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    Collins Emotional Energy Transient Emotions

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    Rebeca Cena
    This document discusses how emotions play a crucial yet often overlooked role in sociological theories. It argues that emotions are what bind society together through mechanisms like solidarity and conflict. While classic sociological theories implicitly concern emotions, they do not usually refer to them explicitly. Looking at micro-level interactions reveals the central role of emotions in processes like interaction rituals and the construction of social reality. Emotions uphold social conventions and erupt when those conventions are violated. Bringing emotions into focus can provide insight into macro-level sociological issues.

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    © All Rights Reserved
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    Collins Emotional Energy Transient Emotions

    Uploaded by

    Rebeca Cena
    434 views16 pages
    This document discusses how emotions play a crucial yet often overlooked role in sociological theories. It argues that emotions are what bind society together through mechanisms like solidarity and conflict. While classic sociological theories implicitly concern emotions, they do not usually refer to them explicitly. Looking at micro-level interactions reveals the central role of emotions in processes like interaction rituals and the construction of social reality. Emotions uphold social conventions and erupt when those conventions are violated. Bringing emotions into focus can provide insight into macro-level sociological issues.

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    Collins sociología de las emociones

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    This document discusses how emotions play a crucial yet often overlooked role in sociological theories. It argues that emotions are what bind society together through mechanisms like solidarity and conflict. While classic sociological theories implicitly concern emotions, they do not usually refer to them explicitly. Looking at micro-level interactions reveals the central role of emotions in processes like interaction rituals and the construction of social reality. Emotions uphold social conventions and erupt when those conventions are violated. Bringing emotions into focus can provide insight into macro-level sociological issues.

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
    Download as PDF, TXT or read online from Scribd
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    434 views16 pages

    Collins Emotional Energy Transient Emotions

    Uploaded by

    Rebeca Cena
    This document discusses how emotions play a crucial yet often overlooked role in sociological theories. It argues that emotions are what bind society together through mechanisms like solidarity and conflict. While classic sociological theories implicitly concern emotions, they do not usually refer to them explicitly. Looking at micro-level interactions reveals the central role of emotions in processes like interaction rituals and the construction of social reality. Emotions uphold social conventions and erupt when those conventions are violated. Bringing emotions into focus can provide insight into macro-level sociological issues.

    Copyright:

    © All Rights Reserved
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    of 16

    2.

    Stratification, Emotional Energy,and


    the Transient Emotions
    RanaIICollins

    Emotion potentiallyoccupiesa crucial position in generalsociologicaltheory. As we attempt to be more preciseand more empiricalaboursociological concepts, we find that many of the most important rest to a
    extent upon emotionalprocesses.
    considerable
    Durkheim raisedthe fundamentalquestionof sociology:\7har holds
    societytogetherl His answeris the mechanismsthat producemoral solidarity; and thesemechanisms,I suggest,do so by producingemotions.Parso'
    nian sociology,which took the most reified, agentlessside of Durkheim,
    put the argumentin equivalentterms:Society is held togetherby values.
    But values,to the extent that they exist-and leavingopen the issueof
    how far they are shared,and under what conditions-are cognitionsinfused with emotion. On the conflict side of sociologicaltheory, !ileber's
    centralconceptsalso imply emotion: (a) the legitimacythar underliesstable power, (b) the statusgroup ranking by which stratificationpermeates
    everydaylife, and (c) the religiousworld viewsthat motivatedsomecrucial
    periodsof economic action. When we attempt to translateany of these
    it is apparentthat we are dealingwith particular
    conceptsinto observables,
    and
    Engelsare perhapsfarthesrawayfrom theo'
    kinds of emotions.Marx
    processes;
    in their mode[s,everythingis structural
    rizing about emorional
    (even alienation,which for Marx is an ontologicalrelationship,not a psyof classmobi'
    chologicalone). But it is apparentthat in Marxian analyses
    part-whether
    it is the
    play
    a
    lization and classconflict, emotion must
    murual distrust within frgmentedclassesthat keepsthem apart (Marx
    haveand that oppressed
    185211963),
    or the solidaritythat dominant classes
    lvlarx and
    classes
    acquireonly in revolutionarysituations.In theserespects,
    Engels'conflict theory comescloseto a dynamicand non-reifiedversionof
    Durkheim'sthemes.
    These are some reasonswhy the sociologyof emotions should be
    brought into the central questic>ns
    of sociology.What holds a societyto'

    27

    28

    Emortonsand SocialMacrt>Processes

    ,,glue"of solidarity-and what mobilizesconflict-the energy


    gerher-rhe
    o f m o b i l i z e d g r o u p s - a r e e m o t i o n s ; s o i s w h a t o p e r a t e s t o u p h o l d s tlfr a t i f i c a f..tittgs, whetherdominant' subservient'or resentful'
    ;;.;:h;;*Jhi.ul
    peopleto feel thesekinds of emo*" .r., explain the conditionsthat cause
    rions,wewillhaveamajorpartofacoresociologicaltheory'Thereisof
    a cognitive part' but the
    .o"rr. u structuralpart of zuch a rheory, and
    a realistic theory on its
    for
    essential
    emotional parr gives us something
    dynamics'
    r
    | -L
    Letmeputtheissueinanotherway'Theclassicsociologicaltheorres
    but they do not usuallyrefer
    mentionedaboveimplicitly concernemorions'
    torhemexplicitly.Thisisbecauseourtheorieshaveamacroprimacy'0rat
    abstractionand aggregai.or, a"rt *ith sociallife at a level of considerable
    ot worseyet' "values"'
    "legitimacy"'
    ii"". fV. are told of somethingcalled
    headsof real peoplein
    the
    flo"ti.,g somewherein u cuttt"ptual sky beyond
    situations.If we attempt a micro-translationof sociology-not
    ".at.".,
    groundingof macro-concepts
    .,.l"rrut,tt an absolutemicro-reduction,but a
    spaceand numbers-we
    in real interactionsacrossthe macro-gridof time,
    ln other words' the
    processes'
    are led to see the importanceof emotional
    above) yields
    discussed
    (like
    those
    micro-rranslarionof macro concePts
    us emotlon.
    microrhe'
    Unforrunately,this is not what classic(and even modern)
    process'
    emphasize
    ories have stressed.Mead and symbolicinteraccionism
    routine
    emphasize
    emergence,and cognition; Schutz and phenomenology
    the
    payoffs;
    and
    behaviors
    and Jognition; the exchangerheory ernphasizes
    could
    of
    course
    Emotion
    statestheorYag'i" 'tt""t' cognition'
    "*p..,Jrion into thesethreories,
    but it is central to none of them. But there
    be brought
    that do not have to be pressed
    are two crucial versionsof micro-sociology
    tlf cmotion as a social provery far ro yield us the cenrral micro-,.lynamics
    is'
    ..rr-u processrhat will serve us fcrrunpackingthe Inacro'sociological
    suesmentionedat the outset.
    Thefirstoftheseiswhatlcall..InteractionRitualTheory.''The
    else' speaksof emo'
    term is Goffnran's(196?). But Goffnran,like everyone
    tiononlyinpassing.Hefocusesonthestructureofmicro-interaction'on
    and obirs consrraintsand levels,on rhe interplaybetweenits subjective
    is
    applying
    coffman
    is
    that
    jective componenrs.The crucial rhing to see
    he is concernedwith how ritual
    Durkheimian rheory ro micro-situations,
    at the
    solidarityis generaredin rhe lirtle transientgroupsofeveryday.[ife,
    are
    them)
    (as
    call
    would
    I
    level of rhe encounrer.These "narural riruals"
    c.eremonies
    equivalentro rhe tormal rituals Durkheim analyzed-religious
    produce
    in aboriginetribes, patriotic rituals in rhe nrodernstate-which
    in a
    Durkheim
    broadened
    ,r...d ol1".ts and moral constraints'Goffrnan
    is
    to
    thar
    micro-level:
    on
    the
    way that ,ho*s hc,* stlcial order is produced

    Transienr
    Emorions

    Z9

    say,all over the map, in transientsituationsand local groups,which may


    or otherwisedivided againsteachother, insreadof in
    well be class-stratified
    the reifiedDurkheimianway (which Parsonsfollowed)in which it seemsto
    be "Society" as a whole that is being inregrated.
    Goffmaniananalysisof lnteractionRitual, then, is the analysisof a
    wide-rangingand flexible mechanism,which producespocketsof moral solthroughout society. It helps us to
    idarity, but variouslyand discontinrrously
    especiallyvia stratification.And
    connect upwardsto the macro-structure,
    it connectsdownwardto the nricro-details
    of human experience
    and action,
    becauserituals are made with emotional ingredients,and they produce
    other sortsof emotions(especiallymoraI solidarity,but alsosometimesaggressiveemotions) as outcomes. I will make considerableuse of the
    model of rituals in my stratificationtheory of
    Durkheimianr,/Coffmanian
    emouons.
    'We
    see emotions in another important version of micro-sociology.
    at tirst sight, seemsto be pirchedon a difCarfinkel'sethnomerhodology,
    ferent level. Wirh its concernfor the constructionof mundanereality,and
    its heavyuseof phenomenological
    abstractions,it seemsto be essentiallya
    cognitive theory. Cicourel (1971) even called his own version"Cognitive
    Sociology."Nevertheless,I want to suggestthat ethnomethodology
    reveals
    emotionat its core.Garfinkel'smost importantcontributionis to show that
    h u m a n sh a v ei n r r i n s i c a l l lyi m i t e dc o g n i t i v ec a p a b i l i t i e sa,n d t h a t t h e yc o n struct mundanesocial order by consistentlyusing pracricesto avoidrecognizing how arbitrarily social order is actually pur together.We keep up
    conventions,not becausewe believe in them, but becausewe srudiously
    avoid questioningthem. Carfinkel (1967)demonstrated
    this most dramatically in his "breaching"experiments,in which he lorcedpeopleinto situations that causedthem to recognizeindexicality(i.e. that they rely on tacit
    acceptanceof what things mean contextually)and reflexivity (that rhere
    are infinite regressesof justifying one's interpretations).Interestingly
    enough,the reactionsof his subjectswerealwaysintenselyemotional.Usually it was an emotionaloutburst;(becomingred in the face, blurting out
    "You lcnowwhat I meanl Do you want to have a conversationor don't
    youl") Sornetimesit wasdepression,
    bewilderment,or angerat having been
    put in a situation where they constructeda reality they later discoveredto
    be false.In shorr, when peoplehave to recognizethat they are tacitly constructing their social worlds, and in an arbitrary and conventionalway,
    rather than simply reactingto a world that is objectivelythere, they show
    intensenegativeemotions.
    I suggestthat Garfinkel'sbreachingexperimentsreveal something
    v e r y m u c h l i k e D u r k h e i m ' sw o r l d . l n t h i s c a s e ,c o n v e n r i o n asl o c i a lr e a l i t y
    is a sacredobject; Garfinkel'sexperiments,violating the sacredobject, call

