifest Destiny often materialized
57
William Walker, U.S. filibuster, was defeated by Rafael Mora

and the Costa Rican army in the 1856 National Campaign.
(Library of Congress)
with a highly racial component. The implication was that white U.S.
traditions were superior to the uncivilized ways of the mixed races
and people of color.
The U.S. government formally instituted Manifest Destiny by forcing Mexico to cede nearly half of its national territory at the conclusion
of the U.S.-Mexican War in 1848. It also encouraged white settlers to
migrate westward onto lands that had once been (and sometimes still
were) inhabited by Native Americans. Some private citizens, William
Walker among them, relied on extralegal strategies to pursue their
own form of Manifest Destiny through expeditions for territorial
58
acquisition known as filibusters. While Walker and others like him

acted on their own accord and their undertakings were not officially
sanctioned by the U.S. government, filibusters actions were often
quite popular, and they received a large degree of support from
national leaders, businessmen, and the U.S. general public. In fact,
Walker s first failed filibuster attempt to invade and colonize the
northwestern Mexican states of Sonora and Baja California landed
him in a U.S. jail. He stood trial for breaking neutrality laws, but his
actions were so popular that he was easily acquitted.
In 1855, Walker turned his sights to Central America. Political infighting in Nicaragua had created a crisis between the rival Liberal Party
and the Legitimists, or Conservative Party. After years of nearconstant civil war, the Liberals sought assistance from Walker, hoping
to bolster their fighting force. In exchange for paymentand at the invitation of the Liberal Nicaraguan presidentWalker arrived in Central
America with approximately 300 armed men. In less than six months
Walker had defeated the Legitimist stronghold in Granada, and he continued to expand his influence over internal affairs in Nicaragua. He
eventually pushed southward toward the Costa Rican border.
Costa Ricans and other neighboring Central Americans watched
Walkers endeavors with great concern. The possibility of constructing
a trans-isthmian transit route through the San Juan River along the
Nicaraguan and Costa Rican border initially compelled Walker to
attempt to collaborate peacefully with Costa Rican president Rafael
Mora. But Mora and other Central American leaders approached
Walker cautiously. Many feared that Walker intended to create a large
empire throughout all of Central America with institutionalized slavery, similar to the U.S. south. The arrival of white colonists from
the United States seemed to confirm those fears, and the reticence of
the U.S. government to curtail Walker s activities led many Costa
Ricans to conclude that the eventual annexation of Central America
to the United States was a foregone conclusion.
Mora also saw Walkers invasion as an opportunity for Costa Rica to
strengthen its position in the Guanacaste region. And he feared that
Walkers presence would give the United States an advantage in negotiations for the construction of a trans-isthmian canal. Indeed, Walker
had used the promise of investment opportunities in a canal project
to lure more U.S. settlers to Nicaragua. Mora worked with the British,
whose leaders also wanted to prevent the United States from gaining a
stronghold in the debate. He arranged to receive military aid from the
British as he worked to fortify Costa Ricas defenses while carefully
monitoring Walkers actions in Nicaragua.
59
Ultimately, Mora did not wait for Walkers forces to act. He quickly
assembled an army, marking the first military mobilization of Costa
Rican troops in the young nations history. The president appealed to
an incipient but growing sense of nationalism, calling on all patriots
to resist the incursion by foreign invaders in Nicaragua. Mora insisted
that Walker was in the process of enslaving the countrys neighbors to
the north and that Costa Ricans would surely be next. Indeed,
Walkers close connections with the southern, slave-holding elite in
the United States suggest that those fears may not have been far
fetched. Mora recruited a force of 9,000, and in March 1856 he led his
soldiers north to attack the filibusters in what became known as the
National Campaign.
The first encounter between Moras forces and the filibusters took
place at the Hacienda Santa Rosa in the Guanacaste province on
March 20. Several hundred of Walkers troops were caught by surprise
and driven from Santa Rosa. They retreated to the town of Rivas further to the north, and Mora continued his advance. On April 11 the
two sides faced off in a major confrontation that has become known as
the Battle of Rivas. It was in this battle, after a long day of fighting
and after seeing numerous casualties on each side, that Juan Santamara
sacrificed himself in an act of bravery that handed victory to Mora and
the Costa Ricans.
Moras celebration following the battle of Rivas was short lived.
Because numerous dead bodies were not buried properly, a major
cholera epidemic broke out in Rivas following the battle. As Costa
Rican soldiers returned home, the disease spread throughout the
country, killing more than 10,000 and debilitating the nation. For his
part, Mora continued to pursue Walker and the remaining filibusters
with a small number of Costa Rican soldiers. He also worked to form
a coalition with neighboring Central American nations in an effort to
drive Walkers forces out of the region.
Walker and the filibusters fled further north into the interior of
Nicaragua. They fortified themselves in Granada, and in June 1856,
Walker manipulated national elections to secure the presidency. He
continued to expand his military and began enacting reforms, such
as legalizing slavery and creating a forced labor system for many
of the nations peons. He declared English the official language of
Nicaragua and instituted a system of land reform that allowed him
to appropriate properties held by his opposition. Additionally, Walker
used his new political clout in Nicaragua to curry favor with economic
backers in the United States. Specifically, two of Cornelius Vanderbilts
partners in the Accessory Transit CompanyCharles Morgan and
60
Cornelius Garrisonbegan negotiating independently with Walker

for exclusive transit rights through the San Juan River. Citing a legal
technicality, Walker revoked Vanderbilts transit contract and granted
exclusive concessions to Morgan and Garrison. Vanderbilt reacted by
closing down the Accessory Transit Company and moving all of his
trans-isthmian shipping south to Panama. And he was so incensed
by Walkers and his partners duplicity that he began supplying arms
to Moras forces as they continued to strike against the filibusters. As
Walker moved to strengthen his position, the coalition of Central
American forces led by Mora and armed by Vanderbilt launched an
attack against Granada. Walker eventually escaped to the United
States, but in 1860 he returned to Central America in an attempt to
claim territory once again. He was captured in Honduras and
executed by firing squad in 1860.
The aftermath of the Walker episode in Costa Rica was significant.
Liberal presidents in subsequent years seized upon the story of Juan
Santamara, and by the end of the century the collective memory of
the brave soldier turned him into a national hero and an image of
national unity. Monuments were erected in his honor and April 11,
the date of his death, officially became a national holiday. The memory
of one ordinary soldiers heroic death in the face of an invasion by a
formidable foreign army was precisely what the young nation needed
to reinforce a sense of national character and to fuel a growing sense of
patriotism.
The fate of President Mora was not so fortunate. He had successfully rallied the nation together to confront the impending threat of
Walker s invasion, and he used the momentum from his military
stance in Guanacaste to negotiate the Canas-Jerez Treaty to settle the
border dispute with Nicaragua in Costa Ricas favor. The treaty established the San Juan River as the formal border between the two
nations and granted Costa Rica the right to free navigation on the
river. But perhaps the most significant aspect of the treaty was the provision that prohibited Nicaragua from negotiating a canal treaty in the
region without the approval of Costa Rica. Despite these accomplishments, Moras popularity with the Costa Rican people plummeted.
Many blamed him for the cholera outbreak that ravaged the nation
on the heels of the National Campaign. Furthermore, the military
endeavor was costly, and the economic impact of waging war took
its toll in the form of a recession. Already losing support among the
population, Mora sealed his fate by attempting to diminish cafetalero
economic influence through the establishment of a national bank. In
1859 the coffee elites, who felt threatened by Moras policies, ousted
61
him from the presidency and force him into exile. One year later Mora
returned and attempted to effect his own coup. He was captured and
executed by firing squad on September 30, 1860.
NATIONAL CONSOLIDATION AND THE

CAFETALERO ELITE
The aftermath of the National Campaign and the Mora era was
marked by a process of national consolidation and attempts to
strengthen the liberal state. Moras successor, Jose Mara Montealegre
Fernandez, oversaw the implementation of yet another constitution
in 1859. The new governing document attempted to correct problems
inherent in earlier constitutions and prevent political corruption by
restoring the bicameral legislature. It also reduced the presidential
term to three years with no consecutive reelection. The constitution
aimed to mitigate the tendency to resort to military coups that had
developed among the regional cohorts of the coffee elite. It protected
the supremacy of constitutional processes and reinforced the authority
of civilian command over the military.
Montealegres administration brought much-needed calm and a
sense of stability to Costa Rica after the turmoil of William Walkers
invasion. He came from an elite cafetalero family and used his economic influence to solidify his political legitimacy. Montealegre prioritized economic and political stability, and he successfully renegotiated
large foreign debts the nation had incurred during the National Campaign. He promoted the liberal notion that expanding the production
of coffee and other commodity exports would benefit the national
economy and attempted to attract European immigrants to establish
new coffee colonies throughout the country. He also carried out
the first national census in 1862 as a strategy to allow the Costa Rican
state to understand its population and govern more effectively.
Montealegre was known as a progressive minded leader, and many
of his policies reflect his liberal inclinations. He backed reforms that
were designed both to improve public well-being and to foster a sense
of national identity. Montealegre created a Public Works Department
in his administration in 1860 as a step toward improving the nations
infrastructure and access to basic services. Public works projects
were intended to improve health, facilitate trade, and generally
improve citizens lives, but they also served to highlight the presence
of the national government on a day-to-day basis. Montealegre
reformed the postal service and instituted a system of using adhesive
stampsan act that was intended not only to generate income but also
62
to extend the presence of the government even more in the daily lives
of Costa Ricans since those stamps often showcased the symbols of the
nation.
Montealegre served out his term and handed over power to his successor, Jesus Jimenez Zamora, in a relatively smooth and democratic
political process. Jimenez continued many of the progressive policies
of his predecessor and pushed those policies even further by firmly
defending the notion of a military subordinate to civilian control.
When, just a few short months into his presidency, Congress
attempted to limit his authority over the military, Jimenez responded
by dissolving Congress and calling for new elections. The move defied
political notions of liberalism tied to democracy, but Jimenez defended
his actions as a necessary strategy to modernize politics by removing
the influence of the military. He also staunchly defended Costa Rican
sovereignty and autonomy in his diplomatic dealings with Central
American neighbors. When El Salvador s ex-president, Gerardo
Barrios, fled into exile in Costa Rica, Jimenez rejected the demands
by other Central American leaders to expel the former military strongman. As a result Guatemala, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Honduras
severed diplomatic ties with Costa Rica temporarilya move that
only strengthened Jimenezs resolve.
Jime nez carried out his liberal impulse in social policies and in
implementing economic reforms. He firmly believed in the need to
make primary education free and obligatory for the population, and
he expanded government education programs substantially during
his administration. He backed the construction of primary and secondary schools and created the first normal school for teacher training,
which opened in 1869. To provide necessary infrastructure and promote the growth of coffee trade, Jimenez expanded the nations system of internal roadways and attempted to build the first highway
connecting Cartago and the Atlantic coast. He viewed many of the
nations economic structures as remnants of an inefficient colonial
past, and in an effort to stimulate economic growth, he ended the
government monopoly in the tobacco industry and encouraged the
expansion of private enterprise. Jimenez is largely credited with bringing a sense of order to Costa Ricas public finances, which contributed
to a growing economy in the late nineteenth century.
Jimenez also completed his three-year term and handed over power
in a democratic election to his successor, Jose Mara Castro Madriz,
who had served as president once before from 1847 to 1849 but was
overthrown in one of the young nations many nineteenth-century
63
barracks coups. His two presidencies fittingly bookend two decades of

political consolidation by the cafetalero elite defined by attempts to create a national identity. Castro Madriz was the one who declared Costa
Rica a sovereign republic in 1848, and he decreed September 15 a
national holiday to commemorate independence from Spain. During
his second administration, Castro Madriz continued the efforts initiated by earlier leaders to promote progress and modernize the nation.
He opened the port of Limo n to exterior trade and funded the
construction of the first telegraph line between Cartago and San Jose.
Castro Madriz was seen as a progressive liberal on social issues as he
staunchly defended the freedom of the press and became a vocal
advocate for womens education. Nevertheless, just two years into
the Castro Madriz administration, Jimenez returned and overthrew
the elected president in a military coup, in a continuation of the cycle
of barracks coups and coffee politics.
The early decades of Costa Ricas liberal republic gave rise to inconsistencies and contradictions in the nations social and political development. Political leaders touted the theoretical advantages of a
forward-looking liberal ideology that favored democratic representation, yet they limited the electorate and often seized power through
military coups. They defended individual liberties and steadfastly promoted public education while restricting political participation and
reinforcing a governing system that favored a small and powerful oligarchy of cafetaleros. Large landowners dominated the political system
but still supported development policies that allowed peasants and
small farmers to play a prominent role in the nations export economy.
In the midst of this political and economic paradox, the newly
formed republic began to foster a sense of national identity through
the creation of national holidays, patriotic heroes, and public symbols
that reinforced the presence of the state. As a testament to the emerging sense of nationalism, President Mora recruited an inexperienced,
rag-tag volunteer army to confront the threat of invasion by U.S. filibusters in the National Campaign of 1856. The armys eventual victory
in the campaign was implausible. Moras almost immediate fall from
power and ensuing execution are yet another fitting example of the
inconsistencies inherent in Costa Ricas early national history.
Despite the appearance of contradictions and instability, important
foundations for future growth emerged in the middle decades of the
nineteenth century. The coffee industry propelled an economic expansion that promoted migration into outlying rural areas, spurred the
64
growth of cities, and funded new infrastructure projects to facilitate

transportation and communication. Liberals emphasis on education
and public health created a more literate and robust population while
reinforcing the presence of the state in peoples daily lives. And, significantly, the paradoxical nature of early national development in
Costa Rica contributed to the sense of autonomy and exceptionalism
that was already present, reinforcing those notions as vital components of an emerging national identity.
5
The Consolidation of the
Liberal State
HENRI FRANC OIS PITTIER
In 1887 an unassuming Swiss scientist relocated from Europe to
San Jose . Henri Franc ois Pittier had signed a contract with Costa
Rican president Bernardo Soto, whose administration had recently
revamped the public education system and opened two new secondary schools in the nations capital. Following the lead of President
Jesus Jimenez in the 1860s and President Tomas Guardia Gutierrez in
the 1870s, Soto recruited foreign professors to fill the ranks of the faculty at the new schools. But Pittier did more than simply work as a
teacher in San Jose. Immediately after arriving in the Central American capital, he began urging government officials to establish a
meteorological institute and observatory. Pittier insisted that the collection of accurate climatological, atmospheric, and terrestrial data
would be indispensable to a nation so reliant on its agricultural
economy, and that by investing in the advancement of scientific
knowledge the Costa Rican government would facilitate national
progress. Furthermore, his promise to produce an official map of the
66
entire republic piqued the interest of government leaders who had for
decades grappled with border disputes with neighboring countries
and negotiated with foreign interests intent on constructing a transisthmian canal.
In 1889 Pittier became the first director of the National PhysicalGeographic Institute (Instituto Fsico-Geografico Nacional de Costa
Rica, or IFGN). The institute was founded during the era of the
Olympians, a boastful term self-ascribed by Presidents Guardia,
Prospero Fernandez, and Soto to describe and promote their staunch
political liberalism. The timing of the creation of the IFGN was no
coincidence. It illustrates important trends that defined Costa Rican
society in the late nineteenth century: namely, the Olympians were
motivated by ideas of modernization and progress, and they saw public education and science as the foundation of their modernizing mission. They envisioned an educational system that would generate
responsible and productive citizens; those citizens, educated in science and other technological matters, would lead the nation into the
future.
While Costa Ricas Olympians prioritized modernity and trumpeted the values of nineteenth-century liberalismsuch as equality,
freedom, and representationthey were also haunted by the potential
for chaos and instability. Following the era of barracks coups in the
1850s and 1860s, Olympians took a more authoritarian approach to
governing. But they generally justified their strong-arm tactics as a
necessary strategy in the interest of maintaining order and strengthening government legitimacy.
THE END OF BARRACKS COUPS

Jesu s Jime nez, whose presidency rounded out the 1860s, hailed
from a cohort of coffee elites in and around Cartago. Following the
trend of factional conflict that had characterized earlier decades of
the nineteenth century, Jimenez faced intense opposition from the
clans of the coffee elite led by the Montealegre family, which was
based in the city of San Jose and which was connected to the former
president Jose Mara Montealegre. Jime nez attempted to stymie
potential sedition against his administration by reforming and restructuring the highest levels of military command, thereby removing individuals loyal to his opposition and diminishing the risk of yet another
barracks coup. Shortly after taking power for the second time, Jimenez
ousted Maximo Blanco and Lorenzo Salazar, two high-ranking military leaders and allies of the Montealgres, from their military
67
positions. He hoped such a move would prevent his rivals from initiating yet another barracks coup, but the Montealegres sought a new
alliancethis time with Guanacaste native Tomas Guardia Gutierrez.
The Montealegre family schemed with Guardia to orchestrate what
they expected to be another barracks coup, expecting the military
commander to force Jime nez from power and then hand over
the presidency to one of the members of the influential family. But
Guardia surprised everyone by refusing to turn over power. With the
support of his military allies, Guardia pressured the interim president,
Bruno Carranza, to resign after just a few short months and maneuvered his political influence to have Congress name him president in
August 1870. For the next 12 years, Guardia ruled outright or behind
the scenes and worked to transform Costa Rica into his vision of a
progressive and modern society.
Guardia was the first high-ranking military leader who served an
extended term as head of state in Costa Rica, and he proved to be an
adept leader with a keen understanding of the political currents of
the late nineteenth century. Although he ruled as a dictator, Guardia
derived a large degree of support from the masses, thereby escaping
the suffocating political influence traditionally wielded by the
elite classes. Having a broader base of political support also allowed
Guardia to evade the contentious rivalries of the cafetaleros that had
been the source of so many elite-backed military coups in the past,
and under his leadership the long trend of barracks coups came to
an end. Guardia immediately understood the need to professionalize
the military and to separate the national military from the political sector. He increased military spending drastically in an attempt to eradicate corruption and boost morale. Furthermore, Guardia refocused
military objectives to target external threats, effectively turning
commanders attention away from internal politics. Guardia solidified
military reforms by enacting new training techniques, building new
facilities, raising salaries, and writing new military codes. During his
administration, the Costa Rican military underwent a transformation
as the previous connections between the cafetaleros and the armed
forces effectively disappeared.
THE CONSOLIDATION OF LIBERALISM

Despite political struggles and the continuation of barracks coups
during the 1860s, the national government did manage to strengthen
its position, and an even more thorough platform of liberal policy
became evident. Costa Rican leaders continued to concern themselves
68
with economic progress and expanding Costa Ricas position in global

trade. Government leaders devoted new resources to expanding the
national transportation and communications infrastructure in an
effort to facilitate trade. Furthermore, a new constitution came into
effect in 1869. This new document expanded the electorate by lowering the voting age to 21. It also bolstered local authority by giving
municipal governments a greater voice in the political system. Local
governments could now propose constitutional reforms. Political participation had been expanding and strengthening over the course of
the 1860s, and the constitutional changes enacted in 1869 further reinforced the move toward a more inclusive electorate.
Jimenez, for his part, had backed the construction of several schools,
and in 1869 he declared a system of free and obligatory primary education; the Constitution of 1869 formalized a system of state-funded
public education. Although implementing such a program with any
efficacy would not be achieved until well into the twentieth century,
Jimenezs emphasis on education certainly reflects a common ideological belief held by many liberal leaders at that timenamely that
a strong, productive, and responsible population relied on an
adequate system of education provided primarily by the state. The
liberal emphasis on education as a civilizing function for the lower
classes would become part of official policy in subsequent decades.
The liberal impulse that became evident in the 1860s was further
entrenched in the 1870s. Starting with the presidency of Toma s
Guardia and continuing with his successors Pro spero Ferna ndez
(18821885) and Bernardo Soto (18851889), many of the characteristics of Costa Ricas modern political system were put into place.
Guardia, Ferna ndez, and Soto collectively became known as the
Olympians because of the bold and aggressive nature of their liberal
reform platform. The Olympians liberalism followed a trend that
had become standard among many Latin American governments in
the late nineteenth century. Many believed that three centuries of
colonial rule had left the region in an underdeveloped statea condition that was made worse by decades of political instability following
independence. As a result, liberal leaders concluded that aggressive,
state-driven reform was necessary to correct the inherent problems
inherited from colonial rule.
Liberals in Costa Ricaand indeed throughout Latin America
identified numerous weaknesses in the political, economic, and social
structures that made up the young nation. Of paramount importance
to the Olympians was strengthening the power of the state over other
influential corporate institutions such as the Church, indigenous
69
communities, and the network of conservative aristocracy. Throughout

Spanish colonial rule, various corporationsor formal groups with
rights and responsibilities defined by lawhad held privileged positions in society. Protections and guarantees conferred by the Spanish
Crown had allowed these institutions to acquire considerable wealth,
power, and social prestige, and by the end of the colonial period the
Catholic Church and associated cofradas were among the wealthiest
and largest property holders in Latin America. In Costa Rica, early reform policies under Braulio Carrillo had targeted much of that wealth,
but late nineteenth-century liberal leaders also perceived the social
and cultural influence of corporate institutions as contrary to their
attempts to consolidate control in a strong, centralized state.
THE OLYMPIANS
Guardia and his liberal cohort labeled themselves the priests of
progress, and they launched a vigorous campaign to create a modern
society by strengthening the state and using government authority to
promote a prescribed notion of progress. Favored within the inner
circle of the governing elite was a small group of young, like-minded
intellectuals, scientists, and political reformers. They publicly spoke
of the need to civilize the nations masses, and they generally valued education as one of the most important ways to achieve that goal.
In this way, reforms reflected the influence of positivism, which was
prevalent throughout Latin American in the late nineteenth century.
Positivists privileged progress and scientific knowledge over tradition
and the status quo. In Costa Rica and elsewhere, liberals sought to
promote a vision of progress that encompassed material goods, cultural trends, and economic growth. Guardia firmly advocated free
trade and the development of a capitalist agricultural export sector
as a way to promote and expand the nations economy. He favored
the coffee sector as the lifeblood of the Costa Rican economy, but
he also introduced a more rigorous tax system that allowed the
government to benefit more fully from coffee profits. Government revenue tripled during the 12 years of Guardias rule, and the dictator
used the expanding treasury to strengthen the role of the state. He
enlarged the public sector, creating new layers of bureaucracy that
expanded the functions of the national government. Tax revenue was
funneled to social projects such as education, public health, and transportation. Guardia also funded modernizing infrastructure projects:
paving streets, installing electricity and plumbing, modernizing highways and ports, and constructing new public buildings.
70
CONSTITUTION AND LIBERAL REFORM

Despite the recent passage of the Constitution of 1869, one of Guardias
most significant undertakings as president was to craft a new
governing document that would more closely reflect the ideals of his
liberal political platform. The Constitution of 1871 was the result of
those efforts. Although the document was suspended several times
in the late nineteenth century and went through several revisions,
its basic framework remained as the nations governing system until
it was replaced in 1949. The 1871 constitution maintained the same
suffrage specifications as the Constitution of 1869, but it strengthened
the role of the executive over the electoral process. Open suffrage
existed in theory, but the executives ability to supervise voting, tally
election results, and approve voter rolls gave the ruling party enormous power and allowed a considerable degree of electoral fraud.
The Constitution of 1871 continued the three branches of government
and the unicameral legislature that had been in place for most of the
century, requiring the approval of both the executive and the legislative
branches for new laws. Despite that structure, the new constitution
reflected Guardias intent to strengthen the power of the state by
consolidating the authority of the executive. It limited the length of time
Congress was to be in session, and it allowed the president to convene a Permanent Commission and to call extraordinary sessions of
the Congress for emergency measures. Through these functions, the
executive retained considerable oversight of the congressional
agenda. Furthermore, the constitution gave the president the authority to suspend the constitution and to limit individual liberties; presidents used these powers with regularity throughout the rest of the
nineteenth century.
Guardia, and particularly the Olympians who succeeded him,
implemented a liberal reform platform that included a number of
social and cultural measures. Like the political reforms contained in
the Constitution of 1871, the social and cultural changes instituted by
these leaders aimed to strengthen the role of the state and to promote
progress and modernization. Many of the reforms were intended to
promote a civilizing mission toward the lower classes. Educational
programs were designed to lift the lower classes out of an underdeveloped state, and the Olympians went to great length to expand the educational reforms introduced in the 1860s.
Despite earlier liberal efforts to reform education, by the 1880s most
instruction was still controlled by the Catholic Church and was locally
organized around municipalities. Few state-run schools existed, and
71
the national government had little control over curriculum. Educational opportunities for women were inconsistent throughout the
country, and even though universal public education had been mandated in reform laws, the role of the state in the education of its citizenry was still quite limited. In 1885, major state-led reforms to
education began to take root as Bernardo Soto took office and passed
the Ley general de educacion comun. The law mandated primary schooling for both boys and girls, established a national curriculum for primary education, and organized classrooms to allow for age-specific
instruction. The new education law specifically targeted the Catholic
Church by mandating that the national governmentnot the Church
or local governmentshave jurisdiction over curriculum and the
implementation of a public education system. Sotos administration
also closed the Universidad de Santo Toma s, which had been the
nations main institution of higher education and was closely tied to
the Catholic Church.
In order to meet the new demands in primary education, the
government opened the Colegio Superior de Senoritas, which served
as a normal school for girls and offered scholarships to train female
teachers. By the late decades of the nineteenth century, liberal governments throughout Latin America had concluded that women were
best suited to educate young people. Many liberals firmly believed
that women were inherently more nurturing and that mens natural
abilities were best utilized in other professions such as politics, business, and agriculture. Female teachers also demanded a significantly
lower salary than male teachers, which was a convincing trait as
nineteenth-century governments struggled to implement public education programs with limited budgets. Costa Rican liberals followed
these trends and targeted women to fill the ranks in the teaching profession. Over several decades, the Colegio attracted the daughters of
middle- and working-class families, primarily from urban areas. Over
time, the normal school gained a reputation as an institution that
empowered women, and it was an organizing site of incipient feminist
consciousness into the twentieth century.
Closely following the tenets of the liberal and positivist ideologies
of the nineteenth century, Costa Rican leaders aimed to supplant the
authority of priests and local Church leaders by training young
women and promoting a state-approved curriculum through primary
education. They envisioned a public education system that would
train productive and responsible citizens and promote the tenets
of the liberal ideology. Costa Rican leaders also hoped that a system
of public education with a state-mandated curriculum would help to
72
engender future generations of scientists and technical experts to help

promote national progress along the precepts of positivism. Sotos
government actively recruited European scientists to relocate to Costa
Rica and to help build a modern, science-oriented educational curriculum. It was that recruiting effort that brought the Swiss scientist Henri
Francois Pittier, whose story opened this chapter, to San Jose. At Pittiers urging, government leaders expanded the reach of science and
the positivist ideology beyond the classroom. The creation of the IFGN
demonstrates that government leaders embraced the use of scientific
knowledge as a way to strengthen the nations economic and political
systems.
Other cultural reforms intended to civilize the nation took aim at
barbaric practices. Tomas Guardia reformed the penal system by
building new prisons, focusing on rehabilitation, and abolishing
capital punishment. At the popular level, cockfighting and other recreational activities that were considered backward by the liberal elite
were banned. Leaders discouraged personal vices such as excessive
drinking and gambling. They viewed prostitution as a public health
concern, a threat to the sanctity of the family as the backbone of society, and an obstacle to promoting nationalism and racial homogeneity.
This was particularly true in the Central Valley region where women
were encouraged to form nuclear families through legal marriages,
while the reality for women in port cities and other regions of the
periphery was quite different. Liberals also attempted to curb folk
practices such as the use of traditional medicines. And in a continuation of the nation-building atmosphere that was evident in the
1850s, national leaders promoted the secular figure of Juan Santamara
over the religious icon of the Virgen de Los Angeles in an effort to create a unifying national symbol that would privilege the state over the
Church. The states campaign to create a national hero out of Juan Santamara is also an illustration of the liberal governments emphasis on
patriotism as a way to strengthen the nation.
The Catholic Church felt a particularly strong impact as the Olympians imposed liberal reforms. In an attempt to curb the influence of
the Church and to privilege the power of the state, liberals instituted
a system of civil registry for births, deaths, and marriages. Such a policy gave the government greater oversight of the population and
attempted to replace the Churchs traditional authority by replacing
sacraments with a state-sponsored process. Combined with earlier
reforms that divested the Church of much of its land and the ongoing
showdown over educational policies, liberal reforms implemented by
the Olympians left Church leaders feeling threatened by government
73
policies. Monsignor Bernard August Thiel, Archbishop of San Jose,

publicly opposed such measures, leading to growing animosity
between the Church and the liberal government. In 1884, the archbishop and the entire Jesuit order were expelled from Costa Rica in a
culmination of anticlerical moves on the part of the liberal government.
After that, reforms aimed at secularizing society and strengthening the
state over the Church continued in earnest. In 1888, Costa Rican leaders
formally approved civil marriage and divorce, and reforms to Civil
Codes codified aspects of family law that aimed to give the government
greater control over household relations.
While Church leaders decried liberal reforms as anticlerical, the
Olympians promoted them as modernizing and necessary to bring
about progress for the nation. Government leaders publicly advocated
the importance of protecting individualism over the well-being of institutions such as the Church. In 1877, Tomas Guardia passed the Law on
Individual Rights, which codified many personal liberties similar to the
Bill of Rights to the U.S. Constitution. Guardias law called for freedom
of religion, freedom of expression, rights to privacy, and freedom of
movement. It also established a number of legal protections within the
judicial system. Collectively, the measures contained in the Law on
Individual Rights represent the liberal agenda to promote individualism. But despite this apparent attempt by a Costa Rican government
to protect basic personal liberties, the Olympians record for implementing such policies was certainly problematic.
RAILROAD POLITICS
A central tenet of nineteenth-century liberal thought was the primacy of a capitalist agricultural export sector as the basis for economic
growth. Most Latin American nations had been pursuing such a
model for decades, and they expanded their export trade substantially
with the help of foreign capital coming from private investors in the
United States and Europe. Costa Ricas economic development in the
nineteenth century took a different path in the early phases. A capitalist agricultural export sector emerged with the rapid expansion of the
coffee industry, but the coffee economy was largely controlled by
domestic interests, in a shared venture between cafetaleros and small
farmers. Coffee exports had dominated the national economy, had
generated substantial income, and had facilitated impressive economic growth. But the Olympians and other leaders in the late nineteenth century envisioned an even larger export market supported
by modern system of transportation and communication.
74
One of Tomas Guardias highest priorities in the 1870s was developing and modernizing the nations internal infrastructure to support
the capitalist agricultural export economy he envisioned. He devoted
government funds to improving Costa Ricas network of internal
roadways, but further expansion of the export market proved elusive
as jungles separating the Central Valley from the Atlantic coast
remained impassable. For decades, coffee exporters had been shipping their product over land to Puntarenas on the Pacific coast; from
there boats transported coffee shipments around the tip of South
America and eventually on to the final destination in Europe. The
journey was long, and transport costs were high. Since the principal
export market for Costa Rica coffee was in Europe, domestic producers and government leaders alike had been searching for an effective
way to export directly from Costa Ricas Atlantic coast.
In 1871 Guardia signed a contract with Henry Meiggs for the construction of a railroad line connecting San Jose to the Atlantic coast.
Since the 1850s, government leaders in Costa Rica had been pursuing
opportunities to improve internal transportation by building rail lines.
A number of foreign engineers and investors had conducted initial
investigations into such projects, but they almost all quickly gave up
for lack of funds or as a result of the daunting physical terrain. Henry
Meiggs was a railroad tycoon from New York, and he became known
for his ability to conquer the rugged, mountainous Andean terrain of
South America after overseeing the construction of hundreds of miles
of railroad lines in Chile and Peru. Meiggs sent his nephew, Henry
Meiggs Keith, to Costa Rica to spearhead the negotiations with
Guardias government. The Costa Rican leader envisioned a modern
rail line connecting San Jose and the coffee-producing regions of the
Central Valley with the Port of Limon to facilitate the export of the
nations main capitalist agricultural product to the markets in Europe.
Meiggs and his nephew secured a contract to complete the project
over a period of three years for a price of 1.6 million.
In order to meet such a large financial obligation, Guardia was
forced to borrow 1 million from British banks with the intention of
using government revenue for the balance. But the financing arrangements were questionable from the start. British bankers manipulated
negotiations to secure terms that included exorbitant interest rates
and that earmarked the majority of the loans as commissions. As a
result, considerably less money was available for the construction
project, and the Costa Rican government was quickly burdened with
large debt obligations. The rugged terrain of the mountains surrounding the Central Valley delayed the project considerably, and the lack of
75
funds meant that progress slowed to a crawl at times. Committed to

completing the mass infrastructure project, the Guardia administration
borrowed even more money in 1872 under equally adverse terms as
the original loan. A mere 18 months after signing the contract, the rail
line was nowhere near completion, and the Costa Rican government
owed 3.4 million in foreign loansof which it only had received
1.3 million to allot toward the project.
Henry Meiggs Keith was soon joined on the project by his three
brothers. As construction slowly proceeded, Keiths negotiations with
the Guardia administration became increasingly tense. Construction
problems and difficulties securing financing brought continuous
delays, and by 1873 only 33 kilometers of rail line had been completed
even though the Costa Rican government had continued to make
regular payments to the Keith organization. Eventually, the Guardia
administration defaulted on its debt to the British and cancelled its
contract with Henry Meiggs Keith. The unfinished railroad project
was placed temporarily under government control, and it stalled for
many years as the government was saddled with onerous debt obligations and few resources to increase national income.
Keith died of dysentery shortly after the termination of the contract,
but his brother Minor Cooper Keith had established himself as a businessman in Limon and remained in Costa Rica. In the coming years,
government leaders negotiated small contracts with Minor Keith to
complete small sections of the rail lines. Keith made a name for himself and managed to start building a small fortune by exporting
bananas from the Port of Limon. In 1883 the administration of Prospero Fernandez approached Minor Keith hoping to secure an agreement that would guarantee the completion of the railroad and relieve
the nations foreign debt burden at the same time. Bernardo Soto, serving as Fernandezs secretary of state, worked out a new deal with
Keith. The Soto-Keith Contract gave the U.S. entrepreneur the power
to renegotiate Costa Ricas European debt on President Fernandezs
behalf. Keith absorbed much of the financial risk of continuing the
railroad construction venture, and in exchange the Ferna ndez
government granted him direct control over the administration of
the rail lines. In addition Minor Keith received a 99-year lease on
800,000 acres of property in the Caribbean lowlandsa grant that
amounted to roughly 7 percent of Costa Ricas national territory.
The Keith-Soto Contract rejuvenated the railroad project in Costa
Rica as new money and renewed energy poured in to the endeavor.
Keith benefited enormously from the new contract, and he quickly
became one of the wealthiest and most powerful individuals in Costa
76
Rica. Nevertheless, Keiths company also struggled at times as tropical

disease and rugged terrain escalated the costs for completing the
project. Keith also faced difficulties in securing enough laborers to toil
in such treacherous conditions. Thousands of workers died in the initial phases of the construction project alone. Keith eventually recruited
West Indian laborers to supplement his labor force. Those immigrants
stayed in Costa Rica long after the railroad project was completed.
Most became workers on banana plantations that sprang up along
the Atlantic coast, and their presence added a new racial dynamic to
Costa Rican social relations.
While many new nations in Latin America had opened themselves
to foreign investment quite early in the nineteenth century, Costa Rica
had managed to avoid that trend for quite some time. But the liberal
impulse for developing a capitalist agricultural export market eventually compelled the nations leaders to seek economic backing from foreign investors in an effort to create the internal infrastructure
necessary to integrate the country more fully into the global economy.
Costa Ricas relationship with Minor Keith marked the beginning of
an era of economic development heavily influenced by foreign
involvement. Indeed, the liberal vision of Costa Rican progress in the
late nineteenth century could not have foreseen the extent to which
Minor Keith and other foreign investors would come to dominate the
national economy.
THE 1889 ELECTION

