Alternative Budget Malaysia 2017 (Pakatan)
Alternative Budget Malaysia 2017 (Pakatan)
Alternative Budget Malaysia 2017 (Pakatan)
Preface ............................................................................................................................................ 6
Fiscal Projections........................................................................................................................... 12
5.1
Overview ............................................................................................................................... 12
5.2
Revenue ................................................................................................................................ 14
5.2.1
5.2.2
5.3
6
Expenditure ........................................................................................................................... 16
6.1.1
6.1.2
6.1.3
6.2
6.2.1
6.2.2
6.3
6.3.1
6.3.2
6.3.3
6.4
6.4.1
6.4.2
6.4.3
Appendices .................................................................................................................................... 36
References .................................................................................................................................... 38
1 Executive Summary
Malaysia weathered a tough economic storm this year inaugurated by the collapse of oil and gas prices,
with the Ringgit and our foreign reserves following suit. We remain mired in the middle-income trap
as if quicksand: the more the Government undertakes supposedly well-meaning initiatives, most
notably GST and 1MDB, the deeper the rakyat sinks into economic difficulty as felt in higher living
costs, stagnant wages if not outright retrenchment, rising public and household debt levels, and falling
vehicle and property sales.
Given the absence of any substantive institutional reforms towards greater government accountability
whether politically or fiscally, Pakatan Harapan is unconvinced of the Governments ability to captain
our country through the tempest to fairer seas. Indeed, consumer and business confidence in the
Government have been dragged through the mud. GDP growth forecasts for this year and the next
have undergone downward revisions. Internationally, Malaysia has slipped down the rungs in global
competitiveness and transparency indices. An inflow of mainland Chinese investments may put a
finger in the dike to stem further economic decline, yet at what geopolitical cost to our independence
as a historically neutral, emerging middle power in the region?
These economic circumstances are reflected in our fiscal projections. On the revenue side, we foresee
lower direct tax revenue from personal, corporate, petroleum, and real property gains taxes. Export
duty and royalty payments from petroleum will likewise decrease as the oil and gas sector is in
recovery mode. GST remains the Governments fiscal lifeline: we project a GST collection of RM42bil
to buoy Government revenue to RM223bil in 2017. Pakatan Harapan instead reverts to pre-GST
numbers on consumption tax, yielding a smaller revenue of RM204bil.
On the expenditure side, we anticipate the Governments commitment to a 3.1% debt-to-GDP ratio
to involve austerity cuts. However, the Governments propensity for high operating expenses is
unlikely to waver considering their prodigal protocol habits and the growing civil-service headcount.
Rather, we expect the Government to tighten the purse strings for development expenditure to the
countrys detriment.
In contrast, Pakatan Harapan will tighten operating expenses with no change to emoluments but with
spending cuts to ministries, particularly the Prime Ministers Department. Following relatively cheap
yet strict anti-corruption management practices, we project across-the-board savings of 20%. We will
channel these savings towards national development, especially in the poorest states. By adopting
prudent fiscal governance, we expect to narrow the debt-to-GDP ratio to 2.69%.
Beyond our fiscal projections, we detail 11 policy proposals that demonstrate how Pakatan Harapan
intends to address key national issues upon receiving the rakyats mandate to rule. We base our
policies on universal social-justice principles, as espoused by Maqasid-As-Syariah, to realise just and
equitable development for all. Our proposals are:
1. Employment
1.1. An Equal Opportunity Commission to ban discrimination against any job application and
employee based on race, religion, or sex; applicable to both public and private sectors.
1.2. Minimum wage increase to RM1,500 for Malaysian workers, implemented via a co-pay
system for three years, whereby government and employer split the cost equally; annual cost
to government is RM2.5bil.
1.3. Progressive reduction in Malaysias dependence on foreign labour via 10% levy increase
annually until 2020, legalisation of undocumented workers, strengthening foreign workers
rights, hiring of refugees, and incentivising capital investment and mechanisation.
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2. Governance
2.1. Greater transparency and accountability in fiscal reporting with full disclosure of the
governments non-financial assets, contingent liabilities, and plans to reduce debt levels.
2.2. Adoption of anti-bribery management systems as per the BS 10500 and ISO 37001 standards
into government decision-making including due diligence in procurement, no-gift policy, and
effective whistleblowing; costing less than RM20mil to potentially save billions.
3. Sabah, Sarawak, and rural development
3.1. Pursuing equality between East and West Malaysia: Sabah and Sarawak to receive a greater
allocation at RM15bil of the federal development budget; to manage their own Public
Services Commissions separate from the Peninsular; and to reform their state land laws to
give natives indefeasible land rights status, with federal-government assistance as necessary.
3.2. Cultivating the paddy and rice industry by revising BERNASs role from importing and selling
rice for commercial gain, to buying rice from domestic producers as a national stockpile; reestablishing Lembaga Padi dan Beras Negara as the national supervisory body on paddy and
rice; and improving farmers livelihoods via estatisation and the provision of service bundles.
3.3. Better use of the Universal Service Provision fund to narrow the digital divide between urban
and rural areas, such as by providing better telecommunications coverage and community
Internet and learning centres.
4. Urban development
4.1. Promoting affordable and accessible urban public transportation with integrated pricing for
rail and bus services, higher wages for bus drivers, allocation of routes by local councils,
boosting non-fare revenue, and separation of asset ownership and operation.
4.2. Public housing geared towards ownership rather than rentals, full state-government control
over development and subsequent sales, and social engineering for ethnic and class
integration.
4.3. Strengthening public healthcare by uprooting embedded corruption and remedying
untreated infectious diseases among undocumented foreign workers; as well as by
addressing the shortage in housemanship positions and keeping government influence out
of the Malaysian Medical Council.
Our Alternative Budget is neither a magic ball nor a magic bullet. It is however proof that as
government-in-waiting, Pakatan Harapan has the economic prudence and political will to reform the
rickety institutions that fail to support all Malaysians justly. It is high time to retire the sixty-year-old
regime, and set sail for a brighter future.
2 Budget Highlights
3 Preface
This second Pakatan Harapan budget serves as an alternative fiscal and policy document to the Federal
Governments budget.
We begin by reflecting upon the reminder of Allah SWT in the Surah Al-Hashr, verse 7:
...in order that wealth may not merely circulate between the rich and super-rich amongst you. The
verse depicts the principle of socially just and equitable development in Islamic Syariah, which
advocates equitable distribution of wealth and income and addresses its disparity.
As we now enter a period of economic gloom, the need for new leadership is more pressing than ever.
The economy cannot continue in its current model of extractive institutions and poor governance.
Now more than ever, we need substantive political and economic reforms. If reforms are not
forthcoming because of the lack of political will by the leadership, then in order to move forward and
save Malaysia, Malaysian Official 1, also known as Prime Minister Najib Razak, must resign.
How can a man who lost USD3.5bil of 1MDBs money and had USD681mil banked into his personal
bank account continue to lead this nation? How can he even credibly continue as Finance Minister?
His political purges relating to 1MDB represent a systemic dismantling of checks and balances in our
already fragile democracy. The Prime Minister represents the single-biggest threat to our economy.
Therefore, his resignation will go some way to restore confidence in the rule of law, which in turn will
help return much-needed market confidence and dignity to the nation.
