Upper Rio Negro Cultural and Linguistic PDF

1
Museu Nacional
Museu do ndio - Funai
Rio de Janeiro, 2013
Copyright 2013 Digital edition available on the website of the Programa de Ps-
Graduao em Antropologia Social, Museu Nacional / UFRJ
Edited by www.museunacional.ufrj.br/ppgas
Patience Epps
Kristine Stenzel
Design by
Kamy Rodrigues - LabLab Design
www.lablab.com.br
Cover Photography by
Gabriel Rosa
7.031.3(811) EPPS, Patience (coord); STENZEL, Kristine.

E63u (coord). Upper Rio Negro: cultural and
linguistic interaction in Northwestern
Amazonia / Patience Epps e Kristine
Stenzel. Rio de Janeiro: Museu do ndio
FUNAI, Museu Nacional, 2013.
579p. il. color
978-85-85986-45-2
1. Negro, rio
2. Cultura indigena
3. Lingustica
4. Amazonia I. Ttulo
Lidia Lucia Zelesco CRB-7 / 3401

Table of Contents
Map - Upper Rio Negro Region 10
1. Introduction 13
Patience Epps and Kristine Stenzel
I. Culture and society

2. Pandoras box Upper Rio Negro style 53
Stephen Hugh-Jones
3. The Serpent, the Pleiades, and the One-legged Hunter:

Astronomical themes in the Upper Rio Negro 91
Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira
4. Organizao socioespacial e predomnios lingusticos no

rio Tiqui 129
Aloisio Cabalzar
5. Recolectando en el cielo: Elementos del manejo Nikak del

mundo (Amazonia colombiana) 163
Dany Mahecha and Carlos Franky
II. Discourse and language ideology

6. Toward an East Tukano ethnolinguistics: Metadiscursive
practices, identity, and sustained linguistic diversity in the
Vaups basin of Brazil and Colombia 197
Janet Chernela
7. Womens song exchanges in the Northwest Amazon: 14. Apuntes para una historia de los protestantes y su actuacin
Contacts between groups, languages, and individuals 245 entre los pueblos Mak del Alto Ro Negro-Vaups 509
Aimee J. Hosemann Gabriel Cabrera Becerra
8. Semantic transparency and cultural calquing in the Author Information 569

Northwest Amazon 271
Simeon Floyd
III. Grammar and language relationship

9. Predicados complejos en el Noroeste Amaznico: El caso
del Yuhup, el Tatuyo y el Barasana 309
Elsa Gomez-Imbert and Ana Mara Ospina Bozzi
10. Contact and innovation in Vaups possession-marking

strategies 353
Kristine Stenzel
11. Kubeo: Linguistic and cultural interactions in the Upper

Rio Negro 403
Thiago Chacon
IV. Historical dynamicity

12. Mythology, shamanism and epidemic diseases: A view from
the Upper Rio Negro region 441
Dominique Buchillet
13. Hierarquia e histria: Notas sobre a descendncia entre os

Tariano do rio Uaups 475
Geraldo Andrello
Uppper Rio Negro RegionRio Negro Region
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10 11
introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction
in the upper rio negro region1
Patience Epps
University of Texas at Austin
Kristine Stenzel
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro/UFRJ
1. Work on this volume was supported by National Science Foundation