The impact of Costa Ricas liberal reforms was visible in social and
economic developments throughout the 1870s and 1880s. But the full
extent of the nations political transformation only became evident in
the 1889 elections. Tomas Guardia and the Olympians who succeeded
him had promoted democratic freedom and individual liberties as the
vanguard of their reform agenda. The electorate had expanded, even
though it was not yet universal since literacy and income requirements limited the vote to the elite and women were still prohibited
from political participation. Guardias Law on Individual Rights combined with the power of liberal rhetoric encouraged the formation of a
political and civic consciousness. Additionally, the era of the Olympians brought the formation of the nations first political parties in an
effort to expand popular support. Liberals formalized their political
platform through the Liberal Progressive Party (Partido Liberal Progresista) while conservative opposition formed the Constitutional
Democratic Party (Partido Constitucional Democratico). Both parties
77
were initially a reflection of elite political interests, but they also

encouraged popular participation in ways not previously seen in
Costa Rican politics.
Despite the appearance of equality and reform, a high level of corruption remained in the political system, and those in power often resorted
to fraud and chicanery to ensure the opposition did not gain a foothold.
The Olympians maintained power throughout the liberal era in part by
manipulating the electoral system and therefore found themselves
unprepared for the conservative backlash that surfaced in the 1889 elections. Supporters of the Catholic Church and other conservative leaders
appealed to a constituency that was already suspicious of liberal
reformsparticularly those reforms that aimed to remove the Church
from the national curriculum and that exercised greater government
oversight in family affairs. The Constitutional Democratic Party garnered enough popular support to secure the election of conservative
Jose Joaqun Rodrguez Zeledon over the Liberal Progressive Party candidate, Ascencion Esquivel. Liberals initially resorted to the usual
underhanded strategies to prevent conservatives from taking power.
But when a crowd of more than 10,000 rose in protest in San Jose, liberals were forced to step down in favor of an interim president on
November 7, 1889. Six months later, Rodrguez assumed the presidency,
and the 1889 election became known as a watershed moment in the
emergence of a democratic political system in Costa Rica.
For the next three decades, Costa Rica experienced an era of relative
stability in national politics. Brief moments of crisis eruptedRodrguez
dissolved Congress in 1892, and his successor Rafael Yglesias Castro
attempted to amend the constitution to allow himself to run for a
third term. But power changed hands between and among competing
political parties, and each president completed his term peacefully
until 1917. The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries marked
an era of political consolidation that was made possible in part by
an expanding economy, which funded tangible signs of social
progress. The state continued to devote considerable funding to public education and modern infrastructure appeared in major urban
centers. Rodrguez introduced the nations first telephone lines, while
Yglesias focused on public health and sanitation programs. By the
end of the century, the railroad connecting the Atlantic and Pacific
coasts had been completed, a national theater had been built, and
electricity had been introduced in most major metropolitan areas.
Despite the measurable gains made in material progress in the late
nineteenth century, Costa Rican development came at a price.
78
The National Theater opened in San Jose in 1897. It represents an era of economic
and social progress in the late nineteenth century. (Library of Congress)
The liberal preference for agricultural commodity export growth had

paved the way for foreign investors to penetrate the national economy,
and the presence of foreign influence would come to dominate much
of the nations history into the twentieth century. Minor Keiths
contract in 1883 brought much-needed closure to the problematic
construction of the Atlantic coast railway. The expansion of transportation lines benefited Costa Rican exporters, to be sure. But few could
anticipate the juggernaut that would eventually emerge in the Costa
Rican agricultural sector as Keith and his partners created a Central
American banana empire.
6
The Banana Republic
ONE HUNDRED YEARS OF SOLITUDE
In Gabriel Garca Marquezs classic novel One Hundred Years of Solitude, the multigenerational Buenaventura family provides a lens
through which the literary giant examines a century of Colombian history in the fictional jungle village of Macondo. One of the most riveting accounts in the novel is Marquezs portrayal of a labor strike on a
U.S.-owned banana plantation that eventually results in the massacre
of 3,000 peasant workers after the military opens fire on the unarmed
crowd. The corpses of those workers are transported by the new rail
line to be dumped in the ocean; and as the bodies disappear, so too
does the fictional towns collective memory of the horrific event.
Marquezs literary account was inspired by the 1928 Banana Massacre
in the town of Cienaga, Colombia, when the national military opened
fire on striking banana plantation workers in order to protect the interests of the U.S.-based United Fruit Company. In the novel, the Banana
Company brings ruin to the town of Macondo in the form of political
repression, economic imperialism, and environmental devastation.
Marquez includes the fictional Banana Company in his novel to make
80
a specific critique about the very real activities of the United Fruit
Company throughout Latin America.
Even though Marquezs tale takes place in Colombia, numerous
parallels can be drawn to the history of the United Fruit Company in
Costa Rica. The U.S.-based company got its start in Costa Rica, and it
quickly grew to play a dominant role in the Central American export
economy. And just as the train erases the grisly evidence of the Banana
Company massacre in Marquezs novel, the real United Fruit Company originated and developed hand-in-hand with the railroad in
Costa Rica. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries,
bananas and railroads came to symbolize modernity, economic
growth, and progress in Costa Rica. And the company expanded
quickly as a result of a close relationship between its owner, Minor
Keith, and the Costa Rican government. Furthermore, the conditions
under which the United Fruit Company emerged allowed it to expand
very quickly into other areas of Latin America. As the corporation
became more powerful, it also became a symbol of the exploitative
nature of the capitalist agricultural export economy that dominated
Costa Rica and the rest of Latin America. Labor reform movements
of the early twentieth century surfaced in response to a growing set
of social anxieties that surrounded the export agricultural sector and
the expansion of the labor force. Often those reform movements targeted foreign corporations like the United Fruit Company. And while
a banana massacre like the scene depicted in One Hundred Years of
Solitude never took place in Costa Rica, the nation did play host to a
serious labor dispute between peasant workers and the United Fruit
Company in 1934. The Great Banana Strike involved 10,000 workers
and was one of the largest labor stoppages in Latin America targeting
a U.S. company. It also inspired Costa Ricas own literary response as
one of the leaders of the strike, Carlos Luis Fallas, wrote Mamita Yunai,
which chronicles the struggles of peasant workers on Costa Ricas
banana plantations.
UNITED FRUIT COMPANY

In the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the cultivation
and export of bananas became a thriving economic sector in Costa
Rica. The emergence of the banana industry coincided closely with
the completion of the railway connecting the Central Valley with the
Caribbean Coast. Even while construction of the railroad was
ongoing, U.S. entrepreneur Minor Keith was already dabbling in a
The Banana Republic
81
number of business ventures related to the export market. Bananas

had caught his interest, and Keith purchased a batch of rootstalks for
experimental plantings. He quickly found that bananas grew well in
Costa Ricas semitropical climate. He exported part of his crop to a
growing market in the United States and also used his banana crop
to feed local railroad construction workers as the major infrastructure
project was being completed. When the Costa Rican government
granted him 800,000 acres of fertile land as part of his 1883 contract
to finish the railroad, Keith expanded his network of banana plantations considerably. Once the remainder of the track was finally completed, Keith owned the controlling share of the rail line and had
taken on enormous debt obligations to bring the project to completion.
When coffee freight and passenger transport failed to provide sufficient income, Keith filled out shipments by expanding banana transports. He formed the Tropical Trading and Transport Company to
coordinate his business activities in both the shipping industry and
in the harvesting of bananas.
The Caribbean lowlands of Costa Rica proved ideal for the mass cultivation of bananas. The tropical fruit requires a warm climate and
adequate rainfall with sufficient drainage to avoid swamp-like conditions. The port of Limon and surrounding areas receive 5 to 10 inches
of rainfall per month and enjoy an average temperature of around
80 degrees Fahrenheit. The region boasts an extensive network of small
rivers, streams, and other tributaries that yield fertile soil with sufficient
drainage for the banana crop. But completion of the railroad combined
with Keiths investment in steamship transport was particularly important in facilitating the expansion of the banana industry. Because cut
bananas ripen very quickly, a rapid system of transport was essential
for exporting the crop. The completed rail line allowed cut bananas to
arrive at the port within 24 hours of harvest. Once there, Keiths steamship line carried the cargo to the United States.
The banana industry found a healthy market in the United States,
and consumer demand quickly grew. After 1902 the export market
expanded to include Canada and the United Kingdom. As banana
exports increased, so too did Keiths landholdings, which allowed
the businessman to expand production considerably. By 1890, the railroad that was originally built to provide more cost-effective transport
for the coffee crop was shipping bananas for export almost exclusively. Also by the 1890s, Keiths banana plantations were more valuable than his rail line in terms of net worth and income. The
American entrepreneur naturally turned his focus to the cultivation
82
and export of tropical fruits, and he used his local transportation network to facilitate the growth of his export activities.
Keith quickly became one of the most influential men in Costa
Rica. He built a powerful network of allies within the Costa Rican
government by marrying Cristina Mara Fernandezdaughter of former president Jose Mara Castro Madrizin 1883. The nepotistic
nature of Costa Ricas governing elite also meant that Keiths wife
was the niece of President Prospero Fernandez and cousin of Bernardo
Soto Alfaro, who served in Ferna ndezs cabinet and eventually
became president in his own right from 1885 to 1889. Soto was also
responsible for negotiating the railroad contract that awarded Keith
control over the rail line along with hundreds of thousands of acres
of agricultural land in 1883. Keiths wealth, power, and influence
increased substantially throughout the 1890s.
Keith eventually extended his activities into Colombia, establishing
plantations along the Caribbean Coast and founding the Colombian
Land Company. In 1897, he purchased a 50 percent share of the Snyder
Banana Company, which had already established a large operation in
neighboring Panama. These expansions allowed Keith to dominate
banana cultivation and shipping throughout Central America. Then
in 1899, he merged his Costa Ricabased Tropical Trading and Transport Company with the Boston Fruit Company, which was formed
by Andrew Preston and Lorenzo Baker in 1885 and had grown to control much of the banana industry in the Caribbean. The merger of the
two powerful companies resulted in the formation of the United Fruit
Company (UFC), and this U.S. corporation became one of the largest
landowners in Latin America in the early twentieth century. The
UFC expanded almost immediately into Honduras and Guatemala.
Through negotiations with the Guatemalan government, UFC eventually controlled much of the nations communication infrastructure and
was responsible for highway and railroad networks. United Fruit
eventually purchased the Guatemalan railroad and formed the
International Railways of Central America in an effort to create one
interconnected rail network. As UFCs landholdings and economic
activities expanded in Latin America, company executives looked to
the U.S. government to help protect their business interests abroad.
The companys dominant economic position within Latin America
and its persuasive position in U.S. government circles allowed it to
wield enormous influence over Latin American policy.
The emergence of the banana industry had a profound impact on
the physical, economic, and social landscape of Costa Rica. United
The Banana Republic
83
A United Fruit Company banana plantation in the early twentieth century.

(Library of Congress)
Fruit Company found that virgin lands yielded the best banana crop,
and in many regions a given plot could produce profitably for only
five to eight years. By 1910 Panama disease, a soil condition that
attacks bananas through the root system and causes the plant to wilt
and rot, had begun to spread throughout United Fruit landholdings.
Once the disease took hold, infected lands were incapable of producing a crop for many years. As a result, UFC regularly abandoned old
lands in favor of new ones, and at any given point only a small fraction of the companys landholdings was being used for agricultural
production. The nature of banana cultivation and the introduction of
Panama disease meant that local growers could not compete with the
United Fruit Company. Minor Keith had been granted control over
800,000 acres of fertile lands in his 1883 railroad contract, which gave
the UFC access to sufficient virgin land to sustain a relatively short
cultivate-and-abandon strategy. Local growers did not have that
luxury. By 1926 the UFC had abandoned nearly 30,000 acres of banana
lands in the Caribbean lowlands of Costa Rica. In later years, other soil
afflictions caused the company to shift its operations to other regions
of the country. But despite the vagaries of banana cultivation, the
84
United Fruit Company remained an important force in Costa Rica

throughout much of the twentieth century.
Even as the United Fruit Company set up operations in Costa Rica
and banana cultivation came to predominate the export market, local
growers and foreign investors alike branched out to produce other
commodity products. Cattle ranching developed in the northern
Guanacaste region and in the Reventazon and Turrialba Valleys to
the east of the Central Valley. In those areas large agricultural estates
emerged, employing wage laborers in contrast with the small and
medium-sized farms that played such a fundamental role in the
nineteenth-century coffee sector. In Guanacaste the expansion of the
cattle industry was facilitated by new logging operations. Hardwood
exporters cleared lands that were later used for grazing. Throughout
Costa Rica, foreign interests invested in sugar and cacao production
as well as in mining activities. And while those industries attracted a
number of foreign capitalists, many cacao and mining operations were
controlled by companies with links to Minor Keithfurther evidence
of the U.S. entrepreneurs influence in the Costa Rican economy.
The development of these new commercial enterprises had a significant effect on Costa Rica. They served to diversify the economy to
some extent and mitigated the power of the traditional cafetalero elite.
Indeed, these new economic activities served as a backdrop to a political culture that was shifting away from the coffee clans that had controlled elections for much of the nineteenth century, and a system of
greater popular participation began to emerge. But the changing economic climate did little to lessen Costa Ricas reliance on commodity
exports as the foundation for economic growth. That model would
eventually be challenged only after the onset of the Great Depression
in 1929.
LABOR ISSUES IN THE BANANA INDUSTRY

With the labor demands created by new industries, the nature of
Costa Ricas coastal population changed considerably, first with the
construction of the railroad and then with the rise of the United Fruit
Company. When Keiths family started construction of the rail line in
1873, the Costa Rican population was relatively small and generally
concentrated in the Central Valley. A scarcity of laborers along the
Caribbean coast compelled Keith to import foreign workers from
China, Italy, and the Caribbeanparticularly from Jamaica, St. Kitts,
Barbados, Trinidad, and other British colonial possessionsto complete the railroad project, and many of those workers remained in
The Banana Republic
85
Costa Rica, becoming laborers in the banana industry. In particular, a

large influx of Afro-Caribbean laborers proved crucial to the completion of the railroad and later the expansion of the banana industry.
Keith and other UFC executives concluded that the West Indians
familiarity with tropical conditions and their expertise in banana cultivation made them ideal workers in the emerging economic sector.
And while the Costa Rican government eventually passed legislation
prohibiting new Chinese immigration, black workers from the Caribbean continued to migrate to Costa Rica, and West Indians quickly
constituted a majority within the banana industry labor force.
Despite the large number of Afro-Caribbean laborers and the indispensable role they played in the banana industry, most of those workers endured deplorable working and living conditions on UFC
plantations and faced pervasive racial discrimination in Costa Rican
society. Costa Ricans thought of themselves as highly racially homogenized by the turn of the century, and the influx of black workers
along the coast elicited a strong reaction among many in the Central
Valley. Politicians attempted to pass laws that would isolate the black
population along the coast by prohibiting them from settling in the
Central Valley. They also considered outlawing interracial marriages
in an attempt to preserve a stronger European character of Costa
Ricas mestizo heritage.
Labor abuses on coastal plantations added to the plight of West
Indian workers. Many of them were recruited to Costa Ricas banana
industry with the promise of high wages and good living conditions,
only to find a system of abuse and exploitation when they arrived.
Laborers faced low wages, unsafe and unsanitary living and working
conditions, and an exploitative system of payment in credit at
company-owned commissaries in lieu of currency. Workers were often
issued coupons that were only redeemable at the company store,
where prices for basic goods were significantly higher than at other
establishments. Most Afro-Caribbean workers had no contract and
therefore had no legal recourse to challenge the abuses of their
employer. Further aggravating the situation was the fact that the
United Fruit Company continued to recruit large numbers of AfroCaribbean workers in an attempt to glut the labor market and keep
wages low. Veteran workers often complained that excessive and
indiscriminate recruitment of additional workers weakened the position of laborers already on UFC plantations and undermined their
ability to demand better working conditions.
Over time a sense of community emerged among black West Indian
workers, and they eventually formed the Limon Workers Federation
86
(Federacion de Trabajadores de Limon). In a number of instances they

resorted to collective action to push for change on UFC plantations.
Minor work stoppages occurred in Limon in 1908 and 1909 as black
laborers protested a series of layoffs and demanded compensation
for unpaid back wages. The United Fruit Company used several strategies to break strikes, including hiring nonblack workers for higher
wages and calling in the police to arrest striking workers. In some
instances the UFC acquiesced to some labor demands while at other
times the company broke the strikes without granting any concessions. In an era of growing labor consciousness worldwide, the emergence of working-class action in Costa Ricas banana enclaves was a
significant development.
The modest workers activism that began surfacing in 1908 and 1909
was a sign of a growing sense of strife that would culminate in significant labor unrest in Limon in 1910. In July of that year the Artisans
and Labourers Union formed in an attempt to pressure the United
Fruit Company into raising wages. The union also aimed to end the
wide-scale recruitment of new West Indian migrants to UFC plantations. A new batch of laborers arrived in Limon later that year with
no contracts, and they found the wretched living and working conditions and low wages to contradict the promises made to them before
their arrival. Veteran workers, sensing an opportunity to pressure the
United Fruit Company, fueled the unrest by intimidating the new
arrivals with tales of mistreatment. The new workers rose up in protest, and riots broke out in Limon as the UFC called in the military to
diffuse the unrest. When the Artisans and Laborers Union backed
the workers, thousands more poured into the streets, and violent
clashes erupted between workers and military troops. It was only
through the intervention of the British Consul that the uprising
abated. The Consul collected a list of worker demands and acted as
mediator to end the dispute.
The British Foreign Office continued to play an active role in mediating labor disputes for West Indian workers in the coming years.
Additional strikes occurred after the outbreak of World War I when
wages were frozen while prices for goods at the company store continued to increase. One particularly effective work stoppage in 1918
involved a core of highly skilled UFC laborers whose expertise was
difficult to replace. After two workers were killed in clashes with the
police, strikers retaliated and attempted to pressure the company by
blocking shipments, destroying fields, and even setting fire to the
company store. Once again, British diplomatic officials intervened
and convinced the UFC executives to implement a modest wage
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87
increase. But even as worker consciousness was on the rise in the early
decades of the twentieth century, the company became increasingly
intransigent and unwilling to compromise. A culture of labor exploitation remained on Costa Rican banana plantations, and workers sought
new strategies to remedy those injustices.
One important consequence of the spate of strikes in the early twentieth century was a gradual diminishing of Afro-Caribbeans political
isolation within a larger Costa Rican labor movement. In 1921 the
Limon Workers Federation entered into an alliance with the San Jose
based General Workers Confederation (Confederacion General de
Trabajadores, or CGT). The CGT brought a sense of legitimacy to the
small organization of West Indian banana workers. Experienced labor
leaders in San Jose helped to incorporate Limon workers more fully
into a national labor movement and began to erase the sense of foreign
isolation among the Afro-Caribbean workers on U.S.-owned banana
plantations along the coast. Throughout the next decade, in fact, Costa
Ricans and Nicaraguans began migrating to Limon and surrounding
areas looking for work in the banana industry. As more Hispanics
assimilated with Afro-Caribbean workers in these banana enclaves,
a cohesive sense of class identity emerged to override racial and cultural differences.
THE RISE OF ANTI-IMPERIALISM

The rapid rise of the banana industry and the United Fruit Company meant that by the turn of the century foreign interests dominated
much of the Costa Rican economy. Foreign involvement certainly had
its benefitsit facilitated the completion of the railroad, it brought
much-needed diversification to the Costa Rican economy, and it generated some expansion of state revenue. But foreign influence over
the economyepitomized by the activities of the United Fruit Companyquickly drew a number of critics. Up-and-coming politicians
began to point to the special concessions earlier governments had
given to the UFC that allowed the company to export much of its profits and escape tax burdens within Costa Rica. They also denounced the
disproportionate influence the company held over national affairs.
Labor leaders rebuked foreign corporations for exploiting national
workers. And a small but growing number of activists questioned the
environmental consequences of UFC land usage practices, particularly
as soil infestations began to penetrate once-fertile agricultural lands.
In the early twentieth century a wave of anti-imperialist sentiment
began to emerge among Costa Ricas liberal oligarchy. Those leaders
88
often reflected back to the National Campaign of 1856 when Costa

Ricans found themselves the object of the expansionist aims of the
United States. The war against U.S. filibuster William Walker and the
championing of a national hero in the figure of Juan Santamara had
been part of a larger campaign of fostering a sense of patriotism and
national identity by the liberal governments of the late nineteenth century. While the threat of individual filibuster activities had abated considerably, other signs of the expansionist aims of the United States
were very much evident by the beginning of the twentieth century
particularly as Costa Ricans took stock of U.S. activities in surrounding areas. In 1898 the United States became involved in ousting Spain
from its colonial possessions in the Caribbean. Spains defeat in the
Spanish-American War demonstrated the growing military reach of
the United States and established a new pseudoimperialist U.S.
hegemony over Puerto Rico and Cubawith the former becoming a
U.S. protectorate and the latter attaining independence only after surrendering much of its autonomy to the United States. In 1903 U.S.
president Theodore Roosevelt encouraged separatist tendencies in
Panamapreviously a province of Colombiaafter the Colombian
government rejected the terms of a treaty that would have allowed
the United States to build and operate a canal across the isthmus.
When the Colombian government repudiated the U.S. proposal,
Roosevelt backed the movement for Panamanian independence by
sending naval forces to head off the Colombian military. Once Panamas independence had been secured, the new government approved
a canal treaty that gave the United States considerable authority in
Panama.
U.S. hegemony in the Caribbean and in Panama was reinforced by
the construction of military bases in the canal zone, in Puerto Rico,
and at Guantanamo Bay in Cuba. Costa Ricans found themselves concerned once again about U.S. expansionist plans in Latin America.
Those concerns seemed validated when U.S. president William
Howard Taft sent a military expedition to overthrow Nicaraguan
President Jose Santos Zelaya in 1909. U.S. troops remained in Nicaragua until 1933. Witnessing a lengthy military occupation in Nicaragua
to the north and a buildup of a U.S. military presence in Panama to the
south, Costa Ricans began to sense that the circle of U.S. influence was
quickly surrounding and closing in on the small nation. That feeling
was exacerbated by the extent to which U.S. interests controlled economic activity along Costa Ricas Caribbean coast. Railroad transport,
port facilities, and the cultivation of the newest commodity export
crop all fell under the purview of Minor Keith and the United Fruit
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89
Company. The economic component of U.S. dominance in Costa Rica

elicited a strong response from the nations leaders.
Ricardo Jimenez Oreamunoson of former president Jesus Jimenez
was a lawyer and politician who served as president of Costa Rica on
three separate occasions between 1910 and 1936. He became a vocal
opponent of the economic power of the United Fruit Company, and he
used that position to advocate for a sense of nationalism that he
couched in terms of anti-imperialism. Many of Costa Ricas coffee elites
sought to diversify their agrarian pursuits by expanding into the fruit
industry, but they found themselves unable to compete with the United
Fruit Companys dominant position. Jimenez capitalized on their discontent and used it to create a nationalist narrative that became an
important part of the nations twentieth-century experiences. While
serving in the Costa Rican Congress, Jimenez assailed the United Fruit
Company as a foreign, imperialist entity that exploited the nations resources for its own profit while bringing little benefit to the nation as a
whole. Jimenez and other leaders compared the activities of the United
Fruit Company to William Walker s invasion decades earlier and
warned that the companys dominant position in the Costa Rican
economy was tantamount to a complete loss of national sovereignty.
One of Jimenezs objectives as a lawmaker was to introduce a fiscal
system that included a significant tax obligation for the banana industry. In the early decades of the twentieth century the issue of taxation,
and particularly the debate over the extent to which the wealthy should
be taxed, became a volatile political topic.
Workers often picked up on the anti-imperialist rhetoric being
employed by political leaders and incorporated those sentiments into
the labor movement. Increasingly labor groups outlined their
positions in terms of foreign companies acting against national
interests. By the 1910s a growing intellectual sector had adopted antiimperialist rhetoric as well. The arguments tying labor issues to
anti-imperialism were limited in scope in the early years, but they
did serve as a foundation for a stronger movement that emerged in
the 1930s.
THE TINOCO DICTATORSHIP

Costa Rican democracy in the late nineteenth and early twentieth
centuries was not perfect, but the trend of barracks coups had come
to an end, and the nation enjoyed a sustained period of relative political stability. From the 1870s until 1917 the Costa Rican presidency
changed hands peacefully, and although the nature of electoral
90
politics and elite factionalism was problematic, Costa Rica became

known as one of the greatest stalwarts of democratic principles in
Latin America. The nations reputation as a bedrock of political cohesion was strengthened abroad by the conspicuous presence of Minor
Keith and the United Fruit Company. And those political and economic traditions worked in tandem to attract additional foreign interest and investment in Costa Rica. Nevertheless, after decades of
relative political stability and smooth transitions of power, Costa
Rican democracy was threatened with a sudden military coup and
the rise of a new dictator.
The first cracks in Costa Ricas ostensibly strong political foundations appeared in the presidential election of 1914 when none of the
candidates from the nations three competing political parties won
an absolute majority. The responsibility for resolving the disputed
election fell to the Costa Rican Congress, where leaders from the leading Partido Republicano Nacional (National Republican Party, or
PRN) and the Duranista Party formed an alliance. The resulting agreement placed Alfredo Gonzalez Flores in the presidency, but because of
the problematic way he assumed power, Gonzalez faced a number of
challenges to his legitimacy. Discontent with his administration was
further exacerbated when it became clear that the new president
intended to pursue a progressive, reformist agenda. He introduced
an export tax on coffee, raising the ire of many local elites. He also
instituted a graduated income tax whereby the wealthy were to pay
a larger share of the tax burden, which further alienated the upper
classes. As opposition to the Gonzalez administration mounted, the
beleaguered president responded by restricting freedom of speech
and censuring the press.
On January 17, 1917, Gonza lezs own minister of war, Federico
Tinocoalong with his brother Jose Joaqun Tinococarried out a
military coup and drove the president from power. Federico Tinoco
enjoyed some support, particularly among the elite and the leaders
of the main political parties. He was related to the Keith family and,
although such allegations were never proven, U.S. leaders harbored
strong suspicions that high-ranking executives of the United Fruit
Company had helped to facilitate the coup detat. Tinoco also curried
favor with British investors and maintained strong connections to the
Costa Rica Oil Corporation. The former minister of warturnedpolitician rallied his supporters and won the presidency in a special
election on April 2, 1917.
The early support base that Tinoco managed to create began to disintegrate within the first year, and much like his predecessor, Tinoco
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91
responded to dissent by becoming increasingly dictatorial. He named

his brother as minister of war to ensure the support of the military. He
also expanded the nonmilitary secret police and clamped down on the
press. Furthermore, Tinoco faced considerable opposition abroad, particularly from U.S. president Woodrow Wilson, who made the protection of U.S.-styled democratic principles abroad one of his greatest
foreign policy priorities. He took office in 1913 in the midst of
revolutionary turmoil in neighboring Mexico and a violent civil war
in Nicaragua. Wilson attempted to thwart revolution in those two
countries by withholding recognition of leaders who rose to power
through nondemocratic means. He reacted to the Tinoco coup by
extending his policy of nonrecognition to Costa Rica.
Despite advice to the contrary from top officials within the state
department, President Wilson pressured Costa Rica for nearly three
years in an effort to force Tinoco to step down and to reinforce a
democratic tradition in the Central American nation. Tinoco attempted
to win U.S. recognition by pledging Costa Ricas allegiance to the Allied
powers in World War I, all the while vilifying the United States for its
intrusive policies and inciting a nationalist posture among Costa Ricans
by labeling U.S. nonrecognition as imperialist. In the end, Wilsons policies did put financial pressure on the Tinoco government, but it was
the dictators waning support among Costa Ricans that eventually
brought down his regime. In fact, grassroots opposition began in San
Jose when women teachers and high school students led a series of
marches to protest his repressive tactics. Some of those women joined
more widespread feminist movements in subsequent years as popular
activism began to take root in the collective consciousness of many
urban female professionals. Former members of the Gonza lez
administration who had fled into exile in neighboring Nicaragua and
El Salvador seized the opportunity to launch an offensive against the
Tinoco dictatorship in May of 1919. Led by Julio Acosta Garca, the
opposition quickly gained widespread popular support. Tinoco clung
to power throughout the summer months, but when his brother was
killed in August 1919 the defeated dictator fled into exile in Jamaica.
Julio Acosta was elected president a few months later.
CULTURAL AND SOCIAL CHANGES IN THE 1920s

With the expanding export economy and the evolving political system as a backdrop, Costa Rican society underwent a profound transformation in the early decades of the twentieth century. Liberal social
policies that had promoted modernization and progress in the
92
nineteenth century had given rise to a highly literate population with

a strong national consciousness. By the 1920s political participation
was on the rise with the working class and the poor playing an everimportant role. In 1924 those underrepresented sectors of society
found a collective voice with the founding of the Reformist Party by
Catholic priest, scholar, and politician Jorge Volio Jimenez. Volio ran
as the new partys presidential candidate that same year, putting forth
an aggressive reform platform that included populist measures such
as government protection for labor rights and state funding for basic
social welfare programs. Volio failed to win the presidency, but the
reformist politicians made enough inroads to be able to demand that
their agenda be taken up by the incoming administration of Ricardo
Jimenez, who had won his second presidential term. Jimenez invited
a number of reformists into his administration, and in an effort to
address new populist pressures the president passed legislation establishing a secret ballot in Costa Rican elections.
Volios Reformist Party was short livedit had effectively dissolved
by 1936but its influence in the Jimenez administration was a portent
of other populist achievements yet to come. A clear popular consciousness was emerging among the working class and the poor. Individuals who had been overlooked and left out of the political and
social system in earlier decades began to demand a voice. The populist
platform often required an expansion of the states presence in social
welfare. By 1930, the Costa Rican government had created a Ministry
of Public Health and a Ministry of Labor to provide direct oversight
of many populist demands. Government-funded hospitals, prisons,
and asylums appeared in the early decades of the twentieth century,
and aggressive public health campaigns evolved to eradicate malnutrition and common communicable diseases. The efforts and objectives of the early reformists were later reflected in the creation of
Costa Ricas first communist political party in 1931.
The 1920s also saw the rise of a new national and group consciousness among Costa Rican women. Inspired by the role female teachers
had played in molding a sense of civic awareness in young people
and eventually acting to bring down the Tinoco dictatorship, other
Costa Rica women embraced new public roles and mobilized for
social justice. Religious and philanthropic womens groups organized
to support government programs to combat poverty and to promote
sanitation and public health, particularly for children. The Liga Feminista (Costa Rican Feminist League) was formed in 1923 and became a
forum through which women demanded greater equality in the workplace as well as in the political arena. Paramount to its efforts was an
The Banana Republic
93
initiative to secure female suffrage in 1925. And while those efforts

were unsuccessful until decades later, the actions of the Liga and other
activists indicate that women were increasingly making themselves a
part of the national conversation.
The early decades of the twentieth century also brought developments in recreation and entertainment as new technologies became
more widely available. Economic growth precipitated by agricultural
export industries and the expanding urban working class paved the
way for the construction of cinemas and the proliferation of radio.
Many entertainment and news programs broadcast on these new
forms of media were initially imported from abroad, but locally produced programming quickly made its debut. The national theater
played host to renowned entertainers from around the world, while
the successful nation-building projects of the late nineteenth century
were visible in museums, libraries, and monuments throughout major
urban areas. But alongside those markers of progress existed other
more seedy consequences of rapid urban growth. Drinking and prostitution were prevalent in San Jose and other large cities. The use of
opium and other narcotics became a problematic habit for many urban
inhabitants, and Costa Rica made its foray into the early world of drug
trafficking by becoming a transit point in the opium trade.
Gabriel Garca Marquezs fictional account of the labor strife surrounding the U.S.-owned Banana Company in his novel One Hundred
Years of Solitude is set in Colombia but was intended to make a statement about the role that multinationalslike the United Fruit Companyhave played throughout Latin America in the twentieth
century. Marquezs literary expression is particularly meaningful for
Costa Rica because the UFCs long and fateful history began in the
small Central American nation as U.S. investor Minor Keith secured
large land grants as part of his contract to complete Costa Ricas first
railroad. The emergence of the banana industry transformed Costa
Rica, bringing an influx of cash as Keith and the United Fruit Company developed a capitalist agricultural export economy that quickly
supplanted the coffee industry as the base of the national economy.
A new political elite appeared as Keith married into a prominent
political family, effectively giving him enormous influence over a
new generation of leaders who favored positivist economic and social
policies and who privileged the notion of modernization by opening
the economy to vast amounts of foreign investment. The demographic
landscape of Costa Rica changed as well as banana producers
attracted large waves of Afro-Caribbean migrant workers to the Gulf
94
coast banana enclaves. The arrival of new workers complicated Costa

