A Study of The Culture and History of The Karkatthar

A STUDY OF THE CULTURE AND HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
A STUDY OF THE CULTURE

AND HISTORY OF THE
KARKATTHAR
By
Thiru M. ARUNACHALAM
Reprinted from the

Bulletin of the Institute of Traditional Culters
Madras, Jan.-June 1975
(Karkula kalanjiyam) -- http:// www.karkulam.com
A STUDY OF THE CULTURE AND HISTORY

OF THE KARKATTHAR
1. INTRODUCTION
2. SOME LEGENDS AND TERMINOLOGYThe Velalar in general
The term Karalar
The title Karaik-kattar
The surname Pillai
The title Karkattar
3. THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
Viluppatarayar
Munaiyatarayar
Kalingarayar
Pallavatarayar
Vadamalaiyappa-PiIlaiyan
Other Patrons and Chiefs
Sadaiyappa Vallal
Nerkunram Kilar
4. MORE LEGENDS
The Mukkulam Legend
The Palayanur legend
5. THE CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
The term Saiva
Education and Culture
Sivacaryas
6. THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
Their Status in Society
Economy of the Karkattar Life
7. THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
The Saiva Nayanmar
Saints Kalikkama and ManakkanjaraKundaiyar Kilar
8. THE SAIVA ACARYAS
Meykandar
The Saiva Mutts
Tiru-Avaduturai
Dharmapuram
Suryanarkoil
9. PRECEPTORS OF THE KARKATTAR
10. RELIGIOUS PERSUASION

11. THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
Jnana Sambandha on the Velalar
12. EMINENT KARKATTAR POETS
Saint Meykandar
Kavai Ambalavana Tambiran
Guru Jnanasambandha
Hariddsa
Saiva Ellappa Navalar
Irasai Vadamalayappa Pillaiyan
Subramania Munivar
Sirrambala Aiya
Murugaiyyak-kavirayar
Mahavidvan Minaksisundaram Pillai
13. LITERATURE ON THE KARKATTAR
Er-elupadu
Tirukkai valakkam
Karalar Kilai Valappamalai
Vellalar Ammanai
The Mandala Satakam
Karmanla Satakam
Pandimandala Satakam
14. THE SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
Status of Women
Female Children
IL.Serittal
Tiruvilakkidutal ceremony
The Karkattar gotras
Family Life
Food
15. KARKATTAR WEDDINGS
Pre-Marriage Ceremonies
Muhurta Olai
Nischayatambulam (Betrothal)
Nal-Virundu
The Marriage Ceremony
The Ceremony Proper
Nirai Nali
The Tirumangalya Dharana
Going round the fire
Nalam-Nir

Graha Pravesam
16. PREGNANCY AND CHILD BIRTH
Child Birth
17. FESTIVALS
Adip-Perukku
Sarasvati Puja
Tlruvadirai Darsanam
Pongal festival
Sevvay-Pillaiyar Nonbu
Velli-p-pillaiyar nonbu
Worship of the Family-deity called 'veettu deivattukku padaittal
Kula Deiva Worship
19. THE KARKATTAR FUNERAL RITES
20, INTEGRATTON OF THE DIFFERENT AREAS

A STUDY OF THE CULTURE AND HISTORY
OF THE KARKATTAR
Thiru M. Anunachalam. M.A,.
1. INTRODUCTION
The origins of any community of people in India with a historic past are
shrouded in myths and lost in the mists of prehistory. This is not peculiar to India
alone. The Greeks, the Romans, the Scandinavians, the Anglo-Saxons, the French
and even the Persians trace their origin to some myth. The stories connected with
Zeus and Jupiter, Thor and Odin, King Arthur and his Round Table, Charlemagne,
and Sohrab and Rustum are legion. No wonder the origin of the Karkattar community amidst us in Tamilnad is also shrouded in myth and legend.
The Karkattar community now is generally a middle class agricultural community which clustered certain areas in the Cholanad; the members of that community occupy whole areas in Tanjavur district in the Sirkali, Mayuram,
Kumbakonam and Nannilam taluks; large areas in Karaikkal, in Nagappattinam
and Papanasam taluks; whole areas in the Chidambaram and Vriddhachalam taluks
of South Arcot district; large areas in Udayarpalayam, Tiruchi, and Lalgudi taluks
in the Tiruchirappalli district; they occupy large pockets in the Tirunelveli, Tenkasi
and Ambasamudram taluks of Tirunelveli district; Madurai and Nilakkottai taluks
of Madurai district and Sattur, Srivilliputtur and Aruppukkottai taluks of
Ramanathapuram district. The first world war had dislodged them from their pinnacles and sent them jobhunting and settled them in, urban areas like Madras,
Tanjavur and Tiruchirappalli. The second world war and the series of new land
laws which were ushered in the wake of that war and of Indian Independence
have snatched away all the land from them and left them one of the most economically backward classes.
No chronicle of the history or evolution of the Karkattar had ever been written. The present account is only an attempt to present Iegendary accounts, popular traditions, available historical references and literary material in the form of a
connected narrative. If history were to depend only on fully recorded and documented evidence, then no history of any South Indian Community is possible. Our
elders, at all levels of society considered matters of the spirit and of culture as the
only important factors in society. They attached scant importance to recorded history. Hence we have no history and have therefore to reconstruct history afresh,
to embrace all the available sources of the past and all the institutions of the

present, consistent with factual veracity and cultural unity and development. The
following is such a reconstructed account.
This account applies to the condition of the Karkattar up to the first quarter
of the twentieth century, that is, upto the end of the first world war ; the war ushered in many major revolutions in the life and outlook of the people at all levels
and the Karkattar were no exception.
2. SOME LEGENDS AND TERMINOLOGY
The Velalar in general
At the outset one thing has to be clearly borne in mind. The so called AryanDravidian unification happened in Tamilnadu in prehistoric times. We would be
wrong if we think of the Velalar in terms of Aryan or Dravidian; we would be equally
wrong if we try to apply the standards of Varna in the Aryan culture to the Velalar
we know today. Very brave attempts have been made in Tamilnadu in the past
firstly to equate the Velalar with the third Varna and call them the Bhuvaisya (the
other two being the Govaisya and Dhanavaisya). According to these attempts, a
Dhanavaisya is the real Vaisya, a trader; Govaisya has been called the cowhead;
the Bhuvaisya is the agriculturist. This theory gained grand from among those
who accepted the Aryan Varna theory but did not like to accept that the Velalar
were Sudras.
Another attempt was made by very learned Saiva writers to accept the Velalar
as Sudras and then make a division among them as Sat-Sudras (the elite) and
the Asat-sudras (the masses). On the face of it, this classification seems to be
quite absurd. The Karkattar with whom we are concerned here had been the most
enlightened, cultured and aristocratic group in the land and to call them Sudras is
ridiculous. The only logical way out is not to apply the Varna theory to them at all.
This is actually also the correct factual position. The caste system of the Aryans
does not apply to these people. They were outside the pale of that classification.
We do not wish to be drawn into any controversy here regarding race or language,
or Varna. The term Velalar has nothing to do with the Varna classification.
One learned scholar Mr. M. Raghava Aiyangar has written a book on this
subject entitled Velir Varalaru. According to the legend that Velalar are Vaisyas,
he has tried to prove that theVelir mentioned in the Sangham literature are a princely
clan of Yadhavas who came into Tamilnadu from Dvaraka along with Krisna. This
may appear quite plausible as an academic discussion, but faced with the communities as they exist today, it will be seen that the Yadhavas are different and
that they cannot be equated with the Velalar.
Leaving apart these discussions, we shall just refer to the mention of the
velalar in some books of the first millennia after Christ. Manimekhalai has been
quoted below, The word Velanmai which we take to mean as agriculture, was
interpreted as benevolence, helping others, in the early period. The Kural says
that the householder's business in life is to feed the guests and help others. Another book says, " He is a Velala who would not take his food, keeping a guest
hungry outside". This has been praised as the real characteristic of the Velalar in
all subsequent literature.
The early lexical work, Divakaram equates Kaaralar and velalar with Sudra,
in accordance with the belief of those times. On the same basis, it defines the
duty of the Velalar as six; tilling the soil, tending the cattle, trade, music, weaving
and service to the twice-born. Though the twice-born, the Brahmin, was held in
great esteem, the status mentiond for the Velalar was not a reality but was only a
reflection of vedic concept of Varna; this was far from the reality. The same Nighantu
(lexicon) says in another place that the nature of the Velalar may be defined as
the ten; carrying out the command of the king, supporting the fallen, working with
the arms for discharging their duties to the State, having sympathy and mercy in
the heart for the weakness and the suffering of the others, supporting kith and kin,
ceaseless industry, paying the taxes, good neighbourliness, feeding the newcomers and upright conduct. Surely these are the codes of conduct for the nobility in
any land, not for the slaves or the Sudras. Thus we realize that there was a confusion caused by the attempt to apply the varna Dharma to the indigenous velalar's
life and culture. The confusion has been recognized by the later Cuddamani
Nighantu (16-th century) which drops the sudra concept and merely says that the
velalar are those that give. we also learn that vel is not the same as velalar, but
that it was a title conferred on the Velalar by the king.
During the later years, many different classes began calling themselves
velalar. The Karkattar, who were the only velalar in the pre-historic past, gave rise
to many divisions wiich were velalar and yet called themselves by different names.
some of these have been commented upon elsewhere. But in the recent past,
very many communities have begun calling themselves velalar, so much so, that
one unacquainted with their history cannot know if one was a Velalar at all. The
surname has now become so popular that when one is particular to call himself a
velalar, we have to presume that he is not a Velalar. The new aspirants to the title
had become so many, that a natural indication seems to have been adopted in the
last century. These aspirants call themselves velalar and name the others as the
original or orthodox Velalar, or Saiva Velalar. This term will be explained later.

The velalar are called the children of the Ganga; probably this refers to the
remote past, when the Tamilians held sway over the whole of the Bharata-kanda
and had brought the Gangetic plains also under cultivation. With the passage of
time, they happened to be confined to the south, but yet the memory of the past is
preserved in the legend that they are the Ganga-putra; this does not mean that
they migrated from the Gangetic valley, but only means that their area of occupation included those areas also.
The term Karalar
Karalar is the term used to denote the Karkattar community from very early
times. Manimekhalai, one of the five great Epics in the Tamil language, makes
use of the term twice in the phrase, Karalar Sanbai meaning the city Sirkali of the
Karkattar. Sanbai is one of the 12 names of Sirkali made immortal by Saint
Jnanasambanda in his song sung before the Pandiya prince of Madurai, saying
that he hailed from Sirkali the holy place with twelve names. It was called Sanbai
because of the wild growth of the elephant grass, sambankorai in the place. Sirkali
was then a seat of the Karkattar and so was called Karalar Sanbai in the epic. The
history of Tamil literature and the history of the Saiva religion tell us that the city
was the headquarters or the capital city of the Saiva religion from very early times
upto the fifteenth century A.D.
The term Karalar means, those engaged in agriculture; it has had the same
connotaton through the centuries even upto the present day. Kar meant the steel
blade of the plough, or ploughshare; kar-anmai meant the utilization of the
ploughshare, i.e., agriculture; and karalar. meant those who were masters of the
ploughshare and they were naturlally the Karkattar. Later Nighantu or lexicographical works defined Karalar as Bhuvaisyar, when they sought to bring the Karkattar
under the Vaisya varna of the Aryan four varna classification, making it into three
as Bhuvaisya, Govaisya and Dhanavaisya. Here we would just state that Karalar
is Karkattar. Even today we find members of the community styling themselves as
Karalar in the transfer of property documents registered before a government registrar of assurances; the phrasing invariably is: so-and-so, son of so-and-so,
Karalar, Sivamatam, mirasu (although they have been stripped of all mirasu by
the post-war land tenure laws). No other conmunity calls itself Karalar. These practices indicate tha! all the literary references to Karalar are to the Karkattar {6}
The title Karaik-kattar
The Karkattar are widely known by the two titles Karaik-kattar and Karkattar;
the second oocasionally extended as Karaik-kattar. However, even informed per-

sons are not sure today which is the correct title. They believe that Karaikattar is
merely a corrupted form of the title Karkattar which is literary and pure. But we
shall here show that both the terms are correct literary forms and that they represent two distinct pre-historic legends pertaining to the origin of these people.
In the very distant past, Siva and Parvati indulged in a sport for the benefit
of mankind, particularly the people of Tamilnadu. Parvati coming behind Siva closed
His eyes with her two palms. As His eyes are the Sun and the Moon, this closure
resulted in the shutting off of all light from the Sun and the Moon and consequently the whole universe was enveloped in darkness. All activity stopped and
there was a temporary panic. As Parvati removed her hands, again there was light
and, activity was resumed. Siva rebuked Parvati saying, " My dear, you have caused
a temporary panic and misery to the universe by your prank. This is not proper.
You have to make amends." With a feeling of remorse She replied, " What shall I
do ?". He ordered: "The only amends is to worship us. You go to the earth and
perform due worship for us there. Of the 1008 sacred places on earth, Kasi and
Kanci are equally holy. Go to Kanci. There you will find us seated in linga form
under the single-fruited mango tree. Worship us there. In due time, we shall appear before you and take youback to Kailas ".
So Parvati came to Kanci with Her maids and began a ritualistic worship of
Ekambara-murti, i.e., the form of Siva enshrined under the mango tree on the
banks of the river Kampa. Her maids raised a flower garden for Her there and
supplied Her with all the accessories for the puja. Puja did not mean mere worship of the image; It also implied the practising of the traditional 32 charities or
duties. In practising these she was assisted by many families of Velalar who were
servants under Her. Those families lived in Karaikkadu, an area close to Ekambam
where Parvati's puja was being performed. It was so called because it was overgrown with the sharp spined scrub, karai(canthium; kadu - jungle). This place
was also a separate Siva temple where Siva is named Satya Vrata Karaikattar
and His consort is Kamaksi. It has been sanctified in the hymns of Saint
Thirujnasambanda. The puranas of Kanci mention this shrine called Tiruk-kaccineri
Keraikkadu, as next in importance to Ekambaram. These Velalar living in
Karaikkadu and assisting Parvati in Her puja were naturally called Karaikkattar,
'the people of Karaikkadu.' (Dr. U. V. Swaminatha Aiyar has mentioned this derivation in many places in his writings).
Parvati's puja continued for some time and the day came when She was,due
to return to Kailas. She then received two measures of paddy seeds from Siva.
She gave it to these servants of Hers and told them: " My children, use this paddy

to produce agricultural wealth from the soil in order that the traditional 32 duties
may be continued by you on earth." From that day the Karaikkattar has been
tilling the soil and rearing the paddy with the seeds given by Parvati and fostering
dharma on earth.
Karaikkadu seems to have had considerable importance not only in Devaram
but also in other literature. The Virutti, commentary on Yapparungalam, (both by
eminent Jain writers of the 11-th century) cites a a verse in praise of Siva at
Kaccinerik-karaikkadu. This is obviously taken from a larger work; the original is
not extent now. The verse ends with the words
'nilaladaindar tammai - nerikkarai kkattan'
meaning that Siva of Karaikkadu will not direct those who go to His feet, along
the hard path of thorns. The full verse is in madakku, a kind of pun where the end
part of each line is repeated in the next; it is a fine piece of lyric.
The surname Pillai
The Karkattar living in all the areas in Tamilnadu are known as Pillai. There
is considerable significance in their use of this term as a surname. Pillai means
son; because the Karaikkattar inherited the duty of performing all the thirty two
dharmas on earth from Sakti Parvati the Supreme Mother, they stand in the relationship of a son to Her. Grammar will tell us that Pillai is the term applicable to
the young ones of the humans and some other species in God's creation, the
animal and the vegetable kingdom included. The term Pillai not only signifies this
idea of succession like a son, but is also meaningful in ofher ways.
We know Ganesa is the Mutta-Pillaiyar (the elder son, yar being merely an
honorific suffix) and Muruga is the Ilaya Pillaiyar (the younger son). The term
Pillaiyar used without any attribute means Ganesa. We have again another valuable literary tradition; Tiru Jnanasambanda, who drank deep of the milk of Grace
from Parvati is always called as Pillaiyar, Tiru Jnanasambandappillaiyar by Sekkilar
in his Periya puranam; another term is Aludaiya Pillaiyar, the son who was taken
as a servent by God, and who takes us all as his servants. Sambanda is the first
spiritual preceptor of the followers of Siva. Again the legend relating to Candesa
is well known. Born as a Brahmin child, he was worshipping a linga in sand on the
banks of the river, bathing it in the milk obtained from the cows left to his care,
when his father kicked the milk pot, thinking that the boy was wasting the milk.
Candesa saw this obstruction to his worship and with a stick lying nearby, chopped
his father's leg into two. For this act of dedicated service, today, Candesa has a
unique place of honour in the Siva temple where it is ordained that, only a wor-