This Alternative Budget presents recommendations towards a more balanced budget. We are guided
by moderate universal principles of all religions on social justice and fairness, as espoused in Maqasid
Syariah. The fiscal numbers of our alternative budget reflect recommendations on which ministries
should face austerity cuts and which ministries be given priority funding. It is undoubtedly challenging
to present an alternative budget without the resources and data of a government. Nevertheless, our
efforts and recommendations are based on best-available data from the media and publicly-available
federal government documents.
In addition to the fiscal numbers, our budget document proposes eleven of the most pressing
economic policies for social justice that must be implemented. These policies are essential political
and economic reforms that will make Malaysia more inclusive.
In this hour before economic darkness engulfs us, we make a call to all stakeholders, legislators,
policymakers, civil servants, and civil society to look beyond political and vested interests and judge
these recommendations and policies for what they are. Our hope is twofold: firstly, if fresh leadership
materialises from Barisan Nasional, that the post-Najib leaders will give due consideration to our
policies; and secondly, that the rakyat supports our policies to make Malaysia better for all.
Pakatan Harapan
19 October 2016
The fall in oil prices constrained the Governments fiscal policy space to inject stimulus into the
economy when the rakyat needed it most. This quagmire stems from a flawed policy of overreliance
on oil and gas for the past three decades. Prior to the fall in oil prices, some 40% of the Governments
revenue came directly from the oil and gas sector. Despite putting on a brave face, the Government
has been bracing for a RM40bil shortfall in oil and gas contributions.2 The Government has then gone
1
on record to hail the GST as a saviour to partially counterbalance the oil and gas shortfall. However,
despite some analysts expecting the GST to smash an all-time record of RM42bil in tax collection for
2017, it is in fact a poison pill to consumers and businesses. The GST is not a win-win proposition. It
will further dampen consumer and business sentiments. Structurally, the GST, being a regressive tax,
will continue to widen income and wealth inequalities between the rich and the poor.
We expect the Government to run another year of deficit in 2017, as it has continuously done so for
the past 18 years. With foreigners wary of the Malaysian Governments solvency, as reflected in rising
Malaysian government bond yields, and with government-linked entities, from EPF to Khazanah
Nasional Berhad, being pressured to do even more national service, we expect the Government to
borrow slightly less out of force rather than out of better budget management. However, the critical
question is: can the Government be disciplined and settle at an acceptable deficit of below 3% of GDP?
We can only hope. Yet, based on the 1MDB scandal, we do not believe the Government under Prime
Minister Najib Razak has an ounce of political will to cut out corruption nor wastage.
Low oil prices have not only put the Government in a bind, but have also weakened the Ringgit, and a
weak Ringgit has put pressure on the rakyats cost of living. The Ringgits purchasing power has
declined, while prices of the goods and services we export have fallen in tandem with the drop in
commodity prices. In other words, the value of our exports have decreased, while the value of our
imports have increased, leading to fears of what is termed a current account deficit, whereby we
pay more for our imports than what we earn from our exports. Thankfully, Malaysia has not yet
reached such a stage, but our current account surplus remains remarkably close to the edge at 3% of
GDP in 2015, a far cry from the double-digit surpluses last seen in 2011 (11% of GDP).3 If the current
account does slide into deficit, and combined with a fiscal deficit, we will enter a twin deficits phase,
where not only is the Government is spending beyond its means, but the country as a whole importing
more than it is exporting. By then, the country would see an even more intense whirlwind of investor
panic, not unlike that faced by Indonesia in 2014.
Our foreign reserves have tumbled below the USD100bil mark since 2015, paralysing our monetary
policy options. The possibility of twin deficits further pressures our reserves. Chinas payment for the
1MDB assets amounting to RM17.6bil in Q1 2016 probably had a greater impact than any monetary
policy in stopping the Ringgits slide. Currently, the Ringgit seems to have settled to a new normal of
3
RM4.10 to USD1. This is a far cry from the previous norm of RM3.30 to USD1 recorded a mere two
years ago. Going forward, we expect China to play an even bigger role in the Malaysian economy.
Their intended investments in Malaysia infrastructure could very well supplant our fiscal and
monetary policies. These investments, in particular the High Speed Rail and East Cost Rail Line with
their combined sum of RM120bil, can potentially pump prime the economy, but will raise deep
geopolitical concerns for all.
As we enter into Q4 2016, it is increasingly clear that this is not a recovery year, nor is it even a
consolidation year. There is a dire feeling that the worst is around the corner. Small businesses
complain of 20% to 30% year-on-year (YOY) drops in sales and services. The Malaysian Automotive
Association recently reported that new vehicles sales in the first half of 2016 have contracted by 14.5%
YOY compared to 2015. 4 If car sales are bad, property sales are in the same boat. The volume of
property transactions dropped by an average of 20% YOY in Q1 2016. Experts are projecting an
uncertain property market for 2017. If the property market continues to slow, the construction sector
will face a tough 2017 when current housing projects are completed. All these have increased
uncertainty over the outlook for businesses in 2017, as displayed in business loans growth recording
a low of 1.9% YOY in August 2016, far below the 8.0% growth in December 2015, and 8.8% in
December 2014.
Banks have been instructed to tighten lending standards to ensure that loans are only given to those
who can afford it. Although this policy has helped curb rising household debt, it does not address the
root cause of households having to resort to debt: their incomes have not kept up with the soaring
cost of living. With job cuts in the oil and gas, banking, and aviation sectors, the income shortfall of
those made redundant will be exacerbated as they struggle to service their loans. By mid-2017, we
could see a sizeable increase in non-performing loans. The question on everyones mind is: how
serious and how widespread will these defaults be?
Unfortunately, indications point to a difficult 2017. Most of our economic sectors are anxious and
cautious. Exporters such as glove makers who are enjoying robust profit from currency gain are few
and far between. Megaprojects undertaken by local contractors have or will soon come to an end. We
hear of complaints that the Government is struggling even to pay on time for work already finished.
Thus we believe that the Governments ability to fund or guarantee new megaprojects is diminishing,
as national debt continues to climb. As of Q2 2016, the national debt level stands at RM656bil, an
4
Malaysian Automotive Association, Market Review for 1st Half 2016 Compared to 1st Half 2015,
http://www.maa.org.my/pdf/Market_Review_1st_half2016.pdf, 2016, p. 4.
increase of almost RM30bil from the same period last year.5 We also believe that the Government will
continue to face higher interest rates if it relies on selling Malaysian government debt to foreign
investors, which is why we expect that EPF and KWAP will be forced to fund the coming deficit instead.
In short, we can rule out government pump-priming activities in 2017.
Save for the megaprojects slated to be funded and constructed by China, there is little upside news.
However, even if China decides to pump billions of investments into Malaysia next year, the talk within
business circles is that the China state-owned firms will mostly import its own goods and expertise.
Chinas chequebook diplomacy is not a handout, but is designed ultimately to profit China. This implies
only a limited upside to the Malaysian economy. Gross domestic product (GDP) forecasts by various
global institutions seem to demonstrate the same reality. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) and
the World Bank forecast Malaysian GDP growth to come in at 4.3% and 4.2% respectively in 2016,
while the Asian Development Bank (ADB) is more sceptical at 4.1%. This will set a new post-crisis low,
a record previously held by 2013 at 4.7%. GDP growth in 2017 is not expected to fare much better,
with forecasts of 4.6% by IMF, 4.3% by the World Bank, and 4.4% by ADB.