Ricas racial experiences in the early twentieth century, and discriminatory practices and attitudes surfaced as a result of those rapid
changes. At the same time, signs of a collective worker consciousness
began to emerge, and nascent union movements rose up to challenge
the UFCs labor practices.
Despite the economic growth and relative prosperity created by the
banana industry, the dominant presence of the United Fruit Company
also generated antagonism among some Costa Ricans who supported
a growing anti-imperialist movement. Standing up to foreign influenceand specifically U.S. hegemonytook on new urgency when
the administration of U.S. president Woodrow Wilson withheld recognition of Federico Tinocos presidency. Tinoco, who had risen to power
by military coup, effectively ruled as a dictator. He quickly lost support among the Costa Rican people, and it was a grassroots opposition
movementnot U.S. diplomatic pressurethat eventually brought an
end to the Tinoco dictatorship. All of these developments helped to
generate a growing national consciousness among many groups who
had previously been ignored by national leaders. Women, workers,
and activist reformers began to articulate a populist agenda that
would gain traction in the coming decades.
7
The Social Welfare State
and Civil War
THE SAN PABLO INCIDENT
On July 2, 1942, what started as a normal, quiet evening in the port of
Limon turned into a violent and deadly reminder that the Americas
had been pulled into a major world war. As dockworkers unloaded
cargo from the San Pabloa United Fruit Company vessel docked at
the Caribbean portan Axis submarine torpedo glided through the
water and struck the San Pablos hull. Dramatic explosions lit up the
night sky, and the UFC cargo ship sank quickly, killing 24 men and
grimly reminding Costa Ricans of the role they had committed to by
joining the Allied cause in World War II.
Costa Ricans were appropriately and understandably shaken by the
sinking of the San Pablo, but few could have foreseen on that warm
summers evening the full extent to which the incident would affect
the nations future. Government leaders came under fire for failing to
protect the small but strategically important nation. Indeed, the port
of Limon was under a mandated blackout decree, but local officials
had failed to enforce the edict, and in the moments leading up to the
96
attack the lights of the dock shone brightly. The administration belatedly instituted measures to secure the Atlantic coast, including rounding up residents in the region of German and Italian descent. But the
fear and anger among many Costa Ricans was not subdued. Two days
after the attack, demonstrations organized by the United Committee
of Anti-Totalitarian Associations descended upon the capital. Led by
Communist Party representatives and other social activists, the public
rally aimed to call attention to the perceived fifth-column threat and to
admonish the government for its failure to prevent the attack. But the
demonstrations quickly spun out of control, and a crowd of 20,000
erupted into riots and looting, targeting the properties of German
and Italian residents.
The aftermath of the riots was significant. As Costa Ricans took
stock of the deplorable actions of rioters and the damage inflicted
upon properties in the capital city, many blamed Communist Party
leaders while others directed their ire toward the government. Critics
of the former included members of the virulently anticommunist
Centro para el Estudio de los Problemas Nacionales (Center for
the Study of National Problems, also known as El Centro or CEPN);
Jose Figueres Ferreran outspoken social activist and critic of the
administration of President Rafael Angel Calderon Guardialed
the criticism against the latter. Figueres, who eventually earned the
nickname Don Pepe, took his criticism to the airwaves and gave a
radio address on July 8 accusing the Calderon government of ineptitude and malfeasance for failing to protect the nation against Axis
aggression and for mishandling the riots of July 4. Before he could finish his diatribe, however, police stormed into the radio station and
placed Figueres under arrest. Calderon accused Figueres of being a
Nazi sympathizer and sent him into exile in Mexico.
The San Pablo incident and its aftermath illustrate a number of
important aspects of the political and social climate of Costa Rica in
the 1940s. The nation had become a firm ally of the United States in
World War II and struggled with the realities of life during wartime.
But new social and political movements had also surfaced in Costa
Rica as a result of an expanding electorate, growing social awareness,
and the economic fallout of the Great Depression. Conflicting visions
of the governments role in such a dynamic time created the tensions
visible between Calderon and Figueres. The expulsion of Figueres
from the nation gave rise to a new crusade that would challenge the
traditional political power structures in Costa Rica and that would
eventually culminate in the War of National Liberation in 1948.
97
THE EMERGENCE OF TICO-COMMUNISM

The onset of a worldwide economic depression in 1929 brought profound changes to nations participating in the global economy, and
Costa Rica was no exception. Demand for tropical fruits and coffee
plummeted as nations around the world found themselves in the grip
of economic decline. The nation that had relied so strongly on the
export of commodity agricultural products to generate national revenue for nearly a century now saw export earnings fall by more than
50 percent by 1932. And as exports decreased, so too did revenue generated by export taxes. As a result, the government ran a sizeable deficit until 1936. Furthermore, a decline in exports and the concomitant
reduction in revenue meant that Costa Ricans purchasing power also
diminished. Imports fell by 75 percent in the first three years of the
Great Depression.1
The impact of these macroeconomic indicators on peoples daily
lives was significant. Unemployment increased and wages fell as
industries struggled to absorb the fiscal shock of the global collapse.
As the well-being of workers came under attack, the organized labor
movement gained momentum. In 1931, the Costa Rican Communist
Party was founded with Manuel Mora Valverde as its leader. Costa
Ricas version of the Communist Party was not as extreme as those
in other areas of the world. Instead Mora and other labor leaders
advocated moderate reform based on issues of social justice, and
they generally aimed at improving workers lives. This brand of
communism became known as Tico-Communism, but, particularly
in its earliest years, the Costa Rican capitalist elite feared even this
moderate version of communism just as much as capitalists abroad
feared other brands of communism.
One early success attributed to the organizing power of the Costa
Rican Communist Party was a labor stoppage on UFC banana plantations in Limon, often referred to as the Great Banana Strike of 1934.
Led by Costa Rican author and labor activist Carlos Lus Fallas, more
than 10,000 workers walked off UFC plantations in August of that year.
The strike brought banana cultivation to a halt along the Caribbean
coast for more than a month and forced company executives to negotiate with workers, who demanded improvements in working conditions and housing. The Costa Rican government eventually called in
the military to force an end to the work stoppage, but strikers walked
away having won a number of concessions from the UFC. The strike
also prompted Fallas, or Calufa as he is referred to in Costa Rica,
98
to write his now classic Mamita Yunai, which describes the life
of banana workers on the United Fruit Companys Caribbean plantations.
RACE, ENVIRONMENT, AND THE UNITED

FRUIT COMPANY
The Great Banana Strike of 1934 took place at a time when the
United Fruit Company was renegotiating its contract with the Costa
Rican government. A series of contract talks had taken place starting
in 1930 as the company sought to expand its operations to the west
coast and to work out new terms for its tax obligation. Additionally,
government leaders wanted to address the racial composition of the
United Fruit Companys workforce. Specifically, some leaders wanted
clauses stipulating that the company give Costa Ricans preferential
hiring over foreign workers, citing the 1927 census that showed that
55 percent of the population of Limon was of African ancestry. They
were particularly concerned that black West Indian workers would
migrate to the west coast of the country. A new contract was established in 1930, but two years later government investigators found
the UFC not to be in compliance. This finding, combined with the
impact of the Great Depression, prompted government leaders to
demand yet another renegotiation of the companys contract. New
talks began in August of 1934, just as the communist-led banana strike
was unfolding in Limo n. This time the UFC pushed for an even
greater expansion into the Pacific coastal regions as Panama disease
spread through UFC lands along the Caribbean coast. Once the disease struck, the only solution was to abandon the land for up to seven
years, rendering much of the formerly arable land in eastern
Costa Rica useless. By 1938 a new soil affliction had appeared in the
Caribbean lowlands. Sigatoka began spreading and prevented banana
plants from producing large and healthy bunches of fruit. Like Panama disease, Sigatoka proved resistant to chemical treatments, and
the quality of the banana crop in eastern Costa Rica began to decline.
The spread of soil diseases combined with the growing labor unrest
in Limon prompted the UFC to relocate most of its operations. A final
agreement was reached in 1934 that permitted a vast expansion of
UFC cultivation into the Pacific region. That agreement was accompanied by legislation that prohibited black workers from migrating to
the west coast.
Throughout the late 1930s the United Fruit Company abandoned its
banana-cultivating activities in the Caribbean lowlands, although the
99
company continued to produce some other agricultural products in

the region. Because the banana industry had come to dominate the
coastal economy, the UFCs withdrawal devastated Limo n and
the surrounding areas. Soil disease and large-scale capitalist agriculture had a disastrous environmental impact on large swaths of land
in the area. As its activities dwindled, United Fruit decreased its workforce and eliminated many of the social services it had provided to
local workers. A new banana enclave emerged along the Pacific
coast, but since the agreement between UFC and the Costa Rican
government that allowed the multinational to relocate had specifically
limited employment opportunities for people of color, much the AfroCaribbean population left the country. Costa Ricas recently formed
Communist Party attempted to come to the defense of West Indian
workers, but geographic distance and cultural differences prevented
a cohesive alliance from forming between banana workers and the
Central Valleybased communist movement.
THE GREAT DEPRESSION AND RISING

SOCIAL EXPECTATIONS
The emergence of Costa Ricas particular brand of communism
came about as the culmination of a number of developments. The
emphasis on public education put in place by liberal governments of
the nineteenth century had produced a population that was generally
literate. The government capitalized on expanding literacy by distributing pamphlets and other printed materials to educate the population on the nations history, advances in medicine and hygiene, and
strategies for agriculture production. Peasants and wage laborers read
government-generated materials but also sought out other literature
as well. Popular novels proliferated, as did the nations press. By the
turn of the century, many Costa Ricans were also reading literature
from abroad that challenged the nations capitalist export economy
and class-based society with new socialist and anarchist perspectives.
Furthermore, the nations relatively stable democratic traditions
had resulted in a high degree of political awareness that had taken
root not only among the political elite but also within the growing
working class. The economic progress created by the export industry
paved the way for the introduction of a new mass culture including
sports, music, the penny press, film, and radio. As the messages disseminated by these media were enthusiastically consumed by the
masses, a growing number of Costa Ricans began to challenge the
notion of identity and progress that had been imposed from the top
100
by the nations elite. It was becoming clear in the early decades of the
twentieth century that Costa Ricas political and economic leaders
would have to make way for even greater political participation in
shaping the nations future. An increasingly socially aware population
emerged in the early twentieth century, and while needs and expectations varied across classes, the general belief that the state should
be socially responsive was common from the masses to the elite.
While rising levels of social consciousness help to explain the growth
of the labor movement and the emergence of the Communist Party in
the 1930s, it is also important to note that these events coincided with
the onset of the Great Depression. When the capitalist export economy
that had provided a foundation for national prosperity in the nineteenth
century collapsed, all sorts of assumptions about Costa Rican economic
and social institutions were called into question. National leaders
responded to the crisis by restructuring and expanding the authority of
the state over the economy. The economic liberalism and relative laissez
faire policies that had defined the national economy since independence
gave way to a new outlook on managing the economy. High levels of
state intervention in fiscal and commercial affairs and government oversight of the labor sector characterized that vision.
A more active and regulatory government took action aimed at mitigating the impact of the worldwide economic collapse. Those actions
included instituting a minimum wage in 1935 and the passage of bank
reform laws the following year. The government took on a much more
active role in the economy by regulating the money supply and
increasing government spending on public-works projects to provide
employment opportunities to the struggling populace. Reforms
passed in the 1930s that created a more active role for the state in economic matters set the stage for the implementation of aggressive stateled import substitution industrialization in later decades.
Many Costa Ricans welcomed the expanding role of the state, and
throughout the 1930s reforms broadly defined as social justice came
to the forefront of national politics. This was a common response in
many Latin American nations, particularly the South American
nations of Chile, Uruguay, Brazil, and Argentina, where an early wave
of populism took hold as national governments responded to the
Great Depression and the new demands of a rapidly changing population. Leaders in those nations seized the opportunity to consolidate a
broad base of support among the massesmany of whom had been
left out of a political process dominated by elites in earlier decades.
South American populists accomplished this task by addressing the
needs of a growing pool of urban workers, and the populist platform
101
often included issues such as labor rights, wage protections, price controls, education, and welfare programs. In the heyday of the Great
Depression in Costa Rica, labor issues such as employment and wages
topped the agenda of populist politicians. It was not until the 1940s
that social justice reforms came to include welfare-oriented issues
such as health care, social security, and other measures aimed at combating poverty and improving the overall standard of living.
N GUARDIA
THE RISE OF RAFAEL ANGEL CALDERO
The realization of a substantive system of social welfare in Costa
Rica came about under the leadership of President Rafael Angel
Caldero n Guardia (19401944). Calderon was the grandson of the
nineteenth-century liberal reformer Tomas Guardia and hailed from
generations of the cafetalero elite. He was handpicked as the presidential candidate for the National Republican Party by his predecessor
Leon Cortes (19361940), and Calderon won an overwhelming victory
with more than 80 percent of the vote over Communist Party candidate
Manuel Mora Valverde. As a physician and staunch adherent to
Catholicism, Calderon developed a sincere concern for the plight of
the poor. His father, also a physician, became a well-known Catholic
reformist layman in the 1920s and had introduced his son to the tenets
of Catholic social reform doctrine. The Catholic Churchs views on
social justice derived first from Pope Leo XIIIs 1891 Rerum Novarum.
That papal encyclical, entitled Rights and Duties of Capital and
Labour, was the Churchs response to the social conditions created by
rapid worldwide industrialization in the late nineteenth century. It
was both an expression of the Churchs position against the social and
economic trends of nineteenth-century liberalism and an alternative to
what Church leaders perceived to be the evils of socialism. Pope Pius
XIs 1931 Quadragesimo Anno, or Reconstruction of Social Order, which
was a response to the Great Depression and a reaffirmation of the principles established in the Rerum Novarum, also influenced Calderon. But
the new encyclical went even further by rebuking the offenses of capitalism and applauding the emergence of a welfare state in many areas
of the world. And while Calderon did not promote himself as a populist
in the tradition of many of his South American contemporaries, he did
make it knowneven during his campaignthat he would make protecting the poor one of his highest priorities.
As the 1940 election approached, Caldero n secured behind-thescenes deals that were designed to ensure his election but that also
complicated the political realm in later years. First Calderon made an
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agreement with Victor Manuel Sanabria, the local bishop of Alajuela

who shortly thereafter became archbishop of San Jose. Calderons relationship with Sanabria was intended to benefit both parties. Sanabria
wanted Calderons support in reversing many of the anticlerical measures that had been introduced as part of liberal reforms of the late
nineteenth century. In exchange the church leader pledged his support
for Calderons social reform program that was quietly in the works.
A true social progressive, Calderon believed in the merits of a welfare
state in its own right. But he also envisioned a social reform program
as a way of thwarting the advances made by the Communist Party in
the preceding decade. Communism had made substantial inroads in
Costa Ricas laboring classes throughout the 1930s by emphasizing
social problems such as poverty, unemployment, and living conditions
that had been exacerbated by the Great Depression. Calderon and a
newly influential Catholic wing of the National Republican Party
devised strategies to combat the left by promoting reforms designed
to address social problems without resorting to the radical change often
demanded by the Communist Party platform. As part of this strategy,
Sanabria vowed to support Calderons program of social welfare as a
way to subvert the communists social reform message.
In another political ploy, Caldero n struck a deal with outgoing
president Leon Cortes. Under the agreement, cortesistasas supporters of the incumbent were knownwould back Calderons candidacy
and in return Cortes would run for president again in 1944 and enjoy
the full support of the calderonistas. The assumption in this deal was
that, as president, Calderon would work to protect the interests of
the cortesistas, many of whom were part of the wealthy coffee elite.
Calderon filled his administration with like-minded reformists and
set about to expand the welfare state. As a physician he initially targeted medical and hygiene issues by restructuring the Ministry of
Public Health and making improvements to rural health programs.
He also focused his attention on education and created the University
of Costa Rica in 1940. His social reform agenda became more pronounced in 1941 when he formulated a social security program aimed
at providing social protections to workers and people in poverty. As
he sought to build support for such a program, Calderon forged alliances with the Catholic Church, with labor unions, and eventually
even with the Communist Party. In fact the Communist Party changed
its name to the Partido Vanguardia Popular (Peoples Vanguard Party,
also known as the Vanguardia or PVP) in 1943 partially in an attempt
to mollify any political repercussions Calderon and the Church might
face because of their collaboration with the communist group.
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The social security system Calderon created included health care coverage and the protection of workers rights through a series of constitutional amendments known as the Social Guarantees.
DIPLOMACY AND WORLD WAR

Calderons presidency was also a time when Costa Rica was playing
an ever-increasing role in the geopolitical arena. The nation offered a
strategic stronghold in issues of hemispheric security, particularly as
European hostilities escalated in the late 1930s. After decades of border disputes with Panama, Calderon finalized a new treaty with the
southern neighbor in the interest of safeguarding inter-American
security. From the earliest days of his presidency, Calderon reached
out to the United States as well. He granted the United States access
to military bases in Costa Rica as a way to protect the Panama Canal
as global tensions rose after the outbreak of World War II. In a strong
show of solidarity, he declared war on Germany, Japan, and Italy
immediately after the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor in December 1941. In fact, the Costa Rican declaration of war was finalized several hours before the United States own declaration.
President Rafael Calderon Guardia and his cabinet ministers sign Costa Ricas
declaration of war against the Axis powers, December 8, 1941. (AP Photo)
104
Calderon continued to act as a strong ally for the United States as

the war progressed. Costa Rica produced important raw materials to
contribute to the Allied war effort, and the Costa Rican government
cooperated by deporting blacklisted Japanese nationals who were considered a security threat. An even more complex policy involved people of German and Italian heritage who were suspected of having
fascist sympathies. Even though a large number of German immigrants had married into the influential network of cafetalero families,
Calderon placed more than 200 individuals of German and Italian
descent into internment camps by the wars end.
In exchange for his strong support for the United States in World
War II, Calderon received significant foreign assistance earmarked to
strengthen Costa Ricas military. The presidents reform agenda was
evident even in this arena as early negotiations to establish a U.S. military mission in Costa Rica initially stalled due to Calderons concerns
that the nations own financial obligations to such a venture would
detract from his social programs. Only after securing special payment
terms from the United States did the Costa Rican leader move forward
with the program. Additionally, U.S. leaders helped Costa Rica to
secure financial backing from the Export-Import Bank to fund internal
improvement projects and to offset the economic difficulties created
by the war. One such project was a section of the Pan-American Highway to connect San Jose with the Panamanian border, which was considered both vital to hemispheric security and a boon to internal
economic growth in Costa Rica. The military and economic alliance
forged between the two nations during World War II provided the
basis for a close relationship in matters of security for the rest of the
century.
While Calderons diplomatic actions during World War II went a
long way toward positioning the nation strategically in the world after
the war was over, they did little to shore up his political support at
home. As the Costa Rican president secured an ever-closer alliance
with the United Statesand particularly as he capitulated to U.S.
demands to intern people of German and Italian descentCalderon
found himself alienating the elite cafetalero families that made up such
an important part of the national political scene. As his administration
seized the property of suspected Axis sympathizers, charges of corruption proliferated. Other charges of graft and profiteering surfaced
in connection with the large influx of money entering the country
under the guise of wartime cooperation. These incidents, combined
with Caldero ns ambitious reform agenda, created mounting
105
opposition among the coffee elite and forced the president to rely even
more on his tenuous alliance the communist Vanguardia party.
THE CATHOLIC-COMMUNIST ALLIANCE

Calderons association with communism was somewhat perplexing
and certainly a source of consternation from the very beginning. While
the president did his best to maintain some distance from the PVP in
the early years, Costa Ricas political climate and the nations labor
movement evolved in important ways during the war years. As
Calderon lost the support of large segments of the cafetalero elite and
supporters of Cortes split from the National Republican Party and
turned openly against the president in 1941, the PVP and other labor
groups were there to fill the void. Two years later, with the backing
of the PVP, artisanal unions in the Central Valley joined forces with
banana workers along the coast to form the first nationwide union,
known as the Confederacion de Trabajadores de Costa Rica (Confederation of Costa Rican Workers, or CTCR). Later that year the new union
was strengthened when it forged an alliance with the Catholic labor
union, the Confederacio n Costarricense de Trabajadores Rerum
Novarum (the Costa Rican Confederation of Rerum Novarum
Workers, or CCTRN). Victor Manuel Sanabria, archbishop of San Jose
and avid proponent of social Catholicism, enthusiastically supported
the partnership. This powerful alliance maintained close ties to the
Calderon administration, and ensuring the implementation of the
presidents social reform program became one of its highest priorities.
Even as the Catholic-communist alliance under Calderon gathered
political momentum, the opposition condemned the presidents affiliation with the left along with the most aggressive measures in his reform program. Costa Ricas increasingly visible role in global politics
further complicated this scenario, particularly as the affiliation
between the PVP and the Soviet Union was called into question.
During the war years, the U.S.S.R. was seen as the lesser of two evils
compared to Nazi Germany, and the United States and Western European nations welcomed the Soviets into the anti-Axis alliance. But as
the wars end drew near and it became clear that the Soviet Union
would become the new enemy, pressure mounted on Calderon in the
final years of his administration. He had lost many of the crucial
political supporters who had helped to cement his decisive electoral
victory in 1940. Furthermore, the archbishops support of Calderons
platform caused a rift among Catholic leaders, and the presidents
106
support among Catholics began to waver. As the 1944 elections

approached, accusations of fraud and Calderons controversial political alliances produced vocal opposition to the governing party.
THE EMERGENCE OF THE OPPOSITION

As expected, Cortes ran for president again in 1944. His candidacy
caused concern for Calderon, who feared that a Cortes victory would
mean an end to his reform program. Since constitutional restrictions
prevented Calderon from running for a consecutive term, the outgoing president threw his support behind Teodoro Picado Michalski.
Picado was a well-known politician within the National Republican
Party. He had held several cabinet positions in the 1930s, including
secretary of education and secretary of development, and he served
in the Costa Rican Congress in the 1940s. Like Calderon, Picado was
an ardent defender of social reform, and he played an instrumental
role in securing the passage of the Social Guarantees. With Calderons
support Picado easily won the presidency in 1944 but not without facing charges of being a communist sympathizer. A formal opposition
movement formed during the campaign, and that opposition became
even more firmly entrenched after the election. Cortes and other members of the opposition charged Picado with electoral fraud, and it
became clear that the new president would face significant challenges
from a divided population.
As Picado took office, several political groups united to form one
cohesive political coalition that became know as the Opposition.
These included El Centroa think tank created by young politicians
and intellectuals in 1940 that was becoming increasingly vocal in
the political arenaand the Partido Social Democra tico (Social
Democratic Party, or PSD), a new political party formed in 1945. The
Opposition and the PSD came to be led by Jose Figueres, or Don
Pepe, the outspoken rival of Calderon who had been forced into exile
in 1942. Other leaders of the Opposition included former president
Cortes and Otilio Ulate, owner and general editor of Diario de Costa
Rica, the countrys main newspaper. While Cortes and Ulate provided
political legitimacy to the Opposition, Figueres gave the groups activities a militant flair.
Figueress expulsion had marked the first such politically oriented
exile since the Tinoco dictatorship, and Calderons actions only further
coalesced the mounting resistance to his administration. While in exile
Figueres made contacts with numerous other political refugees from
107
all over Latin America, and his opposition to Calderon became even
more firmly entrenched. He became convinced that a forceful overthrow was the only way to challenge the National Republican Partys
monopoly control over politics and return Costa Rica to an efficient
system of political democracy. He learned about authoritative dictators in neighboring Latin American countries from his contact with
other political exiles, and Figueres grew ever more determined to prevent Calderon from becoming Central Americas next dictator. Indeed,
Figueres convinced other militant exiles that as a less autocratic ruler,
Caldero n would be an easier target than Nicaraguas Anastasio
Somoza or other repressive regimes in the region. The group of Latin
American exiles created an informal alliance that journalists and
diplomats would later dub the Caribbean Legion, and Figueres
won the groups support in his aims to overthrow the Caldero n
government. He began recruiting a small band of insurgents to oust
the Costa Rican leader, and the Caribbean Legion hoped to use that
success as a catalyst for spreading revolutionary insurrection throughout Latin America.
Don Pepe spoke of inciting revolution to bring about the Second
Republic, which he claimed would restore the nations free institutions. He managed to raise small amounts of money to use for arms
and training, and the National Republican Partys victory in the 1944
presidential campaign provided a timely opportunity for Figueres to
urge the Opposition to consider his military strategy. The accusations
of fraud surrounding Picados election in 1944 convinced growing
numbers of people that an insidious system of corruption was at work
within Calderons National Republican Party. As the Opposition plotted a political strategy to bring down the calderonistas, Figueress militant designs were a constant presence.
Despite a growing organized opposition, Picado pushed through
several reform measures during his presidency. As a former minister
of education, he advocated policies to safeguard the rights of children
and to devote more resources to public education. To pay for higher
teachers salaries and other educational improvements, he pushed
through a sweeping tax reform. He also promised to reduce government
corruption, and in 1945 he introduced a new electoral code designed
to eliminate the accusations of fraud that had surfaced in his own
election. Nevertheless, the antigovernment campaign launched by
the Opposition only intensified in the coming years. Corte s
and the Social Democratic Party continued to denounce Picados
affiliation with the communist PVP. They grew concerned that
108
Jose Figueres Ferrer led the War of National Liberation in 1948 and
later served three times as Costa Ricas president. (Organization of
American States)
Picados electoral and tax reformswhich were quite popular with

the publicwould give a boost to the National Republican Party
and pave the way for Calderon to be elected once again in 1948.
In 1947 the coalition of parties that made up the Opposition held a
convention to select a candidate to run against Calderon the following
year. Corte s had died the year before so the anti-Caldero n forces
needed a new figurehead. Otilio Ulate Blanco, who owned Costa
Ricas main newspaper and positioned himself as a staunch ally of
the cafetalero elite, emerged as the Opposition candidate. A vigorous
109
campaign ensued with the Opposition painting Calderon as a communist sympathizer and continuing to make accusations of corruption.
Nevertheless, many hoped that the new Electoral Registry and the
ostensibly politically impartial Electoral Tribunalboth of which had
been created under Picados electoral reform lawswould safeguard
the integrity of the election process.
THE WAR OF NATIONAL LIBERATION

The 1948 presidential election took place on February 8, and the
Electoral Tribunal fielded complaints of various irregularities
throughout the country. Preliminary results showed Ulate as the winner with a margin of roughly 10,000 votes. Both sides charged the
other with fraud while the Electoral Tribunal delayed declaring the
final results and refused to investigate charges of irregularities.
Instead the Tribunal delegated that responsibility to the Congress.
Tensions mounted in the weeks following the election as calderonistas
took to the streets in massive demonstrations while Figueres mustered
members of the Opposition at his ranch in southern Costa Rica, where
he had already been training a small militia to form the Army of
National Liberation. Calderon and Ulate initially met to discuss a
compromise, but those talks quickly fell apart, and both sides stood
their ground.
On March 1, the calderonista-dominated Congress voted to annul the
election results as part of a strategy to appoint Caldero n to the
presidency by Congressional decree. Almost immediately, Figueres
and his Army of National Liberation sprang into action. They seized
the southern town of San Isidro while another contingent took control
of the Pan-American Highway. With the assistance of President Arevalo in Guatemala and the Caribbean Legion, Figueres launched a
bloody civil war that lasted 40 days and resulted in the loss of 2,000
lives. The small and poorly equipped Costa Rican army was unprepared to head off the insurgency, and the Army of National Liberation
expanded its hold to Santa Mara de Dota and eventually to Cartago in
the Central Valley. Communist leader Manuel Mora rallied union
workers to form ancillary militias, and Mora and Caldero n both
resisted Picados early inclination to negotiate a compromise. Indeed,
there were a number of occasions when Moras forces seemed to be
operating without the authorization of the central government.
As the Army of National Liberation zeroed in on the Central Valley,
secondary forces targeted Alajuela to the north of San Jose. Figueress
110
forces fortified their positions and prepared to attack the capital while
outside forces also rallied to put pressure on Picado, who still nominally held power. Specifically, Nicaraguan forces moved in to occupy
strategic positions in the north and U.S. troops mobilized in the Panama Canal Zone, prepared to step in if necessary.
After weeks of fighting it was clear that Figueres and the Army of
National Liberation were gaining the upper hand. Figueres inundated
the nation, and especially San Jose, with propaganda aimed at swaying public opinion in his favor. He vowed that his was a prodemocracy movement and not a right-wing campaign. He promised to
uphold the election of Ulate and pledged not to nullify Calderons
popular welfare reform legislation. On April 13 Picado and Figueres
agreed to a cease-fire, and with U.S. Ambassador Nathaniel Davis acting as mediator, the two sides negotiated an end to the conflict.
The 1948 civil war officially ended when Picado and an emissary
from the Army of National Liberation signed the Pact of the Mexican
Embassy on April 18. Under the terms of the negotiated peace, Picado
turned over power to an interim president, Santos Leon Herrera, and
Figueres promised amnesty to all participants in the conflict. Significantly, the pact also assured that the Social Guarantees and labor rights
established under Calderon and Picado would be preserved. At the
same time, Ulate and Figueres reached an agreement that became
known as the Figueres-Ulate Pact. The pact stipulated that a revolutionary junta would rule during a transitional period of 18 months,
during which time the junta would convene an assembly to draft a
new constitution. After the transitional period, the junta would recognize Ulate as the first constitutional president of the Second Republic.
Costa Ricas War for National Liberation was over in less than six
weeks, and in that time the nation suffered few casualties. Yet the
actions of Figueres and his allies reverberated in the regions history
for decades. The anticommunist rhetoric employed by Don Pepe
against the calderonistas was unwarranted, but his denunciations
found a receptive audience among many Costa Ricans as the nation
found itself caught up in the beginnings of Cold War politics. In the
coming years, Costa Ricas foreign policy would continue to be dominated by an ever-present anticommunist mood in the Western Hemisphere. And even though Figueres enjoyed widespread support in
his brief civil war, the new government would find it necessary to
maintain many of the social justice guarantees that had been so popular under the Calderon government. Further complicating the nations
future, the tenuous alliance between Don Pepe and Ulate was based
111
on the existence of a common enemythe calderonistasand moving

beyond that narrow thread to create a new governing system would
prove difficult. It was in the midst of these complexities that Costa
Ricas Second Republic was born, and many of the characteristics that
define the nation still today took shape.
NOTE
1. Ivan Molina Jimenez and Steven Palmer, The History of Costa Rica: Brief, Upto-Date and Illustrated, 1st ed. (San Jose, Costa Rica: Editorial de la Universidad de
Costa Rica, 1998), 99102.
8
The Cold War and the
Liberacion Era
A CEREMONY AT BELLAVISTA
On December 1, 1948, Jose Figueres led a civic ceremony outside the
walls of the Bellavista military headquarters in the capital city. The site
of the ceremony was significant. An imposing structure surrounded
by seemingly impenetrable walls and tall gates, the Bellavista headquarters boasted tall towers that loomed over San Jose. Construction
on the installation had begun in 1917, and under the dictatorship of
Federico Tinoco it had become widely recognized as a symbol of a
strong military presence in Costa Rica. It was precisely its image of
fortitude and military supremacy that made the Bellavista such a fitting setting for Figueress ceremony. With an eloquent and fiery
speech, the leader of the National War of Liberation declared an end
to Costa Ricas standing army. He then slammed a sledgehammer into
the facade of the military barracks, leaving a gaping hole in the oncepowerful structure in a move that was as symbolic as it was a real
testament to the dismantling of the old ways and the genesis of a
new future for the nation.
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Figueres enjoyed widespread popular support following the 1948

civil war, and the ruling junta later integrated the abolition of the military into the Constitution of 1949. His actions were indicative of the
general tone in Costa Rica following the War of National Liberation.
Many citizens had grown weary of the appearance of government corruption and the threat the military had traditionally posed throughout
Latin America to civilian reformist movements. Figueres wanted to
remove the potential for armed insurrection against his government,
and he was confident he could count on the United States to protect
Costa Rica against any external threat. Bellavista became a national
museum, and much of the military budget was channeled to education and health care programs. For the remainder of the twentieth century, Costa Ricans proudly flaunted the absence of a standing army as
a testament to the nations growing reputation for protecting
democratic principles. It also became yet another statement of Costa
Rican exceptionalism.
THE FOUNDING JUNTA

On May 8, 1948, Jose Figueres inaugurated the Founding Junta to
lead the Costa Rican Second Republic after the War of National Liberation that successfully overthrew Teodoro Picado and dislodged the
dominant National Republican Party led by Rafael Calderon Guardia.
As the leader of the civil war, Figueres was the natural choice to head
the Founding Junta, and he filled the 11-man group with his closest
friends and allies. Each was given the title of minister and served as
the leading executive over one of the various cabinet departments.
But the authority of the junta extended far beyond the typical powers
of government ministers. The constitution was suspended while governing guidelines for the nation derived from the Pact of the Mexican
Embassy and the Figueres-Ulate Pact. Despite its extraordinary
powers, the Founding Junta was intended to play only a temporary
roleto establish a postrevolutionary government that would ensure
a democratic process and protect basic freedoms. For his part, Figueres declared that the end of the war and the establishment of the
Founding Junta marked the beginning of Costa Ricas Second Republic. He promised a speedy and efficient transition and invited a large
degree of public scrutiny from the press and from the general populace to ensure a new governing system was created through an open
and honest process.
The junta immediately began issuing decrees aimed at transforming
and improving society. It reorganized and streamlined government
115
bureaucracy, but in a process that was presented as a way to make

government more efficient, many people lost their jobs. Critics of the
juntaincluding the calderonistas and a growing cadre of Ulate supportersargued that Figueres was resorting to the same strategy of
political favoritism that he had denounced in earlier administrations.
Those complaints magnified when the junta froze the bank accounts
and other assets of calderonistas. Figueres and members of the junta
increasingly looked at Calderon and Picado supporters as enemies of
the Second Republic, and animosity between the two sides mounted.
Figueres also faced growing tension in his relationship with Ulate.
The one-time allies had significantly different visions for Costa Ricas
future, and Ulate was skeptical of Figueress political aspirations from
the very beginning. Despite their agreement that Figueres would hand
over power as soon as a sound governing system was restored, Ulate
had little faith that Figueres would follow through.
The rivalry between Figueres and Ulate was further strained when
the junta began making changes to the tax structure and banking
industry. New fiscal reforms were intended to revamp the nations
economic and financial systems after years of mismanagement and
graft. In June the junta issued an edict nationalizing banks and creating a 10 percent capital levy tax. Junta leaders stated that the changes
were needed to allow the government to control credit and raise the
necessary revenue to fund much-needed national improvements.
Nevertheless, the changes to the monetary system and increases in
taxation had the predictable effect of upsetting those most closely
affected by the reformin this case the wealthy and influential members of the calderonista faction.
Those measures also alarmed government leaders in the United
States who had been eying potential communist activity in the
Western Hemisphere with caution as part of new Cold War foreign
policy. Strategies such as major nationalizations and increasing taxes
on the wealthy were policies being employed in other countries that
were considered communist in the minds of U.S. policy makers. The
Costa Rican junta assuaged U.S. fears by stipulating that only public
banks were subject to the nationalization decreeeffectively removing U.S. institutions from the risk of confiscation. Junta members also
specified that the new taxation scheme would not apply to foreign
companies that were under an existing contract. That caveat protected
the United Fruit Company and other U.S. corporationsa move that
allayed many of the concerns U.S. leaders had that the Founding Junta
would impose communist-friendly policies. Costa Rican leaders further assuaged those fears by going after the Caldero n-friendly
116
Vanguardia. After multiple reports of PVP plots to incite a coup

against the new government, the junta issued a decree in July 1948
outlawing any communist organization in Costa Rica.
The calderonistas were vocal in their opposition to the junta, and U.S.
leaders were cautiously skeptical, but Figueress most serious problem
was the developing animosity coming from the Ulate camp. Ulate
criticized the juntas early fiscal reforms and protested when Figueres
supported his allies in the Caribbean Legion in their efforts to depose
the Somoza regime in Nicaragua. Ulate reacted by publishing scathing
critiques of the juntas foreign policies in his newspaper, and Figueres
supporters responded with equally damning criticism of the Ulate
camp. The rivalry between the two sides manifested itself most clearly
in the political realm, particularly as the junta called for a nationwide
election to choose a Constituent Assembly that would be tasked with
writing a new constitution. Instead of maintaining the sense of solidarity that had allowed them to overthrow Picado, supporters of Ulate
and Figueres split into competing factions. That rift did not allow
Calderons National Republican Party to regain its influence, but it
did give Ulate the upper hand in the Constituent Assembly. The election resulted in his supporters in the Partido Unio n Nacional
(National Union Party, or PUN) gaining a majority of seats, leaving
them well positioned to reduce Figueress influence and to ensure that
most of the PUN demands would be addressed.
As the Constituent Assembly election approached, Figueres and the
junta made a surprising move by eliminating the standing national
army. The governing body issued a proclamation on December 1,
1948 that dissolved the armed forces, stating instead that a strong
and efficient national police was a sufficient armed presence to safeguard national security. In the public ceremony detailed in the introduction to this chapter, Figueres handed the keys to the Bellavista
Fortress to the minister of public education in a move that made an
enormously symbolic statement about the juntas vision for Costa
Ricas future. This act was extremely popular among the populace,
and the absence of formal armed forces set the country apart from its
Central American neighbors, who experienced significant political
and military volatility for the rest of the twentieth century.
THE CONSTITUTION OF 1949

The Constituent Assembly met for the first time on January 16, 1949,
to consider the nations political future and draft a new constitution.
The growing rift between Figueres and Ulate was immediately
117
evident as deliberations for the new governing document began.