ship of Candesa will complete Siva worship. The story of Candesa is the 26-th in
the Periya puranam of Sekkilar. Here he refers to the young Brahmin devotee the
Seynalurp-pillaiyar. (Seynalur is his village). The term Pillaiyar here, as in the
case of Sambanda, is not only a term of endearment, but also one of adoption, as
he says in the next verse (1269) that the young boy became the son of Hara even
with this physical body.
It is quite evident that the Saivas who were great lovers of the Periya
puranam and who never failed to read it in their daily puja and prayers, were
moved by this term and adopted it as their surname. We find
Tiruccirrambalamudaiyan Peruman Nambi, who was a trusted commander of King
Rajaraja II (1146-63) being called Peruman Nambippillai. The story of this commander is given later. The term has remained and from that day to this; Pillai had
come to mean a Karkattar.
The term Pillai had then acquired such a great repute that we find in the
Va i s n a v a t r a d i t i o n m a n y A c a r y a s c a l l i n g t h e m s e l v e s P i l l a i - N a m p i l l a i ,
Periyavaccanpillai, Tuppulpillai (Vedanta Desika), Naduvil Tiruvidhip-pillai,
Vadakkut Tiruvidhip-pillai, Pillai Loka-carya, Vilancolaip-pillai, Tiruvaymolip-pillai
and so on. This indicates the great esteem which the term had come to acquire in
society.
The honorific suffix 'ar' as in Mudaliyar and Chettiyar is not added to the
word Pillai; the implication is that the mere word Pillai is sufficiently significant
and respectable ; ar is added only when the word is required to denote the sons of
Siva, as Pillaiyar or llaya Pillaiyar. When at a later date, an honorific suffix was
sought to be added to the word, the word aiyan was added to Pillai to sound like "
Pillaiyan "; this was the surname by which Vedamalaiyappa of the 17-th century
was referred.
The esteem that was attached to the term Pillai is also seen from another
example. In an account of the Tondaimandalam Velalar, we find that they are invariably referred to as Mudalippillai. The Tondamandalam people are generally
known as Saiva Mudaliyar; but here we see that the term Mudalip-pillai was thought
to be more significant in connotation.
Of course in the later centuries, the term had become cheap and any one
who had no traditional or community background began to call himself a Pillai.
New converts to christianity called themselves Pillai, just as priests among them
called themselves Aiyars. This only points to the veneration that had attached

itself to the term Pillai.
A further note may be added here. The Karkattar are always known by the
title or surname Pillai. It so happened that a few generations back, a few Karkattar
went out to several places outside their usual settlements and took to trade. In
consonance with the general nomenclature of the traders everywhere, they also
were called Chettiyar. Large groups of them are found in Kumbakonam. They are
all really Karkattar, preserving the gotra title and other characteristic features.
Somehow, their origin had been forgotten in the recent past. But now they are
recalling their past, and are taking steps to join the main stream of their fold.
Several marriages also are taking place having this integration in view.
The title Karkattar
As time passed, the Velalar began to expand and migrate to the south. They
settled themselves in the entire Cola territory and became the back-bone of the
life, culture and administration of the area. It may be of some interest to note that
the South Car Street of Tiru-Arur is still known as Karaikkattar Vidi and Pukal abharanat-tiruvidi.
In further course of time they moved further south and a section of the spreading wave of the Karaikkattar settled in Pandinad and its capital city, Madurai. All
this happened in the ages prior to recorded history. These people were all devotees of Siva; their one vocation in life was agriculture; their culture consisted of
fostering the thirty two dharmas or acts of charity. They followed in all the areas
where they settled down, the highest moral code which won for them the respect
and esteem of all members of the society, including royalty everywhere.
During this period, some of the legendary sports of Siva took place at
Madurai. In answer to the prayers of Malayadvaja Pandiya, ruler of Madurai and
his queen Kancanamalai, Sakti Parvati was born as their daughter Minaksi whom
Siva wedded in the name of Sundara Pandiya and ruled over Madurai. After some
time Sundara Pandiya and Minaksi handed over the administration of the State to
their son, Ugrakumara Pandiya and went over to their celestial abode, Kailas.
Indira, Lord of the celestials, was jealous of the glory of Ugrakumara Pandiya
This prince unlike the others, did not bow before- Indira as the Cola and the Chera
princes did. This enraged Indira who caused sufficient rains on the Cola and the
Chera territories, and stopped all rains on the Pandiya State. There was severe
drought here, but the Pandiya prince would not beg a favour of Indira. One day
however, the clouds strayed into his air space; Ugrakumara immediately impris-

oned them. As the clouds were not free, no showers fell now on any land.Indira
fought with Ugrakumara but was vanquished. He now sent a messenger to the
Pandiya praying for the release of the clouds and guaranteeing rains. But
Ugrakumara would not heed his words. So some-one had to appear and intercede
with the Pandiya on behalf of Indira and the clouds. The Velalar, who did their
tilling operations with the help of the rains were naturally friends of the clouds and
their master Indira. So they now came forward and stood surety for the future
good behaviour of the clouds and of Indira. The Pandiya accepted the surety of
the Velalar, as he believed that they were persons who always kept their words
and were upright in conduct. The clouds were released. They showered water on
all the States and the land was once more prosperous. From that day, the Velalar
came to be called the Kar-Kattar, 'the Saviours of the clouds'. Indira was also
much pleased and he showered many presents on them, chief of them being his
own white elephant Iravatam and his own horse Uchaisravam. In memory of this
incident, these two can still be seen during the Karkattar marriage ceremonies
installed at the centre close to the homa fire-place, round which the newly wedded
bride and bridegroom walk three times.
The term Karkattar had since come to mean the protectors of the clouds
(kar), i.e. those who stood surety for the kar. Another meaning is also given. The
steel blade at the tip of the plough (the ploughshare) is called kar. The plough
made of wood may decay and break with a year's work. But the steel blade is
strong and continues to function for a number of years. when the plough became
useless, the share is detached and attached to a new plough. These Velalar in
times of yore set their heart on this blade which turns the soil and makes it cultivable. Hence they were called Kar-kattar, those who waited for the kar, or, those
who had the custody of the kar. Kattar here means waited (for the kar).
3. THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
We had stated earlier that the attempt to equate the Karkatar (Velalar) with
the Yadavas is not correct and the attempt to group them under the Vaisya of the
Arya Varnas into a separate clan as the Bhu-vaisya is also not correct. Tolkappiyam
lays down that the Velalar were agriculturists and that weapons of warfare and
floral wreaths worn in battles were conferred on them by the ruling princes. The
Velir had the privileged relationship of giving their daughters in marriage to the
ruling princes in the Tamilnadu. Ilanchet Cenni, a CoIa monarch married a Velalar
bride from Alundur, and his son Karikal Cola married a Velalar bride from Nangur,
both flourishing places in Colanad even today. Pari and such other Vallals (patrons) of the Sangam were the ancestors of the class of people who came later to

be known as the Velalar.
As stated above, we find in the later period, particularly in the days of the
imperial Colas of the 9 to 14-th centuries, illustrious Velalar chiefs giving their
daughters in marriage to the Cola princes. Besides these, there have been also
many illustrious chiefs of Velalar who had led campaigns against the Cola enemies and come out victorious.
There was a long succession of illustrious army chiefs under all the Cola
emperors. For want of definite recorded history we are unable to have here a
continuous account of all such heroes and their achievements. However, we shall
mention briefly the glory of four of such chiefs whose names have been handed
down to posterity as gotra titles.
Viluppatarayar :
He was an illustrious commander under Rajadiraja I (1018-54). During the
period, the western Calukyas under their king Agava malla was a source of constant menace to peace in the Cola country. There were several engagements between the Calukya forces and the CoIa forces and in a pitched battle in 1054 at
Koppam, Rajadiraja himself was killed while fighting seated on the back of an
elephant; his younger brother, Rajendra II took over the command immediately on
the battle field and put to route the Calukya forces. In an earlier compaign,
Viluppataraya had engaged Jayasinga, son of Agava malla on the battle field and
slew him and the Calukya forces fled. In recognition of this significant service,
Rajadiraja gave Viluppataraya the title of Jayasinga kulakala (annihilator of the
Jayasinga tribe) and presented him with a village of several acres of Iand in
Mayuram taluk and named it as Jayasinga kulakala nallur. The place exists today
as Kesingan. The descendants of Viluppataraya, who took their family or gotra
name from him had lived in the same viliage near the Siva temple at Attur till about
four decades back when the last of the family who had only a female issue gave
her in marriage and left the village. Many families exist today in the Cidambaram
taluk and in Batlagundu in Madurai who are the descendants of this Viluppataraya.
History tells us that he was also a high administrative officer under Vira Rajendra
(1063-1070), last brother of Rajadiraja.
Munaiyatarayar:
This is another magic name to conjure with. He was one of the heroic
commandors who assisted Karunakaratondaman in his expedition against the north

Kalingas by about 1105 A.D. and celebrated by Jayamkondar in his Kalingattupparani; he has also been praised by Ottakuttar. In the days of Vikrama Cola, he
was administrative officer at Tirukkannapuram in Tanjavur district. He was an ardent worshipper of Visnu.
Once there was a severe famine in the area. Taking pity on the misery of
the people around, Munaiyataraya distributed all the paddy from the State granary
under him to the hungerstricken people. Tale bearers were there in plenty, as now,
and they poisoned the ears of Vikrama Cola against this officer. The enraged king
clapped him in prison without even an enquiry. The loving wife of the chief sent
messengers to represent her husband's case to the king and do justice. She was
herself a poet. she wrote a flne lyrical verse saying that if Munaiyataraya did not
return to her the next day, he might not see her alive. Legend had also taken a
hand in this story. Because of his piety and devotion, Sourirajap-perumal, the
Lord of Kannapuram, appeared in a dream to the Cola that night and instructed
him to release the devotee. The king was amazed at the intervention of the Lord
and so released him the next morning and sent him home with all honours. His
wife was very happy at his return and in gratitude prepared a delicious pongal in
ghee as food offering to the Souriraja worshipped in their home. When
Munaiyataraya was offered this food, he found it extremely sweet and declared,
"let this be dedicated to Souriraja". When the temple priests opened the sanctum
in the morning they found the crumbs of pongal strewn all round the murti. They
reported this immediately to the king who caused an investigation to be made.
The crumbs were found strewn from the temple to the house of the chief. The king
took this to be God's own recognition of the devotion of Munaiyataraya and from
that day ordered that the same pongal be offered as food for Sourirajaperumal at
noon. It came to be calied the Munaiyatarayan pongal; this is being done even
today. An image of Munaiyataraya is installed in the temple and the pongal after
being offered to Sourirajaperumal is also being offered to the Munaiyatharayan
image today with all honours.
This Munaiyattaya was probably a descendant of Narasinga munaiarayan,
who brought up Saint Sundara when he was a child and, who was himself a canonized Saint. The term Munaiyataraya became a gotra name later and is common
among the Karkattar in the Cola Nadu and also Pandinad today. Munaiyaduvar,
the Saiva Nayanar, Saint of Nedur, might have been an ancestor of these chiefs.
Kalingarayar:
He was a commander under Kulottunga I (1070-1120) and then under his

son Vikrama (1118-1133). He helped the kings to win many battles. Originally he
came from Manavil a place in Tondainad. He was known by several names such
as Manavil kuttan, Naralokaviran, Arumbakkilan etc. The title of Kalingaraya was
conferred on him{15} by the Colas for his meritorious war service. His valour is also
attested by Ottakkuttar. Today Kalingaraya is remembered for his scores of services to the Cidambaram and Tiru-Adikai temples. 36 venbas inscribed in the
Cidambaram and 25 in the other temple enumerate his services. He gold-plated
many parts of the roof of Nataraja's hall; gifted many lamps ; had many ghee
abhisekas performed. He constructed the hundred-pillared hall and many other
halls and the steps on the banks of the Sivaganga tank in the temple. He raised a
flower garden in the temple. He constructed the Sivakamasundari temple thereunder the orders of Kulottunga II (1133-1150). He caused the Deveram to be inscribed on copper plates. He also constructcd a hall for Devaram singing. Similarly he constructed the Sakti shrine in Tiru-Adikai, the Nataraja shrine, the Vagisar
shrine and performed other services. He also rendered similar services to many
temples in Tondai Nadu and in Cola Nadu.
His descendants have since come to be known as Kalingarayars. There are
numerous families in the Tanjavur and Tirunelveli districts bearing this gotra title.
The famous poet Saiva-Ellappa Navalar (16-th century) belonged to this gotra.
Pallavatarayar:
Perhaps this officer was the most important political chief of the period. He
was a minister and military commander under Rajaraja II (1146-1163). He was
known by several names such as Kulatturudaiyan, Tiruchirrambalamudaiyan,
Peruman nambi etc. He was given the title Pallavataraya by Rajaraja. He is also
mentioned by Ottakkuttar in his songs. He belonged to Kulattur: this has become
a gotra title, Kulattuda, some times corrupted as Orattuda. Kulattur is now known
as Pallavardyanpettai in honour of the residence of this chief and his descendants
in the 12-th century.
In 1163, Rdjaraja . was on his death-bed in the Palayarai palace near
Kumbakonam. He had no children. Perumannambi knew that the king would not
survive. So he was anxious that succession to the throne should happen smoothly
without any political confusion and that peace should reign in the land. With the
King's permission he took the two children who were in Gangai-konda-Colapuram
palace to Palayarai. The children were the grandchildren of a daughter of
Vikramachola, grandfather of Rajaraja. There he had the first of the children
crowned as King, in 1163 as Rajadhiraja II (from 1163-1178). Rejaraja died on the
second day after Rajadhiraja's coronation. During this prince's reign, Peruman

nambi acted as regent.
The whole story of this regent and this episode is recorded in a long inscription of the Pallavarayanpet temple. This place is a well known suburb of Mayuram
today. Peruman nambi had secured significant victories over the Cheras and the
Singalas (in Ceylon). He was a very loyal follower of Rajaraja in whose name he
had built the existing temple of Pallavarayanpet which was then known as
Rejarajesvaram. During Rajadiraja's rule, he fought many battles in Pandinad and
placed on the throne Kulasekhara Pendiya who had come to him for help. He died
in 1171. Forty velis of land (more than 260 acres) in the area were gifted by the
king to the widows and children of Perumannambi.
Looking back into the pages of the history of a period of 800 years ago, we
see in Peruman nambi a loyal and powerful chief who was responsible for saving
the land from chaos at a time when there was no direct heir to the throne and for
arranging a succession with great forethought. History tells us that this succession lasted for more than 100 years after him, till Rejendrachola died in 1279
without a heir.
A study of the inscription of the ruling dynasties in Tamilnadu is certain to
bring to light many more such Karkattar heroes who have illumined the pages of
the history of the land.
Vadamalaiyappa-PiIlaiyan
We had dealt earlier with the migration of the Karkattar from Kancipuram to
the Kaveri delta and later to the Pandinad. All this was in the pre-historic times.
We may mention here a further migration of the Karkattar to the southern tip of the
peninsula which took place in recent times; it is part of recorded history. When
Tirumalai Nayak was ruling over Madurai and the south, he was not able to collect
the revenues from the Tirunelveli area and so was on the look out for a capable
officer who could be put in command of the southern regions for collection of
revenues. He came to hear of the administrative ability of Kavai-Vadamalaiyappa
Pillai, who was then living at Nidur, a small place with a Siva shrine close to
Mayuram. It was then a Karkattar village having sixty families, all related to one
another who were all industrious, capable and honer and whose leader was
Vadamalaiyappa. Tirumalai summoned Pillai to Madurai, and immediately put him
in charge of the southern area with headquarters at Tirunelveli. Pillai took all the
sixty families from Nidur to Tirunelveli and stationed them in all the important
trouble-centres in the area as village karnams and his task of administering the