What we now bear witness to are symptoms of an economic system that has reached its limit. Try
as we might, we cannot seem to free ourselves from the middle-income trap. Infrastructure-led
development can only go so far if the corrupt and extractive nature of our system is causing a massive
brain drain and capital outflow.
This corruption is made possible only by a government unwilling to enact political reforms that would
institutionalise greater transparency and accountability. Cases of corruption are on such a grand scale
that they have garnered unwanted worldwide attention. 1MDB alone has involved authorities in the
5
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US, the United Kingdom (UK), Switzerland, Luxembourg, Australia, Hong Kong, Singapore, Thailand,
and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).6 More generally, Malaysias global rankings have dropped. In the
World Economic Forums Global Competitiveness Report, Malaysias ranking fell to 25th from 18th
among all countries surveyed.7 This puts Malaysia in the small company of Southeast Asian countries
that saw their scores decline, the others being the Philippines and the Lao Peoples Democratic
Republic. Corruption, inefficient government bureaucracy, and government instability were named as
the second- to fourth-most problematic factors for doing business in Malaysia, after access to
financing. Meanwhile, countries such as Indonesia and Vietnam are fast becoming investor favourites
with their continued structural and political reforms that foster economic dynamism and diversity.
Brain drain will continue unabated as long as great Malaysian talents are restrained, restricted, or flatout rejected from the opportunities available in this great country. There needs to be a reform of
welfare policy whereby the neediest are given the most effective assistance they need to excel.
Coupled with an increasingly authoritarian political scene, the economic system has started to turn on
its people. For too long, we have relied on oil and gas money to veneer over our fundamental systemic
rot. This is the same rot that allows Malaysian Official 1 to rule with impunity. The year 2017 is likely
to be an election year. It remains to be seen if the rakyat, in the backdrop of great economic
uncertainty, will finally rise up for the sake of their childrens economic future.
Bloomberg, How Malaysias 1MDB Fund Scandal Reaches Around the World,
http://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2016-malaysia-1mdb/, 2016.
7
World Economic Forum, Malaysia Global Competitiveness Index: 2016-2017 edition,
http://reports.weforum.org/global-competitiveness-index/country-profiles/#economy=MYS, 2016.
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5 Fiscal Projections
5.1 Overview
Figure 5-1: Comparing the budgets of Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan.
Fiscal projection highlights:
i. Pakatan Harapan will reduce the Prime Ministers Department budget by RM10bil, that is, from
RM20.31bil in 2016 to RM10.31bil.
We note with concern the upward spiralling of the PMs Department budget as it has doubled every
decade from RM1.15bil in 1986 and RM2.39bil in 1996 to RM5.839bil in 2006.8 We need a gradual
reduction of the PMs Department budget to avoid too massive of a shock, so for 2017 we recommend
shaving off between RM10bil and RM12bil. Going forward for the next few years, we will continue
paring down the Departments budget to an optimal RM5bil per year.
ii. Overall savings from corruption and wastage is estimated at 20% of all operating expenditure
items, save for emoluments.
Based on our empirical studies of the Auditor-Generals report, we are confident that the wastage and
corruption factor is at 20% to 25%. A concerted fight against corruption wastage coupled with the full
Sue-Ann Chua, Bigger budgets for Prime Ministers Department, in The Edge Malaysia, edited, 3 October 2016
edn, Selangor, The Edge Media Group, 2016.
12
implementation of an anti-bribery system will immediately yield the 20% savings in one fiscal year.
We should be able to eliminate the remaining 5% the following year.
iii. Since 2017 will be a challenging year, we need to spend more on development expenditure.
As such, our development expenditure is projected to be at RM49.11bil, that is, RM5.18bil or 11.8%
more than Barisan Nasionals. As detailed in our policy section, we directly channel 60% of our
development expenditure to the poorest states, namely Sabah, Kelantan, Sarawak, Kedah, and
Terengganu. For Sabah & Sarawak, we project RM15bil worth of development projects under our
budget proposal.
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5.2 Revenue
5.2.1 Projected Revenue: Barisan Nasional Government
Revenue
sources
Tax revenue
Non-tax
revenue
Non-revenue
receipts
Revenue from
Federal
Territories
- 1.68%
+ 0.02%
+ 30.00%
(RM1.50bil
RM1.96bil)
+ 5.00%
(RM951mil
RM999 mil)
- 1.16%
To project the Federal Governments revenue for Budget 2017, we use publicly available data from
the Ministry of Finance, in particular, the Estimates of Federal Revenue.9 We then make several key
projections onto the Governments estimated revenue in 2016 to forecast revenue in 2017:
i. A 3.3% drop in individual income tax collection following an estimated 60,000 job losses out of a
total of 1.8 million tax payers.
ii. Company income tax to decrease by a conservative 2% as a slowing business environment crimps
profitability.
iii. GST to rake in RM42bil worth of collections by the Royal Malaysian Customs.
9
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iv. Projected low oil prices throughout 2017 to cause 45% drops in both Petroleum Income Tax and
Crude Oil Export Duty, a 35% drop in Petroleum Royalties.
v. PETRONAS Dividend to remain at RM16bil, the same amount paid to the Federal Government in
2016.
vi. All other income types expected to grow as per median historical trends.
The result is a marginal decrease of RM2.573bil (-1.16%) in Federal Government revenue for 2017 as
compared to 2016.
- 11.85%
Non-tax revenue
Non-revenue
receipts
Revenue from
Federal
Territories
+ 0.02%
(RM39.65bil
RM39.66bil)
+ 30.00%
(RM1.50bil
RM1.96bil)
+ 5.00%
(RM951mil
RM999 mil)
- 9.41%
To project the Pakatan Harapan revenue for Budget 2017, we maintain in large part the earlier analysis
of the Barisan Nasional Federal Government revenue. We then plug in a few major revenue policy
revisions and adjust the projected numbers accordingly. These policy differentiations are:
i. Previous tax policies to be maintained as per our 2016 Alternative Budget. For consumption tax,
we use pre-GST numbers as our estimate.
ii. Knowing that PETRONAS is weathering a very tough year, we will adopt the RM16bil dividend limit,
but with RM6bil transferred to a special heritage fund. As such, we will push for dividend to be
capped at RM16bil, thus enabling the Group to reinvest its profits.
15
5.3 Expenditure
Year
Table 5-3: Estimated expenditures for Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan for Budget 2017.
For the Barisan Nasional Governments Budget 2017, we project expenditure as follows:
i. We start with the projected Federal Government revenue obtained previously in Section 5.2.1.
ii. As the Federal Government is committed to maintaining the debt-to-GDP ratio at 3.1%, we keep
this as a constraint to our calculations. Malaysian GDP was RM1.175tril in 2015, and is expected
to grow by 4.2% and 4.3% annually in 2016 and 2017 respectively, based on World Bank forecasts.
iii. Increasing headcount in the civil service to cause emoluments to climb 3% to RM72.58bil.
iv. Supplies and Services, Assets, Fixed Charges and Grants, and Other Expenditures to marginally
increase following historical trends.
