ARBOR Ciencia, Pensamiento y Cultura

CLXXXVI 743 m ayo-junio (2010) 479-486 I SSN: 0210-1963

doi: 10.3989/arbor.2010.743n1212

CULTURAL HISTORY AS HISTORIA CULTURAL COMO

POLYPHONIC HISTORY HISTORIA POLIFNICA

Peter Burke
University of Cambridge

RESUMEN: En este texto se ofrece una reflexin sobre el origen y ABSTRACT: This texts offers a reflection on the origins and
actual desarrollo del campo de la historia cultural a travs de una actual development of the field of cultural history through a
comparacin con el trmino que ha dado ttulo a este seminario: comparison with the term that has served as title for this semi-
historia polifnica. El autor propone un recorrido por las reas te- nar: polyphonic history. The author provides an overview of
mticas que han conformado la estructura del seminario (la historia the themes that have structured the seminar (the history of
de las representaciones, la historia del cuerpo y la historia cultural representations, the history of the body and the cultural history
de la ciencia) con el objeto de explicitar y explicar esta pluralidad de of science) with the aim of making explicit and clarifying this
voces en el campo de la historia, as como su repercusin en otras plurality of voices in the field of history as well as its pervasive-
reas del conocimiento. ness in other research areas.

PALABRAS CLAVE: Historia cultural; giro cultural; historia poli- KEY WORDS: Cultural history; cultural turn; polyphonic his-
fnica. tory.

The occasion of the conference that led to this special is- anthropology, sociology, literature and other disciplines
sue was a moving one for me. I am deeply grateful to the as well as in history.
organizers and contributors for making the event happen
and was delighted by the conference itself, including its It may be useful to distinguish between various forms of
title, a welcome sign of the increasing interest in Bakhtin polyphonic history. One variety might be defined by the
on the part of historians: in the whole Bakhtin rather than concern with perspectivism, with the plurality of view-
the author of an exciting but sometimes questionable book points that existed in the past. Thus Miguel Len Portilla
on Carnival (Mantecn, 2008). (1961) and Nathan Wachtel (1971) have been concerned to
reconstruct what they call the vision of the vanquished,
In France, the final speaker might reasonably be expected the attitudes of the Indians of Mexico and Peru after the
to summarize the collective conclusions of the earlier par- Spanish conquest. In similar fashion, the scholars involved
ticipants. Fortunately for me, Madrid is very different from in the British movement for history from below and
Paris, leaving me free to adopt a more individualistic ap- the Indian movement for subaltern studies have made
proach, commenting on a few central themes of this wide- ordinary people and their view of society visible, while
ranging conference, beginning with the idea of polyphonic feminist historians have done the same for women.
history itself.
Here, following the master metaphor of the conference,
What is polyphonic history? It might be useful to be- let us describe this kind of history as concerned to make
gin by defining it negatively, in opposition to historical audible the multiple voices of the past, the working classes
monody. It is polyglot rather than monoglot, presented as well as the middle classes, losers as well as winners,
as dialogue rather than monologue, and tells multiple victims as well as aggressors, in short the Cinderellas of
stories rather than a single Grand Narrative. One of the history [Os marias-borralheiras da histria], to use the
great changes in the humanities in the last half-century memorable phrase of the Brazilian Gilberto Freyre (1948,
has been the multiplication of the voices expressed in 50), as well as its normal heroes. In the last decades,
texts, or to switch from an aural to a visual metaphor, historical writing on cultural encounters and also des-
the multiplication of perspectives or points of view, in encuentros to use the expressive Spanish term which
 unfortunately lacks an English equivalent has multiplied (Ory, 2004; Poirrier, 2004); two in Spanish (Rodrguez
at a rate that is as gratifying as it is terrifying. G., 2004; Pons and Serna, 2005); two in German (Da
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niel, 2001; Maurer, 2008); two in English (Burke, 2004a;
The phrase polyphonic history may also be employed to Green, 2007); and one each in Danish, Finnish, Italian and
refer to the plurality of approaches to the past that exist Brazilian Portuguese (Christiansen, 2000; Kaartinen and
CULTURAL HISTORY AS POLYPHONIC HISTORY