area became comparatively easy. Nayak held him in high esteem.
Vadamalaiyappa belonged to the Naranakkuda gotra. He was a devout follower of Murugan and the temple at Tiruccendur naturally attracted him. During
that period, the first half of the 17-th century, the Dutch carried away the image of
Muruga from the temple and threw it into the sea.
Some time after Vadamalaiyappa assumed charge, he had a dream in which
Murugan of Tiruccendur appeared and told him to go out to the sea and search for
his image in a place where a Iime fruit would be found floating on the waves. So
he set out on a kattamaram with a few divers and reached the indicated spot,
where he found the lime fruit floating and also the Brahminy kite circling overhead. Tying up his clothes tightly, he jumped into the waves, went to the bottom
and found the image. Lifting it up in his arms, he came to the surface. The image
was then brought to the temple and installed with due ceremonies and pomp. A
contemporary poet by name Venrimalaik-kaviraya, who was one of the priests
privileged to perform the puja in the temple and who had also written the purana
for the temple, wrote a kirttanam to celebrate the occasion; this begins with the
words : " This is an auspicious occasion for all of us, when you deigned to return
to the temple, Muruga.'' The poet mentions the year as Saka 1576 (A.D: 1654) and
mentions therein the devotion of Vadamalaiyappa. This kirttanam is the first
kirttanam in the Tamil language. Vadamalaiyappa Pillai was thence forward called
Pillaiyan. (Pillai-Ayyan, the great among the Pillais) and this title is still given to all
the members of his family. In any domestic function today in the Tirunelveli area,
the first seat of honour is reserved for a member from this family.
In honour of this achievement, Pillai was then given the privilege of the first
worship (archanai and mandakappadi) in the Murugan temple on the day of the
temple festival. This practice goes on to this day. As if to emphasize this, an anecdote relating to Kattabomman is also narrated in Tiruccendur. One day at the time
of a festival there, Kattabomman had camped at Tiruccendur. He desired puja to
be done on his behalf first that day. The temple priests refused to do it. Naturally
he was much enraged. He rode up to the temple and hauled up the priests for
disobeying his words; they meekly submitted that the first poja was always the
privilege of Vadamalaiyappa and then narrated to him the events. When he heard
them, he was very much moved. He allowed the first puja to be done as usual and
agreed to have his, done next.
During the period when the Murugan image was under the sea, no one knew
where it was thrown. So an attempt was made to cast a fresh image and install it

in Tiruccendur. But by the time it was cast and by the time it was actually on its
way to Tiruccendur, Vadamalaiyappa had recovered the original and installed it.
The new image had by that time reached a place now called Murugan-Kuricci; it
was installed there in a newly built temple which took its name after Muruga; it is
now kept in the Palayamkottah Siva temple
The Mula murti (Idol of sanctum sanctorum) in Tiruccendur was desecrated
by the Dutch. In its place a new image carved from the rock on the west bank of
Tambraparni on which Pillaiyan's mother used to perform her puja, was installed;
a seoond image carved from the same rock was installed in the place which is
now celebrated as the Kurukkutturai temple in the river bed.
Today there is a large cluster of the Karkattar population in and around
Tirunelveli. Many of the village karnams still continue in the villages where Pillaiyan
had established them. Some of them however had left their stations to look for
more advantageous jobs in the towns.
Other Patrons and Chiefs
Along with such eminent chiefs of the Cola period, there were other such
chiefs and patrons. We shall here notice two such patrons.
Sadaiyappa Vallal:
He was the patron of Kambar; he lived in Tiruvennainallur and was a
Karkattar. This place is not to be confused with the place of the same name associated with Sundaramurti, the Samaya acharya, and with Meykanda Deva, some
centuries later. Sadaiyappar is the name of the Lord Siva enshrined at
Tiruppanandel; it is a name commonly found among the Karkattar. The founder of
the charities now known as the Anbanathapuram Family Charities which runs the
AVC college at Mayuram was a Sadaiyappar. Sadaiyappar is a name of Siva, the
Lord "who wears the matted locks". During the days of Kambar, the crown of the
Cola emperors was always in the custody of the Karkattars. On the death of the
ruling monarch, when the successor was installed, it was brought from the custody of the Karkattar concerned at the time of the coronation and given to the
Sivacharya to be placed on the head of the newly anointed ruler. It was always the
Sivacharya who did the coronation. The Karkatter was recognized as the real producer of wealth in the land and so he was given the custody of the crown, the most
important insignia of royalty. Kambar remembers this contemperory tradition very
well and invokes it for the coronation of Rama at Ayodya after his return with Sita
from exile :

"The crown was handed over by the forefathers of Sadaya,
Vasista received it and placed it on the head of Rama" The concept that the
crown is in the custody of the Karkattar, the agriculturists as the real producers of
wealth, is most significant. There are many stories connected with Sadayappa
Vallal; they are well known and do not need a repetition here.
Nerkunram Kilar:
He was a poet and patron of poets who lived in l2-th century in a village in
Tondainad, known as Nelkunram (meaning a hill of paddy), Many stories abound
praising his gifts to poets and his sensitivity to poets' poverty. There is one fine
story. Asking for help always demeans one. Kilar was able to sense this feeling of
reluctance on the part of the poets to ask anything. So he had spread sand in the
courtyard of his house. Poets who came to him for help were simply to write their
request on the sand. He would see the writing from a concealed place and would
immediately grant the request. Kilar belonged to the Kalappdla gotra. We may
remember that Meykandar the exponent of the Saiva Siddhanta philosophy, came
also of the Kalappdla gotra; we know his father's name was Achyuta, the Kalappala;
probably he came of a different branch of the same gotra. He also lived about the
same time. Kilar was also a poet. He has written an antadi poem on Siva enshrined at Tiruppugalur in 100 verses.
Nerkunram kilar had given a daughter in marriage to Peruman Nambi
Pallavatarayar. She was also one of the beneficiaries under the grants made by
Rejadiraja on the death of Pallavataraya.
We hear of many other Karkattar chiefs who were patrons of poets. There
was one Uttandan in Taiyur on whom a kovai poem was sung the 16-th ceutury;
one Ellarkku Nainar in Tirunelveli, 'of the Karaikattar family' who is celebrated in
poems of the period of Vadamalaippan, besides many others.
4. MORE LEGENDS
The Mukkulam Legend
A tradition relating to the Karkattar has been recorded in the Cola Mandala
Satakam. The Mukkulam (three tanks) of Tiruvenkadu near Kaverippattinam in the
Colanad has been extolled even in the songs of Thirujnanasambanda (7-th century). It is a well known story that Achyuta Kalappala of Pennagadam was directed
by his preceptor to bathe in the Mukkulam when he prayed to God for the boon of

a child. ( l2-l3 th century). The Satakam records a much earlier legend, When the
Cola prince Karikala was to be crowned, the question as to who were entitled to
crown him arose. It was then ascertained that the Karkattar were of 64 families,
and that, only they were entitled to this exclusive privilege. The legend says that
before the actual coronation ceremony, the Karkattars were required to bathe in
the Mukkulam with a lighted lamp on their head, and they actually did so and
came out with the lamp unextinguished by the waters of the tank, and they were
asked, after this water ordeal, to crown the Cola prince. This legend is still preserved in some Talaltu songs (lullaby). This will also substantiate the statement of
Kambar that the forefathers of Sadaiyappa Vallal were given the custody of the
crown of the ruling dynasty of the land.
The Palayanur legend
The Karaikkaltar who were in Kaccinerik-karaikkadu began to expand and
colonise other areas. Several of them went and settled around the modern TiruAlankadu shrine, and it had come down in history as Palaiyanur (the old viilage).
A tragic incident took place in that village which is always held up as a monument
to the honour and probity of the Karkatta Velalar. A Chetti had for some reason
killed his wife. She took the form of a ghost and caught hold of him once when he
was going aiong the road there and, in the guise of a pretty woman claimed him as
her husband. He realised She was a ghost and tried to run away. But she took
hold of him and brought him before the Council of Elders at Palaiyanur and put
forward her plea for being restored to her husband; she also produced in evidence
'their' child (made up by a ghost trick) which ran up to the Chetti and clung to him.
This evidence seemed to be conclusive and so the Council of Elders which consisted of 70 Karkatta Velalar asked him to take back his wife. But when he remonstrated that the woman was,in reality a ghost, they offered to stand surety for her
good conduct. Accordingly, they shut up the man and woman in a house for the
night. But at day break they found only the bones of the Chetti; the woman had
disappeared with her child, having eaten up the Chetti. The horror-struck Velalar
could do nothing now; so they gave up their lives in a fire, as they were unable to
act up to their promise of safety to the Chetti.
A long time after the incident, the three ruling princes Cera, Cola and Pandiya
heard of it and went to visit the site of the fire pit. Moved by the sense of honour
and sacriflce of the Velalar, each prince sang a song on them.
St. Umapati Sivam, writing on the story of Sekkilar who composed the Periya
Puranam, mentions the above incident and remarks that the greatness of the velalar

could not be limited by him in words. He further adds: " When the seedlings transplanted in the fieids by the Karalar grow up luxuriantly, the golden crown worn by
the ruling princes also will flourish; the sway of the sceptre of the princes is controlled by the little whips used by the Velalas for goading the plough oxen."
5. THE CULTURAL HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
The term Saiva
Until the first half of the 20th century (marked by the end of the Second
World War and Indian Independence), the term saiva had only one connotation:
the vegetarian, (as well as a few other limited groups of vegetarians) from time
immemorial. Tamil fanaticism which rose to prominence at the close of that period
pulled down many happy turns of expression and elements of values and called
the saiva way of food, the marakkari unavu (vegetable food); this was a vulgarization in the ordinary spoken language.
Now coming to the other meaning of Saiva,--the follower of Siva, we can
point out to certain associations. The Saivas are said to be of seven classes : The
Adi Saiva -- the temple Archaka or Gurukkal; Anadi Saiva -He who had no beginning that is Siva Himself; Anu-Saiva -- the Kshatriya or Vaisya who has had Siva
diksa; Avantara Saiva -- the Sudra who has had the Siva diksa; Maha Saiva -- the
Brahmin who has had Siva diksa ; Antya Saiva and Pravara Saiva - the mixed
tribes who have had Siva diksa. The simple term Saiva without any attribute means,
the Karkattar (as well as a few other limited groups of Velalar); it does not occur
as one of the seven, because it is the real Saiva.
Another point may be noted. The Sangham poems do not speak particularly
about the vegetarian way of food. There is always mention of meat and drink.
Even the Brahmins of the period were not averse to meat-eating. But yet, even
during that period we are able to discover a silver lining-Pari we have said was a
Velalar. The Sangham poems tell us that his hill of Parambu was besieged by the
three ruling princes, who were bent upon destroying him. Kapilar, poet and friend
of Pari, witnessed the siege. He told them, indicating the forest wealth of food in
the hill to show that it cannot be starved by any siege. We should note here that
be speaks only of plant food (vegetarian) and although the forest and hill abound
in a rich variety of game for meat, he does not refer to them ; this indicates that
though Kapilar himself partook of non-vegetarian-food, he could mention only vegetarian food, when he had to mention food in relation to Pari. This adds weight to
our claim that the Saiva meant only the Velalar and that the Velalar were all vegetarians from the very remote past.

Education and Culture
The Karkattar were a highly cultured and educated group, which commanded
respect from every class of society including the Brahmins. He was well versed in
Tamil literature and the Saiva canon. It may be pointed out that by virtue of their
trusteeship of almost all the temples in the Colanad, they were steeped in religious lore and also in the puja rituals relating to the temple. Many were good
scholars in Sanskrit also. In every house-hold, manuscripts of Tiruvilayadal
puranam, Tiruvacakam, Periya puranam, Viruddhachala puranam, Arunachala
pura-Bramottara kandam, Agastiyar Devarathirattu and Naidatam could be found
even up !o the second decade of the present century. It may also be pointed out
that most of the palm-leaf manuscripts available in the Colanad were from Karkattar
houses. This argues for the high degree of learning and religious living in the
families of Karkattars.
The Karkattar lived around Siva temples. If there was no temple for Siva,
they built at least a temple for Vinayaka. Worship of Mariyamman, Ayyanar etc.,
there was, no doubt; but this was frowned upon by them, although their family
tutelary deity (KulaDeivam) was usually some form of Sakti, such as Periyanayaki,
Ankalamman, Mariyamman etc.
The Karkattar did indeed lead an austere and disciplined life.Women also
were generally literate. Both men and women after a certain stage, had their Sivadiksa (religions initiation) and they observed their anustana (corresponding tn the
Brahmin sandyavandana) every morning and evening. In the evening, members
of both the sexes attended the evening temple services. A good percentage of
both, performed their Atmartha Siva puja.
Sivacaryas
In the remote past, when population was not so vast and when communities
were closely knit, the Siva temples were built by Koccengat Cola.
The Karkattar, had set apart some individuals amongst themselves, who
were qualified by their erudition, personal discipline, non-attachment and dedication, to be their spiritual heads and gave them the duty of performing the congregational worship (Parartha puja), in the temples. In the course of the years these
families gradualiy separated from the main stream of the Karkatter, who devoted
themselves, not to learning and things of the spirit exclusively, but to agriculture
and administration. In time they came to be regarded as a separate caste and

were styled as Sivacaryas, because they were performing Siva poja (Parartha).
But there was a difference.When they rose high in the spiritual practices,
unfortunately, they looked up to the regular smartha Brahmins in all ritualistic and
sastraic matters; this was natural because the Brahmins were learned in Sanskrit;
the sanskrit craze caught these people and they even called themselves Brahmins; they had long ago ceased to inter-dine and inter-marry with the parent stock
of the Karkattar. Their isolation was now complete; they were different from these
Velalar and different from the Brahmins. So when they wrote down the Agamas,
they called themselves Sivabrahmanas, said they were superior to the Brahmins,
and that they alone were competent to perform Parartha puja in the temples.
There is considerable force in this assertion because in all the mantras uttered by these Sivacaryas, as in sandyavandanam, the Sun-god figures as
Sivasurya, while in that of the regular Brahmins the sun-god figures as SuryaNarayana.
A substantial evidence is available for this conclusion from the list of the
names of Sivacaryas. A glance at the names will simply show that the first part of
each name is exactly the gotra title of the Karkatta Velala, the next is the proper
name, or rather the anointed name (Abhiseka name) crowned by the term Siva to
indicate that he was a Siva pujaka. A few names are given below:
N a n g u r u d a i y a M a d e v a Ta t p u r u s a S i v a r ; Ay m b u r u d a i y a S a d a s i v a r ;
Kavaramangalamudaiya Chandrasekhara Ananda Sivar; Ayurudaiyar;
Tirumaraikkadudaiya Isanasivar; Vegkadudaiya Tatpursha Sivar; Korrangudindaiya
Sivakarunalaya Isana Sivar; Maraikkadudaiya Medeva Vairagya Sivar.
AII the terms ending with udaiya represent place names. We have shown
that the Karkattar had only two types of gotra names; one, titles confered by the
Emperors and the other place names. All the first names in the list given above
are place names. Neither do the Karkattar know this evolution of the Sivacaryas
from among themselves, nor do the Sivacaryas know it, much less acknowledge
it. But yet this is the truth. Later to lend greater dignity to the origin of Sivacaryas,
a legend was invented in the Siddhanta Saravali that Rejendra Cola brought families of Sivacaryas from the banks of the Godavari and settled them in Tamilnadu.(*)
(*) The author of this work, Triloeana was himself a Sivacarya and hence much
credence caonot be placed on this.
6. THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
Their Status in Society