With rising operating expenditures, the Federal Government has little room to manoeuvre in terms of
development expenditure. Given their commitment to maintain a 3.1% debt-to-GDP ratio,
development expenditure (i.e. Direct Grants and Loans) is expected to fall.
All in all, this results in a budget deficit of RM39.11bil, or 3.11% of GDP.
We compute expenditure projections in Pakatan Harapans Budget 2017 as follows:
i. Spending cuts to ministries generally, and the Prime Ministers Department by RM10bil
particularly, will reduce Supplies and Services, Assets, and Fixed Charges and Grants expenditures.
Our drastic clampdown on wastages and leakages within the civil service will lessen expenditures
by 20% throughout the federal government.
ii. To step up national development, we will increase allocations for Direct Grants, while reducing
that for Loans.
iii. Contingencies Reserves to stay the same.
By adopting the simple concept of prudent spending, we enable a higher proportion of the federal
budget to be dedicated to development, as should be the case for a developing country.
Based on our projections, Pakatan Harapans Budget 2017 has a smaller budget deficit of RM33.82
compared to Barisan Nasionals deficit of RM39.11bil. We thus record a lower debt-to-GDP ratio of
2.69% compared to the Barisan Nasional Governments target of 3.1%.
16
Year
Estimates by Object
Estimates of Operating Expenditure
Emoluments
Supplies and Services
Assets
Fixed Charges and Grants
Other Expenditures
Total Operating Expenditure
Estimates of Development Expenditure
Direct Grant
Loans
Contingencies Reserve
Total Development Expenditure
Total Estimated Expenditure
Estimates of Revenue
Budget Deficit (RM mil, % of GDP)
GDP (Current Prices)
2014
RM mil
2015
RM mil
2016
RM mil
BN 2017*
RM mil
%
PH 2017*
RM mil
%
63,614
36,621
1,407
114,505
1,504
217,651
24.08
13.86
0.53
43.35
0.57
82.40
65,652
38,099
1,457
116,417
1,815
223,440
23.97
13.91
0.53
42.50
0.66
81.57
70,466
36,315
761
106,648
1,034
215,224
26.37
13.59
0.28
39.91
0.39
80.54
72,580
36,678
780
107,181
1,037
218,256
27.68
13.99
0.30
40.88
0.40
83.24
72,580
29,343
624
85,745
830
189,121
30.47
12.32
0.26
35.99
0.35
79.39
41,513
2,987
2,000
46,500
15.72
1.13
0.76
17.60
45,614
2,886
2,000
50,500
16.65
1.05
0.73
18.43
47,178
2,822
2,000
52,000
17.65
1.06
0.75
19.46
39,701
2,229
2,000
43,931
15.14
0.85
0.76
16.76
45,656
1,449
2,000
49,106
19.17
0.61
0.84
20.61
264,151 100.00
225,844
(38,307)
1,078,176
273,940 100.00
222,455
-3.55
(37,241)
1,175,703
267,224 100.00
225,652
-3.17
(41,572)
1,205,698
262,187 100.00
223,079
-3.45
(39,108)
1,257,543
238,227 100.00
204,410
-3.11
(33,817)
1,257,543
-2.69
Table 5-4: Projected Barisan Nasional and Pakatan Harapan expenditure breakdowns by objects, with estimates of federal revenue, budget deficits, and
forecasted GDP.
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Our Equal Employment Opportunity Act will empower individuals to pursue and obtain justice should
they suffer discrimination in the workplace. From seeking employment to landing promotions, any
discrimination on the basis of race, religion, or sex will incur punishment as determined by an
independent Equal Opportunity Commission. The new Act will apply to all employments in both public
and private sectors.
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In addition to this, we will incentivise all corporations to adopt diversity policies in hiring and
employment. Incentives can come in the form of public recognition and awards, together with tax
credits. While we intend to encourage its adoption, we will require each government entity including
government-linked companies (GLCs) and government-linked investment companies (GLICs), together
with every main board company in Bursa Malaysia, to set up a diversity division and present diversity
efforts in their annual reports.
We recognise that an entrepreneurial gap exists due to a lack to opportunity, not a lack of skills.
Existing entrepreneurs holding the dominant position must be regulated so that antitrust,
monopolistic cartels are not formed. As encouraging more entrepreneurs will yield additional tax
revenue, it is in the governments interest to pursue equal-opportunity entrepreneurship.
Bumiputera entrepreneurship programmes under the New Economic Policy have had mixed results.
From our interactions with the business community, most support these policies, but are also aware
that abuses have produced rent-seekers at the expense of real entrepreneurs. Consequently, these
rent-seekers are crowding out entrepreneurs and overinflating the cost of doing business.
Tightening and improving entrepreneurship programmes and making it available to all, will necessitate
good governance, a graduation process, and blacklisting of rent-seekers. Those who qualify must
observe full transparency because they receive special assistance from the government. Beyond
setting reasonable conditions to give entrepreneurs a head start, we must not mollycoddle them so
much as to diminish the need for hard work, financial prudence, and resilience.
While Malaysia has a long way to go in realising a level playing field for all her citizens regardless of
race, religion, and sex, pursuing equal-opportunity employment and entrepreneurship are two solid
steps in the right direction.
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annually. We will split this cost equally between government and employer, thus taking RM2.5bil from
the federal budget. For example, a worker currently earning RM1,000 per month will have her salary
increased to RM500, with the government subsidising RM250.
Since higher wages induce greater consumption, we expect the private sector to recover the initial
cost after six months. In fact, we are confident that activating greater consumption by the poorest will
have an immediate multiplier effect for all businesses. We propose that government co-pay support
be provided for a period of three years, thereafter the minimum wage level should normalise.
Low wages at best enrich the already rich, and at worst engender social ills of poverty, poor health,
crime, and corruption. If we do not nip these in the bud by paying our poorest a fair minimum wage
now, we will incur greater economic costs later in healthcare provision and crime fighting. By
recovering lost funds from wastages and corruption, we can concurrently provide reasonable
compensations for our poorest Malaysian workers.
13
Ah Lek Pook, The dilemma of having foreign workers in Malaysia, http://www.straitstimes.com/opinion/thedilemma-of-having-foreign-workers-in-malaysia, The Straits Times, 2016.
14
Farik Zolkepli, No more 6P amnesty programme for foreign workers,
http://www.thestar.com.my/news/nation/2015/06/15/fake-6p-programme/, The Star Online, 2015.
20
14.73mil as of July 2016, 15 legal foreign workers represent 14% of the total workforce, whereas
accounting for illegal foreign workers brings up the proportion of foreign workers to at least 30% of
our labour force.
This steep increase in foreign labour has exerted downward pressure on wages, especially for lowskilled jobs, and have robbed Malaysians of employment opportunities. In addition, the continued
dependence on foreign workers is a disincentive for industry to increase its productivity via methods
such as greater capital investment and mechanisation. Rather than reducing our countrys reliance on
foreign labour and addressing the growing problem of illegal foreign workers, the Government has
further exacerbated the problem by doing government-to-government deals with Bangladesh to
import as many as 1.5 million workers from that country.
