Daniel Hutto - Enactivism
Daniel Hutto - Enactivism
Daniel Hutto - Enactivism
1. Introduction
1. Affinities
Enactivism is a broad framework for understanding minds and how they become
more elaborate. It is inspired by the insight
that the embedded and embodied activity of
living beings is the basis of mentality. Thus
to understand mentality, however complex
and sophisticated it may be, it is necessary
to appreciate how living beings dynamically
interact with their environments: ultimately,
there is no prospect of understanding minds
without reference to interactions between organisms and their environments. Enactivism
promotes the idea of essentially embodied
and embedded minds, understood in terms
of the development of organisms various
sensorimotor capacitiescapacities that
unfold and expand due to engagements with
organisms wider biological and socio-cultural environments.
Enaction was chosen as the banner of the
approach because it connotes the performance of carrying out an action (Thompson
2007, p. 12). Yet, crucially, for enactivists
and here there is a strong link with Wittgensteins thoughtthe relevant notion of
action is that of doings that are not based
on thought or representation. Highlighting
this, the founders of enactivism, Varela,
Thompson, and Rosch (1991), proposed that
the activity of minds is best conceived of in
terms of ongoing dynamical engagements
that unfold over time (see also Thompson
2007, pp. 3940).1 Hence, in speaking of
embodied action, the term action was only
meant to underline that sensory and motor
processes, perception and action, are fundamentally inseparable in lived cognition
(Thompson 2007, p. 173).
The enactive approach attempts to knit
together a number of related ideas. As
Thompson explains (2007), its central assumptions are that: (1) the nervous system is
an autonomous dynamic system that does not
process information in the computationalist
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What sets Wittgenstein at odds with representational theories of mind is that for him it is
not possible to understand our form of life by
getting at what is beneath or behind it. There
is no point trying to explain its basis in order
to answer certain perceived philosophical
needs. Philosophers, Wittgenstein holds, must
surrender any hope of explaining our form of
life, of giving an account of what underlies it
and makes it possible. In precisely the same
way, he thinks:
Grammar does not tell us how language must
be constructed in order to fulfil its purpose, in
order to have such-and-such an effect on human
beings. It only describes and in no way explains.
(PI, 496; emphasis added)
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Williams is careful to highlight that the superstition or picture that holds the philosopher
captive is not itself a mistake (2010, p. 7).
Being attached to a certain picture may foster mistaken thinking, and being so attached
may drive mistaken attempts to theorize and
explain, but being attached to a picture is not
in itself an intellectual mistake; it is not inherently a case of, say, advancing a coherent but
false theory. This is why [t]he importance
and depth of philosophical problems are
genuine. ... To break free of the mistakes that
produce the picture requires rejecting the picture, a picture that has become identified with
our very form of life (Williams 2010, p. 8).
Getting free of pictures and thus picturedriving theorizing requires recognizing that a
pictures siren song is a wholly empty promise. A major part of getting free involves coming to see that what is needed is [t]herapy,
rather than a better theory (Williams 2010,
p. 8). What are the signs of being in the grip
of a picture? As Williams (2010) notes: The
emergence of paradox and the willingness
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289
organisms are supposed to do in their interpretative activity as opposed to what they are
merely disposed to do. The normative dimensions of such biologically based responding,
so these theorists claim, suffice to show how
teleology can account for genuinely representational states of mind, those exhibiting
referential and truth conditional content. If
some or other teleosemantic proposal could
be made good, then mental content would
be explained in wholly naturalistic terms
by appeal to standards set, for example, by
natural selection and extended by individual
learning and training. The explanatory need
would be met.