The Karkattar were noted for their generosity. When the Cola emperors built
the huge granite temples all over Tamilnadu Karkattars endowed them with lavish
grants for their daily maintenance. From the day the construction was started, all
sections of society gained from temple benefactions.
Attention of the readers may be drawn here to the position of the Karkattar
in the social system. They were the one clan which received absolutely no
benefacfion from lhe temple. They did all the executive, administrative and supervisory service for the temple, in an honorary capacity. They received no payment
anywhere for any temple service.
When the Tamil monarchies ceased to exist, these clans took up the temple
administration as a matter of hereditary right, which in fact it was, in most places,
and saw to it that the temples continued to function. This position they maintained
upto the first quarter of the twentieth century. The first world war effected many
changes, economic, social and political, which thrust the Karkattar young men
into the fore of English education and job-hunting and, thereby dislodged them
from the lofty pedestal of the giver with which they had been associated from time
immemorial.
The Karkattar, being the landed gentry in the land were in a position to
extend their patronage to art and letters. Kambar lived in en age when there was
no powerful monarch to extend him any patronage. sadayappa Vallal extended
that patronage tb him. A large number of temples today exist in the whole country.
And, with the temples, music and dance flourished, The temple fed the musicians
(Nagasvaram pipers) and dancers. But other types of patronage were extended to
them in ordinary life by the Karkattar. For marriage functions, birth-day celebrations Vilakkidu and similar family gatherings, the pipers and dancers were invited
and paid lavishly. There was no function without the piper and the dancer in Tanjavur
district. In a wider sense we may boldly say that these artists would have languished, but for the support of the Karkattar. The patronage given to music and
dance naturally extended to Tamil letters also.
The Karkattar were also the landed aristocrats in the liberal sense. The
farm was known as Pannai. The head of the Pannai assumed a natural leadership
in the village. He was able to arbitrate and settle all kinds of disputes for all the
classes in the village.
Economy of the Karkattar Life

The Karkattar economy in the past was a kind of self-sufficient and selfcontained living. The Karkattar always lived in clusters in a village. Each family
was also a viable unit. Even if the family be poor, it had enough land to raise the
necessary food. The agricultural land produced not only rice but all the required
pulses. lf the family did not have the necessary land, its headman took out some
land on lease from those who could afford it and cultivated it. Never did he think of
eking out a livelihood by means other than agriculture. Each house had a spacious garden if not all round the house, at least at the back of it. In one corner
stood the cattle shed with at least one cow and one buffalo for supply of milk; and
a minimum of two pairs of bulls for ploughing. The annual accumulation of the
dung heap from the shed provided the natural manure for the fields. He had at
least two bullock drawn carts; AII families put together produced their own cows
and work cattle
There was a large hay-stack in another far corner of the garden which was
sufficient for feeding lhe cattle for the whole year. Besides,the garden had a cluster of bamboos which supplied the necessary bamboo splinters for the tile-roofing
of the house and the necessary spikes and spine for the fence. There were in the
garden, mango, Iemon, tamarind, iluppai, coconut trees which all supplied fruits,
tamarind, oil, nuts for cooking and for lamps etc. AIso there were portia, margosa,
and albizzia trees which supplied the timber for the house, and for cart-making
and granary making. There was a well for supply of water.
It could thus be seen that two of the primary needs of the family-food and
shelter-were taken care of by the house gardens and agricultural lands. Out of the
surplus in these, he purchased his clothing and a few sundries like kerosene oil,
salt etc. Sugar was always purchased except in rare cases where he cultivated
some cane.
7. THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
We shall mention below the Nayanmar who were Karkattars and the monasteries and orders of spiritual headship founded by them.
The Saiva Nayanmar
Sekkilar has sung the lives of the 63 Saiva saints (Nayanmar) in his Periya
puranam, a large work of epic proportions in 4286 verses. Among the 63, the

largest single group is the Velalar group, having 13 Nayanmar. All of them had
lived before the days of Sundarar (C. 700 A.D.) We mention elsewhere
Jnanasambandha's glowing tribute to the Velalar way of life. Considering all the
circumstances, we may conclude that Appar belonged to the Karkattar community, although we have no evidence that this name was in vogue in the Period.
Saints Kalikkama and Manakkanjara
These two saints lived probably a few decades after Appar. Through other
evidences it is clear that they belonged to a community which had later come to
be called Karkattar.
St. Sundara lived round the year 700 A.D. He has referred to the miracles
performed for the sake of Kalikkama in his song on Tirup-pungur. Kalikkama is
considered to belong to the Karkatta Velala community, which is even today the
major community in Perumangalam. The twice forty i.e. eighty acres of land donated by Kalikkama constitute a separate hamlet now known as Panniruveli, which
is now under Anbanathapuram Vagaiyara charities of Mayuram.
Kundaiyar Kilar is one of the devotees who figure in the life of St. Sundarar.
This Velalar, had been supplying the required rice to the household of Paravai,
the spouse of Sundara at Tiru-Arur. According to the Tirukkolili Ula written some
ten centuries later, Kundaiyur Kilar was a Karkattar (Karalar).
8. THE SAIVA ACARYAS
Meykandar: Tradition has it that Meykandar was himself a Karkattar. He was the
son of Achutha Kalappalar of Pennagadam. He was himself born through the grace
of Siva enshrined at Tiru-venkadu and was named Svetavanapperumal which is
the name of the Lord there. He wrote the Sivajnana Bodham, which is the basic
original scripture of the Saiva Siddhanta philosophy. The aged Sivacarya,
Sakalagama Pandita was his first disciple and he came later to be known as ArulNandi. From Meykandar, the school of saiva Siddhanta evolved itself into a new
school of theistic Advaita philosophy.
Today, Pennagadam, the ancestral town of Meykandar is one of the important centres where the Karkattar live in large numbers. Meykandar came of the
Kalappala gotra there. The Kalappalar are quite different from Kalabhras. The
town is situated in the South Arcot district; there is a large temple there built by
Koccengat Cola of the 5th century A. D. This has been sanctified in the hymns of
Appar and Sambandhar in the 7-th century.

The Saiva Mutts
Tiru-Avaduturai: The Tiruvavaduturai mutt was established in the 15-16 th
century by Namasivayamurti, a Karkattar disciple of Siddhar Sivaprakasa of
Muvalur, coming in the line of Meykandar. Siddhar Sivaprakasa was a disciple of
Arul Namasivaya, who was a disciple of Saint Umapati, the fourth Santana-acharya
and the author of many literary and philosophical works.
Dharmapuram:
The Dharmapuram mutt was founded in the I6-th century at Dharmapuram
by Guru Jnanasambandha, disciple of Kamalai Jnanaprakasa of Tiru Arur. He was
a Karkattar, hailing from Srivilliputtur in the far south. Namasivayamurti has not
left any writing; but Guru Jnanasambandha has written many works on the various
pathways of Saivism.
These two mutts have been flourishing in all their spiritual glory to this day.
Illustrious heads and disciples had adorned these two mutts, and they had written
quite a large number of Tamil literary works as well as exegetical treatises and
devotional poems on Saivism.
Suryanarkoil:
It was founded by Sivagra Yogi in the 16-th century. The Yogi was a Brahmin and his successors for some generations were Brahmins. In the early 18-th
century, the head of the mutt was suffering from a dire disease and no one would
go near him. At that time, one Subrahmanya Pillai of Tirumandurai, a Karkattar
village next to Suryanarkoil, was an ardent disciple of the Acharya. He did all the
menial services to him to the Iast moment, patiently ministering to all the physical
needs of the sick Acharya. Moved by his devotion and dedicated service and also
by his erudition in the Saiva Siddhanta philosophic lore, the Acharya made him
the next head.* (*-This story was narrated to the author by the late Arulmigu
Meenaksi- sunrdara Desigar, Head of the Suryanarkoil Mutt.) Subrahmanya Sivagra
Yogi as he was now called gave all his family property (then about one hundred
acres of wet land) to the mutt. This was held by the Karkattar after him till the
middle of the 19-th century, when the famous Melagaram Subrahmanya Pandara
Sannidhi of Tiruvavaduturai annexed it.
This indicates the Karkattar had been great philosophers and religious heads
and three large mutts on the banks of the Kaveri were founded and headed by
them.
9. PRECEPTORS OF THE KARKATTAR
The Karkattar in the Cola territory generally owe their allegiance in the matter of spiritual following to the Saiva mutts at Suryanarkoil, Tiru Avaduturai and

Dharmapuram.
But later , Kanjanur Ayyars have been supplying this need. They are today
a large group of several families domiciled in Tukili and Kanjanur, on the northern
bank of the Kaveri, a little to the east of Auduturai in Tanjavur district. They had
originally been parf of the Diksitar community in Chidambaram. They had been
accepted as preceptors for several centuries by all Karkattar in the Colanad. They
claim all the Karkattar as their disciples and collect an annual manya (or gift) from
them. They officiate as priests, at all the auspicious ceremonies; they also officiate at the funeral rites, after the corpse is disposed of. (A Saiva Desikar officiates
as priest on the occasions of death, for the removal of the body and, for fhe second days rites). They also assume spiritual leadership by imparting Diksa (spiritual initation) and teaching Siva puja to the disciple. They are no doubt Tamilians
but they are all total strangers to Tamil and perform all the rites only in Sanskrit.
Their knowledge of the Sanskrit language today is almost nil; but having learnt the
mantras and the kriyas by word of mouth from father to son, they go on repeating
them by rote. Beyond this, most of them know neither religion nor philosophy.
They are also to be classed as Sivacaryas. The Saivas are enjoined to perform Atmartha Siva puja in their houses. Siva puja on Agamic lines is not the duty
of Smartha Brahmins. So the Smartha Brahmins are not competent to be preceptors to these saivas. For a saiva who is competent to perform Atmartha Siva puja,
the preceptor should be naturally from a higher Siva class (not caste). Hence only
the Sivacarya has the competence to act as preceptor to a Saiva.
10. RELIGIOUS PERSUASION
The Karkattar community is predominantly Saiva; yet there are a good number of families which are the followers of Visnu. But there is no distinction among
the families on this account in the matter of marriage and similar social relationship. The religious persuasion can be seen only from the religious mark on the
forehead. It is common for Saivas among them to have Vaisnava names and for
Vaisnavas to have Saiva names.
The position is different as far as the south is concerned. All the Pandinad
Karkattar are the followers of Siva; there is not a single family there which calls
itself Vaisnava. But in Colanad these Vaisnavas being so very small, among a
larger population, it do not hesitate to inter marry in the Saiva families.
All the Karkattar, up to the first quarter of this century, were performing
Atmartha Siva puja (personal worship of Siva) in their houses. In large villages of

Karkattars, we can yet find ghats on the Kaveri and the local tank, wherein platforms, sandal grinding stones and water courses had been constructed providing
places for a few people to prepare their own sandal paste and perform their puja
at the same time. Close to the tanks are yet found floral gardens (Nanda Vanam),
which are distinct from temple flower gardens, wherefrom they can gather flowers
for puja offering. These gardens were religiously maintained by the Karkattar on
private land for the use of those doing Siva puja. This arrangement was necesary
because the devotees were strictly prohibited from gathering flowers from temple
gardens for private puja.
Speaking of Colanad, which is the centre of the Karkattar community, we
may add that four groups had been recognized by the Karkattar as orthodox Saiva
groups. They are: (a) the Karkattar where-ever they may be found; (b) the
Tondaimandala Velalar; (c) the Saiva Chettiyar known as Kasukkadai Chettiyar
and Solapuram Chettiyar in the Mayuram, Kuttalam and Kumbakonam areas; and
(d) Soliya Velalar in certain limited localities around Pandanallur, Anakkudi and
Tiruvarur in Tanjavur district. These four groups are considered to have been vegetarians from very ancient times and to preserved their own individual cultures.
The elders in these communities had all been performing Atmartha Siva puja till
the first half of this century. They freely inter-mingle and dine but never intermarry.
All the four communities never dine with any other community for the simple
reason, that however ardently the others may follow the Saiva religion and worship Siva, one could never be sure that the others were vegetarians from the
ancient past. As is well known, many families have taken to vegetarianism in the
recent past, out of conviction, but the Velalar mentioned above would not dine
with them at a common table.
One trait of the Karkattar may be noted here. They paid due homage to the
devotees of Siva. Besides, the Karkattar showed the greatest reverence to the
symbols of Siva, the sacred ash, the rudraksa beads and the Panchaksara. They
smeared the ash on the prescribed occasions, they were at least one rudraksa
bead framed in gold round their neck and, on initiation, never failed go utter the
Panchaksara (five letlers) mantra in the prescribed manner.
We have said that the Karkattar all lived round temples. Their personal
names generally took after the names of Siva and Sakti enshrined in the local
temple. Round Cidambaram, names of male members were like Nataraja,
Ambalavana, Kanakasabhai, Ponnambalam, and Kunjitapadam, which were all

references to the presiding deity of Cidambaram. Women were always named as
Sivakamasundari. Around Vaidisvaran Kovil, it was always Vaidyanatha (Siva) and
Muttaiyan and Muttukkumarasvami (Subrahmanya) for men, and Tayyalnayaki
(Sakti) for women. In Tiru Anaikka, it was always Jambulingam or Appulingam and
Akhilandesvari. Similarly in all the other places without exception, a child born in
the Karkattar family was always given the local deity's name or the name of lhe
grand-falher or grand-mother without exception.
11. THE LITERARY HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
A study of lhe growth of the literature on the Karkattar and the literaturc
created by them is an interesting subject. Specific mention of the Karkattar in Tamil
literature is-available only from the second millennia after Christ. Poems referring
to them and books written by them are available in the later centuries but not in
the early period.
Again, Acarak-kovai sets us thinking. It is a book of one hundred verses
laying down a code for disciplined and righteous living. The author is one Araiyanar
of Munrurai. We have shown earlier that the term araiya had come to be a gotra
title of the Karkattar. Acarak-kovai may well be the earliest poetic composition of
the Karkattar.
Jnana Sambandha on the Velalar:
Saint Tiru Jnana Sambanda (early 7- th century A. D.) when visiting TiruAkkur near Mayuram, sang a decad on the form of Siva enshrined there, from
which extracts are given below:
''This is the temple of Siva, the Tantonri madam,
the raised temple of the Self-revealed One, where
the hard working Velalar abide in large numbers,
they who are renowned for their munificence"' (verse 3)
" Their nature is not to say no to those who go to
them through poverty, but to derive joy through
giving to them.
(verse 9)
Sambandha seems to make here two points; one is that the Velalar is a
race of hard-working people (working on the land) and two that lhey are renowned
for their giving and that they never say 'no' to the indigent. It may be mentioned

that almost all Vellalars in the area are Karkattars.
12. EMINENT KARKATTAR POETS
From very early times, we know there have been manny reputed poets in
the country who had written poems large and small. Later we have definite mention of the Karkattar writers. We shall mention below some of the great writers
who have enriched the Tamil literature through their contribution, in later periods
Saint Meykandar:
Meykandar of the Kalappala gotra was not only the first codifier of the Saiva
Siddhanta system of Advaita philosophy and first spiritual preceptor of the Saiva
fold, but was also a poet. He wrote the Tamil Sivajnana Bodham in Tamil, which is
hailed as the very essence and fragrance of the ghee which is extracted out of the
milk namely the Vedas. Its sutras have been translated into Sanskrit and have
been given out as extracts from the Raurava Agama.
Meykandar is the originator for all Saiva Siddhanta philosophy in South India and for almost all the Saiva Mutts here. He lived in the 12-13 th centuries.
Kavai Ambalavana Tambiran:
There was one Ambalavana-t-tambiran at Tiru Anaikka by the end of the 14th century. He came of the direct line of St.Umapati. He himself had written many
exegectical treatises; his short treatises on yoga have been printed. His lineage is
traceable in both ways-through his natural descendants and through his spiritual
descendants. He was a Karkattar; Kavai Vadamalaiyappa Pillaiyan of the
Tiruchendur incident seems to have been a natural descendant from him after a
period of about two centuries. His spiritual descendants number many well known
figures. One lived a little later as the disciple of Velliambalavana Tambiran who
was a disciple of Saint Kumara Gurupara and wrote illustrative verses for lhe
Siddhanta Sastra, Tiruvarutpayan of Sri Umapati Sivam.
Guru Jnanasambandha:
He is one of the Acharyas coming in a direct line of master and disiple, from
Meykandar. He has written about ten works on the Saiva school of philosophy,
poems on yoga subjects such as the Prasadasatgam and Tiripadartharupadi
agaval. He was the founder of the Dharmapuram Mutt. His magnum opus the
Jnanabharana Vilakkam, a metrical elaboration of Sivajnana Siddhiyar in a large
number of verses, seems to have been lost; only a fragment of it is available. The