    lO

    Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses

    fbr a tribal member,


    forth rhe sameeffecrsas would violating a ritual taboo
    for a patriot. In
    the
    fiag
    defaming
    or
    a
    christian,
    for
    d.r".oring rhe Bible
    When rhey
    objects.
    to
    sacred
    attach
    sentiments
    moral
    Durkheimt rheory,
    into
    negative,
    turns
    solidarity
    moral
    of
    sentiment
    positive
    are violated,this
    experiCarfinkel's
    so
    in
    culprit.
    the
    against
    Just
    righreousanger direcred
    conven*.nrr, there is outrageagainstthe violator of everydaycognitive
    that
    conditions
    the
    show
    to
    Durkheim's:
    parallels
    tions. Carfinkel'sstraregy
    brois
    it
    when
    that
    occurs
    opposition
    the
    uphotd a socialfact by revealing
    social
    the
    of
    highlighting
    means
    as
    crime
    and
    ke.,. Du.kheim usedsuicide
    realitysolidaritythat is their opposite;Garfinkel extendedthe method to
    constructionas a whole'
    lack of explicit focuson emotionsis misleading.
    Erhnomethodology's
    O n e c o u l d w e l l s a y r h a r e v c r y d a yI i f e r e a l i t y - c o n s t r u c t i (i )sna n e m o r i o n a l
    process,ancl rhat rhe emorionsthat uphold reality come forth in intense
    frr* *h"., rhe social realiry is broken. Furthermore,Gartinkel has shown
    thar human cognirion is limited; social order cannot be basedon rational,
    the
    consciousagreement.(Durkheim, 1893/1964,arguedthe same' but in
    to'
    society
    hold
    not
    does
    lf
    cognition
    urilitarianism.)
    conrexrof criricizing
    coglevel
    of
    the
    on
    this
    leave
    ro
    tends
    doesi
    carfinkel
    gether,rhen, what
    iiriu" pru.ti.es (mosrlyborrowedfronr Schutz);but it is a peculiarform of
    cognition, cognitive practicestbr httw to get by wichout too much-cogni'
    ri. Eth.,o*"thodology seemsro have an mysteriousx-factor underlying
    socialorder, which rhe very notion of indexicalityprohibitsus from probing. But let us take the plungeanyway:leavethe cognitiveplane, and rectlgnizethe x-factoras emotitln.
    OR "DRAMATIC"
    EI/IOTIONS:
    AND LONG-TERlv'l
    DISRUPTIVE
    ENERGY
    AND E]V{OTIONAL
    EA,IOTIONS
    This analysis(trces us to widen our conceptittnof emotion, our orthat are, for the most part'
    dinarv usagerefersto emotionsas experiences
    is advicepredicatedon this
    etnotional"
    be
    so
    "Don't
    suddenand drarnatic.
    dratnaticones:fear, terror,
    most
    are
    the
    emotions
    famous
    conception.The
    people
    and someculturesare
    joy,
    Some
    forth.
    so
    and
    anger,embarassment,
    currently trendy dis(nore
    the
    for
    example
    "unemotional"
    as too
    regar,,led
    Carfinkel tbrce us
    and
    Coffman
    But
    both
    culture).
    purrg.^.rr, of "WASP"
    are long-lasting'
    they
    undranratic;
    are
    thar
    emorions
    ro ,.. th"r" are also
    mundane
    Carfrnkel's
    life.
    permeare
    social
    that
    underlyingronesor moods,
    rhis is a
    that
    stress
    feeling-l
    by
    the
    reality, for example,is characterized
    ordi'
    the
    "nothing
    of
    out
    cognition-that
    feeling rarher rhan an explicir
    p
    ornt
    t
    h
    e
    f
    r
    o
    m
    e
    m
    o
    t
    l
    (
    '
    n
    ,
    u
    n
    i
    n
    t
    e
    r
    e
    s
    t
    i
    n
    g
    a
    n
    n a r y i s h a p p e n i n gh e r e . "T h i s i s
    tnto
    went
    work
    considerable
    right,
    is
    of view of the actor but, if Carfinkel

    Transient
    Emotions

    II

    producingthar feelingof ordinariness,and into keepingourselves


    frorn seeing that work itself. Mundane reality is a "members'accomplishment.,'
    In Goffmanand Durkheim, rhe ordinary-life,long lastingfeeringsare
    somewharmore apparenr,These theoriesstresssolidarity,feelingsof membership,and in Coffman'scase,feelingsabour one'sself. Theseare, if everything goeswell, smoorhlypersistentsenrimenrs,rhough they may have
    an "up" feelingtone, or a "down," depressed
    tclnein someimportantcases,
    as I will demonstrate.Once we think about rhem, we readilyacceprrhese
    as part of the largerrealm of emorion.Solidariryfeelings,moral senriment,
    the enthusiasmof pirching oneselfinto a sir,arion, or being carriedalong
    by it; and at the other end, depression,
    alienation,embarrassment-these
    are recognizably
    longer lastingkinds of emorions.Carfrnkelianmundanity
    is merelya genericemorionalquality at rhe middleof the plus-minusscale.
    My poinr is nor to enrer inro terminologicalcontroversy.It would
    be uselessfor us to define emotionsin such a way that we can only talk
    about the dramaric,disruptiveemotions;whateverwe call them, we must
    also be able to talk abour the long-rermemorional tones, even rhe ones
    that are so calm and srnoothas not to be noticed.In theoreticalterms.it is
    rhe long lastingones (which I discr-rss
    below as emotionalenergy)rhar are
    of greatesrimportance.But I will also arremprto show that the dramaric,
    short-ternremorionsare explainableagainsrthe backdrop.f rhe long-rerm
    emotions.
    INTERACTIONRITL/AL(IR) AND EMOT]ONALENERGY(EE)
    The basic model of riruaI interaction (iR) rhar I derive from
    Durkheim has rhe followingelemenrs:
    1. A groupof minimum sizerwo assembled
    face-to-face.
    The sheerphysical
    p r e s e n c oe i h u m a n a n i m a l si n r h e s a m ep l a c ei s a p r e c o n d i r i o nf o r r h e
    emotionaland cognitive processes
    that foll,,rw.
    2. Focusof artention upon rhe sameobject or activity, and mutull awarenessof each other'sattention. Collective formalities,such as a church
    serviceor polirical proJocol,are imporranr only becauserhey are one
    easyway to focuscommon attention. But any circumstances
    in everyday
    Iif'ethar focusatrenrionin this way (Coffman, i967, citesordinary conversationsas an example)have the effectof producinga ritual situation.
    The crucial featureis that individua[sbecomecaught up in a groupactivity, in which they are nrutuallyawareof what each orher is tJoing.
    This makesthe group itself rhe focusof arrenrion,as a rransindividual
    reality, influencing membersfronr oursidewlrile permearingrheir cons c i o u s n e sf rso m w i r h i n .

    Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses
    Membersshareacommonmood.ltisinessentialwhatemotionis
    enthusi;, the outset.The feelingsmav be anger'friendliness'
    ;;;;;;
    conemotional
    posits
    an
    model
    asm, fear,sorrow,or many others' This
    on
    attention
    focussing
    are
    tagion among the personspresent' for they
    caught
    become
    they
    focus;
    ii? ,r*" thing ancl ,r" u*ui. of each other's
    mood becomes
    i" .u.tt other'semotions' As a result,the emotional
    "p
    out by the
    driven
    are
    and more don-rinant;competingfeelings
    ;;;;
    happenby
    to
    seelns
    *.'""r.oro feeling.On the ultra-microlevel' this
    (Chapple'
    1981;
    ;i; p;.".'t of rhfthmic entrainment phvsiologicallv
    their
    h
    a
    v
    e
    r
    n
    d
    e
    m
    o
    t
    i
    o
    n
    s
    M c i l e l l a . t d , 1 9 8 5 ) .T h a t i s t o s a y 'a c t i v i t i e s
    of
    focus
    the
    As
    place'
    own micro'rhythm, a pace in which they take
    anticparticipants
    rhe
    more attuned'
    interactionbecomesprogressively
    "in the swingof
    ,pr,.-.*n other's,hvitt*t, and thus becomecaughtup
    \Tarner et al''
    19?9;
    t'hings"(Wohlstein and McPhail, lg?9; Warner'
    of a successcourse
    in
    the
    Gregory,i9B3). Participantsfeel sadder
    1983";
    audienceat a comedy
    ful f,rneral, more humorou, u, pu" of a respcinsive
    in
    more engrossed
    party'
    a
    show,more convivial during the build-upof
    a conversationas its rhythms becomeestablished'
    builcl-upof emotionaIcoordinationwirhin
    ourcomeof a successful
    The
    4.
    The emotions
    an interactionritual is to producefeelingsof solidarity'
    transient;the
    are
    (in
    3
    above)
    no.
    rhat are ingredientsof the rirual
    to
    attachment
    of
    rhe
    feelings
    outcomehoweveris a long'term emotion,
    ritual
    funerirl
    the
    in
    Thus'
    time'
    at that
    the group that was
    "rr"*l"d
    but the main "ritual work" of the
    the short-termemotion was sadness,
    solidarity'The emotional in'
    group
    funeralwas producing(or restoring)
    the long-ternrresultis
    or
    humor;
    gredientsof a party *uy b. friendliness
    the feelingof statusgroup menrbership'
    (EE) (ColI referro theselong-termoutcomesas "emotionalenergy"
    various
    includes
    that
    term'
    undifferentiated
    tins, 1981). This is a ,"the,
    energyvery
    is
    I
    suggest'
    component'
    components.The most important
    enthusiasm,
    like. It is a conrinuu*, ."ngi.,g from a high end of confidence,
    and to a
    states'
    lesser
    of
    range
    middle
    good self-feelings;down through a
    Emoself-feelings'
    negative
    and
    io* ..rd of depression,lack of initiative,
    (e'g'
    Hull's
    in
    "drive"
    of
    concept
    tional energy is like the psychological
    energy
    system),but it ho, a specilicallysocialorientation' High emotional
    is the
    lt
    interaction.
    social
    for
    is a feeling of conficienceand enthusiasm
    a
    wirh
    solidarity
    ritual
    personal,id. of having a greatdeal of Durkheimian
    in
    participaring
    from
    g.oup. One gets pumpedup with emorionalstrength
    the group'sinteraction.This makesone not only an enthusiasticsupporter
    wirh the
    of ,ho gio,-,p,but also a leadingfigure within it' One feelsgood