We acknowledge that it would be impossible and even unwise to get rid of all low-skilled foreign
labour currently in the country. A wiser strategy would be to progressively reduce the number of
foreign workers through five steps:
i.
Increase the levy on foreign workers by an average of 10% every year until 2020 for the Category
1 workers (Manufacturing, Services and Construction) as a means to increase the cost of importing
new foreign workers.
ii. Allow existing illegal workers to register and legalise themselves at a reasonable cost, and allow
them to work for different employers but with fixed contracts. Legal workers tend to become
illegal workers because they face significant difficulties in legally switching employers. A fairer and
transparent human resource policy would rectify this.
15
Department of Statistics Malaysia, Key Statistics of Labour Force in Malaysia, July 2016, 2016.
21
iii. Strengthen the labour rights of foreign workers, including giving them the right to join existing
unions. This would put upward pressure on foreign-worker wages, and reduce employer demand
for these workers. Malaysian workers would benefit as well.
iv. Allow the existing 150,000 or so refugees in Malaysia to work as a means of reducing demand for
new foreign workers. Refugee numbers are relatively small compared to the total number of illegal
workers. Over time, with a more progressive refugee policy, many of these refugees can relocate
to other countries that are willing to accept them and that they want to go to over and above
Malaysia.16
v. Establish a special fund with an initial allocation of RM500mil to incentivise local companies to
reduce their foreign labour employment via initiatives such as technological upgrades, capital
investment, and mechanisation.
16
A good example is the relocation of the Vietnamese boat people in the 1980s and 1990s from Malaysia to
other destinations in developed countries.
22
The International Budget Partnership (IBP) lists eight key components of a transparent budget, namely:
Pre-Budget Statement, Executives Budget Proposal, Enacted Budget, Citizens Budget, In-Year Reports,
Mid-Year Review, Year-End Report, and Audit Report. Of these eight, Malaysia still lacks a Pre-Budget
Statement and a Mid-Year Review. 17 The former sets out the governments budget strategies for
subsequent budget years, thus enabling input from and calibrating expectations of legislators and the
public.18 The latter assesses the governments fiscal performance against its budget strategy midway
through the budget year.19
17
23
Besides providing the two missing documents, existing fiscal reports require greater
comprehensiveness in line with the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)
Best Practices for Budget Transparency.20
The Malaysian Government must properly account for contingent liabilities in order to manage current
and future government expenditure. The total contingent liabilities or government loan guarantees
sum up to more than RM178.1bil as of Q1 2016.21 Adding this to the RM656bil in current liabilities or
government debt, Malaysias debt-to-GDP ratio would be closer to 70%, rather than the present figure
of 54%.
We need much more detailed disclosure on contingent liabilities, such as the quantum and maturity
dates of each bond. More importantly, the Government must outline and explain its short- to longterm strategic plans to reduce these debts as percentage of GDP. The Government must provide a
plan on how they intend to pare down and pay off these mounting debts.
Contingent liabilities are expected to increase significantly with the issuance of bonds by government
statutory bodies such as PTPTN as well as by private companies wholly-owned by the Ministry of
Finance, such as DanaInfra Nasional Berhad, the main financier of the Mass Rapid Transit (MRT)
projects. In addition, some of the debt of troubled companies such as 1MDB is not fully accounted for
in the contingent liabilities.
In order to properly plan for current and future government spending, Pakatan Harapan will conduct
a financial assessment of all the outstanding debts owed by government statutory bodies, whollygovernment-owned companies, and companies in which the government holds a significant stake.
This comprehensive assessment is needed to accurately evaluate the extent of the bail-out required
and how to adjust our spending plans moving forward. For example, given this expected increase in
contingent liabilities, can we really afford the High Speed Rail project from Kuala Lumpur (KL) to
Singapore?
Every budget inevitably involves macroeconomic assumptions. Therefore, the budget should include
a sensitivity analysis on potential impacts should macroeconomic circumstances unexpectedly change,
such as was the case with oil prices in the Budget Recalibration 2016.
Particularly with the recent collapse in oil prices, other taxes are increasingly called upon to shore up
government revenue. The Government must clearly state its policy on the types of taxes they plan to
introduce, thereby enabling individual and corporate economic planning. For instance, they must give
advance notice should they plan to increase the GST rate, instead of ambushing taxpayers and holding
the economy ransom.
Lastly, we demand full disclosure of the Governments non-financial assets, as these are our last
recourse, the family heirloom so to speak, if our cash flow runs dry. In addition to detailing all assets
they own, the Government must propose how long we can tide over an economic downturn if they
are forced to dispose of these assets.
20
Organisation of Economic Co-operation and Development, OECD Best Practices for Budget Transparency,
https://www.oecd.org/gov/budgeting/Best%20Practices%20Budget%20Transparency%20-%20complete%20wi
th%20cover%20page.pdf, 2002.
21
Bank Negara Malaysia, 2016.
24
22
Alan Field, An Introduction to Anti-Bribery Management Systems (BS 10500): Doing right things, United
Kingdom, IT Governance Publishing, 2015, p. 38.
23
Ibid., pp. 25-32.
24
Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, Laws of Malaysia Act 694: Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission
Act 2009, http://www.sprm.gov.my/images/SPRM_act_BI.pdf, 2009, p. 12.
25
Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, No Gift Policy in Public Sector,
http://www.sprm.gov.my/index.php/en/ace/faq/142-knowledge/770-no-gift-policy, 2016.
26
Field, p. 45.
25
27
Frdric Boehm, Anti-corruption strategies as safeguard for public service sector reforms, edited, working
paper, available at www. icgg. org/downloads, 2007, pp. 12-13.
26
We will allocate 60% of the federal development budget to the five poorest states in terms of median
monthly wage, irrespective of the political party governing the state. Development spending in the
federal budget thus immediately prioritises Sabah, Kelantan, Sarawak, Kedah, and Terengganu. With
an average development budget of RM50bil a year for the entire Malaysia, Sabah and Sarawak will
receive half of the 60% allocation. This yields RM15bil worth of development projects for Sabah and
Sarawak annually under our budget proposal.
Pakatan Harapan also advocates a separate Public Services Commission for the Borneo states. The
majority of the Commission shall comprise Sabahans and Sarawakians. They will be allowed to
prioritise the hiring of locals to the civil service based on merits. In other words, if there are two equally
capable candidates, one from the Peninsular and one from Borneo, the Commission is free to prioritise
the latter. The Chairman will be nominated by the Commission itself and will be recommended to the
Yang di-Pertuan Agong for final approval.
Sabah and Sarawak need to reform their state land laws. The definition of native land must consider
native interpretations of customary land, rather than solely serving commercial interests of the rulers
or their cronies. Natives must be given indefeasible zland rights status under the National Land Code.
The size of and claimants to native lands can be determined by a special investigative commission. We
28
29
27
take guidance from the successful settlement of land rights for Orang Asal in Selangor. A fair
settlement for natives could see five to ten hectares of land for each family. Subsequently, these lands
can be used as economic capital. As long as capital is lacking, natives will be disadvantaged from being
economic players to better their lives. The federal government will play the role of facilitating such a
program, and if need be, provide federal grants for this massive reform.