grant HSD0902114 (Epps) and the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro
(Stenzel). We are also grateful for support from Marcus Maia and Bruna
Franchetto, coordinators of the Post-graduate Programs in Linguistics and
Social Anthropology, respectively; the Museu do ndio (FUNAI-RJ); and the
Instituto Socioambiental. Our special thanks go to Renata Alves of the ISA
Geoprocessing Laboratory for her design of the volume map and to Gabriel
Rosa for permission to use his photograph for the cover. We also thank Aloisio
Cabalzar and Janet Chernela for their helpful comments on this introduction.
All remaining infelicities are of course our responsibility.
introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in the upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel
The Upper Rio Negro region of the northwest Amazon presents a by missionaries and explorers have been fleshed out over the past decades
complex puzzle of peoples, languages, and communities. On one hand by trained anthropologists and linguists many of whom are contributors
these are strikingly diverse; on the other, they are characterized by close to this volume making the Upper Rio Negro by now one of the best-
similarities, which span grammar, discourse, and cultural practice. This documented regions of lowland South America. A particularly salient
volume investigates these patterns of compatibility and contrast that aspect of this record, emphasized by visitors and inhabitants alike, are the
define the Upper Rio Negro region as an integrated system a set of regional distinctions in social, cultural, and linguistic practices, particularly
interlocking parts whose functioning together is enabled by difference involving language affiliation, marriage, subsistence, and relative social
and facilitated by centuries of interaction. status. However, of similar salience are the commonalities shared among
the Upper Rio Negro peoples, which have led to the regions frequent
The Upper Rio Negro watershed covers an area of approximately 250,000 characterization as a cultural and linguistic area, with its own profile vis-
square kilometers, encompassing the northwestern corner of the Amazon -vis other regions in Amazonia (see e.g. Galvo 1959, 1960; Goldman
basin, 4N to 250S and 63 to 7410W (Bezerra et al. 1990; see also the 1948; Jackson 1974, 1976; Neves 2001; 2011; Aikhenvald 1999, 2002,
volume Map 1). From its headwaters in Venezuela, the Rio Negro heads 2007; Epps 2007, 2008b; Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009).
south into northwestern Brazil, where it turns toward the east above the
town of So Gabriel da Cachoeira. Here the Negro is joined by the Iana The chapters in this volume examine the dynamics and outcomes of
River and then by the Vaups, which flow eastward from their origins in cultural and linguistic interaction in the Upper Rio Negro region,
the Colombian Altiplano; the area drained by these three river systems bringing to bear perspectives of culture, discourse, language, and history.
comprises the Upper Rio Negro region. The Rio Negro itself continues This discussion grew out of the symposium Cultural and Linguistic
on toward Manaus, where it meets the Solimes to form the main body of Interaction in the Upper Rio Negro Region, Amazonia, held at the
the Amazon River. As the name Rio Negro implies, a high tannin content 53rd International Congress of Americanists in Mexico City (July 19-24,
lends a dark color to these waters, creating a stark contrast where they 2009), at which many of the contributions to this volume were originally
merge with the muddier waters of the Solimes.The sandy, acidic soils and presented. Most of the chapters presented here are the work of scholars
low levels of nutrients in these blackwater river systems renders them far whose active research in the region is recent or current.
less productive than the whitewater systems found elsewhere in Amazonia;
nevertheless, the region sustains an intricate system of peoples, languages, Our exploration focuses on the question of how difference is maintained
and cultural practices. and similarity established within the upper Rio Negro context. Why
do particular practices (language, marriage, subsistence, etc.) emerge as
We are fortunate to have a substantial ethnographic and linguistic record distinct, and saliently so, while others converge? How are the processes of
for the Upper Rio Negro region, where earlier layers of documentation convergence and differentiation mediated by discourse? What role does
14 15
interactants awareness of similarity and difference play, given that certain 1. Differentiation and interaction
elements of linguistic and cultural practice may be more accessible to Numerous observers have noted the systemic nature of the Upper
conscious manipulation than others (such as linguistic forms words Rio Negro region, where linguistic and ethnic distinctions define the
and sounds as opposed to grammatical categories)? What are the complementary parts of an interactive whole (e.g. Jackson 1974, 1976;
implications of this awareness for the development and maintenance over Chernela 1982; Wright 1992; Arvello-Jimnez and Biord 1994; Ribeiro
time of linguistic and ethnic diversity? How have particular historical 1995; Hill 1996; Neves 1998, 2001; Vidal 2000). The system is held
trajectories, both ancient and more recent, shaped contemporary together via a complex web of descent, alliance, and exchange of goods
practices? The themes explored in this volume inform our view of how and spouses.
the upper Rio Negro system links up with the wider South American
region, and will also help us to understand how peoples more generally The Upper Rio Negro region is a microcosm of linguistic diversity, set
negotiate the dynamics of similarity and difference. within the broader context of the linguistically diverse western Amazon.
The area is home to some two dozen languages, which themselves
Just as interaction among human groups necessarily involves linguistic and correspond to four major linguistic groupings.2 Arawak languages,
cultural practices, norms, and creative events, so must our understanding widespread throughout the Amazon basin, are represented in the region
of this interaction be informed by an interdisciplinary perspective that by Tariana, Baniwa, Kurripako, Yukuna, and others. The East Tukano
takes into account language, culture, and history. The chapters in this languages of which there are over a dozen are all located in the area
volume span this range of disciplinary approaches, bringing the insights of the Vaups River basin, while their West Tukano sister languages are
of linguists, anthropologists, and historians collectively to bear on the spoken in Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador.Three languages of the Nadahup
question of interaction in the Rio Negro region. Similarly, the volume family (Hup, Yuhup, and Dw) are also found within the Vaups, while
brings together an international group of scholars, writing in English, their sister Nadb is further downstream in the region of the middle Rio
Portuguese, and Spanish, who are united by their common interest in Negro. Finally, of the Kakua-Nkak group, Kakua is spoken within the
the upper Rio Negro region. We hope that the multidisciplinary and Vaups basin, and Nkak to the northwest along the Inirida and Guaviare
multilingual presentation of this volume will represent an invitation to
students, community members, and scholars from a variety of backgrounds 2. Names of the indigenous groups and languages of the region tend to exhibit
and nationalities to participate in the conversation. considerable variation in the literature (as well as in local practice). In this volume,
we attempt to strike a balance between overall coherence across chapters and
the preferences of individual authors by making reference to multiple relevant
names at first mention, then continuing with the name preferred by the author.
The spelling of names is standardized throughout the volume.
16 17
Rivers. The Nadahup and Kakua-Nkak groups have until recently been two centuries. Within the Vaups subregion, including the lower parts of
lumped together as the Mak family (e.g. Martins 2005), but recent work its main tributaries, the Tiqui and Papur, speakers of Tariana,Waikhana
(Bolaos and Epps 2009) indicates that there is in fact no good evidence (Piratapuyo), Arapaso, and other languages have been shifting to Tukano,
to support a relationship between them, and they are best considered two which had become the main lingua franca in this region by the early
distinct language families. In addition to these four language groups, the 20th century (see e.g. Stenzel 2005; Sorensen 1967). In urban areas in
European presence of the last few centuries has brought in Portuguese particular, such as So Gabriel da Cachoeira (Brazil) and Mit (Colombia),
and Spanish, as well as Nheengat (lngua geral amaznica), a language of shift has been predominantly in the direction of Portuguese and Spanish
the Tupi-Guarani family (derived from Tupinamb). The latter language although the establishment in 2002 of Tukano, Baniwa, and Nheengat
was spread by Portuguese colonists, explorers and Jesuit missionaries in (alongside Portuguese) as official languages in the municipality of
the 17th and 18th centuries; it became the main lingua franca in the So Gabriel is, in part, an attempt to slow these trends. The extent to
region throughout the 19th century and is still spoken in areas along the which linguistic and ethnic boundaries may have been fluid in the past,
Rio Negro today (Freire 2004; Cruz 2011). without the direct intervention of the non-Indian world, is unclear.
While ethnohistorical accounts suggest that certain groups may have
For many groups in the Upper Rio Negro region, a close association been assimilated into others via processes of ethnogenesis (involving
exists between language and ethnic identity, as is evident in many chapters a congruent shift of both language and ethnic identity), there is as yet
in this volume. This link is associated with views on marriageability, as little solid evidence to support these claims (see e.g. Goldmans 1963:26