As delegates debated political aspects of the postrevolutionary
government, Figueres and the junta faced a number of challenges.
The relationship between the two leaders was further complicated
when the minister of public security, Colonel Edgar Cardona,
attempted a coup on April 2; although the insurrection was put down
relatively easily, it was an important test of the Figueres-Ulate Pact.
Cardona hoped to win Ulates support, but Ulate remained committed
to the Constituent Assembly and was determined to take power only
through a legitimate democratic process. Despite their differences,
Ulate and Figueres found a way to work together over the coming
months to map out Costa Ricas national future.
The new constitution was promulgated on November 9, 1949, and
as the document was approved, Figueres handed over power to Ulate
in fulfillment of their revolutionary pact. The Constitution of 1949 preserved many of the most democratic aspects that had been established
in the Constitution of 1871, but it also went further in protecting individual liberties by integrating Calderons social guarantees that had
been so popular with the masses. It diminished the power of the executive in an attempt to prevent the types of abuses and corruption the
revolutionaries had associated with the calderonista era. The document
also formalized the juntas decree that dissolved the military, and it
created new government protections related to property ownership,
business, and the distribution of wealth. In the area of electoral reform, the constitution established the Supreme Electoral Tribunal as
a fourth branch of government tasked with overseeing elections. Furthermore, it guaranteed suffrage for Costa Ricans of color and granted
women the right to vote for the first time in the nations history.
As Ulate took office, the discord between him and Figueres continued, but the ever-present opposition coming from calderonistas forced
the two to work together to ensure the nation enjoyed a promising
future. Figueress supporters were concerned that Ulate would dismantle many of the social reforms they held dear, but Ulate did not
deviate much from the nationalist and populist spirit that had defined
the era under the Founding Junta. Ulate used increased government
revenues generated by the juntas 10 percent tax and a renegotiated
contract with the United Fruit Company to finance much-needed
infrastructure improvements. His government improved roads,
funded irrigation projects, built new dams, and constructed an
international airport in San Jose , named after nineteenth-century
national hero Juan Santamara. He also funded programs aimed at
expanding the agricultural sector beyond tropical fruit and coffee
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exports by providing credit and assistance to farmers wishing to cultivate foodstuffs such as beans, corn, and rice. Ulate increased spending
on education, building hundreds of new primary schools and expanding degree programs at the University of Costa Rica. Additionally, his
government passed health care reforms that provided universal medical care to all Costa Ricans and made major improvements to systems
of public sanitation and preventative medicine.
THE FORMATION OF THE PARTIDO

N NACIONAL
LIBERACIO
During the Ulate presidency Figueres did not fade quietly into the
political background. In fact, Ulate often leaned on Figueres to represent Costa Rica at international conferences, and Don Pepe spent
some time traveling internationally, which gave him the opportunity
to place Costa Rican development in the context of all of Latin
America. He became a vocal advocate for Latin American autonomy
and called on the United States to cooperate with Latin American
democratic leaders rather than impose its will unilaterally. Once he
returned to Costa Rica he shifted his focus from the military and emergency strategies he had employed during the armed conflict and
through the era of the Founding Junta to a strictly political and
electoral strategy. Figueres and his supporters within the Social
Democratic Party formalized the growing break with Ulate and began
laying plans to create a new political party that would more closely represent their goals and ideology. Since the PSD had originated as an
alliance between El Centro and the Accion Democrataunited primarily by the short-term goal of ousting the calderonistaslong-term
collaboration between factions whose rivalry was growing was
impractical. In 1951 Figueres and his political allies created the Partido
Liberacion Nacional (National Liberation Party, or PLN).
As Figueres began crafting a platform for a formal political movement, he and his advisors carefully considered what kind of ideological foundation they wanted to create. Their decisions were closely tied
to the nations rich history, and the recent political atmosphere of the
1940s particularly influenced their line of thought. Many of the basic
precepts that had existed at the formation of the PSD carried over into
the formation of the PLN, and those became part of the partys founding ideology, which was articulated specifically in the Fundamental
Charter. Most strongly, the party emerged as an opposition movement
to Caldero-Communismo as the cadre of political leaders that had
led the revolution saw Calderons strong alliance with the Vanguardia
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as one of the largest threats to democracy and peace. They did not necessarily oppose most of the social reform policies advocated by the
communist-leaning PVP; in fact many of the social policies embraced
by the PLN close reflected a pseudosocialist tradition. But the Vanguardias willingness to use violence and its participation in electoral
fraud caused PLN leaders to view communism as one of the greatest
enemies to a peaceful and democratic tradition that they saw as the
future of the Costa Rican nation.
PLN leaders spoke of themselves as a generationbut not one
defined by age or even social class, which were groups they considered to be unified primarily by common interests. Rather they united
around a set of ideas and a general vision for the nation. Ideologically,
PLN founders defined themselves through the concept of Liberacionan elusive and specifically Costa Rican concept. They were
influenced by a socialist tradition, but modified in a way that they
believed would be more suitable for Costa Rica. The staunch Marxist
beliefs that drove many leftist political parties in the latter part of the
twentieth century were significantly toned down within the circles of
the PLN, and a form of liberalism reminiscent of social Christianity
emerged as a foundational ideology.
In its initial years in particular, the party focused on the idealistic
and moral components of social reform while going to great lengths
to avoid the militant, anti-imperialist, and materialist message of traditionally Marxist political movements. Instead party leaders stated
that one of the fundamental roles of government was to protect basic
freedoms, but they defined basic freedoms as much more than simply
political and civil rights. They included equal opportunities for access
to education, housing, health, recreation, and a variety of other basic
needs. PLN founders believed that a coherent and inclusive platform
of social policies must be supported by a deliberate and sound
national economy, and they crafted a vision of a mixed economy
with elements of private ownership combined with degrees of
government oversight and control where necessary.
The formation of the PLN coincided with a wave of institutionalized
nationalism that swept throughout Latin America in the decades following World War II, and Costa Ricas newest political party certainly
followed the nationalist trend. But in other Latin American nations
with large and still visible indigenous populations, nationalist movements embraced the concept of indigenismo, which celebrated the
strengths of pre-Columbian native populations and recognized their
contributions in the creation of a national identity. Costa Rica had a
much smaller pre-Columbian indigenous population than most of its
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Latin American neighbors, and its demographic development followed a different trajectory than that of nations like Mexico, Peru,
and Brazil. As a result PLN leaders looked for alternatives to indigenismo as a way to celebrate the nations unique identity and to institutionalize a common sense of nationalism behind the new party.
The institutionalized national character that became the foundation
for the PLN was based on idealized notions of Costa Ricas past that
depicted an egalitarian, libertarian, and democratic historical trajectory dating back the colonial era. PLN founders emphasized that
because Spanish conquistadores found only a small indigenous population in the fifteenth century, a large slave-based economy could not
develop. As a result Spanish settlers engaged in manual labor, working their own lands and developing a strong sense of independence
and self-sufficiency. Furthermore, PLN founders described the development of an egalitarian system of land ownership in which a flexible
class structure took root rather than a system defined by a landed oligarchy exploiting the masses of landless peasants. The PLNs version
of national identity also emphasized a strong educational tradition
that kept the population politically aware and actively involved in
the democratic process. The elimination of the military under the
Founding Junta and the decades-long tradition of peaceful democratic
government in the first half of the twentieth century reinforced the
emerging portrayal of Costa Rican identity.
This carefully crafted national narrative allowed the PLN founders
to vilify the calderonistas as enemies of the egalitarian and democratic
traditions that were uniquely Costa Rican. Furthermore, the
Figueres-led civil war in 1948 could be portrayed not as a break from
the PLN leaders inclination for peace but rather as a heroic act to confront the Caldero-communist alliance that had violated Costa Ricas
national integrity. The founding principles of the PLN portrayed the
War of National Liberation as a necessary interlude to protect Costa
Ricas democratic national identity and to restore the important historical traditions that had developed since the colonial period. The
Generation of 48those allies of Figueres who participated in the
uprising and formed the initial leadership of the PLNbecame saviors under this narrative, and they described themselves as chosen
ones who were following their destiny to redeem the nation.
The notion of Costa Rican exceptionalism created by the PLN in its
founding days shaped the way subsequent generations learned the
nations past and formed a collective historical memory. Some recent
historians have challenged the historical picture created by the Generation of 48 and have dubbed it Costa Ricas national myth.
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Nevertheless, the creation of a cohesive national identity certainly

gave legitimacy to the new political party, and the PLN became the
most influential political entity for the rest of the twentieth century.
THE FIGUERES PRESIDENCY

With a solid party foundation behind him, Jose Figueres announced
that he would run for president on March 8, 1952, as Ulates terms was
coming to a close the following year. He used his presidential campaign to publicize the platform of the PLN and emphasized his plans
to strengthen the national economy and to promote social justice. He
presented himself as a man of the people and spoke at great length
about the injustices suffered by the nations poor and minority classes.
The 1953 election marked the first national election since women had
been granted the right to vote, and Figueres made a particularly
strong effort to win their support as well. He presented himself as
defender not just of womens political equality but also their equality
in the workplace and in society.
Despite vocal opposition from Ulates PUN party, Figueres won the
presidency with a 65 percent majority on July 26, 1953coincidentally,
the same day that Fidel Castro led his attack on the Moncada Barracks,
setting off a series of events that eventually culminated in the Cuban
Revolution. With the peaceful transfer of power from Ulate to Figueres
in November of that year, the democratic tradition that was such an
important foundation of the Liberacion ideology was firmly in place.
Figueress PLN dominated the presidency for the rest of the twentieth
century, but the new party did not monopolize the political system.
Two PUN candidates won the presidency in the coming decades,
and candidates from the Partido de Unidad Socialcristiana (Social
Christian Unity Party, or PUSC), formed in 1977, have also held the
presidency on a number of occasions. In fact, for a time the PUSC
coexisted and competed with the PLN in what political experts recognized as a two-party system in the final decades of the twentieth century. With each election, presidential power changed hands smoothly
and peacefully, and the Costa Rican political system has been lauded
as a model democracy in the region.
THE LIBERACIO N ECONOMY

Figueres interpreted his presidential victory as a mandate to implement the program outlined under the ideology of Liberacio n. On
domestic issues, he focused much of his attention on economic
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development. With the mixed economy concept as a backdrop, Figueres strengthened many regulatory agencies that had been created
by the Founding Junta. The National Institute of Electricity built a
new power plant during his administration in an effort to increase
capacity for the nation and to compete with the U.S. company that
had traditionally controlled pricing and supply. The governments
output of electricity production soon outpaced the competition, and
greater access to electrical power allowed for the growth of cities in
the coming decades. The advent of the mixed economy meant that
the public sector expanded as government agencies oversaw the construction of new schools, highways, and hospitals.
Figueres implemented his plan for the mixed economy concept
almost immediately in two sectors that became prototypes for later
programs. In 1954 he created the National Fisheries Plan to provide
government support to take advantage of the bountiful fish population off Costa Ricas coast and develop a fishing industry. Figueres
envisioned a system in which government funding would provide
much of the necessary infrastructuretransportation, storage, distributionthrough credit and aid programs and the National Council
of Production would regulate pricing in the short term. This would
allow a local market to grow with the hope of increasing fish consumption at home while freeing up more of the beef supply for the
export market where it was more profitable.
In a similar vein, the president also created the National Institute for
Housing and Urban Development that same year. Both programs were
intended to stimulate the growth of industry in the private sector
through government support in the form of credit, seed money, regulation, and other forms of aid. Through the Institute Figueres sought to
replace the overrun and unsanitary slums that had grown up in many
urban areas with safer, cleaner, and more affordable housing. The Institute helped to plan to urban housing tracts and provided loans and insurance plans to buyers. It sponsored the construction of 2,600 homes during
Figueress administration, and the president heralded both the Institute
and the National Fisheries Plan as models of success in his mixed
economy model. But greater government involvement in such programs
also further expanded the public sector even more, and agencies added
jobs and committed government funds to supporting industries.
Funding the expansion of the public sector was delicate business, particularly as the number of state employees grew and the government
maintained a consistent policy of ensuring wage increases to match
economic growth. The idealistic president was fortunate that the coffee market remained strong throughout the 1940s and into the 1950s
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and revenue from exports provided some financing for his new programs. Figueress economic policies took on an increasingly nationalist tone in the early months of his presidency, and one target of
that nationalist impulse became foreign companies with large operations in Costa Rica. In particular, Figueres viewed the size and scope
of the United Fruit Companys activities as a type of economic occupation. He stated publicly his desire to reform the nations policies
regarding foreign investors with the goal of inducing the UFC and
other large-scale foreign companies to reduce their activities on a
gradual basis and eventually withdraw from the Costa Rican
economy.
Soon Figueres began the process of renegotiating the United Fruit
Companys contract. The president saw a number of problems with
the nations traditional relationship with the multinational company,
not the least of which included long-standing tax exemptions and the
waiving of import duties on heavy machinery. In the past, Costa Rican
governments had allowed those concessionsand even looked the
other way when abuses occurredbecause the United Fruit Companys presence in the banana districts provided employment as well
as much-needed services that the government was unable to provide.
Those services included roads and housing, schools and health clinics,
and other basic-needs services for UFC employees. But as the company expanded and became increasingly powerful, government leaders began looking at UFCs dominance in the national economy as
more of a threat. And thus far, Figueres had failed to win full political
support from the banana labor sector, which further amplified the
urgency for reforming the companys activities.
Figueres envisioned a reform process whereby the government
would purchase UFC agricultural land and production responsibilities would be transitioned to domestic operations. He specified at
the outset that the government had no intention of carrying out forced
expropriations, as was the concern for U.S. investors in other Latin
American countries during the Cold War. He intended to leave shipping and distribution operations in United Fruit Company hands.
But Figueres outlined his intention to replace UFC social services in
the banana districts with state-rendered services. Contract negotiations also included labor provisions, which the president hoped
would begin to win him some support among banana workers. But
the most sweeping reforms involved taxation. Figueres hoped to
establish a 50-50 profit split between the company and the Costa Rican
government, and he aimed to introduce tariff obligations for the
United Fruit Companys imports of heavy equipment.
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While Figueres was negotiating with UFC executives in Costa Rica,

the company itself was undergoing significant turmoil in another Central American nation as Guatemalan president Jacobo Arbenz undertook a massive nationalization program and targeted United Fruit
Company lands for expropriation. Despite the rising tensionsor perhaps because of themFigueres managed to win a number of concessions from the company, and he walked away with a new contract that
he considered very favorable to the people of Costa Rica. Under the
new agreement the Costa Rican government was to take over social
services in the banana districts and the company would be subject to
import tariffs. Figueres was only able to secure a 30 percent tax on
UFC profits, which was higher than in previous contracts but fell short
of the 50 percent tax the president had hoped to achieve. He also negotiated a new minimum wage for banana workers, but that concession
was attenuated by the presidents weak stance on union rights. He
particularly avoided supporting banana workers rights to collective
bargaining even though his public statements indicated he hoped
one day to see them enjoy that right. Figueres ensured that banana
workers minimum wage rose regularly in accordance with the cost
of living, but he distanced himself from collective labor action in an
attempt to stifle communism. In fact, when banana workers went on
strike in 1955, Figueres initially tried to dissuade striking workers
and eventually supported the United Fruit Company in rejecting collective bargaining rights. The president justified his stance on unions
as part of Cold War anticommunism, but his actions did little to win
him or the PLN support among the labor sector.
N FOREIGN POLICY
LIBERACIO
Figueress strongly nationalistic position on economic and domestic
issues had the potential to cause problems in foreign affairs, and he
faced some significant foreign policy challenges during his four-year
term. But Figueres navigated his foreign policy stance quite adeptly
and managed to maintain a delicate balance between cultivating
nationalism at home and negotiating the complexities of Cold War
politics abroad. Many of his foreign policy challenges involved
maneuvering Costa Rican autonomy and national interest in the face
of rising pressures from U.S. leaders to take a strong stance on the
Cold War. Oftentimes, the Costa Rican president found those two
objectives to be in direct conflict with each other. Figueres watched
the United State engage in covert military action in Guatemala in
response to nationalist reforms that targeted United Fruit Company
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landspolicies that were not too dissimilar from the reforms Figueres
was attempting to implement in Costa Rica. He became a vocal opponent to the U.S.-friendly dictatorship of Venezuelas Marcos Perez Jimenez, and in a visible display of protest and independence, he was the
lone Latin American leader to boycott the Tenth International
Conference of American States held in Caracas in 1954. But Figueress
most serious foreign policy challenge came from neighboring Nicaragua
in an episode that threatened the stability of his administration and
called into question his earlier decision to abolish the national military.
Animosity between Figueres and Nicaraguan leader Anastasio
Somoza dated back to the Costa Rican presidents time in exile and his
association with the Caribbean Legion. The informal alliance between
Figueres and other Latin American political exiles had played a role in
inciting the Costa Rican War of National Liberation, and members of
the Caribbean Legion had made no secret of their ambition to topple
the Somoza regime, along with other Latin American dictatorships.
Once he took power Figueres allowed political exiles from Nicaragua
and elsewhere to take refuge in Costa Rica, and many of those individuals used San Jose as a base to organize and train for insurgency missions intended to overthrow dictatorial regimes and even assassinate
leaders. Somoza was the prime target of a large group of Nicaraguan
exiles, and their presence in Costa Rica only further heightened tensions
between Figueres and the Nicaraguan dictator. When members of the
Nicaraguan exile group carried out an unsuccessful assassination
attempt against Somoza in 1954, their actions provoked vocal protests
from the Nicaraguan government and caused an escalation in tensions
between Somoza and Figueres.
Somoza exacted his revenge less than one year later. In the late
months of 1954 Teodoro Picado, Jr., son of the calderonista president
ousted in the 1948 War of National Liberation, put together a group
of 500 militants to attempt to overthrow Figueres. Aided by the
Somoza regime, the group calling itself the Authentic Anti-Communist
Revolutionary Army trained in Nicaragua in preparation for an invasion of Costa Rica. That invasion began in January 1955 when Picados
forces crossed the border and occupied the northwestern town of La
Cruz. Rather than push his invading force further south, Picado held
firm and attempted to incite an uprising similar to the one that had
ousted Jacobo Arbenz of Guatemala the year before. He resorted to isolated air raids and broadcast propaganda messages via radio calling
for a general uprising among the people. As he fortified his position,
Picado continued to receive aid and supplies from Nicaragua, just
across the border.
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Without a professional military to ensure national defense, Figueres

responded by forming a volunteer army. He also invoked emergency
executive powers that suspended constitutional liberties. But Figueress
most potent weapon was his diplomatic appeal to the United States and
to the Organization of American States (OAS), the regional organization
that was chartered in 1948 to maintain peace, stability, and security
in the Western Hemisphere. The OAS declared that Costa Rica had been
the victim of a major aggression and authorized the United States to
supply the Central American nation with four fighter planes for the bargain price of $1 dollar each. For U.S. leaders who viewed Figueres as the
last bastion of democracy in a sea of Central American and Caribbean
dictators in the 1950s, protecting the Costa Rican president took on particular urgency. With the backing of the United States and the OAS, Figueres thwarted the attempted insurrection rather quickly, but the
episode was a clear indication that significant opposition to his
administration existed. Nevertheless, Figueres came away from the
attempted invasion with a closer tie to the United States and a sense of
reassurance that the OAS would support Costa Rican democracy in the
interest of protecting regional security.
Jose Figueres took a sledgehammer to the walls of San Joses Bellavista military barracks in 1948, and in one fell swoop he set Costa Rica
upon a path that would deviate significantly from that of other Latin
American nations in the early years of the Cold War. While neighboring
Nicaragua endured the military dictatorship of the Somoza family,
Costa Rica abolished its standing army and devoted itself to peace and
democracy. As Guatemalan president Jacobo Arbenz was overthrown
in response to land reform and other social justice measures that raised
communist concerns in the United States, Costa Rican leaders secured
social and economic policies that expanded the public sector, introduced a mixed economy, increased funding for education, and raised
taxes on powerful multinational corporations such as the United Fruit
Company. Costa Ricas carefully crafted position in the early years of
the Second Republic allowed its leaders to pursue the ideological platform laid out in the Liberacion movement without challenging the
delicate Cold War balance in the Western Hemisphere. During that
time, Jose Figueres and his supporters created a new constitution that
provided social guarantees, curbed the influence of the United Fruit
Company, and withstood a security threat from Nicaragua even in the
absence of a standing military. In a short period of time Figueres and
the PLN had secured a series of vital successes that allowed Liberacionistas to shape the narrative of Costa Rican exceptionalism.
9
State-Led Development
and Debt
SOCIAL INDICATORS
By the early 1990s Costa Rica stood as a quintessential success story
for advocates of social justice reform, particularly in comparison with
many of its Latin American neighbors. Even though Costa Rica ranked
eighth among Latin American nations in terms of incomemeasured
as GDP per capitathe nation held either the number one or number
two position in the region in 10 other indicators of social well-being.
Those measures included such things as life expectancy, infant mortality, daily calorie supply, access to clean water and sanitation, and
access to social security. Almost all Costa Ricans had access to reliable
health care, and nearly 90 percent of the nations children were immunized against communicable diseases. Furthermore, Costa Ricas
unemployment rates were the lowest of any nation in Latin America,
and it had the lowest poverty rates in the region. Nearly 100 percent
of Costa Rican children were enrolled in primary school, and adult literacy rates stood at roughly 95 percent.1
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By these measures, Costa Ricas social justice initiatives had been

enormously successful, and the nations social indicators placed it on
a par with developed, industrial nations in the rest of the world. Yet
these statistics belie the fact that Costa Rica spent the preceding
10 years in the midst of a devastating economic crisis and a dramatic
overhaul of trade and investment policies. Indeed, Costa Ricas experiences in the 1980s mirrored those of most Latin American nations
where economic development and social spending policies put in
place in the 1960s and 1970s proved unsustainable and gave way to
enormous foreign debt. As one Latin American country after another
defaulted on foreign loans, the region suffered debt crises, high inflation, exchange rate problems, and imposed austerity measures. The
economic crisis in the region became so serious that most nations
saw their economies stagnate or even decline, and the 1980s became
known throughout Latin America as the lost decade. Given the
severity of the crisis, it is no surprise that many Latin American
nations saw indicators of social well-being deteriorate over the course
of the decade. What is surprising is that the small and unassuming
Central American nation that had fought a violent civil war just a
few decades earlier weathered the crisis with considerable aplomb.
And even though Costa Ricas economy did not emerge from the lost
decade unscathed, social and political institutions managed to endure
a number of potential challenges as the economy faltered.
IMPORT SUBSTITUTION INDUSTRIALIZATION

The 1948 War of National Liberation and its immediate aftermath
brought dramatic changes to Costa Rica through constitutional reform, new citizenship and suffrage rights, the abolition of the military,
and the institutionalization of the Social Guarantees and other basic
individual freedoms. Those developments endured the war and the
political consolidation that took place after the war was over; they
became permanent fixtures in Costa Rican society throughout the
remainder of the twentieth century and are generally held up as markers of the strength of the Costa Rican system. Other changes were
equally dramatic, if not also similarly long lasting, but eventually
failed to reinforce the notion of Costa Rican exceptionalism. In particular, the economic model put in place by Figueres brought short-term
gains to the nation, but the long-term consequences of some economic
decisions were ultimately devastating.
Figueress mixed economic model aimed to expand economic output, diversify the nations productive capacity, and generally
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modernize the nations economy through a combination of government

initiatives and private-sector involvement. Figueres and other presidents who followed him were concerned that the nations economy
relied so heavily on bananas and coffeetwo commodity agricultural products that were subject to immense volatility in the global
market. Any number of factors could affect the price of and demand
for Costa Ricas two main exports, not the least of which included
climate conditions at home, economic downturn abroad, and any of
the variety of global security concerns that were so common during
the Cold War. Furthermore, the banana industry in particular
had developed as a foreign economic sector with the United
Fruit Company wielding enormous influence over Costa Rican
affairs. The dominant position of the UFCor any other foreign
enterprisedid not conform to the nationalist tone among Costa
Ricas postWorld War II leaders. Generations of leaders had talked
about changing the structure of the nations economy; Figueres
and his successors in the 1950s and 1960s took very real steps to do just
that.
The PLNs mixed economic system generally conformed to the
model of import substitution industrialization (ISI) that was common
throughout Latin America in the several decades following World
War II. ISI policies had their roots in the nationalist and protectionist
response in Latin America to the economic crisis following the Great
Depression. But the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin
America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), formed in 1948, formalized the
model as a policy recommendation for Latin American nations
throughout much of the last half of the twentieth century. ECLAC
economists pressed developing nations such as Costa Rica to transform the national economic base by developing a more diversified
manufacturing sector and prioritizing industrialization. They envisioned the development of industries devoted to the manufacture of
small consumer goods such as textiles, processed foods, and some
small appliances. ECLAC leaders looked to the massive industrialization process that had taken place in the United States and Western
Europe in the nineteenth century as a model. But in the global
economy of the twentieth century, newly industrializing economies
were at a disadvantage, particularly when trying to compete with
long-standing and well-developed industries abroad. An emerging
school of economic thought known as dependency theory influenced
many proponents of ISI and helped to shape their economic recommendations. This theory posited not only that developing nations
were at a disadvantage but also that, as they pursued their own
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industrial expansion, developed and industrialized nations had

actually prevented economic progress from taking root in areas such
as Latin America.
To mitigate the many challenges faced by developing economies
and to give them a competitive edge, ISI advocates recommended a
significant degree of government involvement through state investment in industry and tax incentives. Protectionist trade policies such
as tariffs and quotas were also used as a way to make imports from
competing countries more expensive and encourage the consumption
of nationally produced goods. ECLAC leaders envisioned ISI as a system that would help small, developing nations weather the difficult
early stages of industrialization with the hope of creating a strong
foundation that would give those nations more self-sufficiency and
economic stability.
While many of ECLACs leaders initially envisioned ISI policies primarily as a solution for the economic woes of larger Latin American
nationssuch as Mexico, Argentina, and Brazilmany leaders in
smaller nations adopted similar economic models as a solution to
underdevelopment and economic stagnation based on centuries of
relying on commodity agricultural exports. Costa Rican leaders were
no exception. The nations long-running volatility caused by having
an economy dominated by commodity exports led many political
leaders to begin seeking alternative models for Costa Ricas economic
future. The nationalist impulse generated by Jose Figueres was firmly
entrenched by the end of his presidency so that even when Mario
Echandi, the opposition PUN candidate, defeated the Liberacion candidate in 1958 to succeed Figueres, nationalist economic policies and
Costa Ricas own version of ISI remained.
THE COLD WAR AND THE ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESS

Costa Ricas turn toward ISI economic policies came at an inauspicious time in U.S.-Latin American relations. Concern among U.S. leaders over the possible expansion of communism dictated foreign policy
decisions, especially in Latin America. Those decisions were increasingly defined by an expansion of militarism and strong denunciations
of any policies that included even the slightest hints of nationalism.
Nationalist rhetoric combined with economic reform and the expropriation of United Fruit Company properties in Guatemala had generated a strong anticommunist backlash in Washington, DC. U.S.
concerns eventually translated into a covert intervention in 1954 that
drove democratically elected president Jacobo Arbenz from power.
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Costa Rican economic nationalism was not as pronounced as the

policies in Guatemala, but the expansion of state enterprises, the creation of trade barriers, and the preference for nationally owned industries over foreign investment were not welcome developments among
U.S. policy makers. U.S. president Dwight Eisenhower and his vice
president Richard Nixon generally regarded Costa Ricas democratic
tradition as a positive feature, and U.S. diplomatic leaders publicly
promoted the expansion of democracy in the Western Hemisphere.
Nevertheless, in the Cold War climate a paradoxical preference for
right-wing dictators began to emerge in policy decisions.
U.S. military aid to Latin America increased significantly during the
1950s, and by 1957 the United States had developed close military
links with all Central American nations except Costa Rica and El
Salvador. U.S. leaders also strongly encouraged all Latin American
nations to embrace policies that would facilitate direct investments by
U.S. businesses in the local economies. Costa Rican leaders remained
leery of such economic policies, particularly as the national economy
declined due to a steep drop in coffee prices in the late 1950s. The
expansion of Cold War military programs also concerned national
leaders, and in 1957 Costa Rican diplomats submitted a proposal to
the Organization of American States calling for a reduction in the arms
buildup throughout Latin America. The proposal was quickly rejected
by other OAS nations, an increasing number of which were under
military regimes and enjoying large military aid packages from the
United States.
U.S. strategies in Latin America shiftedat least temporarilyfollowing the success of the 1959 Cuban Revolution. As Fidel Castro
and his supporters adopted progressively more and more socialistoriented policies, the concern among U.S. leaders over the spread of
communism in the Western Hemisphere became particularly acute.
The new administration of John F. Kennedy adopted a new approach
to fighting communism in Latin America by introducing the Alliance
for Progress in the early 1960s. The new plan included aid programs
to fight poverty in the region while continuing to devote resources to
preventing revolutions. Alliance programs included funding for
health and education as well as economic aid to help Latin American
nations recover from trade deficits that had become problematic in
the 1950s. Under Kennedy, U.S. aid to Costa Rica increased, and much
of that aid was devoted to social programs under PLN president Francisco Jose Orlich Bolmarcich. The Alliance for Progress magnified U.S.
influence in the Costa Rican economy while allowing the Costa Rican
government to expand its emphasis on ISI policies.
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THE CENTRAL AMERICAN COMMON MARKET