    Transient Emorions

    lj

    group, and is able to be an energy-leader,


    a personwho stirs up contagious
    feelingswhen the group is rogerher.
    Ar the low end of the emotionalenergyconrinuum, the opposrteis
    the case.Low emotionalenergyis a lack of Durkheimiansolidarity.one is
    not attractedto the group;one is drainedor depressed
    by it; one wanrsto
    avoid it. one does not have a good self in rhe group. And one rs not
    attachedto the group'spurposesand symbols,but alienatedfrom rhern.
    There are more differenriatedvarianrsof emorionalenergyas well,
    besidesrhis up/down,higvlow in solidariryand enthusiasm.\ue will see
    below rhere are two major dimensionsof stratification(powerand sratus)
    that producespecificqualitiesof emotionaIenergy.Bur while we are consideringthe main, genericlevel of emotionaIenergy,I will mention one
    more Durkheimian feature.Emorional energy is not jusr somerhingthat
    pumpsup some individualsand depresses
    orhers.Ir also has a controlling
    quality from the group side. Emorional energy is whar Durkheim (1912/
    1954) called "moral senrimenr":ir includesfeelingsof what is right and
    wrong, moral and immoral. Individuals,who are full of emotionale.ergy,
    feel like good persons;rhey feel righreousabour what rhey are doing. personswith low emotional energyfeel bad. Though rhey do nor necessarily
    interpretthis feelingas guilt or evil (that would dependon the religiousor
    o t h e r c u l t u r a lc o g n i t i o n sa v a i l a b l ef o r l a b e l l i n gr h e i r f e e l i n g s )a, t a . m i n i mum, they lack rhe feeling of being morally good persons,which comes
    from enthusiasticparticipationin group rituals.
    These feelingsof moral solidaritycan generarespecificacts of alrruism and love; but rhere is also a negativeside. As Durkheim pointecrout,
    group solidaritymakesindividualsfeel a desireto defendand honor rhe
    group.This solidariryfeelingis rypicallyfocussed
    on symbols,sacredob;ecrs
    (like a tribal roremicemblem, a Bible or Koran or orher holy scriprure,a
    flag, or a weddingring). One showsrespecrfor rhe group by parriciparing
    in ritua[s veneraringthese symbolicobjecrs;conversely,failure to respecr
    them is a quick tesr of nonmembershipin the group. Ir appearsrhat individualswho are alreadymembersof rhe rirual group are unclerespecially
    strongpressure
    to continue ro respectirs sacredsymbols.If they do not, the
    loyal group membersfeel"shock and ourrage,that is their righreousness
    turns automaticallyinro righteousanger.In this way,rirual violarionslead
    to persecutionof hererics,scapegoats,
    and other outcasts.
    5. Ritualsshapecognirions.The main objecrsor ideasthar wererhe focus
    of artention during a successful
    rirual becomeloadedwith emotional
    overtones.Those ideasor things becontesymbols;whareverelse rhe
    ideas may refer to on the mundane level, there is also a deeper,

    34

    and SocialMacroProcesses
    Emotions
    TransienrEmocions

    Durkheimianlevel on which symbolsinvoke membershipin the group


    that chargedrhem up with ritual significance.
    It is in this way that societygets inside the individual'smind. Our
    lives consisrof a seriesof interactions,someof which generatemore ritual
    solidarity than others. (This is what I refer ro as "interaction ritual
    chains.") The high-solidarityrituals give individualsa store of cognitions
    thar thev carry around with rhem, and use to think and communicare
    rvith. Wheneversomeonethinks in termso[conceptsthat werethe focusof
    interactionritual, they are subjectivelyreinvokingthe feelings
    a successfirl
    of membershipin that group. We are, to speakin the idiom of Symbolic
    lnteraction, imagining society in our minds; it would be more accurate,
    however,to saythat we f-eelthe emotionsof socialsolidarityin the various
    ideaswirh which we rhink. This helps explain why personswho derive
    emotionalenergyfrom group interactionscontinue to have emotional energyeven when they are alone.They are pumpedup with emotionalenergy
    interaction;this energygetsattachedto ideas,and
    becauseof a successful
    thinking rhose ideas allows these individualsto feel a renewedsurge of
    enthuasism.
    socially-based
    I have couched this on the positive side, in terms of personswirh
    high emotionalenergy.The samewould apply on the negativesideas well.
    Personswith low emotional energylack the chargeof ideaswith solidarity;
    and their ideasmay even be chargedwith anripathyto particular groups.
    (\fe shall see how this firs situarionsof group stratification.)This carries
    over into their subjective lives; they are depressed
    even when they are
    alone, and their thoughtsmove awayfrom the symbolsof groupsthat make
    Thus, emotionally-charged
    them depressed.
    symbolsmotivate individuals
    when they are awayfrom rirual encounters.

    f:r,ui,;:laot::"Jil:j:il:,l.n

    J5

    u,,,,,ions
    in these
    conditions
    read
    usto

    power Rit,ars'
    whar
    am calling the dimension
    of power is arl rhose
    .r
    facrorsrhar bring togerher
    inai'iJr?t^*ho are unequal
    in rheir resources

    ::,,iill:.rll.

    orders
    and
    ",i.., ,,r" "d;,;;,.,, ,.,.,*,",u.,,on

    be
    coming.*n..
    of"'lii
    i;:,tx:t :n:::I;l,I^:"1::J:*?1

    cus, which buildsup as the rirual


    .r...rrti,f proceeds.(As
    always,it is also
    possibrethar the ritual wiil
    ror o..."J rr.cersfr1y, rhar
    it
    wi'.
    .uri,n.,,
    breakdown
    inro avoidanceor con'ict;
    however,ter us deal *ith
    thrt
    ,.ou_
    rarery')The focusof a prwer
    rituar is ,i" o.o."r, of giving
    and raking orders' As many organizationar
    srucries
    rto* (.p".iary the classic
    studiesof
    infbrmalwork grorrps,many of
    wrrichare usecras an empiricar
    baseby Goffm a n , 1 9 5 9 ) ,r h e o r d e r - t a k e r s
    do nor n"."rlnritv.u.r, o*.rl,J.;;r,orders;
    fur tl'rat nrarrer' the bossesd;
    expect rhem ro do so, ,r
    "";-;i;;; 'gut
    even
    know very crearrywhat they *u.r,
    aon..
    trrecrucial irem of artention
    sh.wing respe* tb1,^tfe.orde.,r,rrU"
    is
    '."*ess irself. Order_giversare rn
    chargeof a Coffmanianfrontsrag.
    p"ko.*un.e; rhey take the
    initiarive in

    , ,p;;tJ ,i" o.gonr,u,ionar


    chainorcom;,H, ;:j[l,,::ccessrul,
    'lh"'|";,.'Tf,:"J,|:oclasses
    ,,rront.
    uu.
    ,
    c;tr";;;;;
    person,,,,r,,,
    lla*e.
    t!::..rJ?::rXT,.,:.in,
    or.t

    t "i* i"n;;;;, orde


    r-g
    ivers
    r", ",.,.,,.1.,

    power-rituals;
    and their .irrul ,ra.,." ^rt",
    of the organizarion'Their
    cognir,";r;;
    summarizedin Collins, Ig75;
    62_57)

    ll

    ,t,"*r"I""; l";;i ,ri.,rv*Uot,


    rhe ,,officiar,,
    sort (seeevidence

    ;,,[:T,iil;iffi :
    :: id.J::#if:ffI;:ffi :T,::
    tary force (as in che

    STRATII'1ED /NTERACT1ONRITUALS:
    POWERRITUALSAND STATUSRITUAA
    The model of interactionritualsgivesus the generalprocessof interaction. IR's themselvesare variable, insofaras rituals can be successful
    or
    unsuccessful:
    that is, how much fricusand emotional contagion acrually
    takesplace, irnd therefore,how stronglythe participantsbecomeattached
    to membershipsymbols.This will dependon a number of conditions:(rr)
    eccllogicalfcrors,which allow or force groupsro come togerher,and in
    what sizeand frequency;(b) motivationalfactors,which affecthow attractive particular kinds of inreracrionsare for parricularindividuals;and (c)
    material resourceswhich individualsuse ro put on the sragingof rituals,
    that is, rhe materialpropsfor focussing
    attenrionand for generatingcertain

    ies
    ),,or u,'ri.
    ; i,i,f ilJ;.'
    fi ;T;...r;..".1il
    sJii,;:^:
    ?;:::::
    privileges,or chances
    of p.o*otn-_,.fj'U,
    bosses,

    reachers,and orher
    personsin authority.The
    situationof raking orders,
    of beingcoerced,is in
    itself alienating. Buc persons
    sublect to aut-horityusuary
    cannot evade ir

    j;;;HT,J;:::'.,::,..

    rrpually
    occurs
    in no.,-,truol
    .ituurto.,.s,
    *h-".,th.y

    nianbackstag;;h;;"h.r,iil::i:1,:iiT"*';.J;,.'i[*::*l^*-;i.
    mal work rourine in which
    ,1,"v pr,-*';;;".,.r,
    performance.In this
    sense,rhe order-raking
    clar.eshaue , :;Ur.trrr*. personality.,,
    Order-rakersnevertheless
    ,r. ;o;J'ro
    b.. pr.r.nt ar order-grving
    ,ld, ol" requiredto
    sive
    llill':
    I hey and rheir boss
    ";1";;J;;;;u1i.,i.,, assenrar thar momenr.
    rutunily recognize
    .n.i-nrtr.r', posirion,anrr who
    the initiative in the
    has
    rituar .n".r*Jni.-rilr,';;*".
    rituarsare an asymmer-

    36

    Emotionsand SocialMacrerPrt>cesses
    Transrent
    Emotions

    rical variant on Durkheimianinteracrionrituals.There is a focusof attenrion, on rhe order-givingprocess.But the emotionsthac are invoked are
    constrained;there is a tone of respect,of going along with whar the ordergiver is demanding.The more coerciveand extremethe powerdifferential,
    rhe more emotionalcontagionthere is. The medievalpeasant,or rhe child
    who is being beaten,are forced to put rhemselvesinto a state of complifigurewants. It
    ance, of going along with what the master/parent/authority
    is a coercedfocusof attention; the order-rakerhas ro try hard to anticipate
    what the order-giverwanrs.Conversely,rhe order-giverusescoercionprecisely in order to feel this masteryover rhe subordinate's
    mind, to "break
    their will." (Cf. my analysisof torture, in Collins, 19Bla.) Lesscoercive
    fornrsof order-givinghave correspondingly
    lesspowerfulritual effects.
    According to this theory, a successful
    order-givingritual coercesa
    strong mutual focus of attention, and producesstrongly sharedemorion.
    Bur it is a heavily mixed emotion. Insofaras there is successful
    role-taking
    on both sides(and that is at the core of any successful
    ritual), the ordergiver feels both hisiher own senriment of masrery,and rhe order.takers'
    feelingsof weakness.
    On the other side, rhe order-takerhas a mixrureborh
    of his/her own negative emorions-weakness/depression,
    fear-and rhe
    mood of the dominator,which is srrongemotionalenergy,dominance,and
    anger. I proposerhat this is why persons,who are severelycoerced(con.
    centrationcamp inmates,marine corps recruits,beatenchildren), tend on
    one level to identify with the aggressor,
    and will enacr rhe aggressor's
    role
    when possiblein the future. They have an emorionalcomplexof fear and
    anger,althoughsituationallythe f'earside is dominanrwhen rhey are raking
    orders.Conversely,I proposethat order-givers,who use extremecoercion,
    acquiresado-masochistic
    personaliries,
    becauseof the role-rakingthar goes
    on, thus blendinganger/dominanrfeelingswith a senseof rhe fear and passivity that they invoke in their subordinates.
    Powerrituals thus producecomplexemorions.Order-givers
    and ordertakerssharethe dominance/anger/fear/passivity
    complex,bur in very different proportions.They also sharean orientation towarddominant symbols,
    but again with a differentblend of emorions.Order-giversidentify themselveswith the sacredobjectsof their organization;they respectthesesynrbols as ideals,and are foremostin requiringorher people ro kowrow ro
    them too. This is the conservarismof dominanr classes,their selfappoinredmotivation as uphcllders
    of tradirion, as resrorers
    of law and order, and righteousuprootersoi hereticsand deviants.
    Order-takers,
    on rhe other hand, have an ambivalenrarritudetoward
    rhe dominant symbols.They are alienatedfrom these symbols,and privately speakand think of rhem cynically,if rhey can ger awaywith it (see
    evidencesummarized
    in Gans, 1962:229-262).Thus, the modernworking
    |