most popular among his works is the Sivabhogasarana, essence of God experience, which is poetry of a high order. Guru Jnanasambandha was a Karkattar
hailing from Srivilliputtur, in the latter half of tbe 16-th century.
Hariddsa:
Haridasa of the first half of the l6-th century was a Vaisnava poet. He was
held in high esteem in the Vijayanagar court of Krishnadevaraya. He was one of
four brothers, and the son of Tiruvenkadamudaliyar. He belonged to the Kalappala
gotra. He wrote a long poem by name lru Samaya Vilakkam in 2119 verses,
wherein he discusses the doctrines of both Saivism and Vaisnavism and seeks to
establish that the latter is superior. He Iived in Tondaimandalam; his father and
brother held high administrative posts under fhe Vijayanagar rulers.
Saiva Ellappa Navalar:
He was an illustrious poet of the later half of the 16-th century. He was of
the Kalingaraya gotra, hailing from a village near Tiru-venkadu. His descendants
still live in the same place. He has sung six puranas of which Arunachalam,
Sevvandi and Venkadu are well known. Besides, he wrote many minor poems such
as the Tiru Arunaik-kalambakam and Tiru-Arurk-kovai. His commentary on the
Tamil Soundaryalahari of Kavirajapandita (translated from Sankaracharya's Sanskrit poem) is an important contribution to the Sakta literature in Tamil.
Irasai Vadamalayappa Pillaiyan:
The story of Vadamalaiyappa has been given in detail separately. The senior Vadamalaiyappa was a chief under Tirumalai Nayak who restored lhe
Subrahmanya image in the Tiruccendur temple. Tirumalai-kolundupillaiyan was
his son and successor to the post. He was also celebrated in literature. Two kural
venba poems have been sung glorifying him. Kural venba is a poem in which a
Kural is incorporated as the last two lines of each venba while the first two lines
give a story to illustrate the thought expressed in the Kural. The poems were known
as Tirumalai venba and Tirumalaik-kolundu venba; only some fragments of the
poems are now available.
Irasai Vedamalaiyappa Pillaiyan was grandson of the illustrious grand-father. He was not only an administrator and a patron of men of letters but was also
an eminent poet. Two puranas written by him are now available in print. Machchapurana (a translation of Matsya-purana in Sanskrit) is a long purana of over 5000
verses written in 1706; he had also written the Nidur stala purana in about 400
verses. The two books are classical poems written in a good style and testify to
the author's poetic skill and to his devotion to Siva. A translation of the Matsya

purana requires a profound knowledge of the Sanskrit language, which the author had.
Apart from his own writings, we find there was no poet of any repute in the
period who did not sing on this Vadamalayappan. Ratnakavirayar junior had written the Pulavararruppadai in praise of him. Mukkudal pallu extolls him.
Subramania Munivar:
Subramania Munivar of Tottikkalai was a renowned poet of the recent past.
He lived round 1800 A.D. He was a disciple of Sivajnana swami, disciple of TiruAvaduturai Mutt and author of the famous Sivajnana bodhama bhasyam. The
Munivar has written many minor poems like Kalasaik-kovai, Kalasai sledai venba,
Tiru-Avaduturaik-kovai etc. He was born in the Punuda gotra in Katumannarkoil.
Sirrambala Aiya:
He was in the court of Raghunatha Setupati in Ramnad and wrote Marudurppuranam.
Murugaiyyak-kavirayar:
He was a poet of lhe early 19-th century. He hailed from the Mullaikkuda
gotra. Along with another poet, Nalla kavirayar, he was responsible for enlarging
the Villibharatam of about 3000 verses into the Nallappillai Bharatam of over
16,000 verses.
Mahavidvan Minaksisundaram Pillai:
The name of Mahavidvan Minaksisundaram Pillai in the recent past is very
well known. His ancestors though settled in Tiruchi, originally hailed from Madurai.
They belonged to the Vayaluda gotra. Dr. Swaminatha Aiyar, the most illustrious
disciple of Pillai has written his biography in two volumes of about 700 pages.
This biography, the first and easily the best in the language, became instantly
famous. Pillai has written about 100 poems, Iarge and small and they comprise a
total of 20,000 verses. The life of Pillai (1815-1876) is a literary history of the 19th century. The illustrious Karkattar of Kalyanasolapuram-Sivachidambaram Piilai,
Aiyaru Pillai and Arunachalam Pillai had extended their generous patronage to
Minakshisundaram Pillai and had influenced him to write the short purnaas of
Attur, Vilathotti, Kurukkai, Mannippadikkarai and Valoliputtur, besides the large
puranas as Mayuram and Tirutturutti (Kuttalam).
This list does not exhaust the list of Karkattar men of letters of renown.
There were many minor poets upto the present day. The above is only an illustrative selection.
13. LITERATURE ON THE KARKATTAR

It has been pointed out that the Karkattar had always been givers and
never receivers. They pined for the grace of Siva and in token thereof would
receive only the sacred ash from the temple priest. Naturally this characteristic
earned for them the praise of all poets in the land through the centuries. We
shall give here one verse praising the munificience of their hand.
"This is the hand that guides the plough,
that is looked up to by the mighty princes,
that wears the ring (Sudarsana chakra)
and distributes grace,
that wards off evil, the hand that is eternal.
that gives support for all time the hand of the Karalar."
Below we refer to some of the poems which speak of the benevolence
and greatness of the Karkattar.
Er-elupadu:
This is one of the earliest poems in praise of the Karkattar and their agricultural
operations. It contains seventynine verses eulogising the community, its various operations, the agricultual implements and their parts. Its refrain is, that
there is none equal to the Karkattar in the entire universe and that it is only the
agriculturist's plough that feeds the whole universe; of course this is always
true. Incidentally it also praises the Cola as the monarch who possesses this
amount of agricultural wealth. The poem is attributed to Kambar; this Kambar in
a second poet bearing the illustious name of the author of the Remayana; he
would have lived in the 12-th century.
Tirukkai valakkam:
Usually printed as an appendix to the first poem, this is a long kalivenba
poem in 118 lines. It celebrates the various achievements of the hand of the
Karalar. The whole poem is full of allusions to the earlier legends beginning
from Periyapuranam. The reference to Kambar, Sekkilar, Ottakkuttar, Naladiyar
and Sadayappa Vallal are of course valuable. It seems to lend support to the
legend that the Jain work Naladi was written by the Velalar.
Karalar Kilai Valappamalai:
This Is a long kalivenba poem having 360 lines, celebrating the glory of
the ancient Karkattar and ending with the achievements and various acts of

public benefit of the two Vadamalayappas. The author is one Sankaralingam, The
poem gives the name of the community as Karaikkattar (which is the same as
Karkattar, karai being the noun kar, with the second case ending. He says that the
number of gotras (clans) in the community is 96 and that they all end with the
suffixes like raya, udai, tirai and kudai. The poem gives the ten insignia for royalty
for the Karkattar: hill-Podigai; river-vaigai; kingdom-Mangala nadu ; place (ur)Melnndu-mathur; flower-lily (kuvalai); horse-that of victory; elephant-that which
conquers the dig-gajas; banner-plough; drum-the legendary three, of victory, giving and marriage; command-the One sound.
Vellalar Ammanai:
This seems to have been an ammanai poem probably on the model of the
Muvar Ammanai, glorifying the Karalar. Except for one verse cited in the Tondamandala Satakam, the poem does not seem to be extant.
The Mandala Satakam Poems
There are about seven Satakam poems in Tamil which seek to glorify one
region in particular, its land, people, heroes, poets and the like. All these could be
placed between the 17-th and the 19-th centuries. They were all written at a time
when many puranas and similar books were written in verses all over the Tamilnadu
seeking to extol one community or the other. Of the seven, five appear to be written solely for glorifying the Velalar. We shall say a few words about each of them
here. Each Satakam, as the name signifies, has one hundred verses, each verse
ends with a phrase mentioning the region as Tondaimandalame, Pandimandalame
and so on. Except the Colamandala Satakam which is in the six-foot viruttam metre,
the others are in the difficult Kattalaik-kalitturai metre. Though the Satakams profess to extol the region in general, we find them extolling principally only the Velalar
community, and some, the Karkattar community. Another feature of the poems is
that very ofen they claim some renowned writers as belonging to their own region.
Karmanla Satakam:
This is a poem in 100 verses, which seeks to extol the Karkattar community
and the region which that community inhabited. The poem deals at length with the
glories of the Karmandalam, the Dasangam of the community, its vocations in life,
its history, the Gangai kulam, its religion, eminent persons of the community and
their contributions to art and letters: The author is said to be one Arai-kilar of
Avinasi. His date has been given as 1025-1070. The appendix to the poem gives
a biographical note on about twenty-five chiefs and poets of the Sangam period,
who were Karkattar. In another appendix, it gives a list of one hundred gotra titles.
The book however, cannot be taken to be authentic. It could have been written

only in the nineteenth century or later, after Satakam poems like the Tondamandala
Satakam had gained popularity.
Pandimandala Satakam:
This poem of 100 verses extols the Pandimandalam and the ancient patrons and poets who had lived in that territory. It is attributed to one Aiyamperumal
of Madurai. The poem says the author wrote it to glorify the southern Karaikattar.
Many legends are mentioned herein, But all of them are not authentic.
Other works may make occasional reference to the Karkattar. Some recent
tracts have been published on the history and traditions of the Karkattar.
14. THE SOCIAL HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR
The Karkattar have always been agriculturists, both actual tillers and wellto-do owners of large farms where many also did the actual tilling work (called in
Tamil books ulutunpor and uluvittunpor respectively) and they practised farming
as their kuladharma (sacred duty). They never engaged themselves in any other
avocation in life. They never engaged themselves in trade nor ever gone abroad
on any business or other errands. The two instances mentioned elsewhere in this
article, of Karkattar being employed by Vadamalaiyappa Pillaiyan as village karnam
and some others of Kumbakonam engaging themselves in trade, are rare exceptions dating back to the l7-th and the 19-th centuries respeclively,
When the Non-Brahmin movement was started in Tamilnadu after the first
world war, the Karkattar were attracted by the glamour of the petty government
jobs and also identified themselves with the non-descript term Non-Brahmin. This
ultimately reduced them to the state of an economically Backward Class, even
within the space of a quarter of a century.
We shall give below a few important features from the social history of the
Karkattar.
Status of Women
Women among this community enjoyed most privileges and rights. They
inherited property, were guardians for minor children and administrated property
in the best interests of the minor. They had expert knowledge in all matters relating to agriculture as also religious matters and matters connected with wedding
alliances and arrangements, in which, they had full freedom. They were all models of chastity and modesty even by the most conservative standards; the always

sought seclusion both in the home and in public. But yet they were in their homes,
hospitable to visitors, kind and generous to servants, obedient to elders, thrifty in
money matters, and capable in bringing up their children. They were always a
source of pride for their husbands and their men folk. They were truly the lustre of
the home.
In the Karkattar community there was no child marriage. Widows were not
required to shave their heads and go cover them. Older widows always dressed in
white, while younger widows dressed in red; generally no other coloured sari was
used by them. (Married women and young girls never wore white dress in the
past). They never wore any jackets. A widow would smear white ash or put on the
rudraksa beads, but she would not put on the kumkum (vermillion mark), and
would not use turmeric; nor wear jewels. On the death of her husband, the tali
and pili were removed from her. But it should be stated that the widow had an
honoured place in Karkattar society; she was not despised. she would not take a
direct part in any auspicious function in the family; that was her only handicap. In
a traditionally conservative and cultural family, once a woman became a widow,
living conditions and the social set up were such that she turned her thoughts
god-ward and led a life of penance thereafter. she was a privileged member of her
husband's family, influencing all its activites and selflessly serving the children
and the adults in the joint family. Her life was not one of sorrow and denial, but
one of joyous sacrifice, dedication, and service, As the years passed, she was
always looked up to for advice and guidance in all matters in the family. Divorce in
such asociety was unhrard of.
Female Children
The Karkattar exercised the greatest caution in the matter of bringing up
their female children.Girls of the adolescent age and, before the period of puberty. are never allowed to stay away from the mother. Attainment of puberty is a
great family event. The Karkattar like every other cultured society in the Tamilnadu
in the past, used to celebrate it with great pomp. In this they are not different from
others. All the relatives and friends of the house visit her and bless her. The main
purpose of the celebrations seems to be to acquaint community members that the
girl is available for a marrige alliance. Naturally parents with eligible boys would
be interested in the girl. They could see her at the time of this festivity, and decide whether she could be considered a suitable match for their ward. In the context of the custom that she cannot be seen by male members after this celebration, this kind of publicity in the community seems to have full relevance. We shall
note next, a general custom regarding the seclusion of girls who have attained

puberty.
IL.Serittal
Among all the cultured classes of society in Tamilnadu generally, all boys
and girls play together and move freely, when they are children. When a girl comes
of age, her movements are immediately restricted. This is mentioned in classical
literature as il-serittal (restraining with in the four walls of the house). The girl is
not permitted to move with other men except her immediate kith and kin, such as
father and brothers. Even in the social functions in her own house, she moves in
such a way that she is not seen by the other male members. There was a particular custom in Karkattar society to indicate the presence of such a girl in the
house and to restrain, not the girl, but outsiders from entering of the house to
will. Usually all members of society respect the custom of restraint placed upon a
girl who has attained puberty; (of course this restraint is removed the moment
she is married). In that house, two figures of calves are placed at the entrance
gate, on pillars on the outer verandah, or on the parpet wall of the roof, etc. This
is a sign that there is a unmarried girl in the house who had come of age and a
caution that the visitors should not freely go into the house but should stop at the
outer verandah and may enter only with permission. The figure of calves was
made in burnt clay by the local potter and coloured white. Visitors, be they relations, friends, equals, or servants, stopped at the first verandah and stepped in,
only when invited inside.
Tiruvilakkidutal ceremony:
The one ceremony or family ritual which distinguishes the Karkattar from
any other community is the Tiruvilakkidutal (or the Tiruvilakerrutal) ceremony.
Vilakkidutal means lighting a lamp. This ceremony takes place for a girl, at the
age of seven or nine, at any rate before she comes of age. This is a very grand
function, second perhaps only to the marriage function. This is itself called the
vilakkidu-kalyanam. It consists simply of the maternal uncle of the girl tying a
small golden chain (necklace) or a cotton thread with coral and golden balls on it,
round the neck of the child. On the appointed auspicious day all the friends and
relations of the family assemble, Pongal is cooked and served on five or seven
leaves in front of the family deity, invoked in a handful of sand in the ritual yard.
The child is seated on a special seat or dais and the uncle sits by her side. The
necklace or string has an amman kasu (round piece of gold like a coin on which
an image of Sakti is stamped) in the centre flanked by corals and gold balls on
either side. After the child performs a kriya for the deity, he ties it round the neck
of the child. This is called a Kudaichamani; also called navatali. The child holds
a small lighted lamp in her hands and, with this she walks round the invoked deity

and the food offerings. If she is five years of age, she goes round five times; if she
is seven, she goes round seven times and so on. As usual there is a feast afterwards. She is supposed to wear this contantly till the day of her real marriage,
when this is removed and the Tirumangalya is tied by the bridegroom. But actually children do not wear it; they take it away as soon the function is over.
During the Pongal festival, special lamps for each of girls, for whom this
ritual has been performed, are placed along with the family lamps placed for worship. Besides, during Pongal, when presents and, lamp wicks soaked in ghee are
received by a mother from the house of her parents, special wicks are also received on behalf of each such girl for lighting and worship.
The Vilakkidu kalyanam has been a very important family ritual for the
Karkattar till very recently. There seems to be a legend behind this custom. Long
ago, there was a ruler in the area who made it a habit of snatching away all unmarried young girls who had come of age. He never molested married girls. Some
communties in the land were willing to sacrifice some girl so that the rest of the
community may be free form any harm. The Karkattar however were not willing to
sacrifice any girl in this manner. So they invented this practice of performing this
pseudomarriage function by which all girls were made to look like married girls,
because of the Kudaichamani round their neck
This gave them immunity from molestation, The Pandimandala Satakam
(perhaps of the l8-19 th century) refers to this custom. among the Karkattar and
says that because the Pandiya prince claimed a girl for a bride, the unwilling
Karkattar invented this practice of tying the mani, before a large gathering of relatives.
The ceremony is common to the Karkattar of the north and the south but the
days of its observance are different. In Pandinad they perform it on the Pongal
day. Friends and relatives witness the function and return to their own homes for
celebrating the Pongal in their homes. A feast is held in the girl's house on the
next day, the Mattuppongal day. But the practice in Colanad is different.
Mattuppongal also is equally important for them, and, their kith and kin from afar
cannot come and return on the Pongal day nor can they attend on the Mattuppongal
day. Hence the ceremony is fixed on some other auspicious day convenient for all
concerned.
The Karkattar gotras:
Each Karkattar family has a distinct gotra. In all social functions this gotra