28
In addition, we will provide a service bundle to rice farmers, which includes financing for farm inputs,
distribution of seed and fertiliser, training on agricultural techniques, and market facilitation to
maximise profits from harvest sales. Such optimisation of government support towards more practical
solutions would increase government revenue, reduce the taxpayers burden, and improve the
livelihood of farmers.
30
Malaysian Communications and Multimedia Commission, Universal Service Provision Annual Report 2014,
http://www.skmm.gov.my/skmmgovmy/media/General/pdf/SKMM-USP-2014.pdf, 2015, p. 100.
31
Ibid., p. 62.
29
RM mil
Year
Contribution Disbursement
2003
811.95
10.64
2004
512.11
23.59
2005
697.30
44.30
2006
800.85
22.79
2007
896.77
59.32
2008
1,011.65
153.84
2009
992.63
47.68
2010
1,210.38
263.88
2011
1,429.00
896.55
2012
1,445.02
1,421.30
2013
1,454.66
1,149.03
2014
1,486.36
729.91
Total
12,748.66
4,822.84
Table 6-1: Contributions to and disbursements from the MCMCs USP fund between 2003 and 2014.34
32
These USP funds must no longer be used to buy laptops for students in selected areas as a means to
win votes, especially in marginal parliamentary seats. Instead, these funds are better used in
narrowing the digital divide between the urban and rural areas via more concrete and long-term
measures, such as the provision of better telecommunications coverage and community Internet and
learning centres.
32
Ibid., p. 69.
30
Introduce integrated pricing for KTM commuter services, Rapid KL bus services, Bus Rapid Transit
(BRT), LRT, and MRT services in the Klang Valley
Integrated pricing ensures that consumers are charged for one trip via distance pricing, instead of
being charged separately for each service type used. For example, a consumer taking a 10km journey
using the KTM, bus, and LRT should pay the same amount as a consumer taking a 10km journey using
only the LRT. The Land Public Transport Commission (SPAD) should introduce a transparent and
publicly-disclosed ticket pricing formula so that price adjustments can be introduced regularly rather
than increased in one shot. This is the model used by Singapore via its Public Transport Council.
ii. Increase bus drivers wages and increase bus network coverage
One of the excuses cited by Prasarana Malaysia Berhad for the limited bus route coverage is the
shortage of bus drivers. In 2015, Rapid KL lacked approximately 500 drivers to mobilise its fleet of
1,500 buses, thus only operated 900 buses.34 Yet a main reason behind this shortage is the relatively
low pay offered. The starting salary is barely above the minimum wage, while the total maximum pay
for bus drivers including allowances and overtime is RM2,500. In contrast, the starting pay for a bus
driver in Singapore is now SGD1,950, totalling up to SGD3,500 including overtime and incentives.35
Pakatan Harapan proposes an increase in the basic monthly salary of bus drivers to RM1,500, and up
to RM3,500 including overtime and incentives. With the increase in wages, the number of bus drivers
employed will increase, and the bus route network can be increased accordingly.
iii. Give funding and power to local councils to plan out and allocate bus routes
The SBST rollout to cities outside the Klang Valley has been slow and sporadic. Rather than having
SPAD direct and determine the tendering out of bus routes in cities such as Kangar, Seremban, Ipoh,
and Kuala Terengganu, the federal government must instead allow the respective state governments
33
A KTM trip from Pelabuhan Klang to KL Sentral costs RM6.40 (cashless), and an LRT trip from KL Sentral to
Bukit Jalil will cost RM4.70, making up a total of RM11.10.
34
The Malay Mail Online, RapidKL needs 500 bus drivers,
http://www.themalaymailonline.com/malaysia/article/rapidkl-needs-500-bus-drivers, 2015.
35
Kenneth Cheng, Go-Ahead Spore raises starting pay for bus captains,
http://www.todayonline.com/singapore/go-ahead-ups-basic-salaries-bus-captains-s1950-month, Today
Online, 2016.
31
and local authorities to determine and adjust the bus routes based on their knowledge of local needs.
Funding should come predominantly from the federal government, with the state governments and
local authorities stepping in if they want to add supplementary routes.
iv. Increase non-fare revenue in order to keep fares affordable
The percentage of revenue derived from non-fare sources including transit-oriented development and
advertising and retail space management is very significant among the worlds most successful public
transit companies such as Singapores SMRT Corporation and Hong Kongs MTR Corporation Limited.
Malaysia lags behind on this count, meaning pressure on Prasarana to raise fares when they encounter
financial difficulties. The portion of non-fare revenue must be increased using the best practices of
successful operators abroad, some of which are in the region.
v. Separate asset ownership and operation
Moving forward, the federal government must work towards separation of asset ownership and
operation to enable companies like Prasarana to focus solely on running public transportation services
without having to worry about servicing loans for capital expenditure such as the LRT Line 3 extension.
This is the model that Singapore has already transitioned to.
32
Architectural design must build up affordable quality living. Besides the regional planning board, local
residents must be consulted with, and their input implemented accordingly. Such is the case for public
housing in Vienna, where housing developers competitions, judged by an interdisciplinary jury, not
only reduce construction costs but also maximise ecological considerations and social sustainability.39
Regarding ethnic and social class integration, we will establish a direct intervention policy for each
public housing unit. The ratio of each ethnicity will be considered, and we will pursue a mix of social
classes between the lower and lower-middle income groups. Such diversity lowers the risk of
ghettoisation of public housing units and surrounds the younger generation with good role models,
thus encouraging them to aspire to be good citizens in the future.
36
Say Tin Tan et al., Chapter 5: Public Housing, Economics in Public Policies: The Singapore Story, Singapore,
Marshall Cavendish Education, 2009, p. 109.
37
At a cost price of RM110 per sq. ft. for construction and professional fees, a 650 sq. ft. unit should cost
RM71,500. Adding RM5,000 for sales and advertising brings the cost price, before profit markup, to RM76,500.
38
Demographia International, 12th Annual Demographia International Housing Affordability Survey,
http://www.demographia.com/dhi.pdf, 2016, p. 26.
39
Wolfgang Frster, Social Housing Policies in Vienna, Austria: A Contribution to Social Cohesion,
https://sites.eca.ed.ac.uk/docomomoiscul/files/2015/01/Wolfgang-Forster-paper_secured.pdf, 2013, p. 2.
33
40
Noor Hisham Abdullah, Press Statement DG of Health 9 March 2016: Strengthening The Housemanship
Training Programme, https://kpkesihatan.com/2016/03/09/press-statement-dg-of-health-9-march-2016strengthening-the-housemanship-training-programme/, 2016.
41
Amanda Yeap, Long wait for housemanship,
http://www.thestar.com.my/metro/community/2016/04/05/long-wait-for-housemanship-medical-grads-lookfor-ways-to-earn-money-and-keep-uptodate-during-waitin/, The Star Online, 2016.
34
Secondly, the Malaysian Medical Council (MMC), as the statutory body maintaining the Medical
Register of medical practitioners and overall regulation of the medical practice in Malaysia, must be
made an independent body as is the practice worldwide. Appointing the Director-General of the
Ministry of Health as MMC President and Registrar presents a conflict of interest, particularly
concerning healthcare delivery in public facilities. Instead, Pakatan Harapan will work towards an
independent MMC in the best interests of every practitioner and patient benefiting from the
Malaysian healthcare system.