    :_ _-_ ^_^u.. ^t:^_^,^J

    f.,__ rho hr,sinecs irlpels of their bosses. and

    army troopsridicule rl.rerheroricof

    t7

    their

    come,
    sorospea
    k,.,nega
    rivesacred
    J|iL,'JJ ir.i.rT."u;..,r1",Xi[l'..TJ
    ble, a suc-ldenly
    liberated

    nr,l"r-t.king .irr, *r.rf." ;.;.:


    on rhe
    symborsthar ir fornierryhad. to bow
    jK,o, wirhour
    careerchancesin rhe
    academicsysrem,who are forced !,,.
    order-irk.., in schoors,thus
    rend ro acts
    of vandalismand orher forms of "d;;;r*.,"
    dire.etr preciseryar rhe ,,sacred objects" in whose name rhey
    are subordinarecr:
    cohen, 1g55.) It is
    also possibrethat order-rakers
    hori rh" iu*r.rr.t symbolsin
    a kind of supersririousrespecr'thar is, if rhey
    are so rightry.....J
    ,i",
    ,n1."
    ,, r,r,t"
    opporrunirvfrrr distancingrhenrserves,
    no backsrag",i;,;;i;;
    they
    can
    rerreatfrom their nrasters,surveiilance,
    ,h"y or" ritually forcedro show
    res p e c rf o r t h e s a c r e ds y m b o l su r r ,
    r i * " s . T h u s a r i r " sl r r " ; r " r . i r e r a r n e r , ,
    menra[iry'found among long-rime
    r.ru.n,, and peasanrs
    (and in a differenr
    conre'xt'amongchirdrenwho are
    strongrycoercedby their
    orr.nr, but arso
    srronglycontrolled, and given.nn
    oppi.,.rur_,ities
    ro rebel). The difference
    berweenrheserwo kinds of ora.r-rof"rri
    li*ritua., dependsprimariry upon
    ecologicalstructures:whether
    coercive .n.,,.,rt is continuous,
    or allows
    breaksinto backsrage
    pnvacy.
    I have schemaricalryoutrined
    two porar.rypes of parricipation
    in
    power riruars:order-givinganti
    order-tokrng(fbrmally ,tat"d in
    collins,
    1 9 7 5 : 7 3 - 5 ' )B u r p o w e r - r i t u a l s
    a r e a c o n t i n u u m .T h e r ea r e s e v e r a r
    k i n c i so f
    positionsin the middle between
    ,h"
    personswho are ordertransmrtters,who rake orders from
    "*,r.r"r:
    some trbove tl_,". n.,cl
    ,,u""o".,ta., n,
    othersbelow;I suggesrrhar these
    i^d;;;J;r; ten.r ro brentirhe order-givers
    and order-takers
    culture rnto a narrow and rigicl,,bureaucraric
    pers.nality.,,
    There is anorherkind of mi,Jpolni
    i.,*.." exrremes:rhe personwhcr
    neithergivesnor takesorders,
    bur'who t;;;;;il:n":":^t^".:::

    .,,.hong!,
    tc.',i.,,'rqzs,z+i
    _^,rr",:;':,::'i;',li: ;: :t:,,r._Xl

    dimensionon which rhere is effectivery


    no'p.*.r, rherefore,the effects
    of
    order-givingand order-raking
    are u.rr-' ."rlrr. In orrier
    k> explain whar

    ;lll.li:f"

    ar rhisneurral.'t"u"t
    .,tpn*l wemustrurnro rhesrarus

    sratus Ritrars' I arn using the


    term "status" in an senserhat
    is slighrly
    differenrfrom-orclinary.Srrtr,
    ,."r;;;*;r-;"rr"d
    ,,, a generalterm for hie.rarchical
    differencesof all kinds. Br, ;;;;
    ;

    thingclose
    rowharWeber
    ,.,.on,by*;^;r',ff;:rli

    r::tj:i::.:,:. :ff;
    group'" The ftrncramentar
    Garurehere is b"rungiugor not
    beronging.This
    too rs a confinuunr; in
    everyclaylife, it appears as
    populariry vs.
    unpopulariry.i
    T h i s d i m e n s i o no f
    . m e m b e r s h ivps . n o n m e n r b e r s i riisp a n a l y r i c a l i, n
    the sensethat any individual
    (nn.l n,'ryl.,.rr.u""t can
    be classifiecl
    borh as
    ro where ir standsin terms
    of starusmembership,and

    l8

    Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses

    is proinequality.That meansthat every individual,and every interaction,


    ef'
    power
    The
    power
    effects.
    and
    du.i.,g borh status rnembershipeffects,
    order-taking
    and
    is
    no
    order-giving
    lrr, io*.u.r, mighr be zero, if there
    orderi n r h a r s i t u a t l o n ;o n r h e q r h e r h a n d , e v e n e x t r e m es i t u a r i o n so f
    and
    assembled
    group
    is
    the
    giving also have a statusdimension,insofaras
    somemembershipfeelingsare being generated'
    In whar ways can individuals differ in their status participationl
    here. First considerhow the ritual situaThere are severalsubdimensions
    tign irself is structured.How much doesthe individual participate/Is he/
    she alwaysthere, alwaystaking part in the interaction rituals, alwaysa
    member of the groupl or is he/she isolated,never or rarely a member?
    Along that conrinuum, we can see peoplewho are on the fringesof the
    g.oup, 1ur, barely members,barely participating;others are nearer to the
    .or", *hile ar the center is the sqciometricstar, the personwho is always
    most inrense[y involved in rhe ritual interaction. This person is the
    Durkheimianparricipanrof the highestdegree,and should be sublect to
    the strongesteffectsof ritual membershipthat we examinedabove:emo'
    tional energy,moral solidarity,and attachmentto group symbols.At the
    other end, there is the Durkheimian nonmember,who receivesno ernotional energy,no moral solidarity,and no symbolicattachments'
    Every individual may be calibratedsomewherealong this dimension'
    from central participant to outsider.\7e could measurehow often and how
    centrallythey participatein membershiprituals, and give them a scoreon
    their overall Durkheimiansolidarityor their "socialdensityof interaction."
    My hypothesisis that this correlateswith emotional energy and m,lral
    sentiments.
    There is anorhersubdimensionof statusgroup participation.In what
    kinds of groupsdoesone participarellt may be alwaysthe samegroup; in
    rhis casewe ger local solidarity.According to Durkheimian theory, this
    strong attachment to reified symbols,literal-mindedness,
    should pro<Juce
    u.,d o ,i.o.rg barrier berweeninsidersand outsiders.There is high conforrnity within the group, along with strong distrust of outsidersand alien
    symbols.
    At the other end of this subdimension,there is participation in a
    loosenetwork consisringof many differentkinds of groupsand situations.
    This is a cosmopolitannetworkstructure.The Durkheimianrheory predicts
    the result will be more individualism,more relativistic attitudestowards
    svmbols.and rnoreabstractrather than concreterhinking. Statedin terms
    of emotions,this impliesthat personsin cosmopolitannetworkshave relatively weak feelingsof conformityto group symbols,emotionalcoolnessof
    tone, and generalrrusr in a wide rangeof interactions.When synrbolsare
    violated or ritual proceduresgb badly, rhe membersof right, localized

    TransientEmotions

    j9

    groupsrespondwith anger and fear (especiallyif rituals are backedup


    by
    coercionon rhe powerdimension).Can there be ritual violationsin loose
    cosmopolitangroups,where rhere is lessintensityand conformityl yes, becausethere can be violarionsof the appropriately
    casualand sociablerone
    of interaction. Goffman (1959, 1967) concenrraredmosr of his analysis
    upon situationso[ cosmopolitaninteractions,and depictedjust such violations and their sanctions.FollowingGoffman, I would suggestthat persons
    in thesesituationsrespondby amusementro minor rirual violario.,,ty others, and with embarrassment,
    contempt, and a desireto excludeperpetrators of more seriousviolarions of rhe sociableorder. The personswho
    commit theseGoffmaniansacrileges
    feeI anxiety and embarrassment.
    This, then, is my set of hyporheses
    about how the variousdimensions
    of interactionritual affectemotions.By way of summary,let us recapitulate
    the model, firsr in terms of the effectson long-termemorions(emotional
    energy),and then in their effectson short-term,rranslrorvemotlons.
    EFFECTSON LONC-TERMEMOTIONS:
    EMOTIONAL ENERGY(EE)
    The IR chain model, as previouslysrated,proposesthat inclividuals
    acquireor lose emotional energy in both power and srarusinteractions.
    order-giversgain EE, order-rakerslose it; successful
    enactmentof group
    membershipraisesEE, experiencingmarginaliryor exclusionlowersit. Further, the arnounrof EE gained by statusgroup membershipis weightedby
    the rankingof the groupone has participatedin (asc.nveyedby the membershipconnorationsof the symbolsthat were used in rhar encounter).
    This is to say,srarusgroupscan be addirionallyrankedby the powerof their
    membersin the larger society;there are communiriesmade up of upperclassorder-givers,of working-classorder-takers,and so forth; here the
    membershipcommunity can also carry an indirect reflectionof the power
    relations,even when they are "off duty." Successfully
    usinghigh-sratus
    symbols in an encounterboth generareslocal solidarity,and a feelingof hieh
    rank; whereassuccesslully
    generaringsolidariryin a low-rankinggroupgenerateslessEE. Interaction;ritualsare connecredin chainsover time, with
    the resultsof the lasr inreracrion(in emotionsand symbols)becomingrnputs for the next inreracrion.Thus, EE tendsto cumulare(eirherposirively
    o r n e g a t i v e l yo) v e r t i m e .
    "Emotionalenergy",however,is rather generalmetaphorthat needs
    to be unpacked.I believethat there is a generalcomponenr,an overall
    level of being "up" or "down." Bur rhis is an overflow of more soecific
    e m o t i o n a el n e r g i e sE. m o t i r n a le n e r g yi s s p e c i f i cr o p a r r i c u l a kr i n d s, . r fs l r u ations;it is a readiness
    for action, which manitesrsirselfin taking rhe ini-