discussed below, most notably for the East Tukano peoples; however, a suggestion that certain Kubeo groups may have once been Arawak, and
language-identity connection is emphasized throughout the region, as others Mak; cf. Hill 1996; Hornborg and Hill 2011).
evidenced by the frequently encountered self-designation People of Our
Language (among the Arawak Wakunai/Kurripako peoples, see Hill Another highly salient distinction in the Upper Rio Negro region
1996:159; the East Tukano Kubeo [pamwa], Goldman 1963; and also the relates to subsistence orientation, and overlaps partially with distinctions
Nadahup Hup people [nh d-dh], as documented by Epps; see also of language group and marriage practice. This division separates the
C. Hugh-Jones 1979; Jackson 1983; Chernela 1989, inter alia). River People (the East Tukano and Arawak groups) from the Forest
People (the Nadahup and Kakua-Nkak peoples).We note that this latter
This congruence between language and ethnic identity has nonetheless category is locally referred to as Mak (or variants thereof in the regional
diminished as many of the regions languages have become endangered, languages), and no doubt influenced the apparently erroneous linguistic
due in large part to contact with the national society. Along the Rio grouping with the same name (see Bolaos and Epps 2009).3 The Forest
Negro itself, many speakers of Arawak languages began shifting to
Nheengat in the mid 1700s, a process that intensified over the following 3. The origin of the name Mak is uncertain, but its most likely source is
18 19
People, in general, occupy the interfluvial zones, locate their communities riverine perspective and describe this relationship as one of slavery or
away from the major rivers, and prefer to travel on foot rather than by servanthood, ethnographers working with the Forest Peoples themselves
canoe. Their subsistence focus is hunting and gathering, but especially have presented it as one of symbiosis or intelligent parasitism (Reid
hunting; they have been characterized in the ethnographic literature as 1979:184; Ramos 1980; see also the references above), and Milton (1984)
professional hunters (Silverwood-Cope 1972; Reid 1979). While all has described the relationship between these two groups in terms of
Forest groups in the region currently practice some horticulture, their complementary ecological niche exploitation. Of the contemporary
small-scale, lackadaisical approach to farming contrasts markedly with Forest Peoples, the Nkak are the most removed from this interactive
that of the River Indians. The River peoples, on the other hand, locate system, although linguistic and ethnohistorical evidence suggests that
their communities along the major waterways, prefer to travel by canoe, they may have maintained similar relations with Tukanoan and Arawak
and focus their subsistence activities on fishing and manioc cultivation peoples in past centuries (Politis 2007:30; Mahecha 2007; Franky
(although they too do some hunting and gathering). We note that 2011:148).
these categories are not monolithic; among the East Tukano groups, for
example, the Desano people are known to live along smaller waterways The economic relevance of linguistic and ethnic distinctions is not limited
and do relatively more hunting, and a similar distinction applies among to that of the Forest and River Peoples.The systemic nature of the Upper
internally ranked sibs within particular language groups (e.g. Chernela Rio Negro region also relies on a broad division of labor among different
1993; Cabalzar 2000). However, the basic categorial division between groups, such that each specializes or traditionally specialized in a
River and Forest Peoples is highly salient in the region. particular commodity; as such, the Rio Negro resembles other regional
systems such as the Upper Xingu (see Fausto et al. 2008:144). According
The distinct subsistence orientations of the River and the Forest Peoples to this practice of economic specialization, the Tuyuka make canoes,
provide them with complementary places in the regional system. the Tukano carved benches, the Hup and Yuhup large manioc-carrying
In general, these groups appear to have been in regular and frequent baskets, the Baniwa manioc graters, and so forth. Thus the circulation of
interaction over many generations, with the Forest Peoples providing material goods has facilitated the negotiation of interethnic liaisons, and
hunted meat, labor, and forest products to the River Peoples in exchange vice versa (see e.g. Chernela 1992, 2008; S. Hugh-Jones 1992).
for agricultural produce and trade goods (see, e.g. Silverwood-Cope 1972;
Reid 1979; Pozzobon 1991; Jackson 1983; Athias 1995; Ribeiro 1995). Also in partial overlap with linguistic boundaries in the region are
While non-Indian visitors to the region have tended to take a more distinctions associated with marriage practices; that is, how exogamous
groups are defined. The best-known illustration of this overlap is that of
Arawak do not speak (e.g. Baniwa-Curripaco ma-aku NEGATIVE-speak; see the East Tukano peoples, whose practice of linguistic exogamy assumes the
Koch-Grunberg 1906:877).
20 21
basic exogamous group to be coterminous with the language group (see In contrast to East Tukano linguistic exogamy, marriage for other Upper
e.g. Sorensen 1967; S. Hugh-Jones 1979; C. Hugh-Jones 1979; Jackson Rio Negro peoples is normally endogamous from the perspective of
1983; Chernela 1989; Stenzel 2005). Language affiliation is understood language or ethnic group. For Arawak peoples outside the Vaups and
in terms of descent, such that ethnic identity and language are both also for the Makuna (see rhem 1981:116) and Kubeo (see Goldman
inherited through the male line. Nevertheless, most East Tukano people 1963:26; Chacon, this volume) the basic exogamous unit is the phratry,
are able to speak or understand many more languages besides their own and multiple phratries exist within the broader language group. Hill
or fathers language, in particular those spoken by their mothers and (1996:146) notes the apparent contrast between the more Arawak-like
other in-marrying women in the community. While linguistic exogamy model of localized, exogamous phratries within the language group, and
is primarily an East Tukano practice, the match is not perfect; the Arawak the more Tukano-like model of localized, exogamous language groups
Tariana also participate in the marriage network, consistent with their distributed among dispersed, larger-level phratries.
Vaups River Indian identity (see Aikhenvald 1999, 2002, inter alia), as
do the Yukuna (who intermarry with the East Tukano Retuar) and Nadahup and Kakua marriage practices, like those of the Arawak, are
the Baniwa who live on the Aiari (primary marriage partners for the endogamous with respect to the language group, and thus also contrast
Kotiria/Wanano). The East Tukano Kubeo and Makuna, on the other with the East Tukano model. Among the Kakua and Nadahup groups of
hand, generally do not engage in linguistic exogamy (see Goldman 1963; the Vaups, exogamous clans form two distinct intermarrying phratries;
rhem 1981; Chacon, this volume). however, in practice this dual structure is not rigid, although exogamy
between clans is more strictly followed (see Pozzobon 1991; Silverwood-
East Tukano language groups are themselves associated with larger Cope 1972; Reid 1979). In contrast, ethnographic studies of the Nkak
exogamous units, termed phratries, which link two or more language (Cabrera et al. 1994, 1999; Franky 2011) report no evidence of exogamous
groups (Sorensen 1967:7; Gomez-Imbert 1993:256; Jackson 1983; clans like those seen in the Vaups, in keeping with the Nkaks relative
Stenzel 2005:7). Phratrically associated peoples typically identify isolation from the Upper Rio Negro system.
themselves as descended from a set of mythical brothers who once spoke
the same language; however, a lack of close linguistic similarities indicates All of the Upper Rio Negro peoples practice patrilineal descent, and all
that in some cases the relationship actually derives from two groups tend to describe their living patterns as patrivirilocal. However, different
practice of intermarrying with the same third group. Jackson (1983; groups in fact pull from two opposing models of social organization
see also Hill 1996) indicates that these phratric groups are unlike the to differing degrees that of localized, exogamous descent groups, and
language groups fluid and diffuse, as opposed to rigidly defined. that of social units built around consanguinity and local endogamy
(see Cabalzar 2000, this volume; Hugh-Jones 1993, 1995). The Forest
22 23
Peoples exhibit a general contrast to the East Tukano and Arawak groups to social interaction, marriage practice, location of communities, and
in their flexible application of principles of alliance versus descent in access to resources (see C. Hugh-Jones 1979;Vidal 1999; Chernela 1993,
determining where a couple will live (see discussion in Franky 2011:40). 2001; Cabalzar 2000). A similar ranking of clans is described by Nadahup
A similar flexibility is observed within some East Tukano groups as well; and Kakua peoples for their own groups (see references above), but in
for example, among low-ranking Tuyuka sibs the local groups tend to practice these hierarchies appear to have little relevance in daily life.
include affines, as discussed by Cabalzar (1995, 2000). Silverwood-Cope (1972) and Reid (1979; see also Franky 2011) observe
that the Forest Peoples ephemeral ranking system may be little more
The hierarchical organization of social units is an important aspect of than a nod to the East Tukano model; different approaches to hierarchy
the Upper Rio Negro system, and has direct relevance to patterns of in social organization across the region may also derive from the variable
interaction in the region (e.g. see Chernela 1993, 2001). One widely prioritization of the models of alliance versus descent, as discussed by
relevant point of imbalance is that between River and Forest Peoples, in Cabalzar (2000; see also rhem 1989; Hugh-Jones 1993). There appears