35
7 Appendices
Year
2013
RM mil
%
2014
RM mil
%
2015
RM mil
%
2016
RM mil
%
BN 2017*
RM mil
%
155,951
73.09
171,770
76.06
170,018
76.43
183,549
81.34
180,468
80.90
(3,081)
-1.68
120,523
113,300
23,055
58,175
29,753
2,008
286
23
7,223
6,364
785
74
56.49
53.10
10.81
27.26
13.94
0.94
0.13
0.01
3.39
2.98
0.37
0.03
133,148
125,235
26,746
67,679
28,275
2,174
340
21
7,913
6,993
833
87
58.96
55.45
11.84
29.97
12.52
0.96
0.15
0.01
3.50
3.10
0.37
0.04
116,760
108,362
28,155
68,320
9,529
2,264
71
23
8,398
6,188
2,128
82
52.49
48.71
12.66
30.71
4.28
1.02
0.03
0.01
3.78
2.78
0.96
0.04
125,566
116,558
30,266
74,381
9,331
2,473
84
23
9,008
6,766
2,163
79
55.65
51.65
13.41
32.96
4.14
1.10
0.04
0.01
3.99
3.00
0.96
0.04
119,174
110,040
29,267
72,893
5,132
2,634
88
25
9,134
7,104
1,947
83
53.42
49.33
13.12
32.68
2.30
1.18
0.04
0.01
4.09
3.18
0.87
0.04
(6,392)
(6,518)
(999)
(1,488)
(4,199)
161
4
2
126
338
(216)
4
-5.09
-5.59
-3.30
-2.00
-45.00
6.50
5.00
9.00
1.40
5.00
-10.00
5.00
35,428
1,930
1,632
285
13
2,524
81
114
466
1,863
12,193
1,520
3,275
7,390
8
10,068
5,944
172
2,597
16.60
0.90
0.76
0.13
0.01
1.18
0.04
0.05
0.22
0.87
5.71
0.71
1.53
3.46
0.00
4.72
2.79
0.08
1.22
38,622
2,105
1,943
160
2
2,502
75
26
497
1,904
13,442
1,480
3,953
8,005
4
10,986
6,780
180
2,627
17.10
0.93
0.86
0.07
0.00
1.11
0.03
0.01
0.22
0.84
5.95
0.66
1.75
3.54
0.00
4.86
3.00
0.08
1.16
53,258
1,053
904
137
12
2,727
117
45
742
1,823
12,168
1,532
3,513
7,119
4
4,784
2,851
150
2,525
27,000
23.94
0.47
0.41
0.06
0.01
1.23
0.05
0.02
0.33
0.82
5.47
0.69
1.58
3.20
0.00
2.15
1.28
0.07
1.14
12.14
57,983
1,008
900
96
12
2,791
123
46
731
1,891
12,408
1,562
3,582
7,259
5
150
2,626
39,000
25.70
0.45
0.40
0.04
0.01
1.24
0.05
0.02
0.32
0.84
5.50
0.69
1.59
3.22
0.00
0.07
1.16
17.28
61,295
603
495
96
12
2,972
125
47
738
2,061
12,810
1,531
3,654
7,622
4
152
2,757
42,000
27.48
0.27
0.22
0.04
0.01
1.33
0.06
0.02
0.33
0.92
5.74
0.69
1.64
3.42
0.00
0.07
1.24
18.83
3,312
(405)
(405)
0
181
2
1
7
170
402
(31)
72
363
(1)
2
131
3,000
5.71
-40.15
-45.00
0.00
2.00
6.48
2.00
2.00
1.00
9.00
3.24
-2.00
2.00
5.00
-25.00
1.50
5.00
7.69
54,450
13,418
6,186
2,407
2,423
2,402
1,262
1,222
176
35,306
27,000
1,500
851
5,955
1,078
25.52
6.29
2.90
1.13
1.14
1.13
0.59
0.57
0.08
16.55
12.65
0.70
0.40
2.79
0.51
52,277
13,049
5,705
2,417
2,523
2,404
1,233
1,139
207
33,565
29,000
1,500
750
2,315
1,064
23.15
5.78
2.53
1.07
1.12
1.06
0.55
0.50
0.09
14.86
12.84
0.66
0.33
1.03
0.47
1,988
0.93
2,020
0.89
50,095
12,460
4,415
2,697
2,699
2,649
1,435
465
109
32,172
26,000
3,000
1,000
2,172
1,158
2,170
126
22.52
5.60
1.98
1.21
1.21
1.19
0.65
0.21
0.05
14.46
11.69
1.35
0.45
0.98
0.52
0.98
0.06
39,648
12,626
3,169
2,957
3,221
3,279
1,510
211
120
21,452
16,000
2,000
1,000
2,452
1,223
2,368
138
17.57
5.60
1.40
1.31
1.43
1.45
0.67
0.09
0.05
9.51
7.09
0.89
0.44
1.09
0.54
1.05
0.06
39,657
11,739
2,060
3,016
3,285
3,377
1,555
295
130
21,921
16,000
2,400
1,020
2,501
1,284
2,581
152
17.78
5.26
0.92
1.35
1.47
1.51
0.70
0.13
0.06
9.83
7.17
1.08
0.46
1.12
0.58
1.06
0.07
9
(887)
(1,109)
59
64
98
45
84
10
469
400
20
49
61
213
14
0.02
-7.03
-35.00
2.00
2.00
3.00
3.00
40.00
8.00
2.19
0.00
20.00
2.00
2.00
5.00
9.00
10.00
3 NON-REVENUE RECEIPTS
1,590
0.75
1,152
0.51
1,473
0.66
1,504
0.67
1,955
0.88
451
30.00
1,378
0.65
645
0.29
869
0.39
951
0.42
999
0.45
48
5.00
213,369
100.00
225,844
100.00
222,455
100.00
225,652
100.00
223,079
100.00
(2,573)
-1.16
Revenue Source
1 TAX REVENUE
DIRECT TAXES
1.1 INCOME TAXES
Individual Income Tax
Company Income Tax
Petroleum Income Tax
Withholding Tax
Cooperatives Income Tax
Others
1.2 OTHER DIRECT TAXES
Stamp Duty
Real Property Gains Tax
Others
INDIRECT TAXES
1.3 EXPORT DUTY
Crude Oil
Palm Oil
Others
1.4 IMPORT DUTY
Spirits and Malt Liquor
Tobacco, Cigarettes, and Cigars
CKD and CBU Vehicles
Others
1.5 EXCISE DUTY
Spirits and Malt Liquor
Tobacco, Cigarettes, and Cigars
Motor Vehicles
Others
1.6 SALES TAX
1.7 SERVICE TAX
1.8 LEVY
1.9 MISCELLANEOUS INDIRECT TAXES
1.10 GOODS AND SERVICES TAX (GST)
2 NON-TAX REVENUE
2.1 LICENCES AND PERMITS
Petroleum Royalty
Motor Vehicle Licences
Levy on Foreign Workers
Others
2.2 SERVICE FEES
2.3 SALES OF GOODS
2.4 RENTALS
2.5 INTERESTS & PROCEEDS ON INVESTMENTS
PETRONAS Dividend
Bank Negara Malaysia Dividend
Khazanah Dividend
Others
2.6 FINES AND PENALTIES