is invariably mentioned particularly in marriages the gotra has prominence. Sagotra (same gotra) inter-marriage is prohibited. Mention of the gotra in marriage
invitations is usually an indispensable feature even to this day.
The gotra is simply a family name indicating the particular branch from which
the present families were descended. Other communities seek to trace their origin
to a Rishi. But the Karkattar do not trace their origin to a Rishi but to one of two
classes a place or an illustrious ancestor. All the gotras of the Karkattar of the
present day trace their origin only to one of the two. Examples of place names are
- Agamuda, Mayaluda, Orattuda, Vilanduda, Puvanuda, Sattukkuda, Sattanuda,
Aiyaluda are just a few of such gotras; da suffix is a corruption for udaiya; Mayaluda
is for Mayalur-udaiya ; Sattanuda is for Sattanur-udaiya; Sattukkuda is for
Sattukkudal-udaya and so on.
The second type in gotra names is associated with names of
Iilustrious ancestors
Karkattar reached the pinnacle of their glory under the Cola emperors. Evidence of this is seen in the many gotra names which have been handed down
through the ages. They were all commanders and military chiefs and administrators. Such names as Sembiya araya indicates their position as chiefs; araya means
literally, king or chief; sembiya is a title of the Cola. Other titles such as Pandiyaraya,
Pancava taraya, Tennava taraya,Minava taraya, Valudiraya indicate the victories
they had over the Pandiyas. All these are Pandiya names. Malavaraya signifies
their victory over the Malava chiefs; Villavaraya and Vanavaraya over the Ceras
(Villava and Vanava mean Cera); Kongaraya over the battles in the Kongu country; Vanadiraya against the Banas; Kalingaraya indicates their participation in the
two compaigns against the Kalngas taken out under Kulottunga Cola I, by his son
Vikrama and by his illustrious commander Karunakara Tondaiman, round II00 A.D.
Pallavaraya, Viluppataraya, Munaiya taraya and similar titles have all associations with the history of the royal houses and of the Cola teritory. Some titles such
as Vijayaraya, Achutaraya, Senadhiraya, Seviyatarya and Kanakaraya do not seem
to have any particular significance, but appear to be titles of a general importance. Seenattaraya might have been one conferred on a warrior who had then
been to China as an emissary or ambassador of the Cola.
It may be noted that all the gotra names are only Tamil names and do not
have any sanskrit rishi name among them.
There is an early mention of 64 gotras. The editor of Karmandala satakam

has taken pains to collect a list of 100 gotra titles under the heads 'lords, earls,
dukes and Viceroys'. These are repeated in another book, with an alphabetical
arrangement. However it is found that in reality there are many more gotras. The
classification as Lords, Dukes, etc, is all mere fiction.
Family Life
The Karkattar lived as a joint family. The elders always had lhe unquestioning obedience of others. All marriages were arranged by the elders, mostly within
near relations, having always an eye on social status. Though economic status
did have a consideration, social status was respected. Members of one gotra,
however distant they may be, considered themselves as one family in such matters as weddings, bereavement, worship of kula-devatas and performance of
temple festivals.
Description of family relation are peculiar to the Karkattar. Maithuni (corrupted as machini) is a common term applied to wife's sister, maternal uncle's
daughter or paternal aunt's daughter. Two other terms are very meaningful. They
are Arumaiyar for an elder brother's wife and Varisaiyar for the husband's sister
are in common use. Arumaiyar is one, deserving all felicitation; a brother's wife
is a new comer into the family and so deserves all consideration and felicitation
and hence she is called Arumaiyar .The husband's sister is a lady who is going
away fo some one else's house, and so she is entitled to all presents from here;
she is called Varisaiyar (Varisai - present), by her brother's wife. These two terms
are in common use in the Karkattar family. A brother's wife is never called anni, as
in some other communities.
The servants in a household have a special term by which they address the
lady of the house. A Karkattar lady is always addressed as Achi; a Soliya Valala
lady is always called Ayi; and a Mudaliyar lady is called Anni. The words mean
only one thing and it cannot be confused with another. From the mode of address
by a servant, we can easily understand to which community the lady belongs.
Every cultured community in the past had its own individual way of dress.
The Karkattar also had their own mode of dress. Men after a certain age always
dressed themselves with a 'Mulaikkacham'. This was not in the Brahmin mode,
but in a mode altogether different. Their upper cloth on normal occasions consisted of a small towel only. Women dressed in a characteristic way, but not in the
orthodox Brahmin way; it was just a dignified way, with a thick kosavam on one
side; their sari was eight yards, in lenglh.
Food;
The Karkattar, as the real producers of food, were highly naturally cultured
in the matter of food. Their food was always served on tender plantain leaf, spread
with its tip end to the left. There is an artistic manner of serving the dishes on the
leaf, which could be appreciated and understood only by sitting at the table. This
culture of serving and eating is still preserved in the villages and could be seen
only in small private functions. The false hybrid culture of the city has invaded the
hearth of the Karkattar also and their individual table culture and manners are
gradually being given up.
There are many dishes which are peculiar to this community. To give one
example. There is one dish called Poritha-kulambu a kind of vegetable sauce
prepared with all kinds of vegetables without the use of tamarind, some thing like
Koottu of the modern city cuisne, but far different from it, and more deliciously
flavoured having a speciality of its own. The city cuisne employs a large quantity
of anise for all its preparations; the use of this anise and the like, compensates for
all the bad odours, and, the lack of odour also, in the modern hotel. The Karkattar
equate this with non-vegetarian preparations and never so much as touch it. They
do not generally use any flavouring ingredients other than green coriander leaves;
the very manner of preparing the dishes itself gives the correct flavour and fresh
hue.
The Karkarttar had evolved their own system of the thermos flask for keeping milk hot. The top half of an old mudpot was inverted, the bottom half placed on
it and filled with paddy husk. This is ignited and the milk pot kept on it. The ignited
husk will go on smouldering for twelve hours; it will not burn, nor will it die out.
Thus the milk will be kept at the optimum temperature by a natural process and be
ready at the required temperature at any part of the night. The modern thermos
flask was then unknown and was unnecessary. Similarly in the summer months, a
fresh mudpot kept water fresh and ice-cold.
The Karkattar food was simple but rich in nutrition. vegetables and greens
direct from the garden, milk direct from the cow or tho buffalo, and rice, handpounded without romoval of the valuable coating of vitmain-bearing pericarp to be
consumed. The average food consisted of three courses, first dhal and rice with
ghee, second kulambu (sauce) and rice, and third curds and rice. where the family could afford it, there was another middle course of rasam and rice. There were
generally two side dishes of vegetables and pickles. This was quite a rich fare.
Most poople irrespective of whether they were rich or poor, had only cold rice in

the mornings and again in the night; it was never thought beneath one's dignity to
take cold rice. Ceremonial and festive dinners included more side dishes, two
more varieties of sauces and payasam and vadai with fruits; there was no feast
without vadai and payasam.
Elderly people observed a partial fast on days like the Newmoon, Full moon
and monthly Kartikai; in the night they took only some frugal tiffin, perhaps a few
plantain fruits and milk. All people had a course of milk in the night.
15. KARKATTAR WEDDINGS
There is no sub-caste among Karkattars in the entire community. So there
is no difficulty in the matter of weddings between members of the different families, except that sa-gotra marriages are not permitted. It is not uncommon for an
young man to marry his sister's daughter; he is even considered to be the rightful
bride-groom for her. The ages of the groom and bride had generally been 22-25
and 16-19 respectively; a difference of five years in age was always sought to be
maintained. Marriages were all post puberty ones. The newly wedded bride was
always expected to step immediately into the rightful role of a responsible adult
member of the large joint family of which her husband was a part. Monogamy was
the general rule; occasionally other considerations, such as the barrenness of the
first wife, caused the man to marry again even while the first wife was alive.
The Karkattar marriages were always arranged by the elderes. It was celebrated in, the house of bride-groom; to have it done in the house of the girl was
considered not honourable. . Times were when the marriage was a four-days function; it was not just an alliance between two houses; it was virtually a great social
event, calculated to bring together members of the community around the place.
Horoscopes were usually compared; this was arranged by the maternal uncles of
the bride and the bride-groom. The dowry system is a blot on Indian society today.
In the grip of this octopus, we find today bride-grooms are daily sold at a price of
so many thousands of rupees. Previously, the dowry system did not not show its
head in the Karkattar alliance. Marriages were arranged not as a matter of barter,
but as a form of honourable agreement between cultured eguals.
A marriage function is even today the greatest social event in a rural community. It consists of a series of rituals. We shall consider them here under the
three heads: Pre-marriage rituals, the actual wedding ceremony and the ceremonies attendant on pregnancy and child birth. Mere marriage itself was no ideal.
The ideal was to procreate and continue the species. Like the Upanisadic seers

and the most modern Vicar of Wake-field, our fore-fathers believed that the begetting of children was the greatest national service.
Pre-Marriage Ceremonies
Marriages were arranged for and performed, at leisure. The Kutumba Deiva
puja (worship of family deity) is done several weeks ahead. the frst important
ritual after an alliance is decided upon (and dates fixed, orally) is, the Pandalkalmuhurtam. At an auspicious hour (fixed usually by the purohit), the first post for
the marriage pandal is erected after due ceremonies, by three sumangalis (married ladies). It should be remembered that every small ritual is preceded by a puja
for Ganesa, called anujnai, Which is in essence calculated to propitiate him and
secure his blessing on the ritual following.
For every ritual beginning from the pandalkal right up to the sending off of
the bride and bride-groom to the bride's residence and receiving them back etc.,
the local orchestra always plays music. This party consists of the nagasvaram
(pipe player), Ottu (the tune player); talam (cymbals) and periya melam (drummer). There is no auspicious ceremony without the piper's music. This will bear
out the statement made else-where that the Karkattar were all patrons of music.
Muhurta Olai
This is the next ritual; it is the writing of the agreement for marrying the
particular girl to the boy concerned. This is written generally in the house of the
bride; but according to the convenience of the parties, it may be done in the house
of the bride-groom also. Close relatives and friends of both the parties are present.
The purohit writes up two different documents in red ink (formerly this was written
on palm leaf, Olai, with a steel stylus), stating that each parent is willing to accept
the girl or the boy as the bride or the bridegroom respectively of their son or daughter. The document is placed on a plate with sugar candy, flowers, fruits and sandal
and, exchanged between the two parties. Usually, the date and hour of the wedding and the place are also specified therein. Music accompanies the ceremony.
There is a sumptuous dinner. This ceremony sanctions the sending out of marriage invitations.
Nischayatambulam (Betrothal)
This was formerly a separate ceremony. But to suit the convenience of all
parties however, this is now done on the evening previous to the day of marriage,

in the place of the marriage itself, mostly in a different house. The ceremony is
also known as Nischayartham, meaning that the proposal of marriage is now confirmed; this is sealed by the exchange of tambulam (betels aod arecanut) with
large plates of flowers, candy, sugar and fruits. This is done in the house of the
bride only. The fathers of the couple are seated on a mat in front of the purohit
who does a puja for anujnai. Members of both the parties are assembled in strength.
The bride-to-be is brought by her maids and seated between the two. She is given
a fresh silk sari and a jewel (as previously agreed upon) by the father of the bridegroom. The jewel is usually a sustantial present-a pair of golden bangles, a gold
chain and the like. This commits both the parties, so that thereafter they cannot
evade the alliance. The girl goes to her room and comes back decked in the new
dress and jewels. The purohit makes a public announcement of the proposed
marriage. The girl then bows to the elders of the assembly who bless her with
akshata and vibhuti (sacred ash). The inescapable dinner follows. The parisam
podutal of many other communities corresponds to this nischayatambulam.
Nal-Virundu
On the day previous to the day of marriage, there is a special felicitation to
the bride and the bride-groom in their houses in their respective places. A formal
lunch is served at an auspicious hour; that is the occasion for him or her to receive presents and blessings from relatives. Nal-virundu means feast for the (wedding) day. All relatives now assemble for the wedding and the party starts for the
place of marriage. In the past, the places of the bride-groom and the bride were
very rarely twenty miles apart; the parties travelled by bullock carts. As soon as
the bride's party arrives in the bride-groom's place, they are welcomed and lodged
in a separate house. A procession is arranged from the local temple. Dinner in the
night is very elaborate.
The Marriage Ceremony
In the past, marriages were often done in the early morning, between 3 a.m.
and 6 a,m. This was because may inauspicious occurrences like rahukalam or
yamakandam, inauspicious yogam etc. would not occur during the night period.
But today most marriages are performed after breakfast, to suit the convenience
of the new generation, which does not like to discipline itself to wake up before
day break, to have a bath and to sit up for an hour or two without food, in order to
witness the function.
The Place of Marriage

The marriage was celebrated usually, in the open yard at the centre of the
house which is temporarily covered with cocount plaiting. A decorated dais is placed
at its west, to face east. Paddy is spread on the dais, covered with a silken mat or
carpet, on which the bride-groom and the bride will sit. The purohit sits on a plank
to the right facing east. On the verandah on the four sides of the court yard, relatives of both, men and women sit to witness the function.
There are many minor features in the marriage ceremony which have some
importance. A series of new pots piled one on top of the other is placed by the
potter in the centre of the yard to reach the roof of the pandal; so it is called
pandal-mutti. The pots are symbolically painted in white, yellow and red by the
potter. At the bottom is a large pot open at the bottom and at the top which has the
figures of the heads of the elephant, bull, horse, and lion carved on its sides to
signify the presence of the patron deities of the four main quarters, Indra, Yama,
Varuna and Kubhera, whose mounts they are. They symbolize the presence of the
33 classes of the celestials as witness for the marriage. Over this, are seven pots,
which stand for the seven clouds for which the Karkattar stood surety before the
Pandya at Madurai. A small pot filled with oil is kept burning from the beginning of
the ceremonies to the very end, some times even for four days his all ceremonies
are over. It is called the kudavilakku; it has a very thick wick which is supposed to
be of 1000 strands; Indira is considered to be present there in token of his gratitude to the Karkattar for their part in the release of the clouds by the pandya. Two
large pots filled with water are placed on either side of the pandal mutti.
The Ceremony Proper
In all ceremonies the male has precedence. The bride-groom is led in by
the best man. As soon as the bride-groom sits on the dais, he is garlanded by the
elders, men and women. Then he does the anujnai puja. Kankanam is the next
ceremony. A piece of turmeric tied in a yellow-dyed cotton string is tied with due
mantras on his right hand by his father (in some places, this is done by the purohit).
He then does a puja for a muhurtakkal, called arasanikkal placed at the north
eastern corner of the yard; this is usually a branch of the odina tree, branching
into two at the top. Tying a piece of red cloth around the middle of the sapling is
part of puja. Then three sumangalis and the bride-groom bring it to the centre tie
it to the pandal-mutti. Nine kinds of cereals and pulses made to sprout in a pot
the previous day, are now brought and distributed into the seven (or nine) small
earthern cups kept round the arasanikkal. A pongal already cooked by the
bridegroom's party, called as the manappongal, is now served out on seven plantain leaves and offered to the kal and the devatas.(The pongal is cooked in seven