at the present time, in which, to quote the Chinese saying Korhonen, 2005; Arcangeli, 2007; Falcon, 2002). Others
(which Mao Zedong notoriously misused in order to trap are on the way. An International Society for Cultural His-
his opponents) Let 100 flowers bloom, let 100 schools of tory was founded at Aberdeen in 2007 (see http://www.
thought contend. abdn.ac.uk/ch/ch_soc.shtml) while the French already had
their own Association pour le dveloppement de lhistoire
Micro-historians and macro-historians, scholars concerned culturelle. Conferences on the theme are becoming in-
with high and low politics, economic historians and creasingly frequent.
historians of the environment, historians of the body and
historians of mentalities, as well as old and new cul- Almost everything seems to be having its cultural history
tural historians (to say nothing of historians of art, litera- written these days. To quote only the titles or sub-titles of
ture and science, who usually inhabit other departments some books published since 2000, there are cultural his-
on the campus) now coexist, more or less happily, in the tories of calendars (Rpke, 2006); causality (Kern, 2004);
university. climate (Behringer, 2007); coffee-houses (Ellis, 2004); cor-
sets (Steele, 2001); examinations (Elman, 2000); facial hair
Many of these different approaches depend on regular (Peterkin, 2002); fat (Gilman, 2008); fear (by a contributor
conversations between historians and scholars in other to this conference: Bourke, 2005); impotence (McLaren,
disciplines, so we might use the phrase polyphonic his- 2007); insomnia (Summers-Bremner, 2007); masturbation
tory, as I believe Manuel Lucena Giraldo and Javier Mos- (Laqueur, 2003); nationalism (Leerssen, 2006); pregnancy
coso intended, to refer to historical writing that draws on (Hanson, 2004); and tobacco (Gately, 2002). Some of these
other disciplines not only anthropology, sociology, and books have been written by amateurs, often journalists,
the history of art and literature, science and philosophy but others by professional historians. The concept of cul-
but also, as contributions to this conference made clear, tural revolution has been extended from China in the
neuroscience and cultural zoology for chimpanzees, for 1960s, where the phrase was launched, to other places and
instance, have a culture in the sense that they not only times, including not only Russia and Mexico in the 1920s
learn from experience but pass on what they have learned (Transchel, 2006; Vaughan and Lewis, 2006) but even the
(Wrangham, 1994). Russia of Peter the Great (Cracraft, 2004) and ancient
Athens and Rome (Osborne, 2007; Habinek and Schiesaro,
A substantial proportion of historical writing now attempts 1997; Wallace-Hadrill, 2008).
to follow this ideal, so that we might describe our time as
marked by a polyphonization of history, even if the dif- However, we find that recent developments are not uni-
ferent voices do not always sing in tune. There is a more form but uneven. There are national styles or traditions
frequent and intense dialogue between disciplines, even if in cultural history (Poirrier, 2008) as in the case of an-
on occasion it appears to be a dialogue of the deaf. The thropology or even if to a lesser degree in the natural
recent and apparently irresistible rise of cultural history at sciences. These traditions illustrate yet another form of
the expense of its neighbours may seem to contradict this polyphony.
trend towards polyphonization, but the contradiction, so I
shall argue, is more apparent than real. In Britain, for instance, we find a certain resistance to
cultural history, viewed as incompatible with hard facts
The cultural turn is in full swing. Since the year 2000, or brass tacks (Burke, 2008). In contrast, the USA is
at least twelve introductions to the subject have been one of the places in which cultural history like cultural
published, two in French one in the famous Que-sais- geography and cultural anthropology has flourished
je? series, which implies a certain academic consecration longest. It is tempting to offer cultural explanations for

480 ARBOR CLXXXVI 743 mayo-junio [2010] 479-486 ISSN: 0210-1963 doi: 10.3989/arbor.2010.743n1212
the contrast between the North American emphasis on Thanks to traditional methods of source criticism, histo-
culture and the British emphasis on society, linking the rians have long been aware that travelers do not offer
American style to the fluidity of a society of immigrants objective descriptions of other cultures and that they often
in which geographical and social mobility is high, and the have their own agenda, religious or political. Today, ho
British style to a more stable society as well as to what wever, there is more interest than there used to be about