which the River Indians maintain a socially dominant position, and thus to be no evidence of hierarchical relations within Nkak groups (Cabrera
tend to exert more direct control in contexts of interaction. The East et al. 1994, 1999; Franky 2011).
Tukano and Arawak peoples describe their Forest Indian neighbors as
childish, disorganized, and irresponsible; they characterize their languages The dynamics of interaction and social ranking have direct bearing
as animal-like and impossible to learn, and the East Tukanos fault them for on the patterns of multilingualism in the region. Due to their practice
the incestuous nature of their linguistically endogamous marriages (Reid of linguistic exogamy and the exposure to multiple languages that it
1979; Jackson 1983; Pozzobon 1991; Epps 2008a; see also Cabalzar, this engenders, most East Tukano peoples are highly multilingual, as were the
volume). The Forest People respond by joking privately at their expense, Tariana before their shift to Tukano. Kubeo and Arawak peoples on the
stealing coveted items, or simply by pulling out of the interaction and fringes of the Vaups are less likely to speak multiple languages, although
returning to the forest. the Kubeo language (and social structure) reveals evidence of extensive
interaction with Arawak speakers in the past, some of which is ongoing.
Other hierarchical relations exist in the region on a more fine-grained On the other hand, marriage between similarly ranked clans within
level. The East Tukano and Arawak language groups are not generally particular language groups may foster clan-based dialectal differentiation,
understood to be formally ranked with respect to each other, although although this possibility is difficult to test without fine-grained linguistic
in practice imbalances do exist (and the past few generations have seen data. Within the Vaups, the Forest Peoples (Hup,Yuhup, and Kakua) are
widespread shift to Tukano, due in large part to outside intervention). widely bilingual in East Tukano languages, but this bilingualism is not
Internally, the East Tukano language groups and the Arawak phratries are reciprocated, in keeping with the social imbalance that pertains between
divided into ranked sibs (clans), as noted above, which are of relevance these two sets of peoples.
24 25
2. Historical perspectives Vaups from the west (see Chacon, forthcoming a), but we note that the
A deeper understanding of the Upper Rio Negro system requires a view East Tukano origin stories speak of an eastern origin involving travel up
into the past. When did the groups living in the region today first come the Rio Negro into the Vaups.The ensuing period of interaction among
together, and how have they interacted in the intervening time? How have East Tukano and Arawak groups led to significant cultural exchange.
the dynamics of this interaction changed in response to historical events? While this exchange probably occurred in both directions, comparative
evidence suggests Arawak influence in the elaboration of bitter manioc
Relatively little is known about the early history of the Upper Rio production among East Tukano groups (see Chacon forthcoming b),
Negro region, but it is likely that its multiethnic system has been in and in the widespread adoption of the Yurupari tradition, with its sacred
place for many centuries at least 600 years, according to Neves (1998), trumpets forbidden to women (see Chaumeil 1997). Hill (1996) proposes
but he notes that it is probably much older: human occupation of the that the East Tukano practice of linguistic exogamy may have formed
lower Vaups basin likely dates back at least 3200 years (Neves 1998:3). in response to the Arawak presence (see also Reichel-Dolmatoff 1989,
Since that time, its current inhabitants presumably entered in successive who suggests that the practice may have developed via the abduction
waves of migration. To date, Nimuendajs (1950, see Neves 1998:181; and marriage of Arawak women by East Tukano invaders). Linguistic
Wright 1992) hypothesis of how this process occurred is probably still evidence from the Nadahup languages (Epps forthcoming) suggests that
our best guess though it remains little more than a guess. According Nadahup-East Tukano interaction began at the time of the common
to Nimuendaj, the Forest Peoples (or Mak) were likely the first in ancestor of Hup,Yuhup, and Dw, when only Nadb had branched off the
the region; their relatively autochthonous status is consistent with the family tree so perhaps a millennium or more in the past. In contrast, the
local distribution of the Nadahup and Kakua-Nkak languages. The Arawak Tariana were a relatively late arrival in the Vaups region, coming
Arawak would have been the next wave, perhaps entering from the north from the direction of the Aiari River around 600 years ago to occupy
(which in recent work has been identified as a likely epicenter of Arawak lands already inhabited by the Kotiria/Wanano and Tukano (Cabalzar
expansion; see Aikhenvald 1999;Vidal 2000; Heckenberger 2002; Zucchi and Ricardo 1998:57; Neves 1998, 2001:282; Aikhenvald 2002:24).
2002; Neves 2011:45; cf. Walker and Ribeiro 2011), and pushing the
Forest Peoples into the interfluvial zones. The ceramic record suggests The different histories of the Rio Negro peoples are no doubt reflected
that Arawak peoples have lived within the Rio Negro basin for at least in their different origin stories, although many of these also reveal
1600 years (Neves 2001:275). influences from other groups. The East Tukano accounts focus on a river
voyage in an ancestral anaconda canoe (see the volumes in the series
The Arawak were likely followed by the East Tukano peoples. The Coleo Narradores Indgenas do Rio Negro, e.g. Azevedo and Azevedo 2003;
distribution of the Tukano language family, with its western and eastern see also Goldman 1963, 2004; S. Hugh-Jones 1979), whereas the Arawak
branches, may indicate that the East Tukano peoples moved into the peoples of the region claim that they originated from the Uaupu rapids
26 27
on the Aiari River, within the Rio Negro region (see Wright 1992:256; the ravages of the rubber trade that prompted the Nkak to move north
Andrello, this volume). Regarding the Forest Peoples, Reid (1979:21) into their present territory, breaking off relations with the Kakua and the
reports that the Hup people say they came on foot from the east (where East Tukano and Arawak peoples (Mahecha 2007; Franky 2011). Most
other Nadahup languages are spoken), and the Kakua say they came certainly, abuses on the part of traders were an impetus for increased
from the northeast, from the Orinoco. However, the contemporary Salesian missionary presence in the region, though the price paid for
Hup origin stories recorded by Epps involve an anaconda canoe, similar missionary protection was a different, and in the eyes of many, equally
to those told by the East Tukanos, and Silverwood-Cope (1972:214) noxious brand of interference.
likewise notes that the Kakua origin myth includes extensive river travel
in anaconda (or boa) canoes. On the other hand, Reid (1979:21) reports The activities of missionaries, and especially their decades-long practice
that the East Tukanos say the Forest Peoples were in the region first; this of obligating Indian children to live in mission boarding schools far from
is corroborated by the Hup stories told to Epps that define them as the home, played a major role in the acceleration of processes of language
elder brothers of the Tukano peoples in mythic early times. shift and language loss in the region, and led to the cessation of ritual and
religious practices in many communities (see, among others, Chernela
The distribution of groups in the Upper Rio Negro region has shifted 2012; Cabalzar and Ricardo 1998; Aikhenvald 2002; Stenzel 2005).
in the past few centuries in response to the devastating consequences of Recent decades have seen a decrease in the missionary presence as well
European contact and conquest. Waves of epidemics were punctuated by as significant advances in political organization, alternative educational
slaving expeditions, which removed some 20,000 people from the region initiatives and movement towards the recuperation of traditional cultural
in the first decades of the 18th century alone (Neves 2001; Chernela and and linguistic practices (see Oliveira 2005; F. Cabalzar 2010, 2012). At
Leed 2003; Wright 2005:51; Stenzel 2005; Buchillet, this volume). The the same time, access to faster means of travel, greater participation in
late 18th and 19th centuries saw downriver migrations fill the vacuum the national economy, and increasing migration to urban centers have
left by these events, such as the move of the Tukano and Desana from the resulted in a new set of changes in subsistence practice and lifestyle (see
Papuri River to the Tiqui. e.g. Lasmar 2005; Andrello 2006; Lopes Diniz 2011).
Over the last century and a half and into the present, ever-increasing Despite the profound demographic, social, and cultural changes brought
contact with the national society has been driving significant changes about by European contact and conquest, Neves (1998:363-364) argues
in the lives of the Upper Rio Negro peoples. The rubber boom and that the Upper Rio Negro regional system is structurally similar to
the presence of exploitive commercial traders during the late 19th and what it was before the sixteenth century [...] because the dynamics of
early 20th centuries had a brutal impact on the indigenous people of the social change in the Upper Rio Negro were structurally conditioned
region (Nimuendaj 1950; Cabalzar and Ricardo 1998). It was probably by indigenous cultural categories both before and after the conquest. It
28 29
remains to be seen what effects the changes of the contemporary period in broader networks of trade and interaction; these include the use of
will have on the future of the system. the Yurupari trumpets, ritual bark masks, ayahuasca and other substances,
longhouse habitation, and large signal drums (see Neves 2001:269).
3. Convergence and negotiating diversity