ovens in seven pots at the eastern end of the yard itself.) The offering is done by
the bride-groom assisted by the sumangalis. The offering consists of rice, ghee,
jaggery, fruit and coconut and betel. New clothes which have received the blessings of the assembly are now given to the bride-groom who retires to his room for
changing his dress.The bride is now brought in by the bride's maid.
Nirai Nali
The Nirai-nali is symbolic of the introduction of prosperity the Dhanalakshmi,
Goddess of Wealth into the house by the young bride.
Nirai-nali is a very important ceremony. Just as the bride enters the house
for the marriage ceremony, a marakkal (brass or silver measuring vessel) filled
with paddy, with a lighted silver lamp placed at the top-middle of the paddy is
given in her hand, and she is escorted gently into the house by the mother-in-law.
Great care is taken to ensure that the light does not flicker. This again is a symbol
of the transfer of power from the mother-in-law to the daughter-in-law. She places
the nirai-nali in the puja room of the house, in front of the pictures or images,
facing east, bows to them and then goes to the dais. The nirai-nali is the most
important symbol of the Karkattar to denote that they are the custodians of the
industry of paddy cultivation. The bride then sits on the dais. (Every time the bridegroom or the bride go to the dais, they go round the pandal-mutti in a clock-wise
direction). She is then garlanded by the elders, men and women. She then offers
a similar manappongal already cooked and served as before, to the devatus. She
now receives the special wedding dress and retires to her room for change. The
bride-groom now comes and occupies the dais. Then the bride comes in to the
yard with the wedding garland and garlands the bride-groom. He garlands her
with another garland. She sits on his right. A plate of rice, coconut, betels and
fruits are held out to her. She takes some rice and the other things on both of her
hands; the bride-groom ties the kankanam on the left hand of the bride.
The Tirumangalya Dharana
The purohit now lights the homa agni. The bride-groom performs a puja for
the agni. The important function of tying the Tirumangalya now takes place.
The insignia of a married woman are tali and pili, the use of flowers, turmeric for bath and face-wash, and kunkum for the centre of the forehead. Tali is
the Tirumangalya, a piece of small trinket tied round the neck of the bride by the
bride-

groom at the time of marriage. This becomes inseparable from her and is removed
only at the time of her husband's death. It is supposed to bear the forms of the five
weapons of Lord Visnu the Protector-conch, discus, mace, bow and sword. The
Karkattar's tali is different in make from the Brahmin tali; the latter is a flat piece,
while the former is a round one.
Early in life the baby was decked with a little trinket bearing these insignia
along with the real tiger's claws (or teeth); this was supposed to infuse courage
and heroism in the child, both male and female. When the female child grew up
and began to wear trinkets, this was got fixed up as the Tirumangalya at the time
of the marriage ceremony. The Karkattar wedding was always one of pani-grahana,
i.e. clasping the hand of the girl by the bridegroom; kannika-dana was an integral
part where the girl was freely gifted by her parents to the bride-groom, decked in
jewels and flowers and with all the requirements for setting up a new house hold.
The girl, holding flowers and akshata and cocount in her hands was gifted away to
the bride-groom by her parents and the gift was received over the hand of the
bride-groom by his parents; in token thereof water was poured over the gift; this
was known as ittu-nlr-varttal (tarai varttal).
The nagasvaram music plays continuously from early morning to the very
end of the marriage. During important ceremonies, such as kannika dana and
Tirumangalya dharana, getti-melam (rapid sounding of all the instruments) is
played to focus the attention of the whole assembly on the act and also to drown
any inauspicious sounds such as sneezing.
Now the purohit takes the Tirumangalyam chain after obtaining the blessings of the elders and hands it over to the bride-groom. A bit of candy is given to
the bride and the bride groom to be kept in the mouth, in order that they may have
" sweet " memories of this most important moment. To the uttering of the mantras
by the purohit, the bride-groom ties the Tirumangalya thread at the back of the
girl's neck, by holding it with both hands and bringing is round her neck and places
three knots on it and applies a little kumkum on the knots and on her fore-head. All
the time the sister of the groom stands behind the couple, holding a lighted lamp
on a plate, with flowers and betels. Senior members of the assembly throw akshata
and flowers on the couple in token of their blessings. The sister's lighted lamp is
the symbol for all future brightness in the life of the girl newly coming into the
family and her bride-groom. In modern days a gold chain in generally used for the
Tirumangalya, but the thread is also there as a symbol, for tying the three
knots,"round the chain. Sandal, flowers, sugar and betels are distributed to all
present in token of joy at the Tirumangalya dharana.

Going round the fire
The marriage among all the higher classes is considered to be fully solemnized, not by the Tirumangalya alone, but by three more rituals. The first is exchange of garlands. Immediately after tying of mangalya, the bride-groom and the
girl exchange their garlands three timps.' The second is the homa fire which is fed
by the purohit. The girl's brother leads and the bride-groom and the bride follow
clasping each other's hands, and they walk round the fire and the pandal-mutti
three times. Thirdly, the purohit utters the sapta-pati .(Seven step) mantras. At
the end of each round, all the three hold together some puffed rice in their hands
jointly and feed the fire with it. This is done three times, On the last round, the
ritual of ammi and Arundathi takes place. Towards the north-west of the central
place a grinding stone is kept. The bridegroom coming here, lifts the right foot of
the girl and places it on the stone; and asks her at the same time to look at the
star Arundati in the sky, which is close to the star Vasishta in the Great Bear. This
means that she should not be like Ahalya who was unable to retain her chastity for
which aberration she was turned into a stone, but should be like Arundati, who
was glorified in the firmament as a star on account of her chastity. At this time tle
bridegroom places a pair of silver rings called metti or pela, on the second toe of
each foot of the girl. After the three rounds, the bride returns and sits on the left of
the bridegroom; hereafter his left is her place.
Short pieces of gold leaf are tied on the forehead of the bride by the maternal uncle, the bridegroom's mother and his sister. These are known as pattam.
The mother-in-law's pattam is a sign of the transfer of power in the house to the
new girl, who will hereafter assume headship in the house. The couple then prostrate before the elders and receive their blessings.
Nalam-Nir
Pali, or grains made to sprout the previous day, is consigned to the tank or
a water course; this is called pali-vidutal or nalamnir; the couple receive on this
occasion new clothes and all the presents from the bride's father are given at this
time. This ceremony is now performed even close on the heels of marriage to suit
the convenience of all persons including the bridegroom, who likes to go away to
his work spot early. The wristlet of protection tied at the commencement of the
marriage function on the hands of the couple is now detached and consigned to
the water along with the Paligai.
Nalam-nir used to be an occasion for much mirth-making among the women

folk assembled, poking fun at the bride and bridegroom. Padapuja, i.e, the bride
and bridegroom washing the feet of their respective parents in token of worship
just before the actual wedding ritual, seems to be novel feature unknown in the
past.
Marriages are not done in the months of Adi, Purattasi and Markali. Most
marriages are done in Vaikasi and Ani; a few in Avani and Thai. As the Karkattar
were all agriculturists, months are chosen when all can be free from field work.
The Arasanikkal is now taken by the couple to the garden and planted on
good soil; the water kept in to the pots near it are poured for the sapling so that
it grows and becomes a live tree. The parents of either see to it that it grows into
a full tree.
Graha Pravesam
Where the wedding takes place in the bridegroom's house, the couple are
invited at the next auspicious day for a feast in the bride's house and vice versa'
This is known as graha pravesam (entering the house, as a married couple for
the first time). Where people could afford it, this was as elaborate a function as
the wedding itself. Of course there are many presents given to the couple.
Consummation of the wedding or nuptials is a matter of convenience. In
the past, it was an equally elaborate and separate function, done many days or
even a month later. However in modern days, this is arranged for, even on the
same day, always in the bridegroom's place. Presents of furniture including nuptial
cots and beds, of utensils for cooking and running a new household, accompany
the bride to the other place.
An earlier ceremony conducted for the bride in the bride-groom's house is
called Palurral (giving her milk). This is in essence one of inducting her in to the
work of the husband's household for the first time at an auspicious hour. She is
first asked to bring water from the river or tank, for cooking. Secondly she is
asked to clean up a vegetable cutting knife (arival manai), decorate it and cut
some plantain on it. Thirdly, she is asked to warm milk in a bronze pot on the
oven; the pot is always a bronze one. Then she gives her husband and the other
immediate relatives of his, a cup of milk each. This completes her induction into
the work in the husband's house and from then onwards, she is taken as a full
member of the house qualified to take part in all its work. Then follows a limited
feast in which she serves food to her husband and the members of his family.

Three other functions in the first year of marriage for the married couple are
important. The first is Adi-tevai, the inviting of the newly married couple to the
bride's place. The general belief is that the girl should not conceive in the month
of Adi (July-August). Hence, the bride is brought to her mother's house even before the first of Adi. The bridegroom is invited, given feasts and presents. I8th Adi
coincides with his visit. On this day, the yellow cotton thread on which the
Tirumangalya and its accessory golden balls and gems are stringed on a golden
chain; the thread is then confined to the Ganga (Kaveri) after due puja. When the
month is over the bride and bridegroom are sent back together to his place.
Dipavali is the next important ceremony. Both are invited to the bride's place and
new clothes are given to both. After oil bath and feasts, they return to his place,
Pongal is always celebrated in the bridegroom's place. Elaborate presents are
sent for the bride to his place. Sugar cane, jaggery and fruits form the major items
of presents.
16. PREGNANCY AND CHILD BIRTH
After marriage there are certain rituals connected with pregnancy and child
birth. The arrival of the first child is a great event in any family. On the seventh
month of pregnancy an elaborate ritual is celebrated in the birth place of the girl.
It is generally known as Valai kappu providing the protective bands or bangles.
This is principally a ladie's function, although men are also invited to the function.
This function as well as the next, are to be done in an odd month, the seventh
universally; very rarely the ninth; never on a month of even number. Seven kinds
of rice dishes (such as venpongal, el(sesamum), coconut, puli, lime, sugar and
curd) are prepared; seven kinds of sweets, seven savoury dishes, seven vadakam
etc. are got ready; seven comes into the picture because it is the seventh month
of pregnancy. If this is done on the ninth month, every item will have to be of nine
varieties. At an auspicious hour, the pregnant girl is bathed and dressed in new
clothes presented by tbe parents for the purpose. New protective bangles known
as Sul kappu (pregnancy bands) are placed on her forearms. They are made in
twisted silver and gold. Then a good number of green glass bangles are placed on
her forearms. This and the feeding are the chief functions. Her hair is decked in a
profusion of fragrant jasmine and other flowers. Then she is treated to the luxurious variety of dishes. Along with her a few young girls are also fed. Then there is
a bigger feast for men and women. Presents of sari and other clothes also arrive
from the girl's husband's place. The ceremony is known in different names according to the various acts of felicitation, as puchuttal, valaiyal-kappu and sadam
pisaindu-podutal. The idea behind this is that all the pregnant woman's desires
are to be satisfied in flower, jewellery, food and in dress.
The next function is the Seemantam conducted in the same month, but in
the husband's place. Here the bridegroom and the bride are seated together, the
purohit lights a fire and performs a homa. This is an orthodox ceremony, propitiating the various deities and praying for a safe delivery and long life to the child to
be born. Music accompanies the function, This is a much grander function than
the previous one, and most male members of both the parties take part. When this
ceremony is over, the girl is brought back to her parent's place, where, her first
child birth is to take place. Her coming here also should be in an odd month,
seven or nine.
Child Birth
As soon as the child is born, a bunch at margosa leaves are tied over the
threshold of the house and over the place of confinement of the girl, to indicate
that there is a child birth in this house and that unclean persons or those carrying
any infection should not enter. The new-born child and its mother are kept in isolation in the house for fifteen day's at the end of which a purification ceremony is
performed by a purohit. On the evening of the day, a short puja is made for Ganesa
to whom rice and coconut chips soaked in treacle is offered. Protective bands are
placed on the child's arms. A string made of caleotropsis fibre is tied round the
child's waist, a band of margosa leaf ridges is placed on its hands; bangles ol
twisted copper and silver are placed on the child's feet. The child is named on this
day. It is placed for the first time in a cradle, then it is taken out and handed over
to an elderly sumangali who had led a happy life with many children and grand
children and the mother of the child bows to the lady and receives her blessings.
17. FESTIVALS
Tamilnadu abounds in festivals. There is a major festival every month in all
the twelve months of the year. It is needless to dwell on them at length. These are
celebrated by all classes of the people including the velalar. As examples, we may
mention the New Year Day festival, the Chitra Pournami, Vinayaka chaturti and
Dipavali. There are yet more others which are celebrated equally by the others
but they have some unique features pertaining to the Karkattar. Some of them are
indicated below.
Adip-Perukku
The Adi 18th (early August, about the 3rd) has a special significance for the

Karkattar. On this day all the village families go to the Kaveri and there perforrn a
short puja to the river, as a token of thanks-offerirg for the water she carries and
supplies to their flelds. This is perhaps a rare instance of a festival when the entire community of men, women and children take part. All of them ofcourse bathe
in the river. The river is conceived as a celestial nymph; along with food and flowers, she is offererd kadolai (a symbolic earring made of palamyra leaf, dyed red),
and karukamani, (black bangles), These are dropped into the Kaveri waters with
heart-felt prayers. Kapparisi (rice mixed with treacle and coconut chips) are offered to Kaveri and distributed to all those present. This is a gala day for the
children who prepare a toy cart on four wheels, place all lhe offerings to the river
on the cart and draw it to the river bank. This is also an occasion to display their
sense of art and creative ingenuity in decorating the cart.
This festival is a very important one for the Karkattar, for whom the Kaveri
is a sort of tutelory deity. On this day, the 18-th, the belief is that Kaveri is in full
floods, water rising up to its 18 steps fully. For the past, more than a thousand
years or perhaps even twenty centuries, it has been like this and naturally the
gratitude of the Karkattar who are typical of the agriculturists is shown to the
river. We should remember this was before the Mettur dam was built and before
the threat of the Mysore dams arose.
Sarasvati Puja
One of the very important domestic festivals is the Sarasvati puja. The
Karkattar conduct it in their homes in their own way, and not on the Brahmin model.
The kolu (durbar or sitting in State of the deity) is generally not laid out for the first
nine days. On the day of the Sarasvati puja printed books and more particularly
palm leaf manuscripts are taken out, cleaned and arranged for puja. Special care
is taken to oil the palm leaves. All agricultural implements and other domestic
tools such as weights and measurs and kitchen tools are cleaned and laid out for
worship. The Sarasvathi puja is also the Ayudha Puja, worship of work, of the
instruments and tools used for any kind of work. This makes it clear that the agriculturist, the Karkattar, is the one class which really follows the maxim "work is
worship". A piece of thread soaked in turmeric water is thrown over the books and
manuscripls arranged for worship and puja is offered twice that day. On the second day, the Vijayadasami day, another puja is done and the books and manuscripts are removed; children take out their books and sit down for a short period
in symbolic study. This day is considered particularly auspicious for children's first
admission to school and starting of the first lessons in alphabet.