2.7 MTJA
2.8 OTHER NON-TAX REVENUE
TOTAL REVENUE
2016-2017 Change
RM mil
%
36
Year
2013
RM mil
%
2014
RM mil
%
2015
RM mil
%
2016
RM mil
%
PH 2017*
RM mil
%
155,951
73.09
171,770
76.06
170,018
76.43
183,549
81.34
161,799
79.15
(21,750)
-11.85
120,523
113,300
23,055
58,175
29,753
2,008
286
23
7,223
6,364
785
74
56.49
53.10
10.81
27.26
13.94
0.94
0.13
0.01
3.39
2.98
0.37
0.03
133,148
125,235
26,746
67,679
28,275
2,174
340
21
7,913
6,993
833
87
58.96
55.45
11.84
29.97
12.52
0.96
0.15
0.01
3.50
3.10
0.37
0.04
116,760
108,362
28,155
68,320
9,529
2,264
71
23
8,398
6,188
2,128
82
52.49
48.71
12.66
30.71
4.28
1.02
0.03
0.01
3.78
2.78
0.96
0.04
125,566
116,558
30,266
74,381
9,331
2,473
84
23
9,008
6,766
2,163
79
55.65
51.65
13.41
32.96
4.14
1.10
0.04
0.01
3.99
3.00
0.96
0.04
119,174
110,040
29,267
72,893
5,132
2,634
88
25
9,134
7,104
1,947
83
58.30
53.83
14.32
35.66
2.51
1.29
0.04
0.01
4.47
3.48
0.95
0.04
(6,392)
(6,518)
(999)
(1,488)
(4,199)
161
4
2
126
338
(216)
4
-5.09
-5.59
-3.30
-2.00
-45.00
6.50
5.00
9.00
1.40
5.00
-10.00
5.00
35,428
1,930
1,632
285
13
2,524
81
114
466
1,863
12,193
1,520
3,275
7,390
8
10,068
5,944
172
2,597
16.60
0.90
0.76
0.13
0.01
1.18
0.04
0.05
0.22
0.87
5.71
0.71
1.53
3.46
0.00
4.72
2.79
0.08
1.22
38,622
2,105
1,943
160
2
2,502
75
26
497
1,904
13,442
1,480
3,953
8,005
4
10,986
6,780
180
2,627
17.10
0.93
0.86
0.07
0.00
1.11
0.03
0.01
0.22
0.84
5.95
0.66
1.75
3.54
0.00
4.86
3.00
0.08
1.16
53,258
1,053
904
137
12
2,727
117
45
742
1,823
12,168
1,532
3,513
7,119
4
4,784
2,851
150
2,525
27,000
23.94
0.47
0.41
0.06
0.01
1.23
0.05
0.02
0.33
0.82
5.47
0.69
1.58
3.20
0.00
2.15
1.28
0.07
1.14
12.14
57,983
1,008
900
96
12
2,791
123
46
731
1,891
12,408
1,562
3,582
7,259
5
0.00
0.00
150
2,626
39,000
54,450
13,418
6,186
2,407
2,423
2,402
1,262
1,222
176
35,306
27,000
1,500
851
5,955
1,078
25.52
6.29
2.90
1.13
1.14
1.13
0.59
0.57
0.08
16.55
12.65
0.70
0.40
2.79
0.51
52,277
13,049
5,705
2,417
2,523
2,404
1,233
1,139
207
33,565
29,000
1,500
750
2,315
1,064
23.15
5.78
2.53
1.07
1.12
1.06
0.55
0.50
0.09
14.86
12.84
0.66
0.33
1.03
0.47
1,988
0.93
2,020
0.89
50,095
12,460
4,415
2,697
2,699
2,649
1,435
465
109
32,172
26,000
3,000
1,000
2,172
1,158
2,170
126
22.52
5.60
1.98
1.21
1.21
1.19
0.65
0.21
0.05
14.46
11.69
1.35
0.45
0.98
0.52
0.98
0.06
39,648
12,626
3,169
2,957
3,221
3,279
1,510
211
120
21,452
16,000
2,000
1,000
2,452
1,223
2,368
138
17.57
5.60
1.40
1.31
1.43
1.45
0.67
0.09
0.05
9.51
7.09
0.89
0.44
1.09
0.54
1.05
0.06
39,657
11,739
2,060
3,016
3,285
3,377
1,555
295
130
21,921
16,000
2,400
1,020
2,501
1,284
2,581
152
19.40
5.74
1.01
1.48
1.61
1.65
0.76
0.14
0.06
10.72
7.83
1.17
0.50
1.22
0.63
1.16
0.07
9
(887)
(1,109)
59
64
98
45
84
10
469
400
20
49
61
213
14
0.02
-7.03
-35.00
2.00
2.00
3.00
3.00
40.00
8.00
2.19
0.00
20.00
2.00
2.00
5.00
9.00
10.00
3 NON-REVENUE RECEIPTS
1,590
0.75
1,152
0.51
1,473
0.66
1,504
0.67
1,955
0.96
451
30.00
1,378
0.65
645
0.29
869
0.39
951
0.42
999
0.49
48
5.00
213,369
100.00
225,844
100.00
222,455
100.00
225,652
100.00
204,410
100.00
(21,242)
-9.41
Revenue Source
1 TAX REVENUE
DIRECT TAXES
1.1 INCOME TAXES
Individual Income Tax
Company Income Tax
Petroleum Income Tax
Withholding Tax
Cooperatives Income Tax
Others
1.2 OTHER DIRECT TAXES
Stamp Duty
Real Property Gains Tax
Others
INDIRECT TAXES
1.3 EXPORT DUTY
Crude Oil
Palm Oil
Others
1.4 IMPORT DUTY
Spirits and Malt Liquor
Tobacco, Cigarettes, and Cigars
CKD and CBU Vehicles
Others
1.5 EXCISE DUTY
Spirits and Malt Liquor
Tobacco, Cigarettes, and Cigars
Motor Vehicles
Others
1.6 SALES TAX
1.7 SERVICE TAX
1.8 LEVY
1.9 MISCELLANEOUS INDIRECT TAXES
1.10 GOODS AND SERVICES TAX (GST)
2 NON-TAX REVENUE
2.1 LICENCES AND PERMITS
Petroleum Royalty
Motor Vehicle Licences
Levy on Foreign Workers
Others
2.2 SERVICE FEES
2.3 SALES OF GOODS
2.4 RENTALS
2.5 INTERESTS & PROCEEDS ON INVESTMENTS
PETRONAS Dividend
Bank Negara Malaysia Dividend
Khazanah Dividend
Others
2.6 FINES AND PENALTIES
2.7 MTJA
2.8 OTHER NON-TAX REVENUE
TOTAL REVENUE
25.70
42,626
0.45
1,234
0.40
495
0.04
96
0.01
12
1.24
2,972
0.05
125
0.02
47
0.32
738
0.84
2,061
5.50
12,810
0.69
1,531
1.59
3,654
3.22
7,622
0.00
4
0.00 15200.00
0.00
7500.00
0.07
152
1.16
2,757
17.28
-
2016-2017 Change
RM mil
%
37
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39