    40

    Emotions and Social Macro Processes

    Transienr
    Emorions 4l

    with particular persons'z


    tiarive in particular sorts of social relationships or
    to dominate, or
    Thus, theie is EE specific to power situations-expecting
    to
    situations-expecting
    be dominated; as well as an EE specific to status
    Furall.
    at
    accepted
    be
    be a central member, or a marginal clne, or not t()
    particular netthermore, these emotional energies tend to be specific to
    feel full of
    persons
    works and groups, or particular kinds of them: some
    not
    confidence and initiative in a party clf professionalacquaintances, but
    but
    negotiation,
    in a sexual situation; some feel confidence in a business
    not a political one'
    i.opt" n)Lrve rhrough rhe chain of encounrers that make up their
    daily lives on an up-and-down flow of EE: They are more attracted towards
    certain situations than orhers, and sometimes f'eel disinterest or repulsion.
    In each situation as ir unfolds, their own emotional and cultural resources,
    meshing or failing to mesh with rhose of the people they meet, determine
    to what extent the lR will be successfuland unsuccessful.These outcomes,
    in rurn, raise or lower EE. The end result is motivirtion to repeating those
    sorts of encounrers with particular persons and to avoid them with others.
    Emotional energy manifesrs irself both physically irnd psychologically,
    but its underlying basis-rhe form in which it is "stored," so to speak-is
    probably not as energy per se. EE has some cognitive conrponent; it is an
    expecrarion of being able 16 dominate particular kinds of situations, or to
    in parricular groups. The cognitive side of this is that
    *"*bership
    "no.t
    (parricularized
    memories as well as generalized ideas or emblems)
    symbols
    to them, in the sense that the symbols call
    attached
    have emotiqnal energy
    f o r t h a h i g h o r l c , wd e g r e eo f i n i t i a r i v e i n e n a c t i n g s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s h i p su s i n g
    rhose symbols. But rhis is not a process of conscious calculation, of the
    a6or rhinking "l will get a good feeling of power or status if I interact with
    so-and-so."l Instead, certain symbols come to mind, or appear in the external environment, and spark off propensities (positive or negative) for
    social action. The "expecrarion" may work on a subconsciouslevel. lt is an
    anticipation of being able to coordinate with someone else's responses'of
    smoorhly raking rheir role in the ongoing flow of the interaction, and thus
    anticiparing the build-up of emotional force that goes on within a successful IR. The processof "rhythmic entrainment" of the ultra-micro aspectsof
    interacrion is the mechanism by which emotional contagion occurs within
    a successful interaction. Thus, there is a very fine-grained, microanriciparion rhat happens within the interaction itse[f (on a level down to
    fractions of a second), as well as a more fttng-term expectation of being
    able ro enter inro such micrtt-coordination wirh parricular kinds of peopre'
    "Emotion:rl energy" exists as a c()mplex of these kinds of expectations, a
    priming for successfulritual interaction in particular settings.
    The low end of EE is depression,manifested in withdrawal, both from
    ewnrecci'pnpc.

    rnri

    rcri.,itrr

    l)enrecsion

    mav

    he

    m()re

    c,-rmnlex

    or()cess

    rhan high EE.aI hypothesize


    that experiencear rhe low end of the power
    dimensionbringsdepression:
    low energy,and lossof motivation. But this
    may happenonly when order-takers
    experiencea strong degreeof uncontrollability;when their lack of control is only moderate,th"y ."y rypicaily
    respondby anger,rhat is, by a remporaryincreasein the output of EE, as
    vigorousreacranceagainstthe situarion rhat is controlling them (Frijda,
    l986: 290).
    Negativeexperienceon the statusdimensi.n, however,mav have a
    differenteffecr.I suggesrthar [ailureof membershrpin a groupritual brings
    a degreeof depression
    commensurare
    with the socialfailure.Kemper(1978)
    howeverarguesrhat low statusmay bring anger as weil as shame.scheff
    (1987a' l987b) argues rhar exclusion from membershipbrings
    shame,
    which may producea spiral with rage(i.e. anger). Iwoulj r.su.Jrhorrr. u,
    a form of low EE, with rhe specificcognirivecomponenrdirectedtowarcls
    one's social image (i.e. s'cial membership)in a particulargroup. Anger
    occurswhen there is an abrupr negativechangein expectecl,o.i^l *"mbershipfeelings,rhat is, it is a short-termemoriondue to rhe disruotionof
    expectations;the long-term effect of membershiploss is nevertheless
    depression'Hence, there is no long-term increasein vigor of the sort that
    angry reactilncebrings for moderatelevelsof put down on the power dimension,
    _rharis, when rhere are a strucruralopportunitiesfor mobilizins
    reDeuron.The main long-termemotionalenergiesresultingfrom stratifiedinteraction, rhen, are: (a) high levelsof enrhusiasm,
    confidence,and inirrarrve,
    resultingfrom either poweror statussiruarions;(b) low levelsof the same
    (i.e' depression,shame), resulringagain from eirher power
    or status;(c)
    anger,which resultsfrom moderarelevelsof negariveexperience(l believe,
    largelyon the powerdimension,althoughpossiblyon the srarusdimenslon
    a s w e l l ) , p a r r i c u l a r l yi n s i r u a r i o n w
    s h e r et h e r ea r e s u f f i c i e npr o s s i b i l i t i eosf
    fighting back' There is one orher long-term emorional disposition;the
    amount of rrustor disrrustof other people.Ar rhe trust end of the contin.
    uum, this simply manifestsitself as high EE, willingnessro rake inirrarrve
    towardscertain socialsituations.At the distrustend, it comesout as fearof
    particular situati<rns.I suggesrthat disrrust/fearis attached to particular
    structuralconfigurations,namely,distrustof thosewho are oursidersro the
    local group; ir is the resultof rhe srructuralsubclimension
    of sratusgroup
    i n t e r a c r i o ni,n w h i c h r h e r ei s r i g h t l o c a Ic l o s u r eo f g r o u pb o u n d a r i e s .
    SHORITERM OR DRAMAT/C EMOT/ONS
    Most researchon em.tion has focussed'n rhe short-term,dramatrc
    e.motions:the "phasic" rather than the "tonic," the outburstsrhat disrupr
    the ongoing flow of acrivitv (Friida. 1986: 2. 4. g0)

    Mrr erorrmp-r i. th-r

    42

    Emotions and Social Macro Processes

    rhe short-termemotionsare derivedtiom the baselineof emotionalenergy;


    rhat ir is againstthe backdropo[ an ongoingflow of emotionalenergythat
    p a r t i c u l a rd i s r u p r i v ee x p r e s s i o nasr e s h a p e d .S u r p r i s e f, o r e x a m p l e ,i s a n
    abrupt reactionto somethingthat rapidlyand severelyinterruptsthe flow
    of current activity and artention. This is also the generalpattern of more
    important short-termemotions.
    The positiveemotionsbecomeintenselargelybecauseof a contagious
    build-upduring an interactionritual. This is the casewith enthusiasm,joy,
    and humor: all o[ thesebuild up in socialsituationsas the resultof a sucanalysistendsto take theseemotionsfrom the
    cessfulritual. Psychological
    individualviewpoint. For example,joy is explainedas the resultof the momentary expectationof successin someactivity (Frijda, 1986:i9). This is
    sometimestrue; bur I am suggestingthat joy and enthusiasmare particugroup is collectivelyexperiencingthis exlarly strong when an assembled
    pectationor achievementof success(e.g., fans at a game). Further, the
    group itself by successful
    emotionalcontagioncan generareits own enthusiasm(which is what a party does).
    These kinds of positive emorionaloutburstsare relativelyshort and
    temporaryin their effects.They happenagainsta baselineof previousemotional energy;for a group ro establishthis kind of rapport, irs members
    need to have previouslychargedup somesymbolswirh positiveatrracrron,
    so that rhesesymbolscan be usedas ingredientsin carryingout a successful
    ritual. A previouscumulationo[ emotionalenergyis thus one of the ingredients in making possiblethe situationalbuild-upof posiriveemorion. Freguently,the positiveemotions(joy, enthusiasm,humor) are generatedby a
    group leader,an individual who takesrhe focus,who is able to propagare
    sucha mood from rheir own sroresof emorionalencrgy.Thus, this individual servesas a kind of battery for group emotionalexpressiveness.
    Persons
    who occupy this posirion in IR chains are whar we think of as "charismatic." In general,personalitytraits are jusr these resultsof experiencing
    p a r t i c u l a rk i n d s o f I R c h a i n s . ( T h i s i s r r u e a r t h e n e g a r i v ee n d a s w e l l ,
    resultingin depressed,
    angry, and arrogantpersons,etc.)
    Love and sexualpassion(especiallythe larter) also are situationally
    generatedemotions. They are most intenservhen rhere is an emotional
    contagionwithin the group (usuallya very small group of two persons),
    focusingon preciselythis emotion. Again, rhe previousexperiencein IR
    chains(in this case,especial[yinteractionsthat consrirurea sexualmarketplace)determinethe baselineof emotionalenergy,which is availablero be
    arousedin this way.
    The negariveshort-rermemotionsare even more clearly related to
    the baselineof emotionalenergy.

    Transient
    Emorions 4l
    Anger is generaredin severalways. psychologica.lry,
    anger is ofren regarded as the capaciryto^mobirir"
    ..,..gy ro overcome a barrier
    to one,s
    ongoingefforts(Frijda, 19g6:lg,
    77). Thls-*ea.,, thar the ,r;;;,
    of anger
    should be proporrional to rhe amounr
    of ,"d..1;;;;';;;;"il,
    is, the
    amounrof emotionalenergyone has
    for that particularproject. High
    emo_
    tional energymay arsobe.cailed "aggressiveness,,,
    the strong taking of iniriative. This can have the .ocial
    ""ff".t
    rowering
    theiremorionar
    energy,
    r;;-;i
    Tri:'lffit rr$l::l**l
    This impriesthat rhere is a connecrion
    berween.
    rhe genericquariryof high
    emotional energy-especiallythe EE generated
    in power siruarions-and
    the expressionof the specificemorion
    f ,.,g"..
    The disruptiveform of anger'ho*"u.r,
    is more compricared.That is
    becauseanger in irs inrensefors is
    an e*prosiue,";;;;ill,
    trur,rrrions' Truly powerfurpersonsdo not
    becomeangry in this sense,because
    they do nor need to; rhey ger rheir *r, .,uUf,or,
    it. For a powerfulpersonro
    expressanger is thus to some extent
    an expressionof *eakness. Ho*"u",
    personswho are powerlurcan afford
    to become
    .angry; their p.wer-angeris

    il;:i:T
    Ii#il;T:::::i.,l;:.1:
    1.;:,
    ;j;in;,:,1*r
    :?t.*i

    orher person-it is an expression


    of their confidencethar they wi,
    be abre
    to mobilizean enforcementcoaririon
    to coerce that person'rntocompli.
    ance, or to destroytheir resistance.
    Thus, previousstoresof EE determrne
    when and how someonewill express
    ;;l.rlr"
    anger.6
    The most violer

    ';15,i;
    overcomingasrrons; [:l;::. i]:ffiru*::
    1l:
    'a
    [
    :T,:,.l,r,i
    srrong, rhe feeling is fear, nor

    anger. prio, build-up of fear,


    which is
    eventuallymasteredby
    a confrict, thus tencrsto resurtin
    .winning
    an out.
    bursrof anger ar just the *nm"n,
    .i r".ii* sure of the victory. Viorent
    arrocrriesin warfaretend to happen
    in rhis kin, of situation.
    1ro.
    and analysis,seeCollins, 1989.)
    "*o.pt.,
    Personswho are weak do not
    manifest anger in the same way. I
    suggest it is onry when rhey have
    enough resourcesto be abre to
    mounr
    some
    resisrance
    (or at leasrsonresociarpriun.y,
    a separatesocialcircle in which
    they can urter symbolic,t[reats)
    ,", *.^f.-O"rsons,order-rakers,
    have anger' This followsfrom the principle
    thar the core of angeris the mobilization of energyto overcomean
    obstacre.rt is only *hel there
    ,r.'".,orgt
    socialbasesofsupport ro generare
    EE that one can reactto a frustration
    (in
    this case,beingdominarid) Uv
    mobilizing,ng.r. p.*ons who are
    roo
    weak
    (i'e' structurallythey lack
    resources
    or spacern which ro nrobilizeany
    <lther
    EE)' do not react to being dominated
    bv
    ,r,g..,
    t,,r
    by
    :'.*"lit"d

    44

    Emotions and Social Macro Processes


    Transient Em<>tions

    In betweenthesetwo situationsthere are selectiveoutburstsof anger.