PETER BURKE
we might call a culture of empiricism that goes back (as the unacknowledged contributions to these travelogues
far as philosophy is concerned) to John Locke or even to made by local informants. In other words, scholars now
William of Ockham. listen as Bakhtin did so acutely for different voices
within a text that used to be read as a monologue. In
Again, the global turn in cultural history, well exem- similar fashion they have become aware of the presence of
plified by Felipe Fernndez-Armesto, is geographically indigenous knowledge in treatises by Europeans discussing
circumscribed. The movement is, as he suggests, much the healing properties of herbs in Asia or the New World
stronger in the USA than it is in Europe. In any case, the (Grove, 1996).
majority of global historians still come from and work in
the West. Again, thanks to the dialogue between historians and spe-
cialists in literature, travelogues are now commonly viewed
Needless to say, the cultural turn by historians is a small as examples of a literary genre with its own conventions,
part of a much broader movement. Within the wider aca- often following the models presented in the treatises on
demic field, we have seen the rise of Cultural Studies the art of travel current in early modern Europe (Stagl,
(including the newer domain of Visual Culture Studies), 1995; Rubis, 2000). Such conventions alerted travelers
not only in Britain but elsewhere in Europe, the USA, to some features of the foreign culture at the expense
Australia and elsewhere (Grabes, 2001). The cultural turn of discouraging them from seeing others. Over the long
has affected sociology, anthropology, geography, archaeo term they acted as obstacles to innovation, even if it
logy and politics as well as the history of art, science and was sometimes possible to surmount or circumvent these
literature (though not always in the same way, of course, obstacles.
given the existence of different disciplinary traditions).
Some scholars in all these disciplines now like to describe To such examples of the limits of representations one
themselves as students of culture, and even as cultural might add the testimony of images, which I have discussed
historians. more fully elsewhere (Burke 2001, 2008b). Images are
more powerful than words, partly because they work faster,
Certain domains of cultural history have attracted particu- but they are also more ambiguous and liable to be under-
lar interest in recent years, including the three domains on stood by different viewers in ways even more diverse than
which the conference focused: the history of representa- the interpretation of the same text by different readers.
tions, the history of the body and the cultural history of The ambiguity is part of the power of images but also a
science, viewed here as part of a larger field that I call the limitation (Barasch, 1997).
cultural history of intellectual practices.
A similar point about ambiguity might be made and indeed
has been made about rituals. To take one example among
many possible ones, this aspect of national festivals in
I Venezuela has been emphasized in a recent study, suggest-
ing that different groups of spectators interpret the same
A well-known essay on cultural history by Roger Chartier festive event in very different ways (Guss, 2000).
situated it between practices and representations. The
focus on representations has not only enlarged the terri- On the other hand, rituals, unlike texts or images, are fluid
tory of history but also made historians more critical of not fixed, despite attempts to fix them on the part of mas-
their sources by becoming more aware of mediators. Take ters of ceremonies who like everything to be done by the
the case of travelogues, for instance. book, prout in libro meo, as Paris de Grassis, who served

doi: 10.3989/arbor.2010.743n1212 ARBOR CLXXXVI 743 mayo-junio [2010] 479-486 ISSN: 0210-1963
481
 Pope Julius II and kept a record of ritual events, liked to say of language and so on (Burke, 2004, ch.6; Biow, 2006).
(Burke, 1987, 177-9). Every repetition is at least slightly Another is the link between concepts of cleanliness and
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different from earlier ones, even if it is carried out by the national identity. For example, nineteenth-century middle-
same people in the same place as before. class American ladies attempted to teach Italian or Polish
immigrants their standards of cleanliness as part of the
CULTURAL HISTORY AS POLYPHONIC HISTORY

American way of life (Hoy, 1995, 87-121).