The problem as, Burge (2010) underlines,
is that there is a root mismatch between
representational error and failure of biological function (p. 301). And, here again, the
problem is one of conflation. For with respect
to the normativity of the mental content that
these naturalists seek to explain, the relevant
notions of success and failure are not those
of biological success and failure (Burge
2010, p. 308). Putnams (1992) verdict looks
unavoidable:
The reference we get out of ... hypothetical
natural selection will be just the reference we
put in our choice of a description. Evolution
wont give you more intentionality than you
pack into it. (p. 33)
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291
3. No Substitute
To explain or not to explain, that is the
question. As the previous section established
proponents of representational theories of
mind who are moved by the Explanatory
Need argument believe that a naturalistic
theory of content is an absolute must. If,
In abandoning the representationalists starting point, it can seem that enactivists owe a
different explanation, one that accounts for
howand not just thatcontentful thinking
emerges or comes into being under the right
conditions. That obligation seems to follow
for any enactivist who admits that contentful
thinking is a feature of some sophisticated
minds while denying that the capacity for
thinking contentful thoughts is a feature of
primitive minds. It is surely legitimate to
demand such an explanation if enactivism is
a straight substitutea replacement theory
for the representational theories of classical
cognitivism. Enactivism, so the thought goes,
must take up the challenge of completing the
work that cognitivism promised but failed
to do, albeit by reversing the explanatory
order. On this reading, despite starting in a
quite different place, enactivism inherits an
explanatory burden that is no less heavy than
that of its rivals.
One way of trying to avoid this obligation
would be to deny the existence of contentful
thinking altogether. But this is not very plausible, and even enactivists of a radical stripe
are unwilling to go this far. Only really radical
enactivists would dare go this way (see Hutto
and Myin 2013, chap. 1).
Another way out would be to try to deny
the existence of the cognitive gap. Some
enactivists speak about the activities of even
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293
individualism that dominates cognitive science. They believe that they can show how to
close the gap by taking the active role of our
socialityour interactions with othersinto
account. Thus they make much of the fact
that human symbols only exist within a social
context (Froese and Di Paolo 2009, p. 442).
Arguing that contentful minds are socially
co-constituted, these authors hope to address
the cognitive gap by placing great weight on
the notion of participatory sense-making
(De Jaegher and Di Paolo 2007). Hence
we are told that, our human first-person
perspective, with its distinct capacity for
detached reflection and abstract reasoning, is
fundamentally intersubjectively constituted
(Froese and Di Paolo 2009, pp. 442443;
emphasis added).8 And, more softly, that one
way to begin to account for the cognitive gap
... is by acknowledging the constitutive role
of inter-individual interaction (Froese and
Di Paolo 2009, p. 446).
The driving thought behind this explanatory
proposal is that if agents mutually enable
and constrain their sense-making activities
in an appropriate manner, they can open up
new domains of sense-making that would
have otherwise remained inaccessible to
the individual agents (Froese and Di Paolo
2009, p. 447). By building on these insights,
it is claimed, the notion of participatory
sense-making can help us to systematically
address the cognitive gap from the bottomup (Froese and Di Paolo 2009, p. 447).9
These observations are surely along the
right lines. But if they are to be evaluated
as explanations that address an inverted Explanatory Need, then such accounts fail.
There are many claims on offer, but they do
not add up to an explanation. For example,
Froese and Di Paolo (2009) assure us that
[i]t is intersubjective engagement and the
constitutive role of others that ... allowsthe
possibility of adopting different perspectives
and alternative meanings to a situation. (Froese
and Di Paolo 2009, p. 454)
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4. Soft-Spoken Naturalism
It seems then that Wittgensteins answer is
the only honest one. We must abandon any
hope of finding theoretical explanations that
will satisfy philosophical demands. But, if
so, can philosophy tell us anything positive
at all? Does it follow that quietism is the only
true way for philosophy?
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upon these possible causes of the formation of
concepts; we are not doing natural science; nor
yet natural historysince we can also invent
fictitious natural history for our purposes.
I am not saying: if such-and-such facts of
nature were different people would have different concepts (in the sense of a hypothesis).
But: if anyone believes that certain concepts are
absolutely the correct ones, and that having different ones would mean not realizing something
that we realizethen let him imagine certain
very general facts of nature to be different
from what we are used to, and the formation
of concepts different from the usual ones will
become intelligible to him. (1953, PI, p. 230e;
emphasis added)
Dont these closing remarks lend support to Dromms (2008) proposal that all
Wittgenstein is ever doing is highlighting
important possibilities? It is certainly true
that Wittgensteins examples, say, of how
pupils continue a seriesrepeated often in
PI and RFMare obviously fabricated (p.