    This is rhe targetedangerthat individualsfeel againstparticularother persons. I suggestthat this occursbecausetheseindividualsare structuralrivals in the nrarket of social relationships,for example, two women
    competingfor the same man, or two intellectualscompetingfor rhe same
    audience.Here one does not feel angry againstsomeonewho is stronger
    than oneself(rebelliousanger), nor againstsomeoneweaker (dominance
    anger);rather,this is a caseof someonefrustratingone'sown projects,The
    angerhere is not really "personal";there is no role-raking(as in the domforms of anger) ahhough the rargeris a person,and
    inance/subordination
    the underlyingstructure is a social one; it is only an accidenr thar the
    obstacleto one'sgoalshappensto be a person.
    Another especiallyDurkheimianform of shorr-rermemorion is nghteousanger.This is the emocionaloutbursr, sharedby a group (perhapsled
    by particular personswho act as its agents)againstpersonswho violare
    its sacredsymbols.It is group anger againsra herericor scapegoar.Such
    angeronly happenswhen there is a previouslyconsritutedgroup; one can
    predict that righteousanger is proportional to the amounr o[ emorional
    charge o[ membershipfeelingsaround parricular synrbols.The amount
    of such charge,in rurn, is highestwhere rhe group has high socialdensity
    and a local (rather than cosmopolitan)focus.!7here the group nerworks
    are diffuseand cosmopoliran,on the other hand, I suggestthat the shorrterm emotion felt at disruption is embarrassment
    on behalf of the disrupter-that is, resulting in status exclusion, unwillingnessro associare
    wirh that person,rather rhan a violent ritual punishmentto restoresyflrbolic order.
    Righteousanger is not very well undersrood,despiteirs great importance in political senrimentsas well as dynamicsof local communities
    (scandals,wirch-hunrs,polirical hysterias).The theorericaldil{iculry rs understandingjust how this kind of anger relaresro rhe powerand statusdimensionsof groupstructure.ln the Durkheinrianmodel, it seemsto be the
    group in general,and all irs adherenrs,who are outragedar rhe violation of
    its symbols.Bur I suspecrthar anger,and rherefbreviolence as a punishment (burning a witch or heretic at rhe stake, throwing drug dealersor
    gamblersor abortionisrsin jail) is relaredro rhe powerdimension,since the
    useof violence is the ulrimatesancrionof power.To explain righteousangerrwe seemro need the powerand statusdimensionsin conjunction.That
    is, where the status group srrucrureis dense enough and locally closed
    enough so thar there is a strong senseof group memhership,attached to
    reified symbols;rhis ritual community has a power hierarchy within ir,
    which regularlyexercisescoercive threats to enfbrceobedienceto orders;
    u n d e rt h e s ec i r c u m s t a n c ersi ,r u a l v i o l a r i o n s( v i o l a r i o n so f m e m b e r s h i spy m -

    iru

    rhe srarusdimension)are taken

    +5

    as a rhrearro the powerhierarchy

    Righteousanger is a particularly
    inrenseemotion becauserr
    rs expressedwith a srrongsenseof securiry,
    indiridurl, ei ,r-'"r
    have the
    communiry'ssupport, and nor merely
    in a roosesense.Righteousanger
    is
    an emotion thar is an evocation
    .f the organizednetwork thar has
    been
    previouslyestabrished
    ro use viorence.persons,who
    feerrighteousangerare
    evoking their feeringof membership
    in an enftrrcement
    coalirion.

    ..",r1jr".;;*ill;,

    i:i.
    ir
    1
    ::i

    i:'l

    woutdpoinrto rhefact.thu,,h" *o* u_i"n,


    pr.,irl,-

    med
    ievar 0,,.,
    *on,l1n
    :; l; :"1,"T
    il :"::: i:,::il, *;i:::" ll

    tribal societies)occur.wherethe poriticar


    nr"n,, are both highrycoercivein
    rheir ordinary operarions,,nd ,r.
    acriue il enforcinggroup cultures(corl i n s , l 9 8 t a ; D o u s l a s ,t - , 9 ! 6 ,t g ' i ) .
    H e r e s yr r i a l su n a u t " * , u " r i
    o"^,rf,menrshave disappeared
    preciseryrn th. i"g.." of rhe
    separationof church
    and srare; ir is where these spheres
    irn"-oo*., hierarchyand the sratus
    c o m m u n r r v a) r e l u s e d , t h a t . r i g h t e o u s
    a n g e ri s m o s rp r e v a r e n rI.n s o m e
    degree, however,the porirical hierarchy
    ,r-iii ."rnnin, the focusof srarusrrr_
    uals, rhat is, claims ro
    a .orn*u^i,f as well as an organizarion
    .be
    for
    wielding power' This makes
    ir possibrero mobirizedeviance.hunring
    as a
    form of starusinrrusion into the political
    ,ph".;: ;r;; ,.'.j"ri"",,
    0,u".entiatedmodern socieries.And it
    is acruocates
    ot a return ro the fusionof
    communitywith polity who are
    most stronglyinvolved ,, ,,ao.ul
    ..,rr.0..neurs" in modern deviance-hunring.
    (Sucfradvocatesseemto
    come
    from
    the localizedsecrorsof modern
    r;*;;-;r;"cialry
    the remnanrsof rradirional and rurar communiries;in
    adtJition,,h. nrr"r,-,p,of socialist
    regimes
    ro recrearerhis same kind of coilecrive
    soricJarity
    herpsexpraintheir concern for ritualsof conformitv.)
    Fear is another short-term negative
    emotion. The most intenseantl
    briefestforms of rear are rh<-,r"
    rhur"n'or, Jrrpty crisruptacriviries;
    at the
    extreme,intensefear experience
    is next to r ri"rtl" r"roo,*r..'Crr_*
    ,,
    expression
    of fear in a more complexsense;
    ir is a social .all fo, t"tp ".
    in
    distress'Adults do nor cry very
    much becauserheir horizon widens
    our.
    and simply physicalrhreatsor discomforrs,
    in,::1
    :i:"rarively
    rne most
    "shorr-rerm
    important form
    of fear becomerfear of ,o.irt ..,nr"
    ,."."r, rrrrrever' fear of being coercedor fear
    of ,o.iull*.rusi.n,
    *lr.'r."*-*.*
    experiences'Furrhe'rmore,
    "."
    since the problem is itserfthe
    sociar,i,u?r,on,
    crying (which is a communicarion
    of helpressness)
    is sub.rdinatedby more
    complexadjusrments
    of EE' one .onnoa ,r*ily so rcadily
    call on othersfor
    sympathy'if one is being coerced
    or excluded.'crying, as a fbrm
    of emotional communication' is upstaged
    by more Ji.".t
    response
    rn
    the form of fear and avoicjance.
    "-orionar

    46

    and SocialMacroProcesses
    Emotions

    else's
    is basicallya response1s 56rnssne
    ln social relationships' fear
    Thus'
    hurt'
    being
    of
    the expectation
    anger.lt is an anticipnto'v "*otion'
    energyderiving from sub'
    lo.,g-re,m.emorional
    to
    ir is most directly r"lu,"J
    to
    dimension' lt occursin similar circumstances
    ordination on the power
    d e p r e s s i o n , b u t i t h a s ' ^ o ' " c o n f r o n t a t i o n a l s t r u cparticular
    t u r e ' W h eacrivities)'
    redepressionis
    of artenrionfrom
    a wirhdrawatof EE (i.e. withdrawal
    acexpected
    of
    betbre the consequences
    fear is a kind of '"ti"i tt^gi"g
    depres'
    or
    anger
    emotion than either
    tions. lt is sociallya more *ltt*
    sinkingof EE levelsbecauseof
    kind.of
    as
    U"-t'ati
    can
    sion. Depression
    . r ' " . . u r ' a , " " " i n g e f f e c t s o f n e g a r i u e s o c i a l s i t u a t i o n sEE
    ; f eto
    a r itake
    s a n esome
    gattveanwhich assumesenough
    ticipation of what *ift noppltt'
    to situationsthat carry social dangers'
    initiative, or at least '"*uit' alert
    exclusion),as
    of statusloss (membershipHence, one can ",.0.;;;;" fear
    is probably
    fear
    the power dimension'
    well as fear of power coercion' On
    mobilize
    to
    able
    is
    person
    caseswhe.rea
    mobilizedtogether*i'h "tgt'' in
    fiom
    results
    positive
    win
    in being able to
    anger,but has low t""f-f"?1"
    its exPression.
    EMOTIONS
    TRANSFORMATIONSFROMSHOR?TERM
    ENERGY
    EMOTIONAL
    INTO LONG-TERM
    tend ttl flow
    experiences
    The resultsof variousshort-termemotional
    "emorional
    called
    have
    makeup'which l
    back into the long-term""t"tt"""f
    the draupon
    depend
    doesnot have to
    energy."Emotional.".;;;,;h;";h'
    add to
    beltlnging
    or
    domination
    matic emotio.tr;,i,u",io' of u'itottt"'ted
    o n e ' s s t o r e o f c o n f i c l e n c e a n d s e n s e o f a t t r a c t i o n t o w a r d s phave
    a r t i csimularkindsof
    and unpopularity
    situations;undramaticfeeringsof subordination
    emotions also spill .ver'
    ,irr..."*"i,". effects' The Jramatic short-term
    whethertheir very qualiry as dramatic
    thoug^ it is an u."*r*i.,.d quesrion
    emotions'or bracketsthem as a
    makesthem more important for long'term
    s o r t o f e x c e p t i o n . i . t ' h t t u " o f p o ' i t i u t s h o r t - t e r n e m o t i o n s ( j o ybuild
    'enthushould
    that theseexperiences
    siasm,sexualparriott), it '"t*' titt"tv
    wav (i'e'
    EE, although perhapsin a verv situation-specific
    ,;;;
    ;,*
    particular
    with
    "?
    those siruacions
    one become, urru.h"d"io"r.o*,t"* itrst
    partners).
    l n t h e c a s e o f n e g a t i v e e n ) o t i o n s , t h e r e i s a l o n g - s t a n d ilongngclinical
    as the major determinantof
    tradirion that sees,rrul'lutit situations
    of inrense
    Particularexperiences
    term socialun.1pry.nJogical functioning'
    subsequent
    one's whole
    anger,fear, or shame a rega"led as controlling
    it shouldbe seen
    however'
    <legree;
    a
    to
    true'
    bl
    functit>ning.This may w"ll
    of emotional energy'A person
    againstthJ buckgroundof rhe overall level
    whogenerallyhasfavorable,ifundramatic'experiencesollthepowerand

    Transienc
    Emotions

    4Z

    statusdimensionsof rheir everydayinreractions,will likely get over an episodeof extremeanger,fear,or shame.I suggestit is only when the individual'soverall "marker position" of inreractionsis on the negativeside
    that parricularly inrensedramaric experiencesare stored ,p ,nd carried
    over as "rraumas,"especiallyin highly chargedmemoriesof the sort thar
    Freudiantherapyis designedro ventilate.
    scheff (1987a)proposes
    a modelwith a more sociarmicro-mechanism
    rhe
    Freudian:There is a shame/rage
    than
    cycle in which an inclividualwho
    a shamingsituation feelsrage againstthe perpetrator,which
    experiences
    can lead to further conflicrs;rheserypicallyhave unsatisfacrory
    ourcomes,
    resultingin further shameand rage. Ragear oneselfcan also becomepart
    of a self-reflecriveloop, intensifyingthis process.Scheffpresenrsevidence
    rhat the tracesof previousemotionalarousals,especiallyanger,can remain
    at an unconscious,
    trace level; that there are unconscious
    shamebehaviors
    that are manifesredin rhe micro-detailsof inreracrions.I rhink, though,
    that scheff has chosena sampleof casesin which rheseshame/rase
    cvcles
    are well esrablished;
    however,he has nor considere<l
    the casesin *"hich the
    cycledoesnot occur or terminatesquickly.That is to say:Scheffconcenrrareson social relationshipsamong individualswho are relarivelyequally
    matched,who are at the middle levelsof dominanceand popularity,such
    that rhey can conrinue long cyclesof shamingand raging at each other.
    More extremedifferences
    in powerwould not allow a conflictualcycle ro go
    on; and if personsare not confinedto the samenetwork of statusinreractions (i.e. rheir market possibilitiesare more open) they may cur shorr a
    shamecycle by leaving th^t interacrionand findine anorherwhere thc resourcelineupsmay be differenr.