The direction of cultural influence among the Upper Rio Negro
The centuries of interaction among upper Rio Negro peoples have
groups is often difficult to pin down, but clues exist in the distribution
had profound effects on their social, cultural, and linguistic practices.
of particular phenomena, as noted above. For example, words for
Widespread similarities attest to the intensive interaction that crosscuts
ayahuasca, coca, and the name of the mythical culture hero (which
the various social divisions discussed above. The chapters in this volume
translates in various regional languages as something like Bone-Son) are
consider a number of these common features that define the Rio Negro
found throughout the region, but are attested most widely in the Arawak
system, as well as some of the differences that set particular groups apart.
languages, suggesting an Arawak source. In many cases, the direction of
cultural influence undoubtedly corresponds to that of linguistic influence,
3.1. Society and culture which may be more easily traced. In the Upper Rio Negro, East Tukano
Despite the social divisions that enable the dynamicity of the system, the languages have profoundly influenced both Arawak Tariana and the
Rio Negro peoples appear strikingly homogeneous in many respects.The Nadahup languages Hup and Yuhup, whereas Kubeo and Retuar have
regions status as a culture area has been noted by numerous observers. incorporated more effects of Arawak.
Among the many features widely encountered in the region, Galvo
(1960; see also Neves 1998:145; Silverwood-Cope 1972, 1990;Vidal 1999; In this volume, the chapter by HUGH-JONES investigates the question
inter alia) lists agricultural practices focusing on bitter manioc cultivation of cultural similarities among Upper Rio Negro peoples, with a focus
and processing; common characteristics of basket and pottery making; on body ornamentation and its role in ritual practice. Hugh-Jones
use of curare and blow-guns; large rectangular malocas (longhouses); argues that, for East Tukano and Arawak peoples of the region, similar
patrilineal, exogamic clans; religious importance of ancestors and a set of styles in male ceremonial dress and associated paraphernalia reflect
mythological heros, one identified with Yurupar; the ritual use of masks important features of the regional social system. These include status
and sacred trumpets, forbidden to women (also associated with Yurupari); differences and their relevance to restricted exchange, norms of self-
and the use of paric snuff, coca (ipadu), and ayahuasca (Banisteriopsis presentation, political and aesthetic positioning, cosmological belief,
caapi). A subset of these regional practices are also encountered within the and ritual performance.
wider context of the northwest Amazon (particularly in the direction of
northern Peru), and attest to the involvement of the Rio Negro system Regional similarities are also a focus of the chapter by EPPS &
OLIVEIRA, which investigates Upper Rio Negro ethnoastronomies.
30 31
The authors explore the relevance of ethnoastronomical beliefs to a & FRANKY, for example, show that although Nkak culture includes
range of ritual and everyday practices via the association of the stars a number of features traceable to longstanding contact with Arawak
with yearly calendrical cycles, ritual practices, and myth. Common and East Tukano groups, it has also been shaped in distinctive ways by
themes can be identified among the constellations recognized, the myths their relative geographic isolation on the outer periphery of the Upper
of their origin, and the beliefs associated with them. These common Rio Negro system and their maintenance of a more nomadic lifestyle.
features pertain throughout the Rio Negro region in particular, but Thus, Nkak cosmology and social relations are suggested to be more
traces of them may also be seen much farther afield, linking the Rio in sync with those of other Amazonian forager populations than with
Negro to regions as far away as the Guianas and the Andes. surrounding Vaupesian models based on reciprocal exchange.
Contributions to this volume also consider how the system holds Similarly, CHACON (see also 3.3 below) discusses some of the historical
together how patterns of similarity and difference are negotiated and processes that have contributed to the contrastive status of the Kubeo,
maintained. CABALZAR investigates these questions through the lens in light of linguistic and cultural features generally shared by other East
of marriage practices in the Tiqui region. He explores their multilingual Tukano groups. Not only do Kubeo marriage practices conform more
and multiethnic character, considering the relevance of hierarchy and closely to the Arawak than to the East Tukano exogamic model (as
social organization in space. Focusing on records of marriages registered discussed in works such as Goldman 1963 and Hill 1996, and briefly
at the Salesian Mission in Pari-Cachoeira between 1940 and 1990, he outlined above), but the Kubeo also tend toward monolingualism. The
shows that marriage practices on the one hand clearly reflect traditional author argues further that many features of the present-day Kubeo
exogamic norms, even in situations in which actual language use practices language both lexical and structural point to its development from a
are shifting. On the other hand, Cabalzar shows that, for East Tukano complex mixture of Tukano and Arawak matrixes.
groups, exogamy is not the only factor driving marriage practices. These
also function to create socially and geographically relevant networks of
3.2. Discourse and language ideology
alliances within the regional system, thus demonstrating that language
As observed above, a crucial relationship pertains between language and
and socio-spatial relationships are highly interrelated.
ethnic identity for the peoples of the Upper Rio Negro region. Interaction
among groups tends to involve significant communication, and fosters
While some chapters highlight points of similarity, others focus on how the
pervasive multilingualism among the East Tukano and forest peoples of the
forces of cultural and linguistic homogeneity are circumscribed, showing
region; at the same time, language ideologies emphasize language loyalty
that certain groups are not as integrated into the system as others and
and promote linguistic difference as major tenets of the system. Such
stand out as more distinct from a cultural or linguistic perspective, their
notions are clearly observable in statements such as the following, by a man
exceptional status thus accentuating regional similarities. MAHECHA
32 33
from an East Tukano group: If we were all Tukano speakers, where would While linguistic codes may differ, the linguistically mediated interaction
we get our women? (Jackson 1983:170), and the Tariana expression na- among many of the Rio Negro groups is profound. Frequent interaction
saway na-sape they borrow they speak, used to describe people who no shapes discourse in the region (cf. Beier et al. 2002): we find widely
longer speak their fathers language (Aikhenvald 2002:27). shared themes and discursive strategies in narrative, especially within the
Vaups, but also among the Baniwa and other Arawak groups in the
Several chapters in this volume explore questions related to language broader region. For example, stories with similar themes and protagonists
use practices and how these contribute to the maintenance of distinct turn up across language groups (such as the tale of the tortoise who
cultural identities. The chapter by CHERNELA outlines the defining pursued the tapir and killed him by biting him in a very sensitive spot,
features of an East Tukano language ideology based on extended told by speakers of Hup, Tariana, and various East Tukano languages).
work with the Wanano/Kotiria as reflected in speakers metalinguistic Similarly, shamanic incantations in different language groups reveal
observations and overt speech practices. Her examples demonstrate closely comparable structure and content; compare Buchillet (1992) on
how speakers perceive and qualify differences between languages, Desana to the Hup incantations recorded by Epps and by Danilo Paiva
and how such perceptions contribute to the formation of a theory of Ramos (e.g. Epps 2008a:916; Ramos p.c. to Epps).
language that establishes norms of language use. A particularly interesting