While leaders in Costa Rica and other smaller Latin American
nations accepted the validity of the ISI model for twentieth-century
economic development, they also understood that the theorys goal
of economic and productive self-sufficiency was not a realistic
scenario in smaller economies with fewer national resources. To overcome that challenge, ISI advocates in Central America began considering how they could cooperate with each other by integrating their
economies to expand the market as well as the productive capacity
in the region. ECLAC economists proposed economic integrationor
the creation of a common marketfor nations like Costa Rica, in
which trade treaties would link regional economies and those networks would be protected by common external tariffs. Such a strategyin theorywould restrain competition from industrialized
nations and allow new industries within the common market to
develop.
In the 1950s leaders from Guatemala, Costa Rica, El Salvador,
Nicaragua, and Honduras began experimenting by forming bilateral
treaties with neighboring nations that established common market
trade regulations on specific products. The formation of the Organization of American States coincided with these new economic agreements, and even though the OAS was primarily an organization
devoted to hemispheric security, it did foster a greater sense of cooperation among Central American nations and gave new efforts to
foster economic collaboration a greater sense of legitimacy. By 1956
each Central American country had signed at least one bilateral trade
agreement with one of its neighbors, and the activities of the ECLAC
ensured that multilateral collaboration would soon follow.
ECLAC leaders, following the example being set by founding
nations of the European Economic Communitywhich was the early
institution that eventually became the European Unionformed a
Committee of Economic Cooperation, and government officials from
the five Central American nations began considering the establishment of a common market. By 1959 the efforts of the Committee
resulted in formal integration agreements, which collectively established a free trade zone around signatory nations for specified
products. U.S. leaders eventually became involved in the trade negotiations as well, and support for regional integration in Central
America became part of the Kennedy administrations platform under
the Alliance for Progress. A U.S. plan known as the General Treaty of
Central American Economic Integration created a regional trade block
133
in Central America known as the Central American Common Market

(CACM); it was signed in 1960 by leaders from Guatemala, El Salvador,
Nicaragua, and Honduras. Costa Rica did not sign on to the agreement
immediately, but by 1962 Costa Rica had joined the other Central
American nations in an experiment in economic integration. Signatory
countries phased in a system in which they eliminated most tariffs on
goods traded among each other and adhered to common external tariffs
on goods traded outside of the trading block.
Initially the regional integration scheme produced positive results.
Manufacturing output rose significantly in Costa Rica throughout the
1960s, and the value of industrial exports increased by a factor of 25.
Furthermore, total trade within the Central America trading block
expanded from $32 million in 1960 to $136 million in 1969.2 With the
strategys emphasis on consumer goods, the manufacture of processed
foods and textiles naturally saw the most notable expansion while
imports of those products from outside the CACM declined considerably. To facilitate the expansion of local industry and regional trade,
Central American governments committed to vital infrastructure projects that were intended to develop more efficient transportation and
communications networks. Regional development organizations,
financed by the U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID)
and the Alliance for Progress, facilitated many of those projects. Others
were undertaken by individual national governments. While the initial
expansion in regional manufacturing and trade was impressive, it
U.S. president John F. Kennedy with Central American leaders at a Central

American Common Market meeting in San Jose, March 1963. (AP Photo)
134
was not necessarily a sign of success. Indeed, by 1965 the first signs of
structural problems with the CACM integration model started to
become apparent. The creation of a regional trading bloc in Central
America had yielded a larger market for member nations manufactured goods, but the majority of the population was poormany of
the people lived in extreme povertyand could not afford to purchase
the goods being produced in the new manufacturing sectors. As a result
the size of the market among CACM nations was necessarily limited.
Furthermore, wealth and resource inequality persisted among member
nations, and the more developed industrial sectors in Guatemala and
El Salvador thrived while industries in Costa Rica, Nicaragua, and
Honduras were less developed and required larger outlays of cash.
But perhaps the most significant obstacle to the CACMs success was
the long-standing animosities that festered among several Central
American nations. Border tensions between Honduras and El Salvador
culminated in 1969 in the Soccer War, which was so named because
skirmishes that broke out among fans after a soccer match between
the two national teams eventually provoked military hostilities
between the two nations. Trade between the two countries came to a
virtual halt, and Honduras eventually withdrew from the CACM in
1971. The organization became defunct, and policies aimed at regional
integration in Central America ceased over the coming decades.
STATE-LED DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMS

Costa Rican leaders believed that they could fundamentally alter
the trajectory of the nations economy by expanding the role of the
government in the economic sector through state-led development
programs. Protectionist trade barriers, government subsidies for
industry, and the promotion of regional commercial integration were
all measures the government put in place to promote import substitution industrialization. Formal development programs were seen as the
next step in diversifying the nations economy and transforming Costa
Rica into a viable force in the global marketplace. In 1968 the Orlich
administration created the Center for the Promotion of Exports and
Investments (CENPRO), which was dedicated to promoting nontraditional exports to markets outside of Central America. Throughout the
1970s, CENPRO provided advice and technical assistance to businesses in Costa Rica in an attempt to diversify exports and generate
foreign revenue.
In 1970 Jose Figueres Ferrer was elected to the presidency once
again, and his PLN won a majority of seats in the Congress. Figueres
135
devoted his third and final presidential term to continuing the nationalist and populist policies he had implemented in the 1950s. The
CACM had not produced the level of economic independence that he
had envisioned, but Figueres and his supporters remained committed
to the theory behind import substitution industrialization. Regional
integration in Central America continued and even expanded
throughout the 1970s despite the dissolution of the CACM, and the
Figueres administration ramped up the governments participation
in the economy as a way of guiding and regulating development
activities.
In 1972 the government created the Costa Rican Development Corporation (CODESA), which was a government agency that operated
as a majority partner and entered into joint ventures with private companies. Government leaders envisioned CODESA as a way to provide
investment support to national businesses interested in expanding
their activities into industries that were deemed essential for national
growth. The creation of CODESA marked a distinct turn to state-led
development programs, compelling many observers to refer to Costa
Rica as an entrepreneur state. Figueres and other PLN leaders
believed that moving toward an entrepreneur state was necessary
because the promises of ISI remained unfulfilled. Specifically, ISI had
failed to benefit the nation fully because the structure of Costa Ricas
economy still allowed significant participation by foreign corporations. Those foreign entities invested much-needed capital into Costa
Rican industries, but profits generally did not make their way back
into the national economy. Figueres hoped that the governmentoperated CODESA would replace large multinational corporations in
providing investment support to national businesses. CODESA was
to act as a holding company until the businesses could operate without government support, at which time they would be completely privatized, ideally with ownership transferring to the Costa Rican private
sector.
Although it was created in 1972 under President Figueres, CODESA
did not begin operating fully until four years later under Figueress
successor and fellow PLN leader, Daniel Oduber Quiros; after that
time its activities expanded significantly. The agency backed new ventures in heavy industry such as railroads, cement, and aluminum production, and it also made new agricultural investments in cotton,
sugar, and fertilizers. CODESA acquired large subsidiaries, but
instead of providing basic support, the government holding company
often provided nearly 100 percent of investment funds. Furthermore,
most subsidiaries of CODESA never became profitable, and the
136
government investment backing that was supposed to be temporary

remained in place, effectively propping up inefficient and unprofitable industries.
The PLNs political adversaries pounced on CODESA from the
beginning, pointing out many of these structural problems and accusing agency leaders of corruption. Indeed, there was rampant and blatant misspending associated with CODESA as employees of the
agency enjoyed lavish perks and funded projects that more often
reflected political calculation rather than strategic investment in
promising industries with a high profit potential. Many of the subsidiaries remained fully owned by the CODESA holding company and
never became profitable in their own right. As a result government
spending increased substantially in the 1970s as CODESA continued
to provide a seemingly endless supply of credit to companies that
were not viable and that were not contributing to the overall growth
of the economy.
The Costa Rican governments decision to create CODESA and
adhere to expansive fiscal policies unfortunately coincided with a
series of major upheavals in the global economy. In 1973 the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) manipulated the production and supply of oil as part of a strategy to raise the price of oil
substantially in the global marketplace. The OPEC-led price increase
affected Costa Rica in two important ways. First, since Costa Rica is
not a petroleum-producing country, it must import oil from abroad
to provide fuel and raw materials for its industrial sector and to support its transportation networks. The rise in oil prices in 1973 meant
that the nation had to pay substantially more for oil imports. The
1973 oil shock occurred as the prices of many of Costa Ricas agricultural exports were dropping, making it even more difficult for the
small nation to absorb higher oil prices.
Second, as oil importers were forced to pay higher prices, OPEC
nations found themselves flush with cash as the higher oil revenues
also yielded much larger profits. Members of OPEC deposited large
sums of money into major banks around the world, and those banks
in turn looked to convert that money into loans that would yield high
interest rates. Costa Rica and other nations in the developing world
found themselves in urgent need of borrowing large sums of money
just as world banks were intent on making large loans. Rising oil
prices combined with the government spending required through
CODESA and other such developmental programs created a new
sense of urgency for the Costa Rican government to take out substantial foreign loans.
137
Government spending and a heavy reliance on foreign borrowing

created enormous fiscal problems for Costa Rica by the end of the decade. Populist leaders, particularly among the PLN, had made deficit
spending and the accumulation of public debt a part of their political
strategies since the creation of the Second Republic. Increased public
spending was necessary to support the social programs that became
the foundation of populist leaders political platforms. Politicians
found themselves unable to raise sufficient tax revenue to fund such
programs since taxing the wealthy would result in losing significant
political support. Instead the Costa Rican system of revenue generation relied on sales taxes and some tariffs on foreign goods, which
did not come close to covering government expenditures. To make
up the difference national leaders turned to foreign loans to pay for
populist programs.
Between 1950 and 1970 Costa Ricas public debt increased from
$29 million to $164 million while the national deficit increased from less
than 1 million (colones, Costa Ricas national currency) to more than
90 million colones. The creation of CODESA and the proclaimed dedication of the Figueres and Oduber administration to expanding
the governments role in the economy required even more public
spendingexpenditures that were also not covered by tax income.
Foreign debt increased substantially throughout the 1970s, going from
$164 million to more than $1 billion by 1978.3
DEBT CRISIS
The structural problems with CODESA combined with the extensive reliance on foreign loans proved to be unsustainable for the Costa
Rican government. A second sharp rise in oil prices in 1979 coincided
with a dramatic decrease in the global price for coffee and bananas
two of Costa Ricas primary export commodities. As the nations
expenditures for oil and other imports increased, the outlay of
government resources for CODESA and other development programs
did not decline to offset the new budgetary pressures. Rather,
government spending on social programs continued to rise throughout the 1970s, and as the national government took out more and more
foreign loans to fund such spending, the national debt ballooned.
By 1980 international investors had become jittery about the level of
debt being carried by nations in the developing world. Of particular
concern was the proportion of national income that many nations
needed to devote to interest payments alone. Costa Rica was no different, and as international lenders began to lose confidence in the Costa
138
Rican economy, their concerns were reflected in increasingly unfavorable conditions on new loans. In 1981 interest rates on foreign loans
rose substantially, and that proved to be the death knell for Costa
Rican borrowing and by extension the entrepreneur states development strategies.
In July 1981 Costa Rica suspended interest payments on its foreign
debt and became one of the first Latin American nations to default
on its loans. The rest of the region soon followed as the international
banking community lost confidence in developing economies and,
one after another, Latin American nations defaulted on debt payments
throughout 1982. The region entered a period of economic decline and
fiscal crisis that became known as the lost decade. In Costa Rica the
colon lost more than half its value to the dollar, and by 1982 inflation
had skyrocketed to 90 percent. This combination made all goods
but particularly importsconsiderably more expensive. Costa
Rica was already suffering from a severe economic decline that
had started in 1979 when oil prices rose. The additional financial pressures brought on by the debt crisis strained the nation nearly to the
breaking point, and many Costa Ricans vented their frustration
towards Rodrigo Carazo Odio, the Partido Renovacion Democratica
(Democratic Renovation Party, or PRD) president who was elected in
1978.
Costa Rica and other nations that suffered through the debt crisis of
the 1980s had to appeal to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
the World Bank for assistance in an attempt to put their economies
back on track. As organizations dedicated to stabilizing the global economic system, the IMF and the World Bank offered structured bailout packages and loans that provided an immediate infusion of
emergency cash along with long-term aid and debt restructuring. In
return, the organizations required struggling nations to adopt more
disciplined economic and fiscal policies. The United States has always
exerted disproportionate influence in both organizations so countries
relying on economic aid found themselves beholden to U.S. policy priorities. Further complicating this scenario, the U.S. government often
granted unilateral aid to certain developing nations in the wake of
the 1980s debt crisis, and those decisions were nearly always tied to
foreign policy priorities. In the volatile economic and diplomatic environment of the 1980s, Costa Rican leaders played a careful balancing
act of cultivating a closer relationship with the United States while still
maintaining a degree of national sovereignty. While President Carazo
had developed an antagonistic relationship with the IMF, his successor Luis Alberto Monge of the PLN committed to cooperating with
139
the international agency despite the painful reform measures stipulated in the IMF bailout package.
In 1982 Costa Rica accepted nearly $100 million in IMF aid. At the
same time, the United States Agency for International Development
sent advisors to Costa Rica, and U.S. unilateral economic assistance
also began to flow into the Central American nation. In fact, after
1982 Costa Rica received more direct aid from the United States than
it did from the IMF, the World Bank, and other international organizations combined. Between 1982 and 1989 the United States provided
more than $1 billion in financial assistance to the small Central American nation.4 The IMF, the World Bank, and the Inter-American Development Bank also granted substantial aid packages to Costa Rica.
Since those organizations were heavily influenced by U.S. policy
priorities, Costa Rica found itself increasingly bound by U.S. economic
and foreign policy demands.
AUSTERITY AND THE ECONOMIC REFORM

In exchange for large IMF and USAID assistance packages, the
Monge administration implemented aggressive reforms designed to
limit government spending and boost revenue by encouraging
exports. Those reform policies became known as austerity measures
because they required governments to rein in spending to its most
basic levels. Costa Rican social programssuch as education, welfare,
and subsidiesthat had required high levels of government funding
in the preceding decades were significantly diminished or eliminated
completely. Slashing public spending also meant that the large
government expenditures in CODESA and other development programs that formed the backbone of the ISI model were also reduced
or eliminated. President Monge and his successor Oscar Arias
Sanchezalso of the PLNbecame strong proponents of the new
economic model that defined IMF reform initiatives. Know as neoliberalism, the economic approach preferred by many world leaders in
the 1980s prescribed opening trade and reducing government spending as a way for developing economies like Costa Ricas to recover
from the debt crisis and build a solid financial foundation for the
future.
One important target of austerity measures in Costa Rica was the
government holding company, CODESA. Since its creation in 1972,
the PLN-favored agency had come under intense scrutiny by political
opposition within Costa Rica, and the debt crisis of the 1980s brought
CODESA under fire by the IMF and USAID as well. The state-run
140
financier had become a symbol of the cronyism, inefficiency, and

bloated bureaucracies that critics of the ISI model often attributed to
state-led development programs. By the late 1970s private-sector
entrepreneurs in Costa Rica had already been calling for the dissolution of the agency, and USAID advisors were brought into the debate
after the nation defaulted on its foreign debt. In 1984 a coalition of
USAID representatives and Costa Rican private-sector business leaders began privatizing CODESA. This became a complicated scenario
as it became clear that many CODESA firms were not active, and only
seven companies accounted for 90 percent of the holding companys
investments.5 The privatization process that was supposed to last
two years was not fully completed until 1997 when the lastand one
of the most profitableof CODESAs firms was finally sold off.
One strategy for promoting economic recovery and opening trade
was the establishment of the Coalicion Costarricense de Iniciativas
de Desarrollo (the Costa Rican Coalition of Development Initiatives,
or CINDE), which was created in 1982 by 76 national business leaders.
CINDE was formed as a private-sector, nonpartisan export and investment promotion organization, but it received funding from USAID
and was empowered by the Costa Rican government to facilitate
major economic policy changes. The objectives of the new organization included safeguarding measures to ensure social justice and general national well-being, but CINDE leaders focused their efforts on
expanding the nations export market and attracting direct foreign
investments, which are investments in permanent assets, such as land
and factories. Many of CINDEs programs duplicated the mandate of
CENPRO, the Costa Rican governments export promotion agency,
but supporters argued that a private-sector initiative was better suited
to overhaul the nations economic sector.
Backed by increasing amounts of USAID funding between 1983 and
1989, CINDE sponsored training seminars to guide government and
business leaders toward an export economy. The group worked to
attract foreign investors to Costa Ricas export sector, and it successfully lobbied for the passage of numerous laws providing tax breaks
and other incentives to new investors in the export market. By some
estimates, CINDE was responsible for attracting more than $330 million in direct foreign investments by 1990. Largely because of those
direct investments, new factories producing plastics, textiles, chemicals, and small machine parts opened throughout Costa Rica. USAID
statistics indicate that Costa Ricas manufacturing exports increased
by more than 60 percent per year by 1991. Many of those manufacturers operated in newly established free trade zones, whose creation
141
was promoted by CINDE and which provided tax-free promotions

and other incentives to new export industries. CINDE leaders also
focused their efforts on encouraging the cultivation of nontraditional
exports in the agricultural sector, including strawberries, flowers, melons, and diverse foodstuffs.
As CINDEs strategies were evolving in the 1980s, other private initiatives backed by USAID funding silently emerged in the Costa Rican
economy as well. In 1988 investigative journalists and other observers
uncovered an extensive network of schools, private banks, and development agencies (like CINDE) that had been operating in Costa Rica to
promote export-oriented development strategies and to encourage privatization of banking, education, and other Costa Rican institutions. Critics
of this secret U.S.-backed network referred to it as a parallel state,
and a scandal erupted as leaders within USAID were charged with
cronyism, legal irregularities, and threatening Costa Rican sovereignty.
Regardless of the scandal surrounding USAIDs parallel state,
austerity measures and economic reform did bring notable economic
recovery. Inflation decreased to manageable levels, and the nations
economy grew by a respectable 4.4 percent between 1983 and 1994.
The Costa Rican economy that emerged during that 10-year period
was hardly recognizable as the one that had existed in the 1960s and
1970s. Free trade zones and export-oriented manufacturing dominated the economic sector. Many of the social justice initiatives that
had been put in place under the Figueres and the Liberacion movement had either been privatized or eliminated completely. ISI development strategies became a distant memory by the end of the
century, and a wider array of free-trade initiatives replaced the failed
attempt to establish a regional trading block through CACM.
Significantly, the economic turmoil Costa Rica experienced throughout this period did not undermine the democratic traditions that came
to define the national myth put in place by Figueres and the PLN.
The PUN, which had played such a dominant role in national politics,
gradually lost ground and dissolved by the end of the 1970s. But as the
PUN disbanded, the PUSC emerged to challenge the dominance of the
PLN, and by the 1990s other opposition parties had emerged as well.
Many of the social justice measures implemented after the War of
National Liberation remained, elections occurred peacefully, and
political power changed hands relatively smoothly even in the midst
of economic turmoil. Even though the mixed economic model put in
place by Liberacion leaders proved unsustainable, other measures that
were fundamental to their reform agenda stood the test of time.
142
NOTES
1. Carmelo Mesa-Lago, Social Development with Limited Resources, in Steven Palmer and Ivan Molina Jimenez, The Costa Rica Reader: History, Culture, Politics (Duke University Press, 2004), 32333.
2. Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America, 1st
ed. (New York: Norton, 1983), 191.
3. Ivan Molina Jimenez and Steven Palmer, The History of Costa Rica: Brief, Upto-Date and Illustrated, 1st ed. (San Jose, Costa Rica: Editorial de la Universidad de
Costa Rica, 1998), 14243.
4. Mary A. Clark, Gradual Economic Reform in Latin America: The Costa Rican
Experience (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), 48.
5. Ibid., 53.
10
THE HAPPIEST PEOPLE
On January 6, 2010, Nicholas Kristof published an op-ed column in the
New York Times entitled The Happiest People. In the piece, Kristof
reported that according to the World Database of Happiness, the
scholarly happy life years measure, and the Happy Planet Index,
Costa Rica was the happiest country in the world. The three indices
all use different measures to gauge happiness, but whether assessing
contentment through polling, life expectancy, or environmental
impact, Costa Rica topped the list every time. Kristof surmised that
the reason for such high levels of happiness in Costa Rica was tied
directly to the nations decision to abolish the military in 1948 and
devote more resources to education. This, in turn, promoted stability
and economic growth for the people of Costa Rica. Kristof also argued
that recent environmental conservation efforts had produced an
appreciation for the nations spectacular ecological setting. Beautiful
beaches, impressive rainforests, and sophisticated urban areas all bred
contentment, according to the op-ed piece.
The New York Times column is indicative of the reputation for peace,
stability, and happiness that Costa Rica has garnered over the course
144
of its history. But it should be noted that the nation faced a number of
challenges throughout the last half of the twentieth century that made
the long-term success of the Costa Rican system far from certain. The
economic instability that afflicted the region in the 1980s was further
exacerbated by Cold War security concerns and guerrilla insurgencies
in neighboring countries. U.S. leaders complicated the situation even
more by supplying weapons and aid to anticommunist forces and by
tying debt relief aid to antileftist cooperation in Central America.
While Costa Rica managed to escape the appalling bloodshed that
revolutionary violence brought to Guatemala, Nicaragua, and
El Salvador in the 1970s and 1980s, the spillover effects of insurrections in other Central American nations and the posturing of the
United States caused enormous concern for the Costa Rican people
and threatened to destabilize the nation.
It was against this backdrop that Costa Rican leaders pledged to
defend Central American peace and democracy in the 1980s and to
find a regional solution to the violence that plagued neighboring
nations. Facing what many deemed to be insurmountable odds, Costa
Ricas Oscar Arias brought Cold War foes throughout Central American
together to bring an end to the civil wars that had torn the region apart.
Costa Ricathe nation that had appeared on the verge of collapse at
the beginning of the 1980sended the decade with a Nobel Peace
Prize and an economic recovery plan that was already beginning to
create prosperity. Furthermore, Costa Ricas reputation as a staunch
defender of democracy, peace, and human rights was reinforced
through those experiences, and recent developments in contemporary Costa Rica continue to reflect that reputation. There have been
bumps along the road, to be sure, particularly when charges of corruption surfaced that were tied to high-ranking politicians in the
1990s. But Costa Rica seems to have weathered the storm, electing
its first female president in 2010 and recommitting itself to democracy, environmental protection, and peace. And while Nicholas
Kristofs classification of Costa Ricans as the happiest people
may seem a bit cliche, the fact remains that the nations recent history
amplified the notion of Costa Rican exceptionalism. The tendency of
tourists, the media, and others around the world to portray Costa
Rica as the happiest nation on earth serves to sustain that idea.
THE ARIAS PEACE PLAN

Even though Costa Rica faced considerable economic volatility by
the 1980s, it remained a bastion of peace and democratic stability.
145
The same could not be said for its Central American neighbors.
Unequal income distribution, dire poverty, and corrupt dictatorial
regimes had engendered a decades-long civil war in Guatemala. Similar political and socioeconomic currents in Nicaragua led to the 1979
Sandinista Revolution that finally ousted the dictator Anastasio
Somoza Debayle, son of the famed 1950s dictator who had supported
the opposition to the Figueres administration. In both countries, internal insurrection took shape under the auspices of militant leftist
guerrilla movements, and the right-wing governments became
increasingly repressive in an attempt to stamp out the rebellions. In
the context of the Cold War, the guerrillas leftist leanings sparked
fears of communism in the region and among diplomatic leaders in
Washington, DC. U.S. military aid poured in to the region while an
estimated 200,000 Guatemalans either were killed or disappeared at
the hands of the military regime.
Leftist violence and right-wing military repression escalated in Central America throughout the 1970s just as economic pressures intensified in the region. Costa Rica, already struggling with its own
skyrocketing debt and subsequent default on foreign loans, viewed
the turbulence in neighboring countries with concern while striving
to prevent the bloodshed from spilling over into its own borders.
Costa Rican leaders faced mounting pressure from U.S. president
Ronald Reagan, who was newly inaugurated in 1981 and whose
administration attempted to tie debt relief to support for U.S. antileftist policies in Central America.
The Reagan administration aggressively sought to bring the perceived leftist threat in Central America under control. Administration
officials began a covert policy of supporting anticommunist contras
right-wing paramilitary rebels who organized to destabilize the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua. Some contra groups were based in northern
Costa Rica, where they operated training facilities funded by U.S. military aid. The Reagan administration put enormous pressure on
President Monge to allow contra activity on Costa Rican soil and also
to begin building up a national military presence with the help of
U.S. aid. In 1985 Costa Rica received $11 million in military aid from
the United States and the Civil Guard was receiving specialized training from U.S. special forces.1
The Costa Rican public remained committed to antimilitarism, and
Monge publicly proclaimed his resolve to keep the nation neutral in
the face of escalating conflict in Central America. Costa Ricans also
continued to espouse nationalist and populist attitudes toward economic and social policies, but those nationalist leanings were
146
increasingly difficult for political leaders to accommodate. The

government found itself virtually held hostage by U.S. leaders who
offered much-needed debt relief aid, but it was assistance that came
with strings attached. Just as the IMF and the World Bank demanded
structural economic reform in exchange for financial assistance, so
too did the United States. And since USAID provided more relief to
Costa Rica than the IMF and World Bank combined, U.S. leaders were
able to influence Costa Rican economic reforms in significant ways.
Furthermore, the Reagan administration was urging Costa Rica to
militarize and fully support the United States in its anti-Sandinista
efforts in Nicaragua. Indeed, much of the economic assistance being
offered by the United States in the 1980s came with unwritten, yet very
real, anticommunist expectations. In 1983 the Reagan administration
created the Caribbean Basin Initiative (CBI), which offered economic
aid to Central American and Caribbean nations in an effort to prevent
the spread of revolutions by stabilizing governments through economic growth. The program established trade relationships through
a system of duty-free imports of certain Latin American goods into
the United States. It also directed USAID and other support agencies
to promote programs that facilitated U.S. investment in Central
America and the Caribbean. Costa Ricas strong democratic tradition
made it an archetypal recipient of U.S. aid, and by 1983 the nation
had received $70 million of CBI-allocated aid.2 But U.S. debt relief
was not limited to CBI initiatives, and the Reagan administration
regularly allotted extraordinary concessionary aid to Costa Rica.
Between 1982 and 1989 the amount of U.S.-sponsored assistance
received by Costa Rica amounted to 3.6 percent of its entire GDP,
and CBI trade initiatives allowed the United States to absorb more
than 11 percent of Costa Rican exports.3 It was clear to Costa Rican
leaders that the nations precarious economic situation left it under
the thumb of the United States on other foreign policy issues. As the
U.S.-led anticommunist crusade escalated in Nicaragua and other
regions of Central America, Costa Rica felt itself pulled ever closer to
the conflict.
The Monge administration disliked U.S. policies in Central
America, but despite growing public demands for Costa Rican neutrality, it did little to challenge those policies. Monges successor,
though, made no secret of his disdain for the tactics being used by
U.S. leaders to combat communism. Oscar Arias publicly opposed
the contras, and his bold statements against U.S. strategies coincided
with the decision by the Reagan administration to withhold aid in
1986. U.S. leaders justified this move by accusing Costa Rica of
147
violating some of the clauses in the economic aid agreements, but

many observers in Costa Rica found the timing to be more than coincidental and some even accused the United States of holding the Central
American nations aid packages hostage over Ariass refusal to support the contra policy.
Despite Costa Ricas reliance on debt relief aid from the United
States in the 1980s, Oscar Arias refused to bow to U.S. pressure to militarize the nation and to commit to supporting contra activity. He considered the civil wars and extreme violence that plagued his Central
American neighbors to be a grave problem for the region as a whole
as well as for Costa Rica specifically. Costa Rica had taken in roughly
200,000 refugees who had fled the fighting in Nicaragua and El Salvador,
and that sudden large influx of people strained the resources of the
already-struggling nation. Furthermore, political instability and a lack
of security in the region had disrupted trade networks within Central
America and dissuaded many nations from establishing long-term economic ties with any Central American nationCosta Rica included.
These security issues combined with near constant pressure from
Washington, DC, to militarize Costa Rica and draw the nation more
fully into the conflict compelled Arias to act. But he denounced the
assumptions put forth by U.S. leaders that only a military solution
would bring effective peace to the region. Instead, Ariasan admirer
of John F. Kennedy and a self-proclaimed idealistinsisted that Central Americans could find viable solutions to their own problems
without the interference of the United States.
Ariass stance on Central American peace followed other Latin
American initiatives to bring an end to the violence in Nicaragua,
Guatemala, and El Salvador. Between 1983 and 1985 the Contadora
Group attempted to mediate a resolution to Central American civil
wars. Made up of leaders from Panama, Mexico, Venezuela, and
Colombia, the Contadora Group put forth a 21-point Document of
Objectives that aimed to subdue military violence, put in place a process of democratization, and ensure the protection of human rights in
the war-ravaged countries. The United Nations and Central American
leaders eventually supported the plan, and some observers believed
an end to the bloodshed was near. Nevertheless, U.S. leaders
opposed the Contadora initiative, arguing that the complete destruction of the Sandinistas and other leftist groups must be part of any
peace strategy.
Costa Ricas Arias learned from the failures of the Contadora
Group, and even before his 1986 inauguration he began promoting a
peace initiative that would largely sidestep the United States in laying
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out a way forward for Central America. Arias was personable and
persuasive, but he was also the fortunate beneficiary of good timing.
The Contadora Group fell apart shortly before the extent of illegal
covert aid given by the United States to anti-Sandinista rebels was
being made public. The resulting contra scandal captured the attention
of the U.S. public as government investigations and Congressional
hearings paraded a host of military and administration leaders in
front of news cameras. As a result support in the United States for
anticommunist activities in Central America began to wane.
In May 1986, months before the contra scandal broke in Washington,
Arias had already convened a meeting with the other Central American
heads of states. At the summit that became known as Esquipulas I Arias
mediated while the presidents of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador,
and Nicaragua worked through a long list of grievances. Right-wing
military leaders in Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador had welcomed U.S. military aid and had allowed contras to operate in their
territoryoften just across the border from Nicaragua. The tendency
of those leaders to allow U.S. interference in the regions affairs became
a main source of the animosity among the Central American leaders.
Also troubling was the socialist orientation of the Sandinista
government under Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua. The Sandinistas had
invited advisers from Cuba, the Soviet Union, and other communist
nations after taking power in 1979 and instituted controversial policies
such as censoring the press, canceling elections, and expropriating private property. For its part, Nicaragua had received vital aid from the
Soviets, further exacerbating the tension with its Central American
neighbors.
Arias viewed the large sums of foreign military aid pouring into
Central America as one of the gravest challenges to the regions quest
for peace. The United States and its Central American allies found the
Sandinistas relationship with communist nations to be unacceptable,
and they were quick to criticize the Sandinista government for violating the basic rights of the Nicaraguan people. But the populations of
other Central American nations faired no better. U.S.-funded contras
and right-wing military regimes became renowned for cruel and
repressive tactics. They targeted anyone suspected of having leftist
ties, and death squads in El Salvador and Guatemala slaughtered
many innocent civilians throughout the 1970s and 1980s. Those atrocities contributed significantly to the refugee crisis that threatened economic and political stability in Costa Rica and in other areas.
Few expected the leaders of the Central American nations to agree
to talk, and even fewer believed they could come to an agreement on
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how to proceed toward achieving peace. But the Esquipulas I talks

yielded promising results, and Arias convened a series of follow-up
meetings throughout 1987 as he presented his fellow Central American leaders with a peace proposal. The Esquipulas II Peace Accord
that emerged from this series of negotiations called for an immediate
cease-fire throughout the region and compelled each nation to hold
free elections at the next scheduled election cycle. Furthermore, the
agreement required that all foreign military aid would cease and that
human rights would be guaranteed. This included a stipulation that
called for amnesty for all political prisoners and a Sandinista pledge
to grant amnesty for the contras. To the surprise of U.S. leaders and
many other outside observers, Arias walked away from the final peace
summit in August 1987 with the signatures of all other Central American heads of state on his peace agreement. The Costa Rican president,
it seemed, had managed to find common ground and secure for the
region a peace that for decades had seemed so elusive.
Central Americans were cautiously optimistic about Ariass peace
accord, but officials in the Reagan administration reacted quite differently. U.S. leaders were incredulous and rather disgruntled that the
Costa Rican president had bypassed the United States and had
secured a peace agreement without the support of the Western Hemispheres superpower. U.S. officials publicly questioned the peace
agreements chances for success, arguing that the only way to end violence in Central America and to ensure the emergence of democracy in
Nicaragua and elsewhere was to maintain a strong military presence.
To punctuate that assertion, the Reagan administration submitted a
request to Congress for nearly $300 million more in military aid to be
earmarked for the Central American anticommunist campaign.
While Washington officials remained skeptical of and even irritated
by the Arias peace plan, leaders in the rest of the international community did not share those opinions. Support and admiration for Ariass
efforts quickly emerged among leaders in Western Europe and the rest
of Latin America. In October 1987, the Norwegian Nobel Committee
announced that the Nobel Peace Prize that year would be awarded
to Oscar Arias for his efforts in bring peace to Central America. Costa
Ricans and other Central Americans predictably reacted with pride to
the news while some U.S. leaders publicly rebuked the Nobel Prize
Committee for its decision, arguing that such an honor was premature
since the peace process was far from assured in Central America.
Despite Washingtons aloof response, Arias accepted the honor as a
testament to the peaceful and democratic traditions of the Costa Rican
people. The Nobel Prize Committee also weighed in to justify its
150
decision, maintaining that the incompleteness of the Central American

peace process did not detract from its importance. Committee members insisted that they hoped the prize itself would have a positive
impact on the ongoing efforts still unfolding among Central American
leaders.
It is difficult to ascertain what impact, if any, Ariass Nobel Peace
Prize had on the success of the Central American peace process, but
some important developments can be tied directly to the Nobel Prize
Committees decision. Shortly after the October 1987 announcement,
Nicaraguas Daniel Ortega began easing his restrictions on the
nations press, and by the early months of 1988 Ortega was engaged
in direct negotiations with the contras. Eventually neighboring Honduras agreed to shut down rebel base camps in its territory, and Arias
personally mediated a dispute between leftist rebels and the El Salvadoran government. But perhaps the most significant ramification of
Ariass Nobel Peace Prize was the change in posture it forced onto
U.S. policy makers. The U.S. Senate passed a resolution publicly sanctioning Ariass peace plan and congratulating the Costa Rican leader
for his admirable efforts. At the same time Reagans request for additional contra funding died in the Congress. It simply was not
Oscar Arias accepts the Nobel Peace Prize in Oslo, Norway, December 19, 1987.
(AP Photo/Pool/Norsk Telegrambyraa, Inge Gjellesvik)
151
politically expedient to stand against peace, and an endorsement by

the United States went a long way toward solidifying the commitment
to peace in Central America.
Oscar Ariass Nobel Peace Prize had far-reaching effects on the
small Latin American nation. Central America, which had become
known for the horrific atrocities carried out during bloody civil wars
in recent decades, now became part of a global conversation about
peace and democracy. And Costa Rica, which many people around
the world would have struggled to find on a map prior to 1987, now
found itself in an intense media spotlight. Oscar Ariass ability to
stand so steadfastly for peace and to challenge the status quo being
championed by the United States gave the country a sense of respectability and legitimacy around the world.
TOURISM AND THE ENVIRONMENT