II

Another major theme of the conference was the history of III

the body and the history of emotions. Since I have written
elsewhere about problems in the history of the emotions So far as the cultural history of science is concerned, it
(Burke, 2005), it may be more useful to concentrate on may be illuminating to locate studies of this kind within
bodies. The history of the body is older than many of its a wider field, raising the question of the relation between
practitioners think an important contribution was made intellectual history, longer-established and more rigorous,
by the Brazilian historian Gilberto Freyre as early as the and cultural history, more recently-established and more
1930s. He used the advertisements for runaway slaves imaginative and wide-ranging. The point is not to praise
printed in Brazilian newspapers of the early nineteenth either at the expense of the other but rather to draw
century as a source for the reconstruction of slave bo attention to the recent interaction between these two
dies, noting the tribal marks on the face, the filing of the approaches. The frontier between the two is increasingly
teeth, the scars left on the back from flogging and the transgressed, producing a hybrid that we might describe as
marks left on the head and body by heavy loads (Freyre, the cultural history of ideas, or better, perhaps, the cultural
1937, 1963). history of intellectual practices.

Today, however, studies in the history of the body proli To the cultural histories of science discussed elsewhere
ferate, sometimes inspired by current anxieties, whether in this issue, I should like to add two examples. The first,
about anorexia or about obesity (Bell, 1985; Gilman 2008). concerned with the process of hybridization itself, is Peter
This domain was well represented at the conference. How- Galisons study of what he calls the subcultures of twen-
ever, one focus of attention in recent studies of the body tieth-century physics (notably theorists and experimen
which does not appear in the articles in this collection ters), identifying what he calls trading zones, defined as
is the history of cleanliness (Vigarello, 1985; Hoy, 1995; spaces in which two dissimilar groups can find common
Smith, 2006; Ashenburg, 2007). I choose it now because ground, exchanging items of information while disagree-
it is a meeting-point between studies of the body as a ing about the wider significance of what is exchanged
physical object and studies of the wider culture, between (Galison, 1997, 46, 803). My second example is a recent
purity in the literal and in the metaphorical senses. The article by James Secord (2007) on scientific conversation.
history of cleanliness was already studied before the rise It is both a contribution to the history of the communica-
of the New Cultural History here as elsewhere, tribute is tion of scientific ideas and to the rapidly expanding field of
due to the amateur historians (Wright, 1960) who turned what will surely soon be named conversation studies.
to certain topics before the professionals.
These cultural studies of science are part of a larger group,
All the same, recent studies have had much to add, thanks the products of a recent movement marching under the
to more intense research and in particular to the theories banner of the cultural history of ideas or more exac
put forward by anthropologists such as the late Mary tly, the cultural history of intellectual practices (Burke,
Douglas, who showed that codes of cleanliness vary from 2007b). A few scholars working on the history of political
one culture to another. One theme in recent work is the thought have moved closer to cultural history thanks to
importance of the frequently-enacted metaphor of cleanli- their participation in the visual turn, discussed elsewhere
ness or purity spiritual purity, ethnic cleansing, the purity in this issue. Nicolai Rubinstein was a pioneer in this re-

482 ARBOR CLXXXVI 743 mayo-junio [2010] 479-486 ISSN: 0210-1963 doi: 10.3989/arbor.2010.743n1212
spect, thanks perhaps to his association with the Warburg tools of knowledge such as blackboards and lecterns. We
Institute, and his interpretation of Ambrogio Lorenzettis normally associate the world of learning with reading and
frescoes of good and bad government in the Palazzo Pu writing, but all three studies emphasize the survival of oral
blico in Siena (Rubinstein, 1958) provoked Quentin Skinner culture in the university in the age of print in the form of
(1986) to move away from his usual concern with classic lectures, seminars and viva voce examinations.