contrast is drawn between the more rigid East Tukano and the more Similarities in discourse also include close resemblances in music and song,
accommodative Arawak attitudes toward language use, and the resulting as can be seen in Piedades (1997) comparison of the Wakunai/Kurripako
long-term consequences within this particular context of intense Arawak and Tukano musical traditions. HOSEMANN focuses on this
language contact (in which most people command multiple languages, topic in her discussion of Upper Rio Negro womens song exchanges, as
but identify principally with one). The East Tukano ideology leads to observed among Kotiria/Wanano, Wakunai, and Hup women. In these
greater insistence on each speakers overt demonstration of loyalty to exchanges, the theme of women as outsiders is pervasive, regardless of
their linguistic identity, such that conversations often involve multiple the extent to which the performing woman is in fact an outsider in her
languages.Within the more tolerant Arawak model, loyalty is a factor, but particular living situation. Thus, the genre on the one hand reflects a
speakers are more likely to use another persons language as a gesture of collective recognition of womens placement in exogamous, patrilocal
accommodation (Aikhenvald 2002:23). The author concludes that this societies, and an acknowledgement that experiences of solitude, isolation,
seemingly subtle difference in attitude among Arawak speakers has likely and even poverty are commonly shared. On the other hand, the author
contributed to processes of language shift, such as that experienced by points out the flexibility inherent to the genre, which allows singers the
the Tariana, while the more restrictive East Tukano model has been more freedom to improvise and create dialogue about particular circumstances
conducive to long term language maintenance even in the context of involving themselves or their listeners.
widespread multilingualism.
34 35
introduction: cultural and linguistic interaction in upper rio negro region Patience Epps and kristine stenzel
Pervasive interaction through discourse also leads to congruence among In this volume, GOMEZ-IMBERT & OSPINA discuss complex
ethnonyms and toponyms of the region, as explored in FLOYDs discussion predicates as one such areal grammatical feature, and explore their
of cultural calquing in the Upper Rio Negro region. The author points occurrence in languages of the Nadahup and the East Tukano families.
out that maintenance of a shared culture involving diverse linguistic These complex predicates are composed of verbal compounds or
groups is reinforced by semantic transparency, which ensures that culturally serialized verbs, and are commonly employed to express spatial notions
significant meanings are kept similar even across linguistic boundaries accompanying an event (directionality, position or orientation), as well
(see also Hugh-Jones 2002). Thus, the practice contributes to unity and as to indicate aspectual distinctions related to perfectivity, change of state
diversity at the same time, and in this particular case results in names that and habituality. In addition, the authors discuss how the ordering of the
are phonologically distinct but semantically equivalent across languages. verbal roots affects interpretation of spatial semantics or of cause-and-
effect relations.
3.3. Grammar and language relationship
Grammatical convergence spurred by contact, though pervasive, is rarely
Despite local restrictions on language mixing, various studies of the
absolute. Even when clearly influenced by other languages, languages
regions languages indicate that multilingualism has led to profound
may nevertheless rely on their own resources to develop new structures
contact effects and the development of a number of areal linguistic
and categories often resulting in additional complexity, and always
features even while linguistic diversity is largely maintained (see, for
steeped in nuance (see Aikhenvald 2002; Epps 2005, 2007). The chapter
example, Aikhenvald 1996, 1999, 2002; Gomez-Imbert 1996, 1999; Epps
by STENZEL discusses this point in relation to possessive marking
2005, 2007, 2008b; Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009; Stenzel, this volume;
strategies in languages of the Vaups, pointing out both structural and
Gomez-Imbert and Ospina, this volume). Strong cultural condemnation
semantic similarities that are likely the result of contact, as well as details
of language mixing results in highly constrained code-switching and
of each system that demonstrate how contact and language-internal
relatively little lexical borrowing from other regional languages (in
resources conspire to produce strategies with fine-grained distinctions.
comparison to that observed in many other multilingual contexts);
thus contact has a limited effect on those features of sound system and
Intense contact among languages raises challenges in determining
lexicon (in particular) of which speakers are most aware. However,
relationships rooted in inheritance from a common ancestor. This is
diffusion continues unchecked below speakers level of awareness (see
especially true for languages that are both in constant contact and truly
Silverstein 1981) or where tolerance of linguistic similarity otherwise
genealogically related, such as the members of the East Tukano family.
exists, occurring through mechanisms such as calquing (loan translation,
In such cases, determining subgrouping on the family tree is complicated
e.g. as discussed by Floyd, this volume), development of parallel semantic
by the fact that words across two or more languages may be similar via
categories, and convergence of grammatical features.
inheritance or as the result of contact, and sorting out which criteria
36 37
are responsible can be complex. CHACONs study of Kubeo and its non-indigenous goods; for example, measles and smallpox for some East
place within the East Tukano family illustrates the challenges in teasing Tukano groups are mythically associated with glass beads traded between
out these different kinds of relationship. Kubeos place on the East indigenous and non-indigenous people. In contrast, the Arawak Baniwa
Tukano family tree indicates that its relative isolation both geographic associate the same diseases with their own manioc graters.Whether viewed
and social, given its lower level of integration in the linguistic exogamy as indigenous or non-indigenous, the origins of these diseases are generally
system has caused the language to diverge from the other East Tukano treated in myth and their manifestations are combated by shamanic spells
languages in lexicon and grammar. Chacon argues that the previous that invoke the noxious item or otherwise deal with it magically.
classification of Kubeo as forming a distinct Central branch of the East
Tukano family tree is in error (see also Franchetto and Gomez-Imbert The chapter by ANDRELLO explores the development of the unusually
2003), and that its divergence reflects both Arawak influence and a deep genealogy of a particular clan of Tariana, the Koivathe. The author
lower degree of contact-related convergence between Kubeo and the argues that the Koivathes unique genealogical knowledge is the result,
other East Tukano languages. on the one hand, of their occupation for many generations of a territory
claimed by other groups, and on the other, of their longstanding association
3.4. Historical dynamicity with non-Indian people and integration of their European names. The
Several papers in this volume investigate how the Upper Rio Negro establishment of the clans liaison with colonizers can be traced to the
system has responded to the profound changes brought about by contact 18th century; this liaison is evidence of the clans prominent position and
with the non-Indian world, and how these experiences have been serves still to assert their elevated position in the regional hierarchy. The
incorporated into the regional worldview. In these examples, we see study illustrates the mechanisms by which hierarchy may be negotiated
illustrations of Neves (1998) point that social change in the region has and maintained, and how indigenous social relations have been partially
been structurally conditioned by indigenous cultural categories (see also mediated by relationships with the non-indigenous peoples who have
e.g. Wright 1998, 2005; Hill 2008). penetrated the region.