Even as Costa Ricans struggled through economic crisis and neoliberal reform in the 1980s, a strong foundation in environmental conservation had already been established. Policies put in place in the 1970s
were safeguarded even in the face of economic decline, and through
those policies national leaders developed a robust system of national
parks and other legally protected lands. Today Costa Rica is viewed
as a leader in environmental programs, and a new focus has emerged
around ecotourism in recent decades. Late-twentieth-century policies
were intended to correct the environmental problems that had developed over several centuries in Costa Rica. National leaders also hoped
that laws to protect the countrys natural resources would become an
instrumental part of building a more prosperous future.
Environmental devastation and gradual deforestation became particularly problematic during the colonial period as Europeans introduced new crops, animals, and agricultural techniques to Costa Rica.
After the development of the coffee industry in the early nineteenth
century the rate of deforestation increased considerably. Large landowners took advantage of government incentives, such as tax breaks,
and converted large tracts of forestland into coffee estates. Small farmers also participated in the coffee economy and contributed to the
transformation of forestland. Nevertheless, the overall environmental
impact of these activities was relatively mild for a number of reasons,
not the least of which was Costa Ricas small population and relative
isolation throughout the colonial period and for much of the nineteenth century. Furthermore, landowners and government leaders
demonstrated an early awareness of the need for environmental
152
preservation. As early as the late eighteenth century local leaders

passed laws aimed at regulating soil usage and curbing the rate of
deforestation. Other decrees attempted to govern hunting practices
and to protect important watershed areas.
Costa Ricans witnessed a significant environmental impact in the
late nineteenth century as Minor Keith introduced mass-scale banana
cultivation to Costa Rica. The immediate effects of banana production
were a result of the need to clear lowland rainforests to make room for
large-scale plantations. The emergence of Panama disease and other
soil afflictions led the United Fruit Company and other growers to
abandon mature cultivation areas in favor of virgin lands. In the early
decades of the twentieth century the Caribbean coast was dotted with
depleted fields made barren by overcultivation and a lack of ecological
foresight. But in addition to the direct consequences of banana cultivation, ancillary activities also wrought their share of environmental
devastation. Clearing land for railroad construction and the rapid
growth of cities put additional pressures on Costa Ricas ecological
landscape.
The relatively new focus on ecotourism in the late twentieth century
seems fitting for a country with a long history of attracting natural scientists and other researchers, many of whom began venturing to Costa
Rica in the middle of the nineteenth century. At that time, the expanding coffee export sector and international interest in the construction
of a trans-isthmian canal through Central America drew foreign scientists attention to Costa Rica. They quickly discovered the extent of the
regions biodiversity. Over time, the efforts of researchers received
some support from the government as national leaders invited foreign
scientists to contribute to the emerging system of higher education. In
the early decades of the twentieth century the Costa Rican government
created a National Agricultural Society, a National Observatory, and
a National Geographic Institute. Those agencies collected and studied data on agriculture, climate, topography, and the nations biodiversity, and their activities positioned Costa Rica as a leader in
Latin America in initiatives to facilitate scientific and biological
research.
Despite those initial first steps, scientific research and initiatives to
study the nations biodiversity declined throughout the first half of
the twentieth century. But in the 1950s biologists at the University of
Costa Rica began playing an increasingly important role not only in
promoting research into the nations natural environment but also in
protecting the richness of vulnerable natural resources. By that time
Costa Ricas ballooning population was putting immense strains on
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the nations resources, and rural areas were inundated with squatters
seeking new farmlands. New laws were passed calling for conservation procedures in some forestlandssuch as those alongside the
recently built Pan-American Highwayand the Wildlife Conservation Law of 1956 specified that wildlife was part of the nations natural
resources.
It did not take long for some national leaders to realize that protecting Costa Ricas diverse natural landscape could also attract tourists to
the small nation. The Instituto Costarricense de Turismo (Institute of
Costa Rican Tourism, or ICT) was formed in 1955, and the government
began taking initial steps to develop a cohesive plan to attract foreign
travelers. Two years later the Juan Santamara International Airport
opened in San Jose to facilitate foreign travel to the capital city. From
the beginning, Costa Rican leaders seemed to identify a connection
between an incipient tourism industry and conserving the nations
national resources. The ICT was charged with designating national park
lands around the countrys multitude of volcano craters, partially as
environmental policy and partially as a way to showcase the nations
natural habitat to travelers. Nevertheless the notion of conservation
particularly of forestlandsdid not meet a receptive audience in most
of the country. And a lack of enforcement and monitoring meant that
these initial policies did little to create a coordinated and effective system of conservation.
It was not until the 1970s that meaningful environmental policies
took root in Costa Rica. In 1969 the national congress passed the Forestry Law, which established basic protections for forests and natural
resources, and that law proved to be just the first of many important
conservation developments in the coming years. In 1974 government
leaders ratified the Convention on International Trade in Endangered
Species, followed in 1976 by the Convention for the Protection of
Flora, Fauna, and Places of Natural Scenic Beauty in the Countries of
the Americas. These laws coincided with deliberate attempts by the
government to cultivate the nations tourism industry, and developing
a cohesive system of national parks and biological reserves became an
important part of that strategy. The creation of the National Parks Service in 1977 gave merit to the interests of those concerned about conservation. The activities of the new agency allowed government
officials to promote responsible biotourism as a part of national conservation efforts.
In the coming years, government leaders began to envision tourism
as a new area of economic development that could bolster the nations
income, particularly in the wake of the economic problems caused by
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the debt crisis. In 1985 the Tourism Investment Incentives Law was
passed, which granted tax exemptions and other incentives to tourismrelated businesses in an effort to encourage investment into the services
and infrastructure necessary to expand the tourism industry.
Perhaps the biggest boon to Costa Rican tourism came when
President Arias won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1987. The country
became more internationally visible and also secured its reputation
as a nation of peace. Security concerns no longer dissuaded
international travelers from venturing to the Central American nation;
in fact many tourists were curious to visit the small, unassuming country whose leader had made such an impact in the quest for Central
American peace. Other initiatives in the coming years aimed at promoting mass tourism, such the construction of a second international
airport and allowing international investors to develop large-scale
resorts along the coast.
Government leaders were concerned that a rapid expansion in tourism could have a negative affect on the nations natural resources. By
the end of the 1990s a number of initiatives were in place to promote
sustainable practices in the tourism industry. The Institute of Costa
Rican Tourism began monitoring the environmental practices of
hotels, beaches, and other tourist attractions and rating those establishments on their level of environmental sustainability. These efforts,
combined with the diversity and richness of Costa Ricas natural environment, have made the country a favorite destination for ecotourists
those travelers who combine vacation with ecological experience. By
2009 Costa Rica was the top-ranking Central American nation for tourism and ranked 42nd overall in the world. The income generated from
the tourism industry has helped to sustain and expand the Costa Rican
economy, and the attention tourism has brought to Costa Rica has bolstered the nations reputation as a peaceful and stable country.
NEOLIBERALISM
The Costa Rican economy has been transformed substantially since
the debt crisis of the 1980s. The rise of the tourism industry accounted
for many of those changes, but the nation has also diversified its productive capacity in other ways. Neoliberal economic reforms that prioritized trade liberalization in the 1980scoupled with Costa Ricas
reputation for peace and stabilityallowed the nation to attract new
investments from multinational corporations in high-technology
enterprises. A drastic reduction in tariffs combined with lucrative tax
exemptions put in place in the late 1980s resulted in an increase in
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direct foreign investment of more than 200 percent between 1990 and
1997.4 Attracting new sources of direct foreign investment was one of
the most important goals of the neoliberal economic reforms put into
place by Costa Rican leaders following the economic crisis of the
1980s. But neoliberal economists in Costa Rica sought foreign investment opportunities that would go far beyond the exploitation and economic dependency that had marked the nations relationship with the
United Fruit Company throughout much of the twentieth century.
Instead, they pursued investors in new, high-value industries in a move
away from foreign investment in agricultural commodity products.
As early as 1981, the Costa Rican government passed the Export
Processing Zone and Industrial Parks Law, which established free
trade zones in specific areas of the country. The first free trade zones
were located along important port cities and within the Central Valley,
and foreign manufacturers operating within those zones could take
advantage of 100 percent tax exemptions on the import of raw materials, partially manufactured components, machinery and replacement
parts, work vehicles, and other items necessary for the manufacturing
of goods destined for the export market. Other tax exemptions applied
to capital, assets, real estate, and profits; companies within free trade
zones were generally exempt from local taxes as well. As the economic
crisis and security concerns of the 1980s subsided, Costa Rica successfully attracted foreign investment in a variety of industries. Technology manufacturers in particular found an enticing investment
climate in Costa Rica, and in 1997 Intel Corporation opened a microchip manufacturing plant there. That companys activities alone
helped Costa Ricas economy to grow by 8 percent in 1998 and 1999.5
Other information technology companies soon followed, and the
nation gained a reputation as an ideal economy for the IT industry.
By 2004 Costa Rica had become home to more than $500 million of
annual foreign direct investment, with more than 60 percent of that
money supporting companies in free trade zones.6 Electronics and
technological products make up a significant portion of that economic
activity, with textiles, medical equipment, pharmaceuticals, processed
food, and plastic goods making up the rest. Costa Rican leaders publicly tout what they perceive as the successes of trade liberalization
and the nations push to expand the production of nontraditional
exports in recent decades. Laws passed as recently as 2011 are aimed
at continuing that trend.
While Costa Ricas economic transformation has been dramatic, it
has also brought some questionable consequences to the small nation.
Neoliberal reform called for a decrease in government spending and a
156
massive push to privatize much of the economy. As a result public sector employment fell by more than 30 percent between 1980 and 2003.
Privatization also spread to health care and public safety as government
spending in those areas diminished and private companies stepped
in to fill the void. Furthermore, a rush of private schools opened in
the last decades of the twentieth century, and even as austerity
measures required decreased government spending on social programs, Costa Rica maintained its reputation for producing a highly
educated population.
Neoliberal reforms induced a series of changes in the nations labor
sector. The number of Costa Ricans employed in the agricultural sector diminished by nearly 44 percent while the number of people
employed in service sectors rose to include roughly two-thirds of the
population between 1984 and 2004. The shift in employment demographics that took place in the 1980s and 1990s has transformed the
nature of Costa Ricas middle class and has put pressure on the traditional political power of labor unions. In fact the number of labor
unions operating in Costa Rica fell by approximately 15 percent
between 1984 and 2004, and an alternate form of labor organizing
known as solidarismo rose instead.7 Under this system workers and
management belong to a Solidarista Association, which is funded by
worker dues and employer matching contributions. Funds are used
to pay for schools, medical care, and other services to benefit employees, but the downside of the system is that it limits workers rights of
collective bargaining. Many Costa Ricans praise the system as a viable
alternative to the often contentious relationship between management
and traditional unions. But others, including the International Labor
Organization and other prolabor groups, consider solidarismo to be a
violation of general labor rights.
DRUG TRADE
Costa Rica has managed to maintain its reputation as a peaceful and
stable nation in recent decades, and indeed it has set itself apart from
other problematic regions of Latin America. The nation is known for
having a solid respect for human rights, a strong democratic tradition,
and an economic climate favorable to foreign investors. But Costa Rica
has not escaped all of the problems that have afflicted its neighbors,
and despite its distinction as arbiter of Central American peace, the
scourge of organized crime and the drug trade that has stricken other
nations of the hemisphere began to permeate Costa Rica as well.
157
Drug trafficking in Costa Rica was initially tied to the activities of the
contras in the northern regions of the country. Nicaraguan rebels often
resorted to smuggling drugs from Colombia to the United States as a
way to finance arms purchases and to carry out militant activities
against the Sandinista government. In later years, Colombian cartels
continued to funnel drug shipments designated for the United
States through Central America, and many of those shipments are still
transported by land through Costa Rica or by boat close to the nations
shore. A deeply rooted system of corruption in Costa Rican political
and business circles allowed drug shipments and money laundering
activities in Costa Rica to expand substantially in the 1990s as the country became part of an intricate Central American drug network. By 2008
authorities were confiscating more cocaine in Central American every
year than in Mexico and the Caribbean combined.
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS
The insecurities created by the expansion of corruption and the
drug trade also produced a sense of disillusionment among the Costa
Rican people. Voter participation fell, and in 2002 Costa Rica was
forced to hold a run-off presidential election as neither candidate captured the necessary 40 percent of the electorate. Abel Pacheco of the
PUSC was eventually declared the winner, and his administration
negotiated the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR)
with the United States, the Dominican Republic, and the other Central
American nations in 2004. The agreements provisions for privatizing
state-run monopolies in utilities, telecommunications, and insurance
prompted protests among many of the working classes in Costa Rica,
and the president delayed sending the legislation to the Legislative
Assembly for approval because of intense opposition among some
sectors of the population. The free trade deal became a controversial
issue in the next presidential election when, following a change in
the nations constitutional provisions for reelection, Oscar Arias was
allowed to run for president again. Arias won the 2006 election, and
one year later the CAFTA agreement narrowly passed a national referendum with 52 percent of the vote.
While Arias had enjoyed enormous popularity following his Nobel
Peace Prize in the 1980s, he faced a drastically different political climate during his second presidential administration. In the years leading up to his election, corruption and bribery scandals had come to
light surrounding a number of prominent politicians. In 2004, former
158
president Miguel Angel Rodrguez resigned his post as secretarygeneral of the Organization of American States after allegations surfaced that he had taken illegal kickbacks from a foreign telecommunications company. At the same time, other allegations circulated that
the PUSC had accepted large political donations from foreign companies, and former president Rafael Angel Calderon was accused of
money laundering through a Finnish pharmaceutical company. Costa
Ricans grew increasingly disillusioned as news of suspected corruption circulated, and they vented their frustrations by abstaining from
voting and by shifting their political support to up-and-coming
opposition parties. Indeed, after 2002 Costa Ricas two-party political
system began to unravel as opposition parties began to gain strength.
Most political analysts agree that the nations political environment
has effectively become a multiparty system.
Ariass ambitions to run for president again further complicated the
political climate. He had long cultivated his reputation as an upright
and honest politician, but in seeking a second term the former
president led an initiative to amend the constitution, which, since
1969, had previously barred reelection to the nations highest office.
The process of securing a constitutional amendment was itself enormously controversial and caused a rift within Ariass own PLN. His
support for the CAFTA-DR generated significant opposition at home
as many Costa Ricans accused Arias of selling out to neoliberal forces
abroad. A number of political foes lambasted his environmental policies, charging that Arias was abandoning Costa Ricas long history of
ecological protection in the interest of attracting investment from multinationals. Security concerns created by the growing drug trade through
Central America caused Costa Ricans to question the competence of
the Arias administration even more. To punctuate the extent to which
Ariasand indeed Costa Ricas reputation in generalhad been
tainted through rising political discontent, most Western Hemisphere
leaders took little heed of the Nobel Peace Prize winners attempts to
mediate after a coup de tat deposed Honduran president Manuel
Zelaya in 2009. Arias served out his term, but the groundswell of
national unity and political support that had surrounded his presidency
in the 1980s never materialized during his second term.
Despite Ariass flagging support, the 2010 PLN candidateand
Ariass vice presidentran a strong campaign promising to make
security concerns and social inequality two of her highest priorities.
As Costa Ricas first female president, Laura Chinchilla had campaigned on restoring the prestige of Costa Ricas educational system
and strengthening the nations reputation as an environmental haven.
159
Even though some portrayed her as a lackey of Arias and the old
guard of the PLN, many Costa Ricans supported her candidacy in
the hope that Chinchilla would renew the notion of Costa Rican exceptionalism. At 50 years old when she took office, for many Chinchilla
represented shifting attitudes toward gender in the political system.
But she also stands as the embodiment of the hope that a new generation will restore the values that many believe still define their nation.
As Costa Ricans welcomed their first female president, the effects of
globalization and neoliberal economic policy were evident. The
nations close diplomatic and trade relationship with the United States
has resulted in an overwhelming presence of U.S. cultural markers in
Costa Rican society. Hollywood films and music and U.S. fashion
trends are notably present throughout the country, as are consumer
products manufactured by U.S. companies. English is widely spoken
among the Costa Rican population, and there are many private schools
and specialized language centers that offer English language instruction. All of these factors continue to make Costa Rica an appealing
destination for a wide variety of U.S. tourists, including those looking
for an ecological adventure and those seeking a luxury beach resort.
Costa Rica has also become a favorite spot for language students looking
for study-abroad opportunities to learn Spanish. And its low cost of
living and safe, laid-back reputation is quickly making the nation a preferred retirement spot for U.S. expatriates interested in living abroad.
As Ticos continued to greet each other with the expression pura vida
in recent years, there were many who began to question the notion of
Costa Rican exceptionalism that had become so fundamentally
ingrained in national identity. The reputation that the nation had so
carefully cultivated as a stalwart defender of peace and democracy
was increasingly called into question as Costa Rica suffered economic
crises in the 1980s, a scaling back of social justice measures, political
corruption scandals, and the growing presence of drug trafficking.
But despite those challenges, many Costa Ricans have remained optimistic that the nation has not lost its greatness. Costa Rica continues
to be a favorite tourist destination, and a resurgence of economic stability has created a diverse commercial sector that is intricately linked
to the global market. A new generation of politicians, epitomized by
the election of the nations first female president, has renewed the
hopes of a population that has historically demonstrated an upbeat
and confident outlook. Furthermore, the country maintains a high
standard of living and continues to boast impressive socioeconomic
indicators, measures that compelled Nicholas Kristof to label Costa
160
Ricans the happiest people in 2010. Even through the turmoil of

recent decades, pura vida has not lost its luster.
NOTES
1. Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America, 1st
ed. (New York: Norton, 1983), 320.
2. Mary A. Clark, Gradual Economic Reform in Latin America: The Costa Rican
Experience (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001), 47.
3. Ibid.
4. Ricardo Monge-Gonzalez, Julio Rosales-Tijerino, and Gilberto Arce-Alpizar,
Cost-Benefit Analysis of the Free Trade Zone System: The Impact of Foreign
Direct Investment in Costa Rica, OAS Trade, Growth and Competitiveness Studies (Washington, DC: Organization of American States, 2005), 10.
5. Felipe Larrain Bascunan, Luis F. Lopez-Calva, and Andres Rodriguez-Clare,
Intel: A Case Study of Foreign Direct Investment in Central America, CID Working Paper No. 58 (Center for International Development at Harvard University,
2000), 14.
6. Gonzalez et al., 11.
7. All employment and labor data from Iva n Molina Jime nez and Steven
Palmer, The History of Costa Rica: Brief, Up-to-Date and Illustrated, 1st ed. (San Jose,
Costa Rica: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica, 1998), 16264.
Notable People
in the History of Costa Rica
Arce, Manuel Jose (17871847). El Salvadoran general who served
as the first president of the United Provinces of Central America
(18251829). He participated in the independence movement and
opposed the annexation of Central America by the Mexican empire
in 1821. When the empire dissolved and the United Provinces was
formed, Arce was chosen as its first president in a contested selection
process. During his administration he faced numerous conflicts
among liberal and conservative factions, eventually resulting in a civil
war from 1826 to 1829. His time in office is an example of the problems
faced by the short-lived United Provinces. Arce spent most of the
1830s in exile. He tried unsuccessfully to return to political life before
he died in 1847.
Arias Sanchez, Oscar (1940). Two-time president of Costa Rica
(19861990, 20062010) and winner of the 1987 Nobel Peace Prize for
his efforts to mediate a peaceful resolution to violent civil wars
throughout Central America. Arias is a career politician and longtime member of the National Liberation Party (PLN). He was elected
president for the first time in 1986 when Central America was
embroiled in bloody civil wars, complicated by U.S. military aid
162
flowing to Nicaraguan anticommunist contras and other right-wing

movements. Arias sponsored the Esquipulas talks, bringing the leaders of Central American nations together and working for a regional
solution to a regional problem. He brokered a peace deal that was
not initially backed by the United States, but after winning the Nobel
Peace Prize Arias won U.S. support and garnered worldwide attention
for Costa Rica. He supported neoliberal economic policies in an effort
to pull Costa Rica out of the debt crisis of the 1980s, which required
him to curtail many of the social programs that had become the hallmark of his political party. Arias won a second presidential term in
2006. He was succeeded in 2010 by his own vice president, Laura
Chinchilla, who is Costa Ricas first female president.
Calderon Guardia, Rafael Angel (19001970). President of Costa
Rica (19401944) and creator of the nations system of Social Guarantees, which outline individual rights and social justice measures.
Calderon Guardia was trained as a physician and rose to power with
the support of Costa Ricas cafetalero elite. Once in office, he promoted
policies that aimed to protect the nations poor, creating a system of
national health care and a social security program. He allied Costa
Rica closely to the United States during World War II and cracked
down harshly on people of German descent living in Costa Rica.
Calderon backed the growing labor movement, and he eventually
established close ties with the Communist Party. Jose Figueres Ferrer
denounced his administration for its communist affiliation and for
suspicions of corruption in 1942, and Calderon Guardia responded
by having Figueres expelled from the country. After sitting out one
term, Calderon Guardia ran for president again in 1948 in a muchdisputed election and claimed victory over opposition leader Otilio
Ulate. That move prompted Ulate and Figueres to join forces and lead
the War of National Liberation to overthrow the government. After
44 days, Calderon Guardia was forced to flee Costa Rica, and Figueres
seized power, ushering in the era of the Second Republic. In later years
Calderon Guardia attempted unsuccessfully to overthrow Figueres.
Eventually he returned to Costa Rica and was elected as a congressman. He died in San Jose in 1970. His son, Rafael Angel Caldero n
Fournier, served as Costa Ricas president in the 1990s.
Carrillo, Braulio (18001845). President of Costa Rica on two occasions (18351837 and 18381842). He served as a judge on the Supreme
Court and represented Costa Rica in the Congress of the United Provinces of Central America. He implemented early liberal reforms and
163
withdrew Costa Rica from the United Provinces in 1838. He became

increasingly autocratic and passed laws giving the executive considerable authority and making himself president for life. Carrillo was
overthrown by Francisco Morazan and Vicente Villasenor in 1842. He
was killed in El Salvador in 1845.
Chinchilla, Laura (1959). Costa Ricas first female president
(2010). Chinchilla has been a career politician and was one of the vice
presidents under Oscar Arias Sanchez (20062010). She resigned her
vice presidential position in 2008 to launch her campaign for the
2010 presidential election. She won the presidency during a time when
many had begun to question the political system in Costa Rica as allegations of corruption surfaced against former presidents and other
major political figures. She promised to restore the nations reputation
for education and environmental protections. At 50 years old when
she took office, many in Costa Rica viewed her as the leader of a new
generation and a fresh start for Costa Rican politics.
Cortes Castro, Leon (18821946). President of Costa Rica (19361940).
Cortes was a lawyer and educator from Alajuela. During his presidency,
he supported the cafetalero elite and supported policies favorable to
multinational banana interests like the United Fruit Company. As his
presidential term expired, Cortes handpicked Rafael Angel Calderon
Guardia to be his successor in a backroom deal of questionable integrity.
Calderon Guardia and his supporters agreed to support Cortes in the
subsequent presidential election, and in exchange Cortes gave Calderon
Guardia his support in the 1940 election. But Calderon Guardia reneged
on the deal and instead backed Teodor Picado Michalski over Cortes in
the 1944 election. Cortes eventually joined the emerging anti-Calderon
opposition movement led by Otilio Ulate and Jose Figueres. He died
in March of 1946.
Fallas, Carlos Luis (19091966). Labor activist and literary figure
who became famous for his affiliation with the Communist Party
and his literary works denouncing the United Fruit Company. Fallas,
also known as Calufa, was born into poverty and was raised in Limon
province on the Caribbean coast. At a young age, he was already
working in the coastal banana industry, and there he was exposed to
the exploitative working conditions on UFC plantations. He was influenced by early labor movements and eventually helped to lead several
major strikes in the 1930sthe most famous of these being the Great
Banana Strike of 1934 that involved more than 10,000 disgruntled
164
workers. His most famous literary work was the novel Mamita Yunai,
which was published in 1941 and described the deplorable working
conditions on UFC banana plantations. He also wrote Marcos Ramrez,
a work that won him a major literary prize from the William Faulkner
Foundation. Carlos Luis Fallas died in San Jose in 1966.
Fernandez Oreamuno, Prospero (18341885). President of Costa
Rica (18821885) and one of the liberal leaders who made up the
Olympians. Ferna ndez was elected president after the death of
Tomas Guardia in 1882. He continued many of the liberal development programs initiated by Guardia, including installing electric
street lights in San Jose, secularizing education, and allowing civil
marriage and divorce. Under his administration Costa Rica entered
into the Soto-Keith Contract, which granted U.S. entrepreneur Minor
Keith exclusive rights to finish and run Costa Ricas first railroad
and awarded the U.S. businessman a 99-year lease on nearly 7 percent of Costa Ricas national territory. He died in office in March
of 1885.
Figueres Ferrer, Jose (19061990). President of Costa Rica (1948
1949, 19531958, 19701974) and leader of the War of National Liberation in 1948. Known as Don Pepe, Figueres was born into a coffeegrowing family and developed a social consciousness at an early age.
In 1942 he gave a radio address in which he denounced President
Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia for corruption and for communist
sympathies. He was arrested and sent into exile in Mexico, where he
met with other Central American dissidents; the group, which became
known as the Caribbean Legion, began plotting to overthrow dictatorial regimes throughout the region. In 1948 Figueres launched a rebellion against the Costa Rican government, accusing Caldero n of
electoral fraud as the former president sought a second term and
claimed victory over Otilio Ulate. Outgoing president Teodoro Picado
attempted to quell the insurrection, but Figueress uprising quickly
spread into a full-scale civil war. The War of National Liberation lasted
44 days and ended with the ousting of Picado and with Figueres taking power. In his first administration, he abolished the military, oversaw the writing of the Constitution of 1949, and guaranteed the
continuation of social justice measures. Figueres and his supporters
founded the National Liberation Party (PLN) and initiated a series of
economic reforms that introduced Costa Rica to import substitution
industrialization policies. He served two additional terms as president
and died on June 8, 1990.
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Guardia Gutierrez, Toma s (18311882). President of Costa Rica

(18701876, 18771882) and one of the Olympians, known for his
liberal vision and for bringing stability and progress to the nation.
Guardia was a military man who rose through the ranks after serving
in the National Campaign of 1856 against William Walker. He overthrew the presidency of Jesus Jimenez Zamora in 1870 and ruled in
an authoritarian manner in an attempt to bring order to the country.
He dissolved Congress and imposed reforms in the military, which
allowed him to end the cycle of barracks coups that had plagued the
nation throughout much of the nineteenth century. Guardia oversaw
the drafting of the Constitution of 1871, a liberal document that
remained in place until 1948. His administration expanded the
nations education system, abolished the death penalty, and founded
the national archives. He worked to expand Costa Ricas economic
base by pursuing the construction of a railroad and by actively courting foreign investors. It was during the Guardia administration that
Minor Keith began experimenting with banana exports, eventually
developing a major industry and creating the United Fruit Company.
Guardia died in office on July 6, 1882.
Jime nez Zamora, Jesu s (18231897). President of Costa Rica
(18631866, 18681870) who instituted numerous liberal reforms.
Jimenez was trained in medicine but entered politics at an early age.
He was elected president in 1863 and took office in a peaceful transfer
of power from Jose Mara Montealegre. He is known for dissolving
Congress just a few short months into his presidency and calling for
new elections. He also offered asylum to ousted El Salvadoran
president Gerardo Barrios, which caused a major diplomatic rift
between his administration and other leaders in Central America. He
served out his three-year term and handed over power to his successor, Jose Mara Castro Madriz, who had won the presidency for a second time. But just two years into the Castro Madriz presidency,
Jimenez launched a coup detat and took power once again. During
his second administration, Jimenez declared free and obligatory public education and created a normal school for teacher training. Despite
implementing some popular liberal reforms, he faced intense
opposition and was overthrown by Toma s Guardia Gutie rrez in
1870. He died in 1897, and his son later served as president on three
separate occasions.
Keith, Minor Cooper (18481929). U.S. businessman who entered
into a contract with the Costa Rican government to complete a railroad
166
connecting the Central Valley to the Caribbean coast. Keith first

became involved in the project that was initiated by his uncle, Henry
Meiggs. Keith worked on the railroad project and eventually took over
after his uncles death. He also began growing and exporting bananas
along Costa Ricas Caribbean coast. After the Costa Rican government
defaulted on the foreign loans that were intended to finance the railroad project, Bernardo Soto negotiated with Keith on behalf of the
administration of President Prospero Fernandez. The result of those
negotiations was the 1883 Soto-Keith Contract, in which Minor Keith
took over financial responsibility for the railroad and was granted
the right to run the railroad after its completion. He also negotiated a
lease on 800,000 acres of land, which amounted to roughly 7 percent
of Costa Ricas national territory. Keith eventually married the daughter of one of Costa Ricas most powerful political families, giving him
significant influence in several presidential administrations. With control of the railroadwhich was completed in 1890and vast landholdings to expand his banana cultivation, Keith became one of the
wealthiest and most influential individuals in Costa Rica in the late
nineteenth century. Keith eventually combined his banana enterprise
with the Boston Fruit Company to form the United Fruit Company.
The UFC expanded its activities to other regions of Central America
and into northern South America as well. Keith eventually controlled
most railroad activities throughout Central America, and the reach of
the United Fruit Company continued to expand throughout the twentieth century. Keith died in New York in 1929.
Montealgre Ferna ndez, Jose Mar a (18151887). Costa Rican
president (18591863), known for his liberal and progressive reform
agenda. Like most of Costa Ricas nineteenth-century presidents,
Montealgre was born into an elite cafetalero family. He studied
medicine in Europe but dedicated himself to the coffee export business. He came to power in 1859 as a result of the coup detat that
overthrew Juan Rafael Mora. Montealegre then oversaw the drafting
of a new constitution, and he was elected outright to the presidency
in 1860 under the electoral system outlined in the new governing
document. During his administration he established a Department
of Public Works to oversee liberal development programs. He also
passed a series of laws to encourage European immigration and the
establishment of coffee colonies. Montealgre served out his threeyear term, but due to growing hostilities from the Toma s Guardia
administration in the 1870s, he moved to the United States. He died
there in 1887.
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Mora, Juan Rafael (18141860). President of Costa Rica (18491859)

and leader of the National Campaign against U.S. filibuster William
Walker. He ruled during the expansion of coffee cultivation, and his
administration oversaw a number of expansion and development
projects, including major improvements to the highway connecting
Cartago and the port of Puntarenas. Mora is best known for leading
the army that prevented William Walker from invading Costa Rica in
1856 and for continuing to pursue the U.S. filibuster to drive him from
Central America. Mora was deposed in 1859 after attempting to establish a national bank that would have weakened the power of the cafetalero elite. One year later he attempted to retake power, but he was
captured and executed by firing squad.
Mora Fernandez, Juan (17841854). First president of Costa Rica
under the United Provinces of Central America (18251833) and
notable liberal leader of the nineteenth century. Trained as a schoolteacher, Mora Ferna ndez became involved in politics during the
independence era. He was elected president of the province of Costa
Rica in 1825 and served two terms. During his administration, Mora
Fernandez supported the establishment of Costa Ricas first newspaper, and he supported other important entities such as the first mint
and the first printing press. He was declared a national hero in 1848
and died in San Jose in 1854.
Morazan, Francisco (17921842). Honduran general who served as
president of the United Provinces of Central America and later as
president of Costa Rica. He was committed to the idea of a unified
Central American federation and spent his military and political
career trying to keep the region politically unified. The United Provinces dissolved in 1838, and Morazan fled to exile in South America
in 1840. But he returned in 1842 and launched an attempt to overthrown Costa Rican dictator Braulio Carrillo. On April 11 he signed
the Jocote Pact with General Vicente Villasenor, who had been sent
by Carrillo to stop Morazan, but instead the two formed an alliance
to depose the dictator. Morazan took power and for several months
he pursued plans to restore the United Provinces. Costa Ricans
rebelled and overthrew Morazan. He was executed by firing squad
on September 15.
Picado Michalski, Teodoro (19001960). President of Costa Rica
(19441948) and leader of the government that was ousted by the
War of National Liberation in 1948. Teodoro Picado was a career
168
politician and became a political ally of President Rafael Angel