72). It cannot be denied that the language
games he introduces exemplify what he has
in mind by pursuing a method of description, even though they are, for the most part,
invented (Williams 2010, p. 11). It is also
the case that his language games are in fact
methodological toolsthey are a kind of
teaching device.
Agreed. But on what basis are these invented cases constructed? Wittgenstein makes it
clear that he is not making empirical claims
about the specific details of the relevant processes. Identifying such details dont matter
to the philosophical task. Nevertheless, he
is interested in very general facts about our
situation. The scenarios that Wittgenstein
provides are built on general templates; the
specific details of each case will varyand
hence any given case can be safely imagined
in order to highlight what is importantas
long as the essential aspects are preserved.
For example, Wittgenstein describes an
imagined case in which A gives an order to B,
who has to write down a series of signsthe
297
natural numbers in decimal notation according to a certain formation rule. In doing so,
in a methodological aside, he tells us: What
we have to mention in order to explain the
significance, I mean the importance, of a
concept, are often extremely general facts
of nature: such facts as are hardly ever mentioned because of their great generality (PI,
,143).13
All that I have just claimed is consistent
with Dromms (2008) contention that [r]ather
than a model of how we learn to follow rules
that Wittgenstein derived from his experience of observing actual cases of instruction,
these discussions of training in the use of a
rule are meant to do such things as correct
our conception of understanding (p. 72).
Moreover, there is a way of understanding
what Wittgenstein is doing without assuming
that he is putting forth an account of how we
actually do, or must, learn to follow rules
(Dromm 2008, p. 73).
Dromm (2008) is, in an important sense,
right to deny that Wittgenstein is making a
claim, empirical or philosophical, about our
general situation when we say such things as
a person can make use of a sign-post only
in so far as there exists a regular use of signposts, a custom (PI, 198). His mistake,
however, is to suppose that Wittgenstein is
giving us here one possible way that this custom was established (Dromm 2008, p.74).
Thus, I disagree, with Dromm (2008) that
Wittgenstein is only suggesting what Hutto
takes to be asserted by Wittgenstein: that our
common natural reactions and instinctive
responses (Hutto 2006, p. 161) underlie our
customs with rules (Dromm 2008, p. 74).
I entirely agree with Dromm (2008):
Wittgenstein is doing something other than
offering an ordinary explanation ... [that]
he is not putting forth some claim (p. 84).
But nor is he merely suggesting important
possibilities in the way Dromm supposes.
It is instructive to compare Dromms reading with that of Williams (2010). Williams
It is in this context that Wittgenstein reminds us of very general facts of our human
situation. It is in this sense that he is not engaged in merely speculative natural history.
Having eliminated the pictures and picturedriven theories, Wittgensteins philosophical
observations are not reduced to the status of
reminding us of one amongst many alternative, contingent possibilities. For there is no
competing vision of our form of life blocking
our sight and corrupting our thinking. When
we are in that condition, nothing stands in
the way of Wittgensteins drawing our attention to revealed certainties about our general
situation.15
Wittgenstein is neither in the business of
making merely empirical speculations nor
deducing logical necessitiesjust as he always says.16 He is quietly noting facts about
our language games and general situation.
Wittgenstein is not a complete quietist; he is
a softly spoken naturalist. After all, making
claims and assertions, theorizing and offering
explanations are not the only ways of using
language in order to say things in philosophy.17
NOTES
This work was supported by the Australian Research Council Discovery Project Embodied Virtues
and Expertise (DP: 1095109); the Marie-Curie Initial Training Network TESIS: Towards an Embodied Science of InterSubjectivity (FP7-PEOPLE-2010-ITN, 264828); and the Spanish Department of
Economy and Innovation (Ministerio de Economa e innovacin): Agency, Normativity and Identity:
the Presence of the Subject in Actions (FFI-201125131).
1. The enactivist movement was originally inspired by phenomenology, and Merleau-Pontys work
in particular. Varela, Thompson, and Rosch (1991) were moved to develop a radically new approach
to the mind and cognition because they observed that, at the time, cognitive science has had virtually
nothing to say about what it means to be human in everyday, lived situations (p. xv). They pressed for
a fundamental reform in thinking and practice, one requiring acknowledgment of the double-sense of
embodiment, making room for an understanding of the body both as the-body-as-object and the-bodyas-lived-subjectivity.