    QUESTIONSFORFURTHERRESEARCH
    I have formulated the principles of this general model of inreracrron
    rituals by considering the dimensions that seem to be involved in
    Durkheim and Goffman's discussionsof rirual inreracrion. Above, I have
    suggestedhow the micro-mechanisms I have p.sited are congruenr with
    experimental evidence, especially on rhythmic coordination berween inreractants' The IR model irself needs to be explicirly resred, especially for its
    effect upon emotional solidariry. This could be done eirher experi.".,tolly
    or in a natural serting, provided that before-and-afltermeasures(or prefera-

    ! bly conrinuousmesures)
    of emotional intensirywereavailable.The unobtrusivemeasures
    describedbelowcould be of use.
    i Testing the IR Model.
    The mosr imporranr resr is ro show rhat there is a
    'circular relationshipbetweenthe amount of focus
    of mutual attention, the

    48

    Emorionsand SocialMacroProcesses

    amount of coordrnationof activity (especiallymicro-coordinationon an


    unconsciouslevel), and the build-upof a common emotion. As indicated,
    it does not matter which emotion is involved at the outset-happiness,
    grief, conversationalenthusiasm,and so forth-the model predictsthat if
    rhe conditions of focus and murual coordinationexist, the sharedemoA further part .of the model
    rional intensitywill build up correspondingly.
    ritual (i.e., an interacro be testedinvolvesthe aftereffectsofa successful
    tion rhat evokedthis sharedemotion): the participantsshouldcome away
    with enhancedEE, and they should have favorableemotionalattachment
    to symbolsgeneratedwithin rhat interaction.
    The emotionaleffectsof powerand statusritualsare specificapplications of the more general[R theory. The theoriesof powerand statusrituals rhat I have spelled our above are congruent with a good deal of
    empirical researchthat was carried out for other purposes,but relatively
    little has been done explicitly attemptingto test theseprinciples.In none
    of rlris is emotion treatedvery explicitly, but only sometimesin passing,
    while the main focushas beenon the cultural and behavioralconsequences
    of stratification.The multidimensionaltheory that I presentedin Con/lict
    (Collins, 1975)was in part derived to fit the empiricalgeneraliSociology,
    zationsfound in stratificationresearchup to that time, and to make them
    congruentwith the observationsupon which Dahrendorf(1959) and Coffman (1959) drew in building their theories.Subsequentresearchalso fits
    someof my predictionsregardingclasscultures.
    A weaknessof the literatureon socialclassis that it has mostly used
    crude conceptualizationsof its independenrvariables. Unidimensional
    schemes(irs used by Gans, 1962, 1967, in his field research,as well as
    and virtually everyoneelse) leaveone not knowing
    Bourdieu, 191911984,
    which factor (poweror statusrituals) is reallyoperatingon the micro-level.
    (education,income,
    Worst of all are scalesthat combinedifferentmeasures
    occupationalprestige,etc.) as if they were all indicatingsome underlying
    dimcnsion called "stratification."This is searchingfor a myth, and it
    washesout the actual grid of causalprocesses
    that distributepeopleacross
    severaldimensionsof the sociallandscape.Occuparionalprestigescalesare
    perhapsthe leastdesirableway of measuringstratification,becausethey are
    tied to the realm of vague ideologiesrarher than actual work experiences.
    (For instance,"professor"ranksquite high, but if the samepersonis identified as "si.rciologist,"
    he/she drops about fifteen points (see Treiman,
    1977);if they are identifiedas "assistantprofessorin a junior college"they
    drop still furrher.) Jencks(1985) showedthat public ideasabout vaguely
    specifiedoccupationshide most of the variation even in what peopleactually rhink is a good job. Therefore,a measureof strarificarionought to deal
    with what peopleactuallydo in their work experience,nor with what other

    TransientEmotions

    49

    we havesqueezed.
    most of the juice out of the standardcensus
    demographiccaregories
    as independenrvariables,but cling ,o ,t.- i.."use
    they
    are easyto measure.what is neededis ro measureexplicitlythe
    powerand
    statusdimensionsof peopre'swork and other sociarexperience,
    ,, ,, ,.rually happens'only Bernsrein(r97r-75) haspaid much artenrion
    ro micromeasuresof siruarionalbehavior, but only for the a"p".d.ni
    ua.iabres
    (speechcodes),while relyingon crude grobarmeasur.,
    o[ th" independenr
    variables(socialclass).The work of Kohn'sgroup (Kohn,
    1977;Kohn and
    schooler, l98l) is perhapsclosestro measuringthe operative'conditions
    wirhin work siruations.Their measure-croseness
    of supervision-is an indicarorof rhe order-giving/order-raking
    dimension,althoughir only exrends
    from a neurralpoinr down to rhe order-rakingside; it strh
    lacksa 'easure
    of degreesof dominanceon rhe order-givingrid.. Clor..,"r,
    uir,rp.ruoio.,
    may also indicate rhe social densiry fr.roi u dimension
    of ,rrtu, g.orp
    strucrure.Kohn'sorher principal independentvariable,
    complexiryof work,
    appearsrelatedro the diversityof communications,i.e.,
    the other srructural dimensionof statuscommunities,but mixesrhe social
    .omprexityof ,
    job with the complexityof a marerialtask.
    In general, I would inrerpret Gans (1962, 1967,
    197I, Bou*Jieu
    (197911984)'
    and Bernstein(197r-75) as showingrhe effects
    of the social
    nerwork dimension;RosabethKanrer's(1977) comparison
    of secreraries,
    women managers!blocked-mobiritymen managers,
    and upwardrymoving
    men managersis another versionof rhe powerdimension.
    In the realmof independentvariabies,I would
    strongryadvocaterhar
    nerw.rk posirion be broughr into the srandardsociologic"ai
    roolbo*. Brrt
    (1982)hasshownthat people'snerworkposition
    hasan i,nporr^n,
    o.,
    the way they behaveand on rheir cognitions;there
    is a good deal".,
    of *ork
    (Laumann, 1966; Laumann and Rnpji,
    DZOy rhat describesdiftbrencein
    nerworkpositionsof membersof diffeienrsocial
    crasses.
    Arrhougi ihi, *ort
    is mainly interestedin macro processes,
    such as community power structure' as dependenrvariables,an equailysignificanr
    puyoff,hourd e*ist fo,
    explainingmicro-variables,
    rhe attitudesan-"d
    b"hauio.sof indiviJu^rr-,ncludingtheir emotions.Nerwork positionshould
    be a good *.nrrr"'or th.
    statussrructure'includingorh the condition
    of sociai densityof inreraction, and the cosmopolitan/local
    distinction.
    Testing Poqaerond status Effects mt Emotimu.
    what is needed is a multivariaredesign,measuringindependently
    rhe amounr of order-givingand
    order-takingthat happensin one's daily
    life; rhe amounr of rime in the
    presence
    of orher people versusarone;the amounr of criversity
    of communications/focus
    of artention. This coulcl be done by inrerviews,
    though a
    berterrneasure
    wouLl be observarional.possibrya compromise
    wourd
    be to
    ger peoplero keepa diary of these
    itemsover a oeriodof rime. Conrinrrorrs

    50

    Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses

    terms, bur periodic samplingof different


    observation is difficult in practical
    just as good'
    i.d, of work situations might be
    t""'-formulatedhas as depenit" generalrheory oi stratificarionI have
    of individuals.As
    emorions
    and
    de.,t uarialesthe cognirions,behaviors,
    at leastinferenbearing,
    research
    indicated,there is much more available
    upon cognirive
    rituals
    effectsof everydaylife porverand sratus
    u"rir,
    ""',rr.
    culturethanupone,notio.,s'Forspe.ificpurposesofdevelopingthelRtheto measureexplicitly the emotions
    ory of emotions,it wold be necessary
    intheseritualsituations.Thismeasurementneedstobedoneforboth
    disruptive
    emotions (emotional energy)' and the short'term'
    i;";-;;
    emotlons.
    for studying the shortMeosuring Emational Energy' Since methodologies
    I will concentratehere
    term, dramatic emotions"t" tno" widely known'
    that EE builds up or de." ,. problem o[ measuringEE' My argument'
    depending upo.n the ups and
    clines over a serles of i.,te'"action rituals'
    is inferential. There js little
    downsof one,sexperiencesof power and status,
    (1980;seealsoKemper,1990)have
    direcr evidencefor it. Muru, and Lamb
    effects upon hormone
    shown that power experiencehas some continuing
    paper studies.ofhypothetical
    levels.Heise (1979, 198?), using pencil and
    affectual loadingsof vari.us
    the
    int.tg.
    actioni
    social
    evenrs, shows rhat
    (as well as on a
    categoriesof personsalong power and statusdimensions
    which may be equivalent ro the underly,."*r dimension of ".tiu.-"tio.,,
    of real-life interaci.,g dirrre.trionof my EE)' Heise postulatesthat chains
    levels'
    tiJns are morivated by ongoing shifts in these affect
    lnorder,orn"urur.shiftsofEEinreal-lifesituations'itwouldbe
    of interacdons' A
    clesirableto follow people'sexperiencesacrossa chain
    be construredin
    long-ter'mdesign *ouli b" .,.t""u'y' Possiblythis could
    alaboratorysituationlastingseveraldays;observationinnaturalconditions
    emorional effectsof
    would also te desirable,especiallyro esrimarehow long
    o[ emotional
    interactionsmay last. Lurp..t, however,that the time-decay
    interactions' may
    energy,if it is not reinvestedand reinforcedby subsequent
    be lessthan a few daYs'
    oi order'
    For independent variables, we would measureexperiences
    of inter'
    giving, o.d"r-tukir,g,and egalitarianinteraction;the socialdensity
    variety
    the
    and
    .rioi (amount of fo.u., ,*ou.', of em'tional contagion);
    of interactionpatterns.For the dependentvari'
    (cosmopoliranism/localism)
    Here
    measures.
    "able-a measureof EE-it would be bestto useunobtrusive
    are some possibilities.
    (high
    Voice.The anount of confidence,initiative, and dominance
    the
    by
    EE) vs. apathy,withdrawal,depression(low EE) may be measurable