Calderon Guardia (19401944). He helped to gain passage of Calderon
Guardias signature Social Guarantees that enacted sweeping social
reforms. In return Caldero n Guardia supported Picados bid for
president in 1944, at times using questionable means to ensure Picados election. Accusations of corruption and fraud led to the formation
of an opposition movement led by Jose Figueres Ferrera movement
that was aimed more at Calderon Guardia than at Picado. In the disputed 1948 election, Caldero n Guardia claimed victory over the
opposition candidate, Otilio Ulate. Picados support for Calderon
Guardia prompted an insurrection against the government that escalated into the War of National Liberation. After 44 days of civil war
Picado and Calderon Guardia were forced to flee Costa Rica, and Jose
Figueres took over as interim president. In 1955 Picado and his son led
a group of dissidents from Nicaragua in a failed attempt to overthrow
the Figueres administration. He died in Managua in 1960.
Presbere, Pablo (??1710). Talamancan native who led a major
uprising against Spanish colonial officials in 1709. The insurrection
was in response to attempts by Spanish religious and political leaders
to bring the southern regions of Costa Rica more fully under control,
and it united many disparate indigenous groups against colonial
authorities. Ten Spanish soldiers and one woman were killed in the
uprising, and dozens of chapels and military outposts were destroyed.
Presbere was later captured along with 500 other natives, and the
group was forced to march to Cartago in a journey that lasted two
weeks and resulted in the deaths of 200 natives. After a brief trial,
Pablo Presbere was executed by Spanish authorities on July 4, 1710.
Santamara, Juan (??1856). Peasant soldier who is credited with
sacrificing himself to help the Costa Rican army claim victory over
the invading forces of U.S. filibuster William Walker in the National
Campaign. Very little is known about Santamaras early life. He
joined the militia put together by Juan Rafael Mora to defend the
nation against the expansionist aims of William Walker, who had
already occupied neighboring Nicaragua. At the Battle of Rivas,
Santamara charged into a hail of gunfire to set fire to the structure
where Walkers forces were installed. He was fatally wounded in the
process, but not before succeeding in his mission and turning the tide
of the battle in favor of the Costa Rican forces. Decades later, national
leaders appropriated the memory of Juan Santamara by building statues and memorials to create a sense of unity around the national hero.
169
Today there are statues to Juan Santamara throughout the country,

and the San Jose airport is named for him.
Soto Alfaro, Bernardo (18541931). President of Costa Rica (18851889)
and member of the Olympians. Alfaro Soto served in the cabinet of
his predecessor, Pro spero Ferna ndez, and he was responsible for
negotiating the Soto-Keith contract in 1883, which granted U.S. entrepreneur Minor Keith exclusive rights to finish and run Costa Ricas
first railroad and awarded the U.S. businessman a 99-year lease on
nearly 7 percent of Costa Ricas national territory. That contract
allowed Keith to create the United Fruit Company and to dominate
the emerging tropical fruit export industry. Soto assumed the
presidency upon the death of Fernandez and was later elected to
the office in his own right. He continued the liberal reform agenda
that had characterized the era of the Olympians. He strengthened
education reform laws and continued to promote national development policies by favoring the activities of Minor Keith and sponsoring additional infrastructure projects. His presidency came to an
end with the election of 1889, when new electoral freedoms granted
by the Olympians allowed the conservative opposition to gain
momentum and challenge the liberals. Bernardo Soto died in 1931.
Tinoco Granados, Federico (18681931). Dictator who seized power
by force (19171919) and ousted President Alfredo Gonzalez Flores.
Tinoco had served as the minister of war under the Gonza lez
administration, but he took advantage of growing opposition to the
president and carried out his coup on January 27, 1917. Even though
he seized power by force, Tinoco was well received at first by Costa
Ricans. Nevertheless, he faced considerable challenges from the
United States as the administration of Woodrow Wilson refused to recognize the Tinoco regime and exerted intense diplomatic pressure on
the country. Despite his initial popularity within Costa Rica, Tinoco
ruled as a military dictator, jailing the opposition and limiting personal freedoms. Discontent with his rule began to mount, and Tinoco
was eventually forced out by grassroots opposition movements within
Costa Rica in 1919. He fled into exile in France, where he died in 1931.
Ulate, Otilio (18911973). President of Costa Rica (19491953) following the War of National Liberation. Ulate was a journalist by trade
and the owner of Costa Ricas main newspaper, Diario de Costa Rica.
He helped to lead the opposition movement against Rafael Angel
Calderon Guardia and ran as the opposition candidate against the
170
former president in the 1948 election. When Caldero n Guardia

claimed victory in a process that Ulate disputed, the opposition movement rose in revolt against the government. Ulate, along with Jose
Figueres Ferrer, led the War of National Liberation and forced Calderon Guardia and outgoing president Teodoro Picado into exile. In
accordance with the Figueres-Ulate Pact, Figueres took over as interim
president and called for a constituent assembly to write a new
constitution. After 18 months, Ulate finally became president and
served a four-year term. He continued the platform of social reform
that had been prioritized under Figueres, and Costa Rican women
won the right to vote under his administration. He died in San Jose
in 1973.
Vasquez de Coronado, Juan (15231565). Spanish explorer and conquistador who became governor of Costa Rica during the age of conquest. He arrived in Costa Rica in 1562 with the charge of bringing
local indigenous communities under Spanish control. Vasquez de Coronado became known for his fairness and humane treatment of the
native population, and he led successful early efforts to settle areas
of the Central Valley. He founded the city of Cartago and transferred
the main Spanish settlement there. In 1565 he was granted the title of
governor and adelantado of Costa Rica, but he died in a shipwreck
during his voyage to Spain to receive his title.
Walker, William (18241860). U.S. filibuster who led an invasion of
Costa Rica in 1856. Walker began his filibustering adventures by
attempting to establish an independent republic in northern Mexico
in 1853. He was eventually arrested, tried, and acquitted in a U.S.
court. In 1855 he set his sights on Nicaragua, launching an invasion
and setting up his own government. From there he moved southward
toward Costa Rica where President Juan Rafael Mora was putting
together an armed force to defend against Walker in a war that became
known as the National Campaign. Walker was defeated and retreated
back into Nicaragua, where he passed a number of laws, including
reestablishing the institution of slavery. Mora continued to pursue
Walker and led a Central American coalition against the filibuster,
and Walker was captured and sent back to the United States in 1857.
He was captured and killed in Honduras in 1860 after leading one last
failed filibustering attempt.
Glossary
ALLIANCE FOR PROGRESSU.S. aid program for Latin America
created by President John F. Kennedy that aimed to fight poverty
and prevent revolutions. Costa Rica received substantial aid under
this program, which allowed national leaders to continue to pursue
import substitution industrialization policies.
AUDIENCIA OF GUATEMALAA judicial administrative unit in
colonial Latin America that encompassed present-day Guatemala, El
Salvador, Belize, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and a small part
of Mexico. In 1609 the area was also made a captaincy general, which
was a military and political administrative unit under the Spanish
system.
AUTHENTIC ANTI-COMMUNIST REVOLUTIONARY ARMY
Group headed by Teodoro Picado, Jr., son of the calderonista president
ousted in the 1948 War of National Liberation. Aided by the Somoza
regime in Nicaragua, the Authentic Anti-Communist Revolutionary
Army launched an invasion of Costa Rica in 1954. It was put down
with the help of the United States and the Organization of American
States.
BATTLE OF RIVAS1856 battle that pitted a hastily assembled Costa
Rican army against the forces of U.S. filibuster William Walker.
172
Glossary
Humble foot soldier Juan Santamara sacrificed himself in an act of

bravery that turned the battle in favor of the Costa Rican military
and made Santamara into a national hero.
BELLAVISTAThe military headquarters in San Jose, built under the
dictatorship of Federico Tinoco. Bellavista was the site of Jose Figueress public ceremony in which he abolished the nations standing military. He slammed a sledgehammer into the side of Bellavista as a
symbolic gesture.
BOURBON REFORMSA series of administrative, economic, military, and social reforms dealing with the Latin American colonies
and implemented by the Bourbon monarchs in Spain in the eighteenth
century. The reforms were intended to make the colonies more efficient, but they also produced a growing sense of resentment toward
the Spanish Crown.
CABILDOA town council in colonial Latin America.
CACAOBean from which cocoa products are extracted. Cacao cultivation became an important part of the Costa Rican economy in the
last half of the seventeenth century.
CACICAZGOAn indigenous chieftainship in pre-Columbian Costa
Rica. Ruled by a cacique.
CACIQUEAn Indian chief in pre-Columbian Costa Rica. Ruled over
a cacicazgo.
CACM (CENTRAL AMERICAN COMMON MARKET)A regional
trade block among Central American nations formed in 1960.
CAFETALEROSCosta Ricas coffee elite who dominated political
and economic development through most of the nineteenth century.
CAFTA-DR (CENTRAL AMERICAN FREE TRADE AGREEMENT)
Free trade agreement between the United States, the Dominican
Republic, and the nations of Central America passed in 2004.
CALDERONISTASSupporters of Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia in
the 1940s.
AS-JEREZ TREATYTreaty reached between Costa Rica and
CAN
Nicaragua in 1858 to settle border disputes between the two countries.
CARIBBEAN LEGIONA group of Central American and Caribbean political activists formed in the 1940s and dedicated to overthrowing dictators in the region. Jose Figueres was a member of the
Caribbean Legion, and other members provided vital assistance to
him in the War of National Liberation.
Glossary
173
CBI (CARIBBEAN BASIN INITIATIVE)A program created by

U.S. president Ronald Reagan in 1983 that offered economic aid to
Central American and Caribbean nations in the hope of stabilizing
governments through economic growth and preventing the spread of
revolutions.
CENPRO (CENTER FOR THE PROMOTION OF EXPORTS AND
INVESTMENTS)The export promotion agency of the Costa Rican
government, initially formed in 1968 to promote nontraditional
exports to markets outside of Central America.
CENTRO PARA EL ESTUDIO DE LOS PROBLEMAS NACIONALES (CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF NATIONAL PROBLEMS,
ALSO KNOWN AS EL CENTRO OR CEPN)A staunchly anticommunist think tank of young political activists and intellectuals in the
1940s. It became part of a formal opposition movement to the
government of Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia and members of El
Centro launched the War of National Liberation in 1948.
CHACRASSmall farms in colonial Costa Rica, often public lands
surrounding cities that were rented out to farmers.
CINDE (COSTA RICAN COALITION OF DEVELOPMENT INITIATIVES)A private-sector, nonpartisan export and investment
promotion organization created in 1982 by 76 national business leaders. It received funding from USAID and was empowered by the
Costa Rican government to promote measures that would expand
the export market and attract direct foreign investment.
CLAYTON-BULWER TREATYTreaty negotiated in 1850 between
the United States and the British, under which both sides agreed not
to pursue exclusive rights over a trans-isthmian canal in Central
America.
CODESA (COSTA RICAN DEVELOPMENT CORPORATION)
Government agency created in 1972 to operate as a majority partner
and enter into joint ventures with private companies. CODESA was
part of the Costa Rican governments strategy to encourage national
involvement in industry by providing investment assistance. It
became an inefficient and bloated government bureaucracy.
COFRADIASAssociations of Catholic laymen.
CONSTITUTION OF 1871Governing document put in place by
President Tomas Guardia. It called for three branches of government
and open suffrage, but it also created a powerful executive with considerable authority. This constitution was in effect until it was
replaced by the Constitution of 1949.
174
Glossary
CONSTITUTION OF 1949Costa Ricas current governing document. It was written by the Founding Junta during the period of transitional government following the War of National Liberation.
DIZSpains first constitution, written in
CONSTITUTION OF CA
1812. It was a liberal document that inspired many independence
leaders in Latin America. Liberal constitutions throughout Latin
America in the nineteenth century were modeled after the
Constitution of Cadiz.
CONSTITUTIONAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY (PARTIDO CONSTI TICO)One of Costa Ricas first formal
TUCIONAL DEMOCRA
political parties, formed in the late nineteenth century by elite
conservative interests.
CONTADORA GROUPA group made up of leaders from Panama,
Mexico, Venezuela, and Colombia that attempted to mediate a resolution to Central American violence between 1983 and 1985.
CONTRASRight-wing paramilitary rebels who organized to destabilize the Sandinista regime in Nicaragua.
CORTESISTASSupporters of Leon Cortes in the 1940s.
N DE TRABAJADORES DE COSTA
CTCR (CONFEDERACIO
RICA, OR CONFEDERATION OF COSTA RICAN WORKERS)
Costa Ricas first nationwide labor union, formed in 1943.
DEPENDENCY THEORYAn economic theory promoted by
ECLAC economists that suggested that industrialized nations were
preventing economic progress from taking root in Latin America.
Advocates of dependency theory advocated import substitution
industrialization as a strategy through which Latin American nations
could pursue their own industrial expansion.
ECLAC (ECONOMIC COMMISSION FOR LATIN AMERICA
AND THE CARIBBEAN)Commission of the United Nations
formed in 1948 to address the economic needs of Latin American
nations. ECLAC economists urged Latin American leaders to adopt
economic policies based on import substitution industrialization in
the 1950s.
EL CENTROSee Centro para el Estudio de los Problemas Nacionales.
ELECTORAL TRIBUNALA politically impartial body that is
charged with overseeing Costa Rican elections. It is considered a
fourth branch of government in the Constitution of 1949.
ENCOMIENDAA Crown grant to Spanish conquistadores in the
Americas giving them jurisdiction over a group of natives. Spanish
Glossary
175
encomenderos could make labor demands and exact tribute payments

from natives, and in exchange Spaniards were to provide security
and religious conversion.
ENTREPRENEUR STATEA term referring to state-led development programs and high levels of government involvement in the
promotion of industry under import substitution industrialization
programs.
ESQUIPULAS (I & II)Peace agreements brokered by Costa Rican
president Oscar Arias Sanchez that brought an end to the violence that
plagued Central America in the 1980s and eventually won Arias a
Nobel Peace Prize.
EXPORT PROCESSING ZONE AND INDUSTRIAL PARKS LAW
Law passed in 1981 that established free trade zones in ports and major
cities in Costa Rica.
FIGUERES-ULATE PACTAgreement between Jose Figueres and
Otilio Ulate at the conclusion of the War of National Liberation in
1948. The pact stipulated a revolutionary junta would rule during a
transitional period of 18 months, during which time the junta would
convene an assembly to draft a new constitution. After the transitional
period, the junta would recognize Ulate as the first constitutional
president of the Second Republic.
FILIBUSTERSU.S. soldiers of fortune who launched their own private expeditions into Latin America in the nineteenth century in an
attempt to claim new lands for the United States. One of the most
famous filibusters was William Walker, who occupied Nicaragua and
attempted to extend his reach into Costa Rica in 1856.
FORESTRY LAWLaw passed in 1969 that established basic protections for forests and natural resources in Costa Rica.
FOUNDING JUNTARuling body, led by Jose Figueres, that served
for 18 months following the War of National Liberation in 1948 and
that wrote the Constitution of 1949.
GENERATION OF 48Term referring to Jose Figueres and his allies
who participated in the War of National Liberation and formed the initial leadership of the Partido Liberacion Nacional.
GREAT BANANA STRIKEMajor work stoppage on a United Fruit
Company plantation in 1934 involving more than 10,000 disgruntled
workers.
GUANACASTEAn administrative province in northwestern Costa
Rica. The Gaunacaste region was home to the largest of Costa Ricas
176
Glossary
native civilizations in the pre-Columbian era, and its contested border

with Nicaragua made it the site of a number of boundary disputes in
the nineteenth century.
HACENDADOOwner of a large landed estate.
HACIENDALarge landed estate.
ICT (INSTITUTO COSTARRICENSE DE TURISMO, OR INSTITUTE OF COSTA RICAN TOURISM)Government agency formed
in 1955 to attract foreign travelers.
ISI (IMPORT SUBSTITUTION INDUSTRIALIZATION)Economic
program popular in Latin America in the last half of the twentieth century. It called for protectionist trade measures to allow local manufacturers to develop durable consumer goods industries. ISI policies
relied on significant government involvement in the economic sector
and generally produced inefficient industries and inferior products.
ISTHMUS OF RIVASNarrow stretch of land in northern Costa Rica
along the Nicaraguan border. It connects Lake Nicaragua with the
Pacific Ocean, and its strategic location and potential as a site of a
trans-isthmian canal made it the subject of border disputes between
the two countries in the nineteenth century.
JOCOTE PACTAn agreement in 1842 between Francisco Morazan,
who had launched an invasion of Costa Rica, and Vicente Villasenor,
who had been sent by President Braulio Carrillo to repel the invading
force. Under the agreement, the two generals joined forces and overthrew Carrillo.
JUNTAA governing council.
LA NEGRITAThe Black Madonna, patron saint of Costa Rica,
named for a small black figurine of the Virgin Mary discovered by a
peasant woman in 1635. Also known as the Virgen de los Angeles.
LA PASADAAnnual procession to celebrate the feast day of the Virgen de los Angeles, Costa Ricas patron saint. The statue of La Negrita
is moved from the Basilica to the main cathedral in Cartago.
LATIFUNDIOA system of land tenure characterized by very large
estates held by relatively few elites. The system had its roots in
colonial Latin American systems of landholding and became particularly prevalent throughout the nineteenth century. Costa Rican coffee
and banana estates have historically exhibited many characteristics
of latifundio.
LAW ON INDIVIDUAL RIGHTSLaw passed in 1877 by President
Tomas Guardia. It established personal liberties such as freedom of
Glossary
177
religion, freedom of expression, rights to privacy, and freedom of

movement.
LEY DE LA AMBULANCIAA cumbersome administrative system,
created in 1834 by Rafael Gallegos, whereby the seat of the executive
in Costa Rica rotated among the four principal cities of Cartago, Heredia, Alajuela, and San Jose. The law was abolished one year later by
President Braulio Carrillo in an act that provoked the War of the
League.
N COMU
NLaw passed in 1885 by
LEY GENERAL DE EDUCACIO
Bernardo Soto that created a public school system. Specifically it mandated primary schooling for both boys and girls, established a national
curriculum for primary education, called for age-specific instruction,
and diminished the influence of the Catholic Church over school
curriculum.
NThe political philosophy articulated by Jose Figueres
LIBERACIO
and his supporters in the years following the 1948 War for National
Liberation. Liberacio n focused on social reform, a mixed economy,
and institutionalized nationalism.
LIBERALISMA nineteenth-century political philosophy, common
throughout Latin America, that privileged secularism, modernization,
private property, individualism, laissez faire economic policies, and
the development of commodity export markets. Most Costa Rican
political leaders of the nineteenth century were influenced by liberalism.
LIBERAL PROGRESSIVE PARTYOne of Costa Ricas first formal
political parties, formed in the late nineteenth century by elite liberal
interests.
LIGA FEMINISTA (COSTA RICAN FEMINIST LEAGUE OR
CRFL)Womens activist group formed in 1923. The CRFL
demanded greater equality for women in the workplace and in the
political arena. The group tried unsuccessfully to push through womens suffrage in 1925.
N WORKERS FEDERATIONLabor movement formed by
LIMO
West Indian banana workers in Limon in the early twentieth century.
LOST DECADETerm referring to the economic stagnation experienced throughout Latin America in the 1980s as a result of severe austerity measures imposed by the International Monetary Fund after
nations defaulted on foreign loans.
MAMITA YUNAINovel by Costa Rican literary figure and labor
activist Carlos Luis Fallas in 1941. The novel describes the labor
178
Glossary
exploitation and other injustices of a United Fruit Company banana

plantation in the province of Limon.
MANIFEST DESTINYA commonly held notion in the United
States in the nineteenth century, which stated that the United States
had a God-given mission to expand its territory across the continent
and spread U.S. political, economic, and religious institutions. Some
political leaders and filibusters used the notion of Manifest Destiny
to justify U.S. expansion into Latin America.
MIXED ECONOMYEconomic program implemented by Jose
Figueres and his supporters in the Partido Liberacion Nacional from
the 1950s to the 1970s. It called for private ownership combined with
degrees of government oversight and control. The mixed economy concept gave rise to import substitution industrialization in Costa Rica, and
government involvement in the economy expanded significantly.
NATIONAL CAMPAIGNMilitary campaign launched by Costa
Rican president Rafael Mora in 1856 to drive the forces of U.S.
filibuster William Walker from Central America.
NEOLIBERALISMEconomic policies implemented by most Latin
American nations in the 1980s in an attempt to recover from the debt
crisis. Neoliberal reforms included trade liberalization, attracting foreign investments, privatizing government-owned industry, and cutting social spending.
NICOYA PENINSULALarge peninsula on Costa Ricas northwest
coast.
NUEVO CARTAGO Y COSTA RICAAdministrative province created by the Spanish Crown in 1540. It encompassed present-day Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama, and it was reorganized in 1565 with
the creation of Costa Rica Province.
OAS (ORGANIZATION OF AMERICAN STATES)Regional
organization chartered in 1948 to maintain peace, stability, and security in the Western Hemisphere.
OLYMPIANSTerm self-ascribed by Presidents Toma s Guardia,
Pro spero Ferna ndez, and Bernardo Soto in the 1870s and 1880s to
describe and promote their staunch political liberalism.
PACT OF THE MEXICAN EMBASSYTreaty signed on April 18,
1948 that ended the War of National Liberation.
PANAMA DISEASEA soil disease that inflicts banana plantation
lands. Panama disease struck United Fruit Company lands in eastern
Glossary
179
Costa Rica and compelled the company to relocate much of its cultivation to the Pacific coast in the 1930s.
PARALLEL STATERefers to a secret network of U.S.-backed
schools, private banks, and development agencies whose operations
in Costa Rica were uncovered in 1988.
PATRONATO REALRoyal patronage. Describes the relationship
between the Spanish Crown and the Catholic Church in Latin America
during the colonial period. Under this system, the Spanish Crown
could supervise church appointments, revenue, and other activities.
N NACIONAL, OR NATIONAL LIBPLN (PARTIDO LIBERACIO
ERATION PARTY)Political party formed by Jose Figueres in 1951
to articulate the liberacion agenda.
POSITIVISMA philosophy popular in Latin America in the late
nineteenth century that privileged the role of science in the pursuit of
knowledge. Positivists promoted modernization and empirical thinking, and they became influential in many Latin American governments.
PUSC (PARTIDO DE UNIDAD SOCIALCRISTIANA, OR SOCIAL
CHRISTIAN UNITY PARTY)Opposition party to the Partido Liberacion Nacional, formed in 1977.
PVP (PARTIDO VANGUARDIA POPULAR, OR PEOPLES VANGUARD PARTY)Created in 1943 by the former Communist Party
of Costa Rica.
REFORMIST PARTYShort-lived political party formed by Catholic
priest, scholar, and politician Jorge Volio Jimenez in 1924. The party
became an influential presence in the administration of Ricardo Jimenez and pushed through reforms such as the institution of a secret ballot and an expansion of social welfare programs.
SANDINISTASSocialist-oriented leaders in Nicaragua in the 1980s.
SAN JUAN RIVERCosta Ricas largest river. It runs more than
100 miles along the Costa RicaNicaragua border and connects Lake
Nicaragua to the Caribbean Sea. In the nineteenth century it was a
favored location for the construction of a trans-isthmian canal. Navigation rights along the river and boundary disputes in the region were
a long-standing source of conflict between Costa Rica and Nicaragua.
SAN PABLO INCIDENTThe sinking of United Fruit Company
cargo ship the San Pablo by Nazi submarines in 1942. The episode
eventually led to protests and riots against the national government
in San Jose.
180
Glossary
SECOND REPUBLICJose Figueress vision for Costa Ricas future

after the War of National Liberation in 1948. He convened the Founding
Junta to write a new constitution and oversee new democratic elections.
SIGATOKAA disease that inflicts banana plants. It appeared on
United Fruit Company plantations in Costa Rica in the 1930s.
SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTYPolitical party formed in 1945 in
opposition to Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia.
SOCIAL GUARANTEESA series of constitutional amendments
passed by Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia in 1943 that established a
social security system, including health care coverage and the protection of workers rights.
SOLIDARISMOA system for labor organizing introduced in the
1990s that guarantees access to social services but limits workers
rights of collective bargaining.
SOTO-KEITH CONTRACTContract reached between Bernardo
Soto and U.S. entrepreneur Minor Keith in 1883 under which Keith
renegotiated Costa Ricas external railroad debt with London investors. Keith absorbed much of the financial risk to complete the railroad
project in exchange for direct control over the administration of the
rail lines. He also received a 99-year lease on 800,000 acres of property
in the Caribbean lowlandsa grant that amounted to roughly 7 percent of Costa Ricas national territory.
TICO-COMMUNISMA moderate version of communism that
emerged in Costa Rica in the 1930s. Tico-Communist leaders advocated some social justice reform primarily aimed at improving workers lives.
TIERRAS BALDIOSLarge swaths of public land in unoccupied or
frontier regions in colonial and early nineteenth century Costa Rica.
Also known as tierras publicas.
TIERRAS DE LEGUACosta Rican land tenure system of the colonial
period and early nineteenth century under which municipal governments rented large tracts of communal land to users.
BLICASSee tierras baldos.
TIERRAS PU
TOURISM INVESTMENT INCENTIVES LAWLaw passed in
1985 that granted tax exemptions and other incentives to tourismrelated businesses in an effort to expand the tourism industry.
TRIBUTEPayment obligations required by the Spanish Crown of
native inhabitants of Costa Rica and elsewhere in Latin America. Tribute
payments could be made in specie, but they were most often made in kind.
Glossary
181
UFC (UNITED FRUIT COMPANY)Banana and tropical fruit company formed by U.S. entrepreneur Minor Keith. The UFC became
enormously powerful in Costa Rica and in other areas of Latin
America, exerting influence over political and economic decisions
throughout the twentieth century.
UNITED PROVINCES OF CENTRAL AMERICAA federation
established after achieving independence from Spain in 1823 by
present-day Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Costa
Rica. Beset from the start by regional rivalries, political infighting, and
inefficient bureaucracy, the United Provinces disbanded in 1838.
USAID (UNITED STATES AGENCY FOR INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT)A U.S. governmentbacked development agency
created in 1961 that provided aid packages to Latin America, particularly in the aftermath of the debt crisis in the 1980s.
VICEROYALTY OF NEW SPAINA large administrative unit of the
Spanish colonies in the Americas. Initially created in 1521, the viceroyalty of New Spain eventually encompassed all of colonial Mexico, all
of the Spanish Caribbean, the Philippines and other Pacific colonial
possessions, and all of Central America as far south as Costa Rica.
VIRGEN DE LOS ANGELESThe patron saint of Costa Rica, named
for a small black figurine of the Virgin Mary discovered by a peasant
woman in 1635. Also known as La Negrita.
WAR OF NATIONAL LIBERATIONA 44-day civil war carried out
in 1948 by the opposition forces of Jose Figueres against the supporters
of Rafael Angel Calderon Guardia.
WAR OF THE LEAGUEA short-lived civil war in 1835 that erupted
when Costa Rican president Braulio Carrillo abolished the Ley de la
ambulancia, which had created a power-sharing system among Costa
Ricas four main cities. Cartago, Heredia, and Alajuela rose in revolt
against San Jose, but the insurrection was quickly put down, and San
Jose became the nations sole administrative center.
WILDLIFE CONSERVATION LAWLaw passed in 1956 that specified that wildlife was part of Costa Ricas natural resources.
ZAMBOS MOSQUITOSInterracial descendants of escaped African
slaves and the indigenous population, who occupied the eastern portion of Costa Rica and Nicaragua in the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries.
Bibliographic Essay
For an excellent general history of Costa Rica, see Ivan Molina Jimenez
and Palmer Steven, The History of Costa Rica: Brief, Up-to-Date and Illustrated (San Jose, Costa Rica: Editorial de la Universidad de Costa Rica,
1998). Two excellent historical readers that include scholarly essays
as well as an array of primary sources are Steven Paul Palmer and
Ivan Molina Jimenez, The Costa Rica Reader: History, Culture, Politics
(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2004), and Marc Edelman and
Joanne Kenen, The Costa Rica Reader (New York: Grove Weidenfeld,
1989). For basic overviews organized thematically, see Mavis Hiltunen
Biesanz, Richard Biesanz, and Karen Zubris Biesanz, The Ticos: Culture
and Social Change in Costa Rica (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999), and
Meg Tyler Mitchell and Scott Pentzer, Costa Rica: A Global Studies
Handbook (Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 2008). Other general works
that provide an overview of Costa Rican history in the context of Central America include Leslie Bethell, Central America since Independence
(New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991), and Edelberto
Torres-Rivas, History and Society in Central America (Austin: University
of Texas Press, 1993).
Most studies of the pre-Columbian era in Costa Rica come from the
field of archaeology and focus on artifacts. Some excellent sources
184
Bibliographic Essay
specifically on Costa Rica include Doris Stone, Pre-Columbian Man in

Costa Rica (Cambridge, MA: Peabody Museum Press, 1977), and Mark
Miller Graham and Julie Jones, Jade in Ancient Costa Rica (New York:
Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1998). Other studies examine ancient
cultures of the Central American region: Frederick W. Lange and
Doris Stone, The Archaeology of Lower Central America (Albuquerque:
University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Jeffrey Quilter and John W.
Hoopes, Gold and Power in Ancient Costa Rica, Panama, and Colombia:
A Symposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 9 and 10 October 1999 (Washington,
DC: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collections, 2003); Mark
Miller Graham, Reinterpreting Prehistory of Central America (Niwot:
University Press of Colorado, 1993); and Frederick W. Lange, Precolumbian Jade: New Geological and Cultural Interpretations (Salt Lake
City: University of Utah Press, 1993).
There are few comprehensive histories in English of the colonial
period in Costa Rica. But a number of specialized studies on narrow
topics do exist. For the conquest era, see Ricardo Fernandez Guardia,
History of the Discovery and Conquest of Costa Rica (New York: Gordon
Press, 1978). For studies of the Costa Rican economy, see Elizabeth F.
Keithan, Cacao in Costa Rica, Economic Geography 16, no. 1 (1940):
7986, and Lowell Gudmundson, Costa Rica before Coffee: Society and
Economy on the Eve of the Export Boom (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1986). An excellent examination of race in colonial
Costa Rica is Michael D. Olien, Black and Part-Black Populations in
Colonial Costa Rica: Ethnohistorical Resources and Problems, Ethnohistory 27, no. 1 (1980): 1329. For the history and legacy of Costa
Ricas patron saint, the Virgen de Los Angeles, see Russell Leigh Sharman, Re/Making La Negrita: Culture as an Aesthetic System in Costa
Rica, American Anthropologist 108, no. 4 (2006): 84253.
Many studies of the nineteenth century examine Costa Rica in the
context of the rest of Central America. One example that begins in
the colonial era and continues through the decades following
independence is Miles L. Wortman, Government and Society in Central
America, 16801840 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1982). An
excellent study of the rise of liberalism in all of Central America is
James Mahoney, The Legacies of Liberalism: Path Dependence and Political
Regimes in Central America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press,
2001). On early nineteenth-century Costa Rican society, see Lowell
Gudmundson, The Expropriation of Pious and Corporate Properties
in Costa Rica, 18051860: Patterns in the Consolidation of a National
Elite, The Americas 39, no. 3 (1983): 281303. For trade and infrastructure development, see Richard J. Houk, The Development of Foreign
Bibliographic Essay
185
Trade and Communication in Costa Rica to the Construction of the

First Railway, The Americas 10, no. 2 (1953): 197209. Two fascinating
studies on the emergence of nationalism in the nineteenth century
are Steven Palmer, Getting to Know the Unknown Soldier: Official
Nationalism in Liberal Costa Rica, 18801900, Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 1 (1993): 4572, and Marshall C. Eakin, The Origins
of Modern Science in Costa Rica: The Instituto Fsico-Geogra fico
Nacional, 18871904, Latin American Research Review 34, no. 1 (1999):
12350. For sources on Costa Ricas diplomatic history as part of larger
trends in Central America, see Thomas D. Schoonover, The French in
Central America: Culture and Commerce, 18201930 (Wilmington, DE:
SR Press, 2000), and Thomas David Schoonover, The United States in
Central America, 18601911: Episodes of Social Imperialism and Imperial
Rivalry in the World System (Durham, NC: Duke University Press,
1991). An excellent history of early education programs and the mobilization of women is Steven Palmer and Gladys Rojas Chaves, Educating Sen orita: Teacher Training, Social Mobility, and the Birth of
Costa Rican Feminism, 18851925, Hispanic American Historical
Review 1, no. 1 (1998): 4582.
The United Fruit Company (UFC) historically played a fundamental
role in Costa Rican economic and social development. Much scholarship has been generated examining the company and its impact on
Costa Rica and other Latin American nations. General histories of the
UFC include Peter Chapman, Bananas: How the United Fruit Company
Shaped the World (Canongate: New York, 2007); Steve Striffler and
Mark Moberg, Banana Wars: Power, Production, and History in the Americas (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2003); Stacy May and Galo
Plaza, The United Fruit Company in Latin America (New York: Arno
Press, 1976); Thomas P. McCann and Henry Scammell, An American
Company: The Tragedy of United Fruit (New York: Crown Publishers,
1976); and Lester D. Langley and Thomas David Schoonover, The
Banana Men: American Mercenaries and Entrepreneurs in Central America,
18801930 (Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1995). For a
dated but informative study of the banana industry in Costa Rica,
see Clarence F. Jones and Paul C. Morrison, Evolution of the Banana
Industry of Costa Rica, Economic Geography 28, no. 1 (1952): 119.
Many other specialized studies examine race and labor issues on
UFC plantations: Aviva Chomsky, West Indian Workers and the United
Fruit Company in Costa Rica, 18701940 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State
University Press, 1996); Elisavinda Echeverri-Gent, Forgotten Workers: British West Indians and the Early Days of the Banana Industry
in Costa Rica and Honduras, Journal of Latin American Studies 24,
186
Bibliographic Essay
no. 2 (1992): 275308; Philippe I. Bourgois, Ethnicity at Work: Divided