PETER BURKE
texts and to focus on images instead. Again, Jos Mara
Gonzlez Garca (1998, 2006) has approached political In short, we find a body of work located on the frontier
thought via the study of metaphors and visual images. between intellectual and cultural history (understanding
the term frontier in Peter Galisons sense as a trading
The history of reading is now an accepted approach to the zone rather than a line of separation).
history of the book. Histories of different kinds of writing,
from poems circulating in manuscript (Bouza, 2001) to let- Work of this kind makes it apparent (or more exactly, even
ters written in prison (Castillo Gmez, 2005) or techniques more apparent than before) that the simple model of ideas
of note-taking (Blair, 2004) are also beginning to appear. spreading unchanged from one place to another is as
Other historians (Head, 2003, Navarro Bonilla 2003, 2004) much in need of revision as the simple model of traditions
are focussing on the way in which governments gathered being handed down unchanged from one generation to
knowledge, stored it in archives and libraries and employed another. The idea of creative reception, long established in
it for a variety of purposes. literary studies, is becoming commonplace among cultural
and intellectual historians as well. The question whether or
Three important studies of the information state deal when, under what circumstances, a historian may describe
with the history of colonial India. One (Cohn, 1996) argues ideas that move from one culture to another as out of
that even apparently disinterested knowledge of India was place is currently under debate.
mobilized by the British to help them control the country.
Another (Bayly, 1997) emphasizes the way in which, so
far as information gathering or political intelligence was
concerned, British administrators built on the work of their IV
Mughal predecessors. The third (Dirks, 2001) claims that
the caste system, at least in its modern form, was not so One way to confront this question is to examine the role
much an expression of Indian tradition as the product of of translation and the way in which key ideas change in
the encounter between Indian subjects and British admin- the course of being rendered into other languages. That
istrators, concerned as they were to classify the people this can happen even in the case of similar languages,
under their control. such as English and German, has been neatly demon-
strated by Fania Oz-Salzberger (1995) in the case of
Another striking example of this hybrid intellectual-cultu the Scottish Enlightenment thinker Adam Ferguson and
ral history an approach that would have pleased Gilberto his concept of civil society, turned into brgerliche
Freyre is what might be called the historical sociology Gesellschaft.
or historical anthropology of knowledge. It is practiced,
for instance, by Franoise Waquet (2003) in France, by However, the demonstration is even clearer, not to say
Martin Mulsow (2007) in Germany and by William Clark more dramatic, in cases in which European concepts
(2006) in the USA. All three scholars are concerned in such as liberty or democracy were translated into lan-
their different ways to link the history of ideas to broader guages with very different structures and traditions:
cultural developments that include changes in the media John Stuart Mills Liberty into Japanese in the nine-
of communication. Their concern with cultures of knowl- teenth century, for instance (Howland, 2001), or de-
edge emphasizes the history of cultural practices such as mocracy into the Wolof spoken in Senegal (Schaffer,
reading or lecturing, the history of academic rites of pas- 1998). The global turn that Felipe Fernndez-Armesto
sage such as examinations and degree ceremonies, and the illustrates elsewhere in this issue extends to intellectual
history of the material culture of academe, including little and cultural history.

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 In these cases, of course, the problem of translation is not pluralism and polyphony. What we see today is a plurality
only linguistic but also cultural. The greater is the distance of approaches to cultural history if not a hundred flowers,
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between the two cultures, between the assumptions of the at least a bunch linked to a rise of international and
original author and the new readers, the more difficult is interdisciplinary contacts that this conference illustrates in
the translators task. In this context as in others, the an- microcosmic form. To speak personally, I find this situation
CULTURAL HISTORY AS POLYPHONIC HISTORY

thropologists metaphor of cultural translation becomes a welcome one, and would, indeed, extend this pluralism
an extremely useful concept, drawing attention to the from regions and disciplines to periods. In other words, I
effort and skill and also to the difficult decisions involved would suggest that new approaches are better viewed as
in the act of translation. supplements to rather than as substitutes for old ones.
Cultural history, for instance, should not drive out intel-
In my view, one of the ways forward in the near future lectual history, or the study of images drive out the history
in the cultural history of ideas is precisely this concern of texts, or the study of popular texts drive out the study of
with interlingual translation as a special case of cultural the canon, such as Cervantes or Shakespeare (though we
translation (Pallares-Burke, 1996; Burke, 2007a). need also to study when how and why a given canon was
constructed). As in the case of cultural encounters, we
Living and working as we do in the age of both a cultural should recognize the value of interaction, interpenetration
turn and a global turn brings us back to the question of and hybridization within our own discipline.

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486 ARBOR CLXXXVI 743 mayo-junio [2010] 479-486 ISSN: 0210-1963 doi: 10.3989/arbor.2010.743n1212