    Transient
    Emotions

    5l

    stylerather than content of talk. Recordingsof voice samplesin particular


    kinds of inreracrionsmay be measuredfor: (a) loudnessof tone; (bi speed
    of
    talking; (c) fluidity, hesirationpauses,and (d) falsestarts.one of the
    best
    indicatorsmay be the latencyof speech:the amounr of rime in delay
    berweenand end of one speaker's
    turn, and the start of another.Ability to
    get the floor, vs. incidence of contestedspeechturns, may be another
    incicaror.It may also be possibleto find measures
    of EE by a micro-analysis
    of
    the soundwavefrequencies
    on subliminallevels.(Seescherer,l9gz, 19g5,
    for studiesof the emotionaldimensionsof recordedspeech.)
    Eyes' Eye contact, dominating or avoiding mutuar gaze is another
    possiblemeasureof EE (see Mazur, er al., 1980;Mazur, 19g6;. Hr*"uer,
    this perhapsappliesmore ro the powerdimensionof EE than ro the srarus
    dimension.
    Facial expression.
    Ekman and Friesen's(r975r1984, rgig) manual
    showsthe waysthat emotions are expressedin the severalzonesof the face.
    Ekman'swork (1984) also indicateswhich zonesare mosr easilycontrolled
    by deliberateefforts to mask emorions, whire other zonestend to express
    sponraneous
    emorions.The limiration of this method is that it hasfocussed
    primarily on the dramatic,disruptiveemotions.But facial measures
    of EE
    could perhapsbe developed,both for high EE (confidence,enrhusiasm)
    and
    low EE (aparhy,depression).
    Bodily Postures and Movernents. Ekman (1984; also o'Sullivan et al.,
    i985) has also consideredbodily movementsas emotional expression,
    and
    i n d i c a r e dt h e e x t e n r r o w h i c h r h e b o d y i s c o n t r o l l a b l ei n m a s k i n n
    "*"tions. Again, we need to considerbodily measures
    of high and low EE,
    as
    well as the dramatic shorr-rermemorions.since high EE is social confidenceand dominance,ir shouldbe manifesredin mouementstowardsother
    people, especiallymovemenrsthat take the initiative and rhat
    lead ro
    rhythmic coordinarion.Low EE, conversely,should show movements
    and
    postures
    of withdrawal,and low iniriative. Dependingupon the amount of
    compliancevs. rebellion,low EE personsin a socialsituationshouldshow
    eithera parternof followingorher'snonverballeads;or a freezins
    of movement; or (in the caseof cgnflict at moderaredlevelsof EE) a rapidor jerky
    alternationbetweenorienting rowardand awayfrom the oth..r.
    A combinationo[ severalof thesemeasures-voice,face, bodilv posture and movemenr-could be srudiedsimulraneously.
    The resulrof srch
    multi-measure
    studieswould likely show us which measures
    are redundanr,
    and which are mosrhighly correlatedwith long-termpaterns (i.e. with
    the
    flow of EE acrosssiruations).Afrer a seriesof such stuclies,
    we could concentrateon the most efficient measuresof EE.

    52

    Emotionsand SocialMacroProcesses

    Other Hypothesesto Test. I have suggestedtestsof the basicmechanismof


    inreraction ritual itself, and of the hypothesizedeffects on emotions of
    order-giving,order-taking,and rhe socialdensity and diversityof interacrion nerworks.There are many ramificationshere that need investigation,
    includingspecifictopics like the righteousangerproducedby rirual violations of symbolsgeneratedin communitiesof high socialdensityithe carryover betweendramatic and undramaticshort-rermemotionsinto longterm emotional energies;and the reverse,in which long-term emotional
    energiesprovide the baselinefor short-term emotions.These elemenrary
    processes,
    too, could eventuallybe integratedwith the more complexcondirions ser forth in Kemper's(1978) rheory of emotions.
    A PAYOFF
    FORMACRO-SOCIOI.OGY
    Once good measures
    of EE, and its varioussubdimensions,
    are available, a further step is possible:to carry our unobtrusiveemotion surveys.
    The sociologistcould samplea populationof peopleacrosssituarions,much
    as we now sampleattitudes(usuallyabsrracced
    from situations).This would
    give a map-a dynamic map, over time-of the emotionalecologyof society. One might analogizeit to an emorionalweathermap. Such a sampling of emotional patternson the micro-level,when aggregated,
    rells us
    about the emotional patternsof the macro-srrucrure.
    This in turn should
    give us a nleasureof the dynamic facrors involved in macro processesof
    economic life, politics, cultural movemenrs-indeed, the whole range of
    concernsof traditional macro-sociology.
    An accurareview of the macrostructure,strippeddown to its skeletonof micro-situationslinked together
    in rime and space,would revealwavesof emorion, artachedto cognirions
    and motivating physicalbehavior,flowing acrosssocial space.We would
    then be in a position to test theoriesof how emotional energiesoperare
    both to stably reproducesocial srrucrure,and to energizerhe dynamicsof
    conflict and change.

    Norrs
    l. My usageis similar to Kemper's(1978), excepr Kemperwishesro srress
    that groupsare almost alwaysunequal in status,whereasI conceive statusgroupsas
    capable of being completely independenrof each other. One group of friends (or
    coreligionists,
    or ethnic members)can be more or lessobliviousto anorherclique; I
    confine "status"to the internal structureof each group, leavingopen rhe question
    of whether the various groupshave any ranking in relation ro each other. Kernper
    alsogoeson to define"srarus"as rank given to individualsvoluntarily,a willingness

    TransienrEmotions

    5j

    to compry wirhour being forced, so that Kemper,s


    power vs. starusis the
    difference
    betweenenforcedcompliance and volunrary .o*pii"n
    .. f
    ,r'ri'.re rs such
    a thing as voluntary compriance,but r would
    regardthis"*.."
    u. o ,ro"r.n arion of
    statusinto power,of usingstatus1g59g1sg5_1h

    cred
    svmbors
    tharcome
    f,om
    ,trrus
    ,i,rrtr-inllai; ,til.iillLil"',':f1,::;

    situarion, rhar is, in rhe realm of power.


    Instead, I confe ;r,;r;J;;;;;;ns
    to the
    "horizontal" dimension of being incruded
    or excruded,fr.n'
    ,..]"fr., .."r;;;;iy
    rilitarian accivities.The sociorogicaaymost
    important variarion in starusgroup
    strucrureis its shapeas a nerwork, especiaty
    its densiry
    ,i. a"*r*'of .or*npoliranismor rocar crosureof the network
    ""J
    around parricular
    individuars.As we
    shall see' thesedifferences
    in "horizonral"srrucrureoig.orp, ^lr,r*
    ur*"k.
    pr"the emotions that flow from a Durkheimian
    model of rhe forms of group
    ffi::ilt
    z' Frijda (1986: ll, 7r) describesemotion
    as a felt bur latent ac.on rendency; a readiness
    for conract with the environmentat
    the h;gh end, and at rhe
    low end disinterestand aparhy.
    J' Somerimescerrainpersonsmay have
    this kind of serf-conscious
    deliberation; but rhat is the resurtof speciarcircumstances,.probabry
    much previousexperience in moving through hyper-comprex
    "cosmoporitan"networks,'rogerhe.
    *ith
    many ups and downs in the power/acceprance
    (sratus)tlimensions.
    4. I am leavingasidecomplexitieson the physiological
    level, where several
    different componentsof hormonar and
    neura. ,rr,.*, are apparenrryinvorvea.
    In
    physiologygenerally,specificsrates
    of.rno,ion"r arousalare due more to
    rhe
    barancebetweenvarioussysrems
    rather than to the activationof some
    systemby itserf.
    see also Frijda (1986:19) on both simple
    and.orno,"* varieries.f depression.
    5' Kemper'stheory has rhe additionar
    complicationthat he postulares
    anger
    (as well_as shame)resultingfrom
    situarion,in ,uhi.h an acrorfeer.s
    he/sheis shortchangedin sratus'vis--vissomeone
    erse-Thar is, Kemperdearswith the
    more
    complicaredsituation of comparisons
    be*veen rhe starusone thinks oneserf(and
    someoneelse)ought to get, and what
    they accuaryger. I preferto begin rhe
    expranation from a simplerand, I believe,
    more fundamenralprocess:the emotions
    that
    derivefrom dominatingor beingdominated,
    b.i;; , memberor a nonmember.The
    Kempertheory adds not onry expectarions
    rru* io., experience,but arsoa morar
    judgment as to the propriety
    of th.. out.orn" .orriprr.d ro some valued
    idear. The
    two theoriesmay be congruent, in rhe folrowing
    respects.r proposethar experrences
    in powersituations,and in status-membership
    situarions,resultin.increases
    .r decreases
    in em.tionar energy.EE itserfinvorves
    expecrari.nsfor futuresiruations;but
    the lR mechanisms,which produceEA
    i" tf,. ftrri oln..,
    ., i" ro*1, nrl,_..,f",
    mechanismsof emotionarpro,Juction.
    Emotionar..,..gy "r.,
    b".o*es an ingredienrin
    allowingfururesiruationsto occur, and
    in determiningtheir emotionarourcomes.
    The expecrarions rhat a1 im.n11ant
    in Kemper,s model may be regarded
    as
    situationally-specircic
    arousarsof EE. Kempert t'h.ury seems
    to me to explain a
    second-order
    quality of enrorions,thoserhat arisefrom
    viorationor c.nfirmati.n ot

    - _*-*-",,!...giT.EI-1

    54

    Emotions and Social Macro Processes

    exDecrations.Both typesof mechanismsmay be operating in the samesituation, for


    i.,rt"nce, there can be depressionfrom non-acceptancein a status group (my hypothesis of first-order effects), and anger from one's assessmentof this noneffects).
    acceptanceas unjust (Kemperi second-<lrder
    Kenrperaddsfurther complexities,includingthe attribution as to the agent
    responsiblefor che experience(one's self, orher persons,impers6nalforces). I would
    suggestthat thesecognitionsthemselvesare explainable(at least in part), by the
    Durkheimiantheory of social density (including Douglas'1966, 1973,"grid" and
    "group" model). Blaming oneselfonly occtrrswhen there is a relativelydifferentiated group srrucrureproducingcategoriesof individual agencyand responsibility;
    blamingimpersonalforces(e.g. magic)or tabooviolations,are culturalactionsgen'
    Thus, an individual'sprior experience
    eratedby particularkinds of groupsrrucrures.
    in living within particular kinds of network structuresshould affect what agency
    they perceiveas operativein their immediatesituations,and will shape specific
    emotions along the lines Kemper proposes.
    6. Notice that dominant individtralsmay deliberatelyprovokeweakerpersons
    to becomeangry, for example, the game of trading insultsfound among youth gangs
    (at one tirne called "the dirty dozens").This is a game to humiliateweak persons,
    who are goaded into expressinganger, but are unable to back it up by a show of
    physicaldominance.This is playingon the underlyingprinciplethat strongpersons
    keep their cocrl;when they do rise to anger, they expressit in such a powerful fornr
    as to drasticallypenalizeanyonewho is its victim.
    7. Thus crying, like anger,tendsto occur in a relatively"realistic"manner;
    in sicuationsin which it has a chanceof accomplishing
    it is mosr often expressed
    its end.

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