Labor on a Central American Banana Plantation (Baltimore, MD: Johns
Hopkins University Press, 1989); Avi Chomsky, Afro-Jamaican Traditions and Labor Organizing on United Fruit Company Plantations in
Costa Rica, 1910, Journal of Social History 28, no. 4 (1995): 83755;
Ronald N. Harpelle, Racism and Nationalism in the Creation of Costa
Ricas Pacific Coast Banana Enclave, The Americas 56, no. 3 (2000):
2951; Trevor W. Purcell, Banana Fallout: Class, Color, and Culture among
West Indians in Costa Rica (Los Angeles: University of California, 1993);
Ronald N. Harpelle, The Social and Political Integration of West Indians in Costa Rica: 193050, Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 1
(1993): 103120; Charles W. Koch, Jamaican Blacks and Their Descendants in Costa Rica, Social and Economic Studies 26, no. 3 (1977):
33961; and Lowell Gudmundson and Justin Wolfe, Blacks and Blackness in Central America: Between Race and Place (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2010). For an examination of labor and gender, see
Lara Putnam, The Company They Kept: Migrants and the Politics of Gender
in Caribbean Costa Rica, 18701960 (Durham: University of North Carolina Press, 2002).
Specialized topics on twentieth-century Costa Rica include works
on the Tinoco era: Richard V. Salisbury, Domestic Politics and Foreign
Policy: Costa Ricas Stand on Recognition, 19231934, Hispanic American Historical Review 54, no. 3 (1974): 45378; George W. Baker, Jr.,
Woodrow Wilsons Use of the Non-Recognition Policy in Costa Rica,
The Americas 22, no. 1 (1965): 321; and Richard Salisbury, Costa Rica
and the 19201921 Union Movement: A Reassessment, Journal of
Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 19, no. 3 (1977): 393418. For a
general overview of diplomacy in Central America, including excellent sections on Costa Rica, see Walter LaFeber, Inevitable Revolutions:
The United States in Central America (New York: Norton, 1993). For
studies of women and gender, see Ilse Abshagen Leitinger, The Costa
Rican Womens Movement: A Reader (Pittsburgh, PA: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1997), and Nicola Foote, Rethinking Race, Gender and
Citizenship: Black West Indian Women in Costa Rica, c. 19201940,
Bulletin of Latin American Research 23, no. 2 (2004): 198212. On literacy,
see Ivan Molina and Steven Palmer, Popular Literacy in a Tropical
Democracy: Costa Rica 18501950, Past & Present, no. 184 (2004):
169207.
Costa Ricas War of National Liberation has attracted the attention
of scholars, and a number of studies examine the events leading up
to and following the 1948 civil war. On the Calderon era, see Mark B.
Rosenberg, Social Reform in Costa Rica: Social Security and the
Bibliographic Essay
187
Presidency of Rafael Angel Calderon, Hispanic American Historical

Review 61, no. 2 (1981): 27896, and Eugene D. Miller, Labour and
the War-Time Alliance in Costa Rica 19431948, Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 3 (1993): 51541. On the 1948 civil war, see John Patrick Bell, Crisis in Costa Rica: The 1948 Revolution (Austin: University of
Texas Press, 1971); Fabrice Edouard Lehoucq, Class Conflict, Political
Crisis and the Breakdown of Democratic Practices in Costa Rica: Reassessing the Origins of the 1948 Civil War, Journal of Latin American
Studies 23, no. 1 (1991): 3760; Kyle Longley, Peaceful Costa Rica,
the First Battleground: The United States and the Costa Rican Revolution of 1948, The Americas 50, no. 2 (1993): 14975; and Marcia Olander, Costa Rica in 1948: Cold War or Local War? The Americas 52,
no. 4 (1996): 46593. Two excellent studies of Jose Figueres are Charles
D. Ameringer, Don Pepe: A Political Biography of Jose Figueres of Costa
Rica (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1978), and Kyle
Longley, The Sparrow and the Hawk: Costa Rica and the United States
during the Rise of Jose Figueres (Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama
Press, 1997), which focuses on Costa Rican-U.S. diplomacy. For a
detailed examination of the emergence of the Partido Liberacio n
Nacional, see Susanne Bodenheimer, The Social Democratic Ideology
in Latin America: The Case of Costa Ricas Partido Liberacion Nacional, Caribbean Studies 10, no. 3 (1970): 4996.
Costa Ricas experiences with import substitution industrialization
from the 1950s to the 1970s and the economic reform efforts that followed in the 1980s have been the subject of much scholarship in recent
years. An older study of the initial attempts at economic integration in
Central America is James D. Cochrane, Costa Rica, Panama and Central American Economic Integration, Journal of Inter-American Studies
7, no. 3 (1965): 33144. The events leading up the 1980s debt crisis are
covered in Mitchell A. Seligson and Edward N. Muller, Democratic
Stability and Economic Crisis: Costa Rica, 19781983, International
Studies Quarterly 31, no. 3 (1987): 301326. Other studies consider the
attempts at economic reform in the 1980s. General studies of Costa
Rican and Central American economic reform include Mary A. Clark,
Gradual Economic Reform in Latin America: The Costa Rican Experience
(Albany: State University of New York Press, 2001); Eduardo Lizano
Fait, Economic Policy Making: Lessons from Costa Rica (San Francisco:
ICS Press, 1991); and Jolyne Melmed-Sanjak, Carlos Santiago, and Enrique Magid Alvin, Recovery or Relapse in the Global Economy: Comparative Perspectives on Restructuring in Central America (Westport, CT:
Praeger, 1993). Two works that specifically examine the trend to
replace import substitution industrialization policies with export-led
188
Bibliographic Essay
growth policies are Mary A. Clark, Nontraditional Export Promotion

in Costa Rica: Sustaining Export-Led Growth, Journal of Interamerican
Studies and World Affairs 37, no. 2 (1995): 181223, and Mary A. Clark,
Transnational Alliances and Development Policy in Latin America:
Nontraditional Export Promotion in Costa Rica, Latin American
Research Review 32, no. 2 (1997): 7197. A study of the impact of neoliberal reform on public employees can be found in Diego Sanchez Ancochea, Domestic Capital, Civil Servants and the State: Costa Rica and
the Dominican Republic under Globalisation, Journal of Latin American Studies 37, no. 4 (2005): 693726.
Many studies exist that examine Central American violence in the
1980s and Costa Ricas role in the peace process. For a general overview of Central American conflict with a particular view of the role
of the United States, see William M. LeoGrande, Our Own Backyard:
The United States in Central America, 19771992 (Chapel Hill: University
of North Carolina Press, 1998), and Thomas W. Walker and Ariel C.
Armony, Repression, Resistance, and Democratic Transition in Central
America (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 2000). Many studies
were published in the mid-1980s that provide a contemporaneous
analysis of the unrest. See Kenneth M. Coleman and George C.
Herring, The Central American Crisis: Sources of Conflict and the Failure of
U.S. Policy (Wilmington, DE: Scholarly Resources, 1985); Martin Diskin, Trouble in Our Backyard: Central America and the United States in
the Eighties (New York: Pantheon Books, 1983); Robert S. Leiken, Central America: Anatomy of Conflict (New York: Pergamon Press, 1984);
and Steve C. Ropp and James A. Morris, Central America: Crisis and
Adaptation (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984). For
an accessible biography of Oscar Arias Sanchez and an account of his
role in the peace process, see Vicki Cox, Oscar Arias Sanchez: Bringing
Peace to Central America (New York: Chelsea House, 2007).
Costa Ricas reputation for environmental protection has generated
considerable scholarship. Two excellent overviews of the countrys
environmental history are Sterling Evans, The Green Republic: A Conservation History of Costa Rica (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1999),
and Luis Antonio Vivanco, Green Encounters: Shaping and Contesting
Environmentalism in Rural Costa Rica (New York: Berghahn Books,
2006). Other more specialized studies include Stuart McCook, Giving Plants a Civil Status: Scientific Representations of Nature and
Nation in Costa Rica and Venezuela, 18851935, The Americas 58,
no. 4 (2002): 51336; Charles D. Brockett and Robert R. Gottfried,
State Policies and the Preservation of Forest Cover: Lessons from
Contrasting Public-Policy Regimes in Costa Rica, Latin American
Bibliographic Essay
189
Research Review 37, no. 1 (2002): 740; Eduardo Silva, The Politics of
Sustainable Development: Native Forest Policy in Chile, Venezuela,
Costa Rica and Mexico, Journal of Latin American Studies 29, no. 2
(1997): 45793; Anja Nygren, Deforestation in Costa Rica: An Examination of Social and Historical Factors, Forest & Conservation History
39, no. 1 (1995): 2735; and Lori Ann Thrupp, Pesticides and Policies:
Approaches to Pest-Control Dilemmas in Nicaragua and Costa Rica,
Latin American Perspectives 15, no. 4 (1988): 3770.
For studies on the history of tourism in Costa Rica, see David
Matarrita-Cascante, Tourism Development in Costa Rica: History
and Trends, e-Review of Tourism Research (eRTR) 8, no. 6 (2010):
13656, and Brian Coffey, Investment Incentives as a Means of
Encouraging Tourism Development: The Case of Costa Rica, Bulletin
of Latin American Research 12, no. 1 (1993): 8390.
Index
Note: p indicates a photo
Accessory Transit Company, 5960
Accion Democrata, 118
Acosta Garca, Julio, 91
Agriculture, 3, 78, 48, 63, 99,
156; colonial period, 21,
2324, 2730, 32; commodity
exports, 4247, 7374, 76,
80, 93, 97, 129, 136;
diversification, 117, 130, 135,
141; environmental impact,
99, 15052; pre-Columbian,
16, 18. See also Bananas
Aguilar, Manuel, 41
Alajuela, 10, 29, 102;
independence, 3839; War of
National Liberation, 10910;
War of the League, 41
Alfaro Zamora, Jose Mara, 53
Alliance for Progress, 13031;

CACM, 13233
Angel Rodrguez, Miguel, 158
Anti-imperialism, 8789. See also
UFC
Arbenz, Jacobo, 124, 125, 13031
Arce, Manuel Jose, 42
Arevalo, Juan Jose, 109
Arias Sanchez, Oscar: Central
American peace plan, 14451,
150p; and neoliberalism, 159;
Nobel Peace Prize, 10, 144,
14951, 150p; second
presidency, 15758; and
tourism, 154
Army of National Liberation,
10910. See also War of
National Liberation
192
Artisans and Labourers

Union, 86
Audiencia of Guatemala, 23, 30;
independence, 36, 38
Austerity, 128, 13941
Authentic Anti-Communist
Revolutionary Army, 125
Banana Massacre, Colombia,
7980
Bananas, 3, 7, 8, 7980, 83p,
9394, 129, 137; and creation
of UFC, 8084; development
of, 7576; and environmental
devastation, 9899, 152; and
labor issues, 8487, 9798,
105; and taxation, 89,
12324
Barrios, Gerardo, exile in Costa
Rica, 62
Bellavista, 11314, 116, 126
Blanco, Maximo, 66
Border disputes: Honduras and
El Salvador, 134; Nicaragua,
55, 60; Panama, 103
Boston Fruit Company, 82
Bourbon Reforms, 36
Brazilwood, 44
CACM (Central American
Common Market), 13234,
133p, 135, 141
Cafetaleros, 47, 52, 54, 73; and
Calderon Guardia, 101, 104,
105, 108; diminishing
influence, 84; politics, 6061,
63, 67. See also Coffee
CAFTA-DR (Central American
Free Trade Agreement),
15758
Calderon Fournier, Rafael
Angel, 158
Index
Calderon Guardia, Rafael Angel,

103p; Catholic Communist
alliance, 1056; expulsion of
Figueres, 96, 106; the
Opposition, 1069; rise of,
10112; social reform, 102;
War of National Liberation,
10910; World War II, 1035.
See also Calderonistas
Calderonistas: 1948 election, 109;
agreement with Cortes, 102;
attempted coup against
Figueres, 125; Liberacion era,
11516, 117, 120; opposition
to, 107
Calufa. See Fallas, Carlos Luis
Canal, interest in, 5456, 58, 66,
153. See also Canas-Jerez
Treaty; Clayton-Bulwer
Treaty; Panama Canal
Canas-Jerez Treaty, 60
Carazo Odio, Rodrigo, 138
Cardona, Edgar, 117
Caribbean Legion, 107, 109,
116, 125
Carranza, Bruno, 67
Carrillo, Braulio: dissolution of
United Provinces, 4143;
overthrow of, 3536, 4344;
reforms, 4041, 45
Cartago: administrative
province, 10; colonial capital,
2122, 23, 32; earthquake, 5;
execution of Pablo Presbere,
1516; independence, 39;
transportation, 54, 63; and
Virgen de los Angeles, 26;
War of National Liberation,
109; War of the League,
4041
Castro Madriz, Jose Mara, 53,
6263
Index
Castro, Fidel, 121, 131

Catholic Church, 11, 38, 39; in
colonial era, 22, 2526, 31;
and nineteenth-century
liberal reform, 41, 42, 52,
6869, 7073, 77; and
twentieth-century politics,
92, 1012, 1056
CBI (Caribbean Basin
Initiative), 146
Cecilio del Valle, Jose, 39
CENPRO (Center for the
Promotion of Exports and
Investments), 134, 140
Central America, 9; Arias peace
plan in, 10, 14450; and canal
issues, 5456, 152; and
Caribbean Legion, 107;
conservatives in, 42;
diplomacy and, 62, 134; drug
trade in, 15657; filibusters in,
5152, 5660; geography, 2, 4,
3536, 38; independence of,
3738; pre-Columbian people, 1718; UFC in, 8, 8082,
124. See also CACM; CAFTADR; United Provinces of
Central America
Central Valley: agriculture in, 27,
4447, 84; in colonial period,
1516, 21, 2324, 3233;
geography of, 3, 4, 5; and
labor, 99, 105; population of,
6, 7, 85; and pre-Columbian
people, 17; and trade, 8, 155;
transportation in, 48, 7475,
80; and War of National Liberation, 109
Centro para el Estudio de los
Problemas Nacionales, 96,
106, 118
Chinchilla, Laura, 10, 15859
193
Cholera, 5960
CINDE (Coalicion Costarricense
de Iniciativas de Desarrollo),
14041
Cinema, 93
Civil Codes, 7273
Clayton-Bulwer Treaty, 5556
Climate, 34, 8, 20, 81
CODESA (Costa Rican
Development Corporation),
13537, 139, 140
Coffee, 6, 8, 12, 4448, 97; and the
environment, 151; and
politics, 5254, 6063, 66, 69,
84, 90, 102, 105; and the
railroad, 7374, 81; volatility,
129, 131, 137. See also
Cafetaleros
Colegio Superior de Senoritas, 71
Colombia, 7980, 82, 88, 147, 157
Colombian Land Company, 82
Communism, 92, 1056; and
Cold War fears, 11516, 126,
13031; outlawed, 116. See
also Contras
Communist Party, 92, 96, 99100,
101, 102. See also PVP
Confederacion Costarricense de
Trabajadores, Rerum
Novarum, 105
Confederacion de Trabajadores
de Costa Rica, 105
Conservation, 143, 151, 153
Constitutional Democratic Party,
7677
Constitution of 1871, 70
Constitution of 1949, 9, 11, 114,
11617
Constitution of Cadiz, 37, 39
Contadora Group, 14748
Contra scandal, 148
Contras, 14548, 149, 150, 157
194
Convention for the Protection of

Flora, Fauna, and Places of
Natural Scenic Beauty in
the Countries of the
Americas, 153
Convention on International
Trade in Endangered
Species, 153
Corruption, 40, 61, 67, 77, 104,
107, 114, 136, 144, 15758
Cortes, Leon, 1012, 105, 106,
1078
Coups detat, 41, 48, 53, 61, 63,
6667; New Republic, 116,
117. See also Tinoco Granados,
Federico
Cuba, 88, 121, 131, 148
Cuban Revolution, 121, 131
Davis, Nathaniel, 110
Debt crisis, 8, 13739, 154
Debt, foreign, 40, 61, 128, 14446;
and railroad construction,
7475, 81. See also Debt crisis
Deforestation, 15152
Democracy, 9, 62, 77, 8990, 107,
121, 126, 131, 144
Dependency theory, 129
Diario de Costa Rica, 106
Drug trafficking, 93, 15657
Duranista Party, 90
Earthquakes, 4, 56, 25, 54
Echandi, Mario, 130
ECLA (Economic Commission
for Latin America and the
Caribbean), 12930, 132
Ecotourism, 4, 15152. See also
Tourism
Education, 7, 1011, 102, 11819,
158; under Alliance for
Progress, 131; and liberalism,
Index
40, 47, 53, 62, 6566, 6869,

7072; military budget
devoted to, 114, 116; for
women, 63, 7071
Eisenhower, Dwight, 131
El Centro. See Centro para el
Estudio de los Problemas
Nacionales
Electoral Tribunal, 9, 109, 117
El Salvador, 10, 18, 62; and Arias
peace plan, 144, 14748, 150;
and CACM, 13234; and
United Provinces, 39, 4243
Enlightenment, 37, 53
Entrepreneur state, 135, 138
Environment, 12, 79, 87, 15154;
and UFC, 9899
Esquipulas (I & II), 14849. See
also Arias Sanchez, Oscar
Esquivel, Ascencion, 77
European Union, 132
Export-Import Bank, 104
Export Processing Zone and
Industrial Parks Law, 155
Exports, 8, 28; commodity, 42,
4446, 69, 7376; decline in
Great Depression, 9798, 99
100; diversification of, 11718,
122, 130, 13334, 14041, 155.
See also Bananas; Coffee; UFC
Fallas, Carlos Luis, 80, 9798
Feminism, 71, 9192
Ferdinand VII, 37
Fernandez, Cristina Mara, 82
Fernandez, Pacfica, 53
Fernandez, Prospero, 66,
68, 75, 82
Figueres Ferrer, Jose, 108p;
abolition of military, 11314;
Caribbean Legion, 107;
Constitution of, 1949, 11618;
Index
creation of PLN, 11821;

economic policies, 12124,
12830, 13537; exiled by
Calderon Guardia, 96, 106;
Founding Junta, 11416;
opposition to Calderon
Guardia, 1069; presidency,
12126, 12830, 13437; War
of National Liberation,
109111
Figueres-Ulate Pact, 110, 117
Filibusters, 9, 11, 51, 54, 56, 58,
5960, 88. See also Walker,
William
Foreign investment, 8, 76, 131;
direct, 140, 15455
Forestry Law, 153
Founding Junta, 11416
Free trade zones, 8, 13233,
14041, 155
Garca Marquez, Gabriel, 7980
General Treaty of Central
American Economic
Integration, 13233. See also
CACM
General Workers
Confederation, 87
Generation of 48, 120
Gonzalez Flores, Alfredo, 90
Great Banana Strike, 80, 9798
Great Depression, 84, 9698,
99101, 102, 139
Guardia Gutierrez, Tomas, 65
66; liberal reform, 6972;
railroad, 7476; rise of, 6768.
See also Olympians
Guatemala, 7, 10, 17, 62; and
Arias peace plan, 14648; and
CACM, 13234; and
Caribbean Legion, 109; UFC
in, 82, 12426, 13031; and
195
United Provinces, 3839,

4142. See also Audiencia of
Guatemala
Hacienda Santa Rosa, 59
Happiest country, 14344
Health care, 7, 101, 103, 114, 118,
127, 156
Heredia, 10; independence,
3839; War of the League, 41
Honduras, 10, 18, 28, 62; and
Arias peace plan, 148, 150;
and CACM, 13234; UFC in,
82; and United Provinces,
3839, 4143; William Walker
in, 60
ICT (Instituto Costarricense de
Turismo), 153
Independence, 9, 3638
Indigenismo, 11920
Indigenous people, 67, 68,
11920; during conquest, 20,
22, 2425; population decline
of, 23; pre-Columbian, 1619.
See also Zambos mosquitos
Industry, 8, 122, 130, 13435; IT,
155. See also CACM; ISI
Infant mortality, 7, 127
Inflation, 128, 138, 141
Intel Corporation, 155
Inter-American Development
Bank, 139
International Monetary Fund, 8,
13839, 146
International Railways of
Central America, 82
ISI (import substitution
industrialization), 8, 12830,
131, 135, 13940; and
CACM, 13234. See also
CODESA
196
Isthmus of Rivas, 55
Iturbide, Agustn, 38
Jimenez Oreamuno, Ricardo,
89, 92
Jimenez Zamora, Jesus, 62
Jocote Pact, 3536, 43
Juan Santamara International
Airport, 117, 153
Keith, Minor Cooper, 8, 7576,
8082, 8485, 88, 90, 93.
See also UFC
Kennedy, John F., 13132,
133p, 147
Lake Nicaragua, 55
Land tenure, 8; and coffee elite,
4447, 63; colonial era, 2324,
2728, 3032; reforms of, 40,
42, 4546, 54, 72. See also UFC
La Negrita. See Virgen de los
Angeles
Law of Foundations and
Guarantees, 40
Law on Individual Rights, 73, 76
Leon Herrera, Santos, 110
Ley de la Ambulancia, 41
Ley general de educacion comun, 71
Liberacion, 11921, 141;
economy, 12124; foreign
policy, 12426. See also PLN
Liberalism, 11, 40, 4246, 5254,
6163, 66, 6773, 7677; in
Nicaragua, 58
Liberal Progressive Party, 7677
Life expectancy, 7, 143
Liga Feminista, 9293
Limon Workers Federation,
8586, 87
Literacy, 7, 11, 53, 76, 99, 127.
See also Education
Index
Literature, 12, 99. See also Mamita

Yunai
Lost decade, 128, 138. See also
Debt crisis
Mamita Yunai, 12, 80, 98
Manifest Destiny, 5657
Meiggs Keith, Henry, 7475
Meiggs, Henry, 74
Mexico, 1718, 5657, 147, 157;
empire of, 3739, 40; Figueres
in exile in, 96
Military, 41, 4344, 62, 6667;
abolition of, 10, 11314, 117,
120, 12526; and labor unrest,
86, 97; in National Campaign,
5152, 5860; and World War
II, 1034. See also Coups detat
Mixed economy, 119, 122, 126
Monge, Luis Alberto, 13839,
14546
Montealegre Fernandez, Jose
Mara, 6162, 66
Mora Fernandez, Juan, 3940
Mora Valverde, Manuel, 97
Mora, Juan Rafael, 5354, 56;
National Campaign, 5861
Morazan, Francisco: execution,
36, 44; invasion of Costa Rica,
43; Jocote Pact, 35, 43;
president of Costa Rica,
4344; president of United
Provinces of Central
America, 42
Mt. Arenal, 45, 5p
Napoleon Bonaparte, 3637
National Agricultural
Society, 152
National Campaign, 5960, 61,
63, 88
National Fisheries Plan, 122
Index
National Geographic
Institute, 152
National Institute for Housing
and Urban Development, 122
National Observatory, 152
National parks, 4, 151, 153
National Parks Service, 153
National Physical-Geographic
Institute, 66
National Republican Party, 90,
101, 1057, 108, 114, 116. See
also Calderon Guardia, Rafael
Angel; War of National
Liberation
Neoliberalism, 8, 139, 151,
15456, 158
New Grenada, 37
New Spain, 23, 28, 38
Nicaragua, 2, 3, 4, 17, 18, 2021,
28, 62; and Arias peace plan,
14648, 149, 150; attempted
invasion from, 12526; border
dispute with, 5455; and
CACM, 13234; and
Caribbean Legion, 107, 116;
and drug trafficking, 157;
filibusters in, 5860; and
United Provinces, 3739, 43;
U.S. military in, 88, 91
Nicoya Peninsula, 2, 3, 4;
colonial period, 24; preColumbian, 18, 20
Nixon, Richard, 131
Nonrecognition, 91
OAS (Organization of American
States), 126, 13132
Oduber Quiros, Daniel, 135, 136
Oil shock, 136, 13738. See also
OPEC
Olympians, 66, 6869, 70, 72, 73,
7677
197
One Hundred Years of Solitude,

7980
OPEC (Organization of
Petroleum Exporting
Countries), 136
Opposition, the, 1069, 116
Orlich Bolmarcich, Francisco
Jose, 131, 134
Ortega, Daniel, 148, 150
Pacheco, Abel, 157
Pact of the Mexican Embassy,
110, 114
Panama, 2, 4, 10, 19, 60, 88; and
Arias peace plan, 14648;
border dispute with, 103;
UFC in, 82. See also Panama
Canal
Panama Canal, 56, 88, 103
Panama disease, 83, 98, 152
Pan-American Highway, 104,
109, 153
Parallel state, 141
Partido Renovacion
Democratica, 138
Partido Republicano
Nacional, 90
Partido Social Democratico, 106
Pearl Harbor, 103
Perez Jimenez, Marco, 125
Picado Michalski, Teodoro:
presidency of, 1069; War of
National Liberation, 109110
Picado, Jr., Teodoro, 125
Pinto, Antonio, 44
Pittier, Henri Francois, 6566, 72
PLN (Partido Liberacion
Nacional), 124, 126, 131, 134,
138, 15859; economic
policies, 129, 13537;
formation, 11821;
neoliberalism, 139, 141.
198
See also Figueres Ferrer, Jose;

Liberacion
Political parties, Nicaragua, 58
Populism, 92, 94, 100101, 117,
135, 137, 145
Positivism, 69, 7172, 93
Postal service, 61
Poverty, 92, 101, 102, 127, 131,
134, 145
Prisons, 72, 92
Prostitution, 72, 93
Public works, 47, 61, 69, 100;
Department of, 166
Puerto Limon, 3, 56, 7, 19, 63,
74, 75, 81; labor unrest in, 85
87, 97; and San Pablo incident,
9596; withdrawal of UFC
from, 9899
Puerto Rico, 88
PUN (Partido Union Nacional),
116, 121, 130, 141
Puntarenas, 2, 10, 48, 54, 74
Pura Vida, 12, 10, 13, 15960
PUSC (Partido de Unidad
Socialcristiana), 121, 141,
15758
PVP (Partido Vanguardia
Popular), 102, 105, 107, 116,
11819
Quadragesimo Anno, 101
Racial conflict, 7, 5657,
8587, 98
Radio, 93, 99; address by Jose
Figueres Ferrer, 96
Railroads, 3, 7, 8, 48, 135; and
banana industry, 8082,
8485, 8788, 93; construction
of, 7378; and the
environment, 152
Rainforests, 34, 143, 152
Index
Reagan, Ronald, 14546, 150

Reformist Party, 92
Refugees, Central American,
14748
Rerum Novarum, 101
Rivas, Battle of, 5152, 59
Rivas, Isthmus of, 55
Rodrguez Zeledon, Jose
Joaqun, 77
Roosevelt, Theodore, 88
Salazar, Lorenzo, 66
Sanabria, Victor Manuel, 102, 105
Sandinistas: and Arias peace
process, 14749; and drug
trafficking, 157; and Reagan
administration, 14546
San Jose, 5, 6, 29, 44;
administrative province, 10;
development in, 47, 54, 63;
education in, 6566, 72;
independence, 3839, 40, 41;
land reform in, 4546; as
national capital, 21, 40;
protests in, 77, 96;
transportation, 74, 104; War of
National Liberation, 10910;
War of the League, 4041
San Juan River, 2; border
disputes, 55, 58, 60
San Pablo, 9596
Santamara, Juan, 11, 5152,
5960, 72, 88, 117
Santos Zelaya, Jose, 88
Second Republic, 107, 11011,
11415, 126, 137
Sigatoka, 98
Slavery, 7, 24, 2930, 39; in
conquest, 1920; and William
Walker, 5859
Snyder Banana Company, 82
Soccer War, 134
Index
Social Guarantees, 103, 106, 110,

117, 126, 128
Social security, 7, 101, 1023, 127
Solidarismo, 156
Somoza Debayle, Anastasio, 145
Somoza, Anastasio, 107, 116,
12526
Soto-Keith Contract, 7576
Soto, Bernardo, 65, 82; and
liberal reform, 66, 7172; and
the railroad, 7576
Soviet Union, 105, 148
Spanish-American War, 88
Strikes, 8687, 9798, 124; in
literature, 7980. See also
Great Banana Strike
Suffrage, 39, 70, 128; and people
of color, 117; secret ballot, 92;
and women, 93, 117
Supreme Electoral Tribunal,
9, 117
Taft, William Howard, 88
Taxes, 36, 43, 69, 90, 97, 1078,
115, 117, 130, 137, 140; and
neoliberal reform, 15455;
and tourism, 151, 154; and
UFC, 87, 89, 98, 12324, 126
Teatro Mora, 47
Telegraph, 63
Terrenos baldos, 4546
Theater, 1213, 47, 77, 78p
Tico-Communism, 9798
Ticos, 6
Tierra de legua, 45
Tierras publicas. See Terrenos
baldos
Tinoco Granados, Federico,
8991, 92, 94, 113
Tobacco, 24, 36, 40, 62
Tourism Investment Incentives
Law, 154
199
Tourism, 2, 46, 9, 12, 144,

15154, 159. See also
Ecotourism; Tourism
Investment Incentives Law
Transportation, 7, 47, 48, 64, 68,
69, 73, 122, 133, 136. See also
Canal, interest in; Railroads
Tropical Trading & Transport
Company, 81, 82
UFC (United Fruit Company), 8,
95, 129; anti-imperialism
against, 8789; contract
renegotiations, 9899; 12324;
formation of, 8284; in
Guatemala, 124; and labor
issues, 8487, 9798; in
literature, 7980, 98
Ulate Blanco, Otilio, 106, 10910;
and Founding Junta, 11418.
See also PUN; War of National
Liberation
Unions, 86, 102, 105, 109,
124, 156
United Committee of AntiTotalitarian Associations, 96
United Provinces of Central
America: and border issues,
55; creation of, 3839;
dissolution of, 4144
United States: and Arias peace
plan, 14749, 151; and canal
interest, 5456; cultural
influences from, 13; economic
aid from, 8, 138, 139, 14647;
economic involvement, 73,
81; interventions, 5152,
5660; military aid from, 114,
126, 131, 145; as WWII ally,
96, 1034, 105. See also Antiimperialism; Keith, Minor
Cooper; Nonrecognition; UFC
200
Universidad de Santo Tomas, 53, 71

University of Costa Rica, 102,
118, 152
USAID (U.S. Agency for
International Development),
133, 13941, 146
U.S.-Mexican War, 57
Vanderbilt, Cornelius, 5960
Venezuela, 30, 37, 125, 147
Villasenor, Vicente, 35, 4344
Virgen de los Angeles, 2526,
27p, 31, 72
Volcanoes, 45, 153
Volio Jimenez, Jorge, 92
Index
War of National Liberation, 96,

10910, 114, 125
War of the League, 41, 43
Welfare state, 1012
Wildlife Conservation
Law, 153
Wilson, Woodrow, 91, 94
Women, 72, 91, 9293; and
education, 63, 71; and
suffrage, 117, 121
World Bank, 138, 139, 146
World War I, 91
World War II, 9596, 1034,
119, 129
Yglesias Castro, Rafael, 77
Walker, William, 11, 51, 5660,

57p. See also Filibusters;
National Campaign
Zambos mosquitos, 30
Zelaya, Manuel, 158
About the Author

MONICA A. RANKIN, PhD, a pioneer in the study of Mexican diplomacy, gender, fashion, and identity in the 1940s, is assistant professor
of history at the University of TexasDallas. Rankin specializes in the
history of Mexico, Latin America, and U.S.Latin American relations.
Mexico, la patria! Propaganda and ProHer published works include A
duction during World War II and Encyclopedia of Latin American History
and Culture: The Search for National Identity, 1820s1900. She has also
written several chapters and articles on various aspects of Mexican
foreign policy, gender, and popular culture during World War II.
Dr. Rankins current research examines popular culture, gender,
and nationalism in twentieth-century Mexico as well as issues of
U.S.Latin American relations in the 1940s.
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THE

The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations

The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations

Copyright 2012 by Monica A. Rankin

This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook.

Timeline of Historical Events

Introduction: Pura Vida

Colonial Costa Rica

Independence and the Early Nineteenth Century

Emergence of National Identity

The Consolidation of the Liberal State

The Banana Republic

The Social Welfare State and Civil War

The Cold War and the Liberacion Era

State-Led Development and Debt

Contemporary Costa Rica

Notable People in the History of Costa Rica

computer age has radically transformed global communications, the

Timeline of Historical Events

First human inhabitants arrive in present-day Costa Rica

Early Formative period begins and the first permanent

Late Formative period.

Early Polychrome period.

Middle Polychrome period.

Late Polychrome period; emergence of cacicazgos.

Christopher Columbus lands along the Caribbean coast

Timeline of Historical Events

Patronato real decreed by Pope Julius II establishing the

Founding of Villa Bruselas by Francisco Fernandez de

European diseases decimate native population.

Villa Bruselas is abandoned by the Spanish.

Founding of Ciudad Badajoz.

Spanish Crown passes the New Laws, which call for

Arrival of Governor Diego Gutierrez y Toledo.

Native uprising against the cruelties of Governor Gutierrez y Toledo.

Founding of Cartago, which becomes the provincial

Formation of the province of Costa Rica.

Emergence of Costa Rican mule trade.

The audiencia of Guatemala becomes a captaincy general.

Appearance of La Negrita or the Virgen de los Angeles

Emergence of cacao cultivation.

Talamanca native uprising.

Timeline of Historical Events

Execution of Pablo Presbere as punishment for his role in

Basilica of Our Lady of the Angels completed in Cartago.

Decline of Costa Rican cacao trade.

Bourbon reforms of the Spanish Crown intensify under

French monarch Napoleon Bonaparte invades Iberian

Wars of independence waged throughout Spanish colonies in Latin America.

Promulgation of the liberal Spanish Constitution of

Spanish monarch Ferdinand is restored to the throne after

Captain General Gabino Ganza declares independence

Costa Rica breaks away from the Mexican empire.

United Provinces constitution is promulgated, modeled

Costa Rican government removes tithe on export crops.

Timeline of Historical Events

Costa Rican mint is established.

First printing press arrives in Costa Rica.

Costa Rican merchants begin exporting small amounts of

Land reforms aimed at encouraging coffee cultivation are