On this day in particular, there is a festival in the local Siva temple. Parvati,
consort of Siva, is taken out in procession and she slays the Mahisasura, the
symbol ignorance. This particular act is known as the shooting of the arrow (ambupodutal).
Tlruvadirai Darsanam
The Arudra festival in the month of Margali (December-January) is a very
important one for the Karkattar. This relates to the dance of Nataraja. On this
day, the form of Nataraja is taken out in a procession and a dance of Nataraja is
conducted in the temple corridor. This is the day when the Nataraja's car is drawn
though the streets of Chidambaram and His symbolic cosmic dance is conducted
in the temple. All the Karkattar do a puja for Nataraja in their homes and offer
kali {a sweet cumbu or rice porridge) to Him in memory of the same porridge
which was offered a thousands years age by the low caste Senda to Nataraja
and accepted by Him, The puja with kali on the ardra day is the unique festival
of the Karkattar.
Pongal festival
Pongal or Sankaranti, as is well known is a national festival for the whole
of Tamilnadu for four days. The first day is the Bhogi-pandigai on the last day of
Margali. The next day, the first of Thai is the Potigal day; the day next to it is the
Mattuppongal set apart for the cattle; and the day following commonly called
Karinal, is universally set apart for games and play.
It is usual for all parents to send pongal presents to their daughters for
pongal festival. This is sent a day earlier. All communities of people in Tamilnadu
observe this custom fully The presents usually consisting of sugarcane, sugar
and jaggery plenty of plantain fruits, a few pieces of the turmeric plant (rhizomes
with the plants) are sent by a special messenger. Some money is also presented.
Where the father is not alive, a brother sends the present. Among the Karkattar,
a more important and a more precious item is added; and that is a plaited wick
dipped in ghee with some ghee in a container. This is intended to be lighted
during pongal. This is a matter of rare right and privilege for a married girl or
woman, irrespective of age (so long as she is a sumangali) to receive it from the
house of her birth The idea is that she is taking all prosperity from her birth place
into her wedded house. This is a very unique custom still preserved among the
Karkattar. Where the other presents could not be sent, as it is very often happens in modern days because the Iady's husband is employed in a far off city,

the ghee-soaked wick at least is sent by post, many days in advance, with an
amount by money order to substitute for the other presents.
What have been mentioned so far, are festivals which are celebrated by all
the Karkattar at the same time through out the land. There are yet some others
which are celebrated by individual families on occasions suitable to them. The
more important among them are described below. Of these the first two originated with the Karkattar but are now observed by many other communities also.
They are called nonbu, penance accompanied with fasting and worship. The others are merely known as worship (padaittal) and continue to be peculiar to the
Karkattar.
Sevvay-Pillaiyar Nonbu
A special worship of Ganesa on the night of a Tuesday (sevvay) twice a
year in the months of Adi (August-September) and Thai (December-January) is
known by this name. All the women of the community assemble together in a
suitable house in the village in the night. This is an exclusive function for women
and no male, not even a baby in arms, is allowed into the house. The actual
worship is done after midnight. Necessary material for puja and for cooking are
brought into the house. The function begins after the entire village has gone to
sleep. Rice is pounded into powder along with leaves of pongamia end margosa,
one or three images of Ganesa are made on the spot for worship, and the puja
performed. The offerings made to Ganesa are eaten up then and there by the
women folk present; no part is kept out or taken home or given to a male. No
male member is allowed to witness the puja or partake of any of the offerings.This
exclusive worship is said to confer long life to the husbands of the participants
and prosperity for the family. Legends say that any male who attempted to witness the puja through a key hole or in any similar manner was struck blind on the
spot.
is also known as Avvaiyar nonbu, since the Tamil legendary old poetess Avvai performed it and secured the grace of Ganesa. As the years rolled
on, many other communities copied this puja from the Karkattar and this is now
found widely prevalent among all classes of the Velalar.
` This
Velli-p-pillaiyar nonbu:
This is done on a Friday in the small hours of the morning, just before the
day-break. Women only do this ofcourse, but this is not so secretive as the other

one; the offerings cooked and presented to Ganesa are even distributed to the
males after some time. Cakes and Kolukkattai are made without tte addition of
salt and offered,
Worship of the Family-deity called 'veettu deivattukku padaittal in Tamil :
This is a peculiar worship done perhaps once in five years when all men
and women of the same gotra are invited to assemble in the house of the parent
stock for lhe puja. The family deity is generally invoked in a special sari, to which
worship is offered and the saris are stored after puja in a rattan box or in a new
burnt mud pot and kept in a place where it will be free from pollution by touch.
On the day of the puja at the members of the gotra assemble in the elder's
house with their wives and children. Daughters and sons-in-law of the house are
also invited. The place of worship is a large hall in the house. The place is cleaned
and decorated with kolam and red and white paint and festoons. The saris placed
in the pot at a previous worship are taken out and twisted round and placed erect
on a clean seat. The belief is that any women young or old who died a sumangali,
i.e.,while her husband is alive, exists in the sari as the guardian angel of the
house. Along with the old saris worshipped previously and stored in the pot, new
substitute saris are placed on the seat for worship. Besides, new saris to represent any women who might have died in the sumangali state between the date of
the last puja and the present one, are also placed; where necessary, additional
saris are also added. After puja, the old saris are taken out and distributed to the
sumangali women in this household and the new ones stored up in the pot for the
next puja.
The sari used is also of a special make. It is called vellai kattuppudavai; it
was of a dark red colour with a lighter shade border. lt was always made to order
and was not available in the market. often, white dhoties and other saris are also
placed in the seat of worship and these are presented to the menfolk and the
daughters of the house. No black line or border is permitted in the dhoti or sari;
they are pure white or red. Such puja saris are not meant for daily wear but only
for special auspicious occasions. Along wilh saris, Tirumangalyam and the
Muhurttakkurai of the ladies of the house are also placed on the puja pedestal.
When a partition of family property is made, these deity saris are also partitioned.
If there are not sufficient number of saris a special puja is conducted where new
saris are purchased and worshipped and then the partition is effected. The local
deities and the kuladeivam are propitiated by a puja, the previous evening.

The saris thus taken out after puja are considered fo have divine curative
powers. Children who fall ill in the house are wrapped with these saris in the
belief that their illness will be cured.
Puja cannot be done in the year in which a death occurs in a house of any
member of the gotra. Hence it so happens that for many years this puja cannot
not be done.
Kula Deiva Worship
What was narrated about is the worship of the tutelary deity of the house
(vittu deivam). There is another called the kuladeiva puja (worship of the common deity for the group or class). Here the kula stands for the gotra; member
families of the gotra have the same Kula Deiva. Kula deivam here is always a
minor deity like Ankalamman, Periyanayakiamman, Mariamman etc. This deity is
usualiy installed, not in the big Siva temple of the vlllage not in the centre of the
village, but only on the out-skirts there-of. Compared to the Siva temple, this was
an insignificant one. But yet families were required to go there and offer their
own particular worship at least once a year. This Amman may not be in the same
village where the families cluster. Generally it is in another village which is a few
miles away from theirs. Since all villages were virtually self-contained economic
units, it was just possible that there might not be adequate inter-village communication. To ensure that the villages had plenty of mutual social contact, this system of Kula Deiva worship, in places other than
one's own was probably laid down.
Whole families, men, women and children, go to the other village in bullock
carts for the whole day. (This practice obtains even now). Arrangements are made
well in advance, Articles for puja and for preparation of food are taken. On arrival
at the other village local friends and relatives are also invited. The actual puja its
done by the Gurukkal (in rare cases by the pujari of a lower class). The women
of the families make a few big balls of rice dough mixed with treacle, make a
depression on their top to contain some oil (in this case ghee), place a wick on it
and light several such lamps in the immediate presence of the deity. This is
calledma-vilakku (flour-lamps). The lamps burn for some time and when the puja
is over they are broken up and distributed, as offerings of the deity to be eaten by
friends and relatives.
This puja is made to coincide with the first birth anniversary of a child (both
male and female) in the families. Usually, the shaving of the hair on the head of

the child is done on this day at this temple and that is the occasion for a puja.
This is usually celebrated with a certain degree of pomp. It is customary in the
families, even today to perform this shaving ceremony in the kuladeiva temple.
The ear-boring ceremony for the child is also done this day, the day of the
first anniversary of its birth. The gold-smith does this, with a golden pin having a
pendant. The child is the recipient of many presents from its maternal uncle and
similar relatives.
19. THE KARKATTAR FUNERAL RITES
Like most of the communities in Tamilnadu the Karkattar cremate the dead
bodies, except in the case of children, sanyasins (ascetics) and persons who had
died of smallpox and measles. A cluster of Karkattar families has a common cremation ground where the dead body is carried on the shoulders of four men of the
same gotra, or close relatives, and then cremated. It was customary to wait for
the arrival of the close relatives of the deceased before removing the body; when
it is ascertained that most of them have arrived and the others may not come in
time. arrangements are made for the removal of the body; The last minutes of the
dying man or woman are helped to pass off peacefully by a recital of Tiruvacakam,
the sacred utterances sung by St. Manikkavacakar (made if possible by the children or grand children of the dying person). A bier is made with newly cut bamboos; the body is washed in a ceremonial manner with many articles such as oil,
milk, lemon juice, coconut water, sandal and Ganges water (which is usually kept
handy in a small sealed brass pot in many families), and then placed on the bier.
The two toes of the body are tied together with a shred of new cloth another
shred is used to fasten the crown and the lower jaw, in order that no de-formations occur when the rigor mortis sets in.
A pillow is provided with darbha grass and the body except the face is
covered with a new white cloth. If the deceased was a person who had received
siva diksa (spiritural initiation) or had been performing Siva puja, then. special
rites are performed to discharge these spiritural acquisitions from him. The son
of the deceased or his representative accompanies the corpse, carrying fire in a
new mudpot hung on a tripod; this fire is intended to light the funeral pyre at the
cremation ground. Funeral drums mark the death and the removal of the body; a
conch-blower accompanies the drummers along with the corpse to the cremation
ground. Puffed rice, coconut and plantain leaves are strewn at intervals along the
path to the ground. Split logs of wood are spread at the cremation ground on
which the corpse is laid. Some further rituals are done there before actual crema-

tion. Vaykkarisi is one ritual; a handful of rice with a coin is offered to the body
and thrown away on a piece of cloth, which is collected by the village washerman.
Each member of the famiiy and near relatives offer this; the washerman bags a
substantial colleclion of money and of rice. The presentation of this rice is symbolic of the primitive belief that this rice helps to relieve the hunger of the departed soul on its path towards the region of the manes. The rituals attendant on
the funeral, are all in a reverse direction to those done at auspicious occasions.
The body is carried to the cremation ground, feet foremost; the feet are kept
towards the south of the pyre. Vaykkarisi is again offered, the strings tying together the toes and the head and the lower jaw are snapped. The son or the heir
who lights the funeral pyre goes round the pyre on which the body is now placed,
thrice in an anti-clookwise direction, carrying water on an unburnt mudpot on
which two holes are made on each round; the out flowing water is sprinkled on
the corpse with the back of the hand ; the pot is then thrown down so that it
breaks. Generally all trinkets are removed from the body of the deceased man or
woman, as soon as the body is laid in the funeral pyre before lighting the fire; no
strings or other fastenings are permitted on the body. The whole body is then
covered with a new white cloth; dried cow during cakes which will easily burn are
spread on the body before the pyre is lit. The son then lights the funeral pyre with
a piece of lighted sandal splinter, with his back to the pyre and inserting the fire
by thrusting it backwards, without looking at the pyre. He then goes away to a
tank or river, bathes, and then returns home with the other relatives; he is required to wash his feet before setting foot into the house. Meanwhile, his close
relatives or friends distribute the fees to the various services such as the drummer, conch-blower, barber, washerman, the cremation attendant and so on.
In the village, if the death occurs in a house in a main street, all puja in the
central temple is stopped until the corpse is removed from the house; then a
purification cetemony is performed in the temple and Puja resumed.
All preparation of food is stopped in the house of death until the removal of
the corpse. The main mourners go without food for the period. Neighbours, who
are of course relatives of the deceased, take the visitors to their house and feed
them when necesary.
The second day's ceremony is called pal teli (sprinkling of milk) or
sanjivanam. Early in the morning, relatives and friends go to the cremation ground
taking the son with them, remove the bones from the burnt body and throw them
into a sacred river or tank with appropriate rites. The remaining ashes are laid
out, as though they were his body itself, milk is sprinkled on it and also several

varieties of grains, to symbolize that whatever ash is left of the mortal remains of
the deceased, is used for sustaining the agiricultural crops. All the people have a
bath in the river or tank, go home and have a meal in the deceased's house.
Mourning is observed for fifteen days. The post-funeral rites are of four
classes: one, the nitya sraddha for the period of fifteen days; two, the uttara
kriya or karumadi on the fifteenth day and the graha yajna on the next day;
three, the masya or monthly sraddha for eleven months following; and four, the
sraddha on the twelfth month or anniversary day. Nitya srdddha consists of a
ritual of propitiation for the welfare of the soul of the departed on whose account
a dana (gift) is made to a Brahmin; the dana consists of rice and groceries (uncooked) and vegetables served on a plantain leaf with a water vessel (a brass
tumbler) or the like. This is done for each of the fifteen days at the end of which
comes the flfteenth day ceremony.
Even before day break of the day, a small piece of stone is placed in the
house; on this the spirit of the deceased is invoked and the women of the house
join together and pour their sorrow over it in lines of lamentation. Then the men
folk take the stone in a basket along with the other requisites to the appointed
place on the bank of a tank, where a small shelter is erected for the performance
of the obsequies. A Desika or purohit is present for the due performance of the
rituals. This is a long process extending over several hours. The soul of the deceased is re-embodied by mantras on a darbha form and all the rituals, due from
birth to death are performed, with agni (fire) as the witness, Elaborate gifts are
made to Brahmins in 1, 6, 6-8, or l, 10 and 18 varieties ; articles gifted are invariably rice and groceries, vegetables and fruits, chappals, new clothes, vessels,
seats, umbrella, fan, book, and cow with calf. Each is accompanied by a cash
present. After all presents are over, and the purohit and Brahmins are sent away,
the party have a bath, return home and have a good meal.
The next day's rituals give a culmination to this day's work. It is called the
graha yajna, or the sacrifice for (the welfare of) the home. A sacrificial fire is lit,
all the deities are propitiated, elaborate danas are again made, mantra water is
sprinkled on all the related persons and in the entire house itself in token of
purification from the death pollution, Death is an inauspicious event and with this
puriflcation ceremony all inauspiciousness is deemed to have ended and a new
feeling of auspiciousness to have settled down up on the family. This is also the
occasion for the receipt of many presents by the children of the deceased from
the other close relatives.

The masya is a monthly sraddha ceremony performed on the monthly tithi
(lunar day of death) of the departed person. This is a form of propitiation for the
departed soul, conducted by the purohit.
The first anniversary of the day of death is performed on the twelfth month
with great pomp. It is a great event in the family when many friends and relatives
are invited. The propitiation ceremony is done elaborately, presents are made to
Brahmins and a sumptuous lunch is also served. More important is the poor feeding on the day. This ceremony is known as the sraddha ceremony and is repeated
every year.
20, INTEGRATTON OF THE DIFFERENT AREAS
The Karkattar had been living in the Tondaimandalam area (Kanchipuram
and Tiru-Alangadu), the Colanad and the Pandinad. But now, it is doubtful if they
could be found in numbers any where in the Tondai-mandalam area. In each of the
other areas they are found in large numbers.
Difficulty in transport and communication kept the Karkattar in the north
(Tanjavur, Tiruchi and South Arcot) and the Karkattar in the south (Madurai,
Ramanathapuram and Tirunelveli) separate. They had throughout kept themselves
as strangers to each other, as if in water-tight compartments, They would know
that they belong to the same community; they would dine together but would not
inter-marry.
A span of three centuries separates the Karkattar of Colanad and the
Karkattar of Pandinad. Those of Pandinad still retain all the cultural peculiarities
which marked the Karkatter in general as a separate community before their migration farther south. They retain all the gotra titles, all the special characteristics
in the matter of food, and the very special ceremony of Tiru-vilakkidu even more
rigidly than those in the Colanad. Their marriage and other customs continue to
be identical. Now with quicker means of transport and communication and with
more of governmental and private jobs which throw them up into all sorts unknown
and unexpected corners of Tamilnadu, the two sections have to know each other
more closely and they have to realize that they are one community. Inter-marriages have started with the hope of effecting a real integration of the members in
the two areas into one unit, as they had been before the historic migration.
A word may be said about the Kongumandalam area. Some enlightened
persons in the Kongunadu say they are also Karkattar. The Kavundar of Kongunadu

come under two broad classifications one is the Velalak-kavundar and the other,
Vanniyak-kavundar; the latter have been non-vegetarians for ages past. The former
call themselves Velalar. In support of the theory that they are also Karkattar, they
have their own version of the Karkatta incident in Pandinad-the Velalar standing
surety for the proper behaviour of the clouds. It is called the Karkatta natakam,
done as a musical drama at the close of the 18-th century. Other books of the
same category are Meli vilakkam (a poem on the plough and the plougher) and
the larye Velalar puranam. In spite of all this evidence, the Karkathar of Colanadu
will be very unlikely to consider them as of the same fold as themselves.

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A STUDY OF THE CULTURE AND HISTORY OF THE KARKATTAR