2. In emphasizing the essential link between mentality and embodied and embedded activity, the
express aim of the original version of enactivism was to oppose and serve as an antidote to those approaches to mind that take representation as their central notion (Varela et al. 1991), p. 172.
3. There are also non-philosophical motivations for believing in mental representations. Some argue that
positing mental representations is the best way to answer certain scientific needs. Ordinary inferences
WITTGENSTEINIAN ENACTIVISM /
299
to the best explanation are meant to justify such claims. For example, Carruthers (2013, in this issue of
American Philosophical Quarterly) makes a case for thinking that the simplest explanation of the special
mental feats performed by certain non-linguistic animals requires accepting that such creatures manipulate
contentful mental representations. Headline cases include the alleged planning capacities of corvids and
the dead reckoning abilities of some insects, for example, ants and bees. Focusing on the first case, it is
argued that the best way to explain the capabilities of certain bird species is to accept they plan a course
of action by processing mental representations before taking action. This would elegantly account for the
way they are able to gain access to food hung on the end of a long string so rapidly and with such precision. Similarly, with respect to the second case, positing capacities to manipulate representations is, it is
proposed, the best way to explain how certain insects manage to dead reckon. Dead reckoning requires
calculating ones position by estimating the direction and distance travelled rather than by interacting with
environmental landmarks. That seems to require manipulating representations. Thus it has been claimed that
the navigational abilities of certain insects is strong evidence in favor of a computational-representational
theory of mind (Gallistel 1998), p. 5. But it may also be that non-representational explanations turn out to
be better at explaining such phenomena after all. Certainly, any attempt to secure the existence of mental
representations by appeal to inferences to the best explanation remains a hostage to empirical fortune.
Focusing on just one of these examples, in the case of corvids, it has been recently proposed that New
Caledonian crows may be spontaneously solving problems without planning their actions. Contra Carruthers (2013), new research findings contend that the birds do not first solve the problems in their heads.
Rather, their problem solving occurs spontaneously and interactively as the bird engages with features
of its environment. Thus some scientists now claim that the best explanation of these performances are
due to the birds being able to react in the moment to the effects of their actions, rather than being able to
mentally plan out their actions (Taylor et al. 2012).
4. Fodors language of thought is an ideal language. Its sentences are only partially modelled on the
apparent properties of natural language sentences. A catalogue of the differences is provided by the
commentary on the model (Sellars 1956), pp. 103104. See Hutto (2007) for further discussion of
this point.
5. In this light, there is something deeply ironic about Shapiros (2011) claim that if ... language
learning were to turn out to be inexplicable in terms of rules and representations, this would turn out
to be something of a catastrophe for [orthodox] cognitive science (Shapiro 2011), p. 2. The irony
is that it is wholly unclear what could ever positively convince cognitivists that language learning is
inexplicable in terms of rules and representations. What evidence could be conceivably supplied to
establish such a result?
6. Some believers in mental representations have sought to move even further away from a languagebased model of mental representation, assuming quite different kinds of vehicles and contents (Prinz
2002; Crane 2009; Gauker 2011). It seems possible to imagine that both the structure and contents of
non-linguistic minds might be, at root, quite un-language-like.
7. In its original formulation, enactivism, as noted in the first section of this paper, foreswore the ambition of constructing a unified theory of the mind-body relation, either scientific or philosophical. Times
change. Today, prominent defenders of the radical non-representationalist wing of enactivism regard the
lifemind continuity thesis as laying the foundations of a general theory of mind and cognition, one that
also includes the highest reaches of human cognition (Froese and Di Paolo 2009), p. 440. Thus, it is now
claimed that the strong continuity thesis aspires to become a unified theory of life and mind (Froese and
Di Paolo 2009), p. 440.
8. Froese and Di Paolo (2009) hold, therefore, that the capacity for worldly engagement that is characteristic of adult humans is neither acquired nor performed in isolation p. 452.
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