BUCHILLETs contribution to this volume investigates how the regions As noted above, missionaries have played a major role in the region, and
peoples perceive and qualify infectious diseases attributable to interethnic have modified and continue to have an effect on regional interactions.
contact (smallpox, measles and malaria), and how they employ their own Their contribution to a shift toward a more monolingual ethos is discussed
sociocultural resources in dealing with them. Interestingly, groups differ in a number of sources (e.g. Chernela 1993; Cabalzar and Ricardo 1998;
in their qualification of these diseases as indigenous or non-indigenous. Aikhenvald 2002). Furthermore, their role as new players within the
Epidemics are in some cases associated with particular properties of existing regional system has at times changed the dynamics between
particular groups. For example, over the last decades of the 20th century,
38 39
the Kakua of the community of Wacar (Colombia) gave up their trade and brings together peoples of many ethnicities and languages, we hope
relations with East Tukano neighbors to deal almost exclusively with that the multidisciplinary and multilingual approach of this volume will
SIL-associated missionaries; as a result, most younger Kakua members encourage many more voices to continue the discussion.
of this community do not speak East Tukano languages, unlike their
elders (Katherine Bolaos, p.c.). The chapter by CABRERA explores
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Hugh-Jones, Christine. 1979. From the Milk River: Spatial and Temporal Lopes Diniz, Laise. 2011. Relaes e trajetrias sociais de jovens baniwa
Process in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. na Escola Pamali no mdio rio Iana noroeste amaznico. MA thesis,
Universidade Federal do Amazonas.
Hugh-Jones, Stephen. 1979. The Palm and the Pleiades: Initiation
and Cosmology in Northwest Amazonia. Cambridge: Cambridge Mahecha, Dany. 2007. Los Nkak: experiencias y aprendizajes del
University Press. contacto con otras gentes. Language Endangerment and Endangered
Languages: Linguistic and anthropological studies with special emphasis
_____. 1992.Yesterdays luxuries, tomorrows necessities: business and barter on the languages and cultures of the Andean-Amazonian border area, ed.
in northwest Amazonia. Barter, Exchange, and Value: An Anthropological Leo Wetzels, pp. 91-106. Leiden: CNWS.
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Martins,Valteir. 2005. Reconstruo fonolgica do Protomaku Oriental. Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo. 1989. Biological and social aspects of the
LOT vol. 104. Amsterdam:Vrije Universiteit. Yurupar complex of the Colombian Vaups territory. Journal of Latin
American Lore 15: 95-135.
Milton, Katherine. 1984. Protein and carbohydrate resources of the Maku
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among the Hupdu Maku. PhD dissertation, Cambridge University.
Neves, Eduardo Goes. 1998. Paths in dark waters: archaeology as
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PhD Dissertation, Indiana University. equipamento produtivo. So Paulo: Companhia das Letras/EdUSP.
_____. 2001. Indigenous historical trajectories in the Upper Rio Negro Silverstein, Michael. 1981. The limits of awareness. Working Papers in
basin. Unknown Amazon, eds. Colin McEwan, Christiana Barreto and Sociolinguistics no. 84. Austin: Southwest Educational Development
Eduardo Neves, pp. 266-286. London: The British Museum Press. Laboratory.
_____. 2011.Archaeological cultures and past identities in the pre-colonial Silverwood-Cope, Peter. 1972. A contribution to the ethnography of the
central Amazon. Ethnicity in Ancient Amazonia, eds. Alf Hornborg and Colombian Macu. PhD dissertation, Cambridge University.
Jonathan D. Hill, pp. 31-56. Boulder: University Press of Colorado.
_____. 1990. Os Mak: Povo caador do Noroeste da Amaznia. Braslia,
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Uaups. Relatrio apresentado ao Servio de Proteo aos ndios do
Amazonas e Acre, 1927. Jornal de la Societ des Americanistes de Paris, Sorensen, Arthur P. Jr. 1967. Multilingualism in the northwest Amazon.
39: 125-183. American Anthropologist 69: 670-684.
Oliveira, Lucia Alberta Andrade. 2005. Os programas de educao escolar Stenzel, Kristine. 2005. Multilingualism in the northwest Amazon,
indgena no alto rio Negro So Gabriel da Cachoeira/AM (1997- revisited. Annals of the II Congress on Indigenous Languages of Latin
2003). MA thesis, Universidade Federal do Amazonas. America, CILLA, Austin, Texas.
Piedade, Accio Tadeu de C. 1997. A Msica Yepa Masa: por uma _____ and Gomez-Imbert, Elsa. 2009. Contato lingustico e mudana
antropologia da msica no ARN. PhD dissertation, Universidade Federal lingustica no noroeste amaznico: o caso do Kotiria (Wanano). Revista
de So Carlos. da ABRALIN 8: 71-100.
Politis, Gustavo. 2007. Nukak: Ethnoarchaeology of an Amazonian Vidal, Silvia M. 1999. Amerindian groups of northwest Amazonia: their
People, trans. Benjamin Alberto. Walnut Creek (CA): Left Coast Press. regional system of political-religious hierarchies. Anthropos 94: 515-528.
Pozzobon, Jorge. 1991. Parent et demographie chez les Indiens Mak. _____. 2000. Kuw Duwkalumi: the Arawak sacred routes of migration,
PhD dissertation, Universit de Paris VII. trade, and resistance. Ethnohistory 47: 635667.
Ramos, Alcida Rita. 1980. Patres e clientes: relaes intertribais no Alto Walker, Robert. S. and Lincoln A. Ribeiro. 2011. Bayesian phylogeography
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Alcida Rita Ramos, pp. 135-182. So Paulo: Hucitec. Royal Society B 278(1718):2562-2567.
48 49
InTroduCTIon: CulTural and lInguIsTIC InTeraCTIon In The upper rIo negro regIon
Wright, Robin M. 1992. Histria indgena do noroeste da amaznia:

hipteses, questes e perspectivas. Histria dos ndios do Brasil, ed. Manuela
Carneiro da Cunha, pp. 253-278. So Paulo: Companhia das Letras.
_____. 1998. Cosmos, Self, and History in Baniwa Religion: For Those
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_____. 2005. Histria indgena e do indigenismo no Alto Rio Negro.

Campinas/So Paulo: Mercado de Letras/Instituto Socioambiental.
Zucchi, Alberta. 2002 A new model for northern Arawak expansion.

Comparative Arawakan Histories: Rethinking Language Family and
Culture Area in Amazonia, eds. Jonathan D. Hill and Fernando Santos-
Granero, pp. 199-222. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press.
I. CulTure and soCIeTy
50
pandoras box - upper rio negro style
Stephen Hugh-Jones
Kings College, Cambridge
Abstract: In this chapter I suggest that the relatively uniform style of

male ceremonial attire shared in common between the speakers of East
Tukano and Arawak languages of the Upper Rio Negro is one facet of a
ritual system that gives coherence to a regional social system. Using East
Tukano data, this chapter analyses body ornamentation from different
but interrelated perspectives: ornaments as personified heirlooms and
valuables related to differences in power and status that enter restricted
forms of exchange; ornament boxes as cosmological operators mediating
ancestral and human time; ornaments as aspects of personhood and
selfhood linked with self-presentation and display; the complementary
relation between ornaments and body paint; the indexical and symbolic
connotations of colour and material; the links between ornamentation
and dancing and between politics and aesthetics. Using discussions of
Pandoras box - upper rio negro style stephen hugh-jones
self-decoration in Melanesia as a theoretical counterpoint, I argue that Introduction

where valuable objects that are worn on the body and that enter ritual It is quite often claimed that Amazonian societies live in an object-
exchanges are also the subjects of esoteric symbolic commentary, political, poor universe, lack elaborate technology and craft specialisation, and
economic, and cosmological analysis must go hand in hand. are more concerned with the production of people than the production
Keywords: body, ornamentation, wealth, exchange, ritual of objects (see e.g. Viveiros de Castro and Fausto 1993:934; Rivire
1984). Behind such claims lie implicit comparisons with other regions
Resumo: Nesse captulo, proponho que o estilo relativamente uniforme of the globe, most notably with Melanesia a region that has come
da vestimenta cerimonial masculina, compartilhado pelos povos Tukano to serve as a useful counterpoint to Amazonian research (see Gregor
Oriental e Arawak do Alto Rio Negro, uma das facetas de um sistema and Tuzin 2001; Hugh-Jones in press). These comparative claims may
ritual que d coerncia ao sistema social regional. Partindo de dados de have some truth, but they must still be taken with caution for they are
grupos Tukano Oriental, esse captulo analisa a ornamentao corporal more true of contemporary Amazonia than they are of its historical
de perspectivas diferentes, mas inter-relacionadas: adornos como bens and archaeological past (see McEwan, Barreto and Neves eds. 2001)
herdados personificados e objetos de valor relacionados a diferenas em and they gloss over some significant differences between different
termos de poder e status e que entram em formas restritas de troca: caixas lowland peoples. One such difference lies in the degree of elaboration
de enfeites como operadores cosmolgicos mediando tempos ancestral of architecture and in the significance it carries. The same applies to
e humano; enfeites como aspectos de personhood e selfhood ligados ornaments: on both counts the East Tukano-speaking peoples of the
auto-apresentao e auto-ornamentao; a relao complementar entre Upper Rio Negro are poles apart from peoples such as the Arawet
os enfeites e a pintura corporal; as conotaes indexicais e simblicas de of the Xingu-Tocantins region, the Piaroa of Venezuelan Guiana or
cores e materiais; as ligaes entre ornamentao e dana, e entre poltica the Jivaro speakers of the Ecuador-Peru border who are sometimes
e esttica. Tendo como contrapartida terica a discusso sobre a auto- assumed to be paradigmatic of a generic Amazonia.
ornamentao na Melansia, argumento que l onde objetos de valor que
enfeitam o corpo e que participam de trocas rituais so tambm sujeitos For the East Tukano peoples, ornaments and architecture are linked:
de comentrios simblicos esotricos, a anlise poltica, econmica e ornaments are a key component of the house-clans estate, a box of
cosmolgica no pode ser deixada em segundo plano. feather ornaments occupies a prominent place in the centre of their
Palavras-chave: corpo; ornamentao; riqueza; troca; ritual malocas, and the box itself is a kind of house that mediates between
two other containers, the body and maloca, both of them thatched with
feathers. Feathers, bodies, and houses are the themes of this chapter.
54 55
The various East Tukano-speaking groups of the Upper Rio Negro up a shared style of male ceremonial attire that is a distinctive collective
comprise1 an integrated regional system that hangs together through a hallmark of the peoples of the Upper Rio Negro, one that overrides
dynamic interplay between similarity and difference. On the one hand, the differences of language on which they place such emphasis. This
East Tukano peoples see each other as the same, true people (masa, masa uniformity of dress goes hand-in-hand with a standardised repertoire of
goro2) who share attributes in common which mark them off from gawa, dance steps and widely shared repertoires of mens dance songs (Tukano:
indigenous and non-indigenous foreigners. On the other hand, exogamy kaapiwaya). Dressing in uniform and singing and dancing in unison in
combined with internal differences in ancestry, patrilineal descent, the standardized space of their maloca architecture, Upper Rio Negro
paternally derived language affiliation, craft specialization and other peoples also share a set of pragmatic conventions regarding greeting,
attributes create a system of reciprocal interdependence that is expressed oratory, politeness, respect and other norms of ritual interaction. These
in marital exchanges and ceremonial exchanges of food and goods. shared features of Upper Rio Negro social interaction in ritual contexts
complement multi-lingual communication between neighbours, allow
My focus here is upon similarity, upon the near uniformity of male for communication between strangers whose knowledge of each
ritual body ornamentation that applies, or once applied, throughout others language is limited or non-existent and generate social cohesion
the Upper Rio Negro among East Tukano and Arawak speakers alike throughout the system.3
(see the photographs in Koch-Grnberg 1909-10). Elsewhere in
lowland South America, differences in body ornamentation frequently Several authors have provided comprehensive analyses of the social
mark off differences between ethnic groups and sometimes also mark and symbolic significance of body decoration in particular Lowland
further differences within the group. By contrast, their distinctive feather societies.4 Although I am especially interested in the links between body,
headdresses, quartz neck pendants and painted bark-cloth aprons make social space and cosmos that are explored by Turner (1969), Guss (1989)
1. I use the ethnographic present throughout in part because my chapter is based 3. Note here the parallel importance of inter-group ritual and of shared norms
on observations made in the Pir-Paran region where the system still operates of interaction in the multi-lingual Alto Xing region (see Franchetto 2001; Ball
in a more or less traditional manner and in part because of contemporary 2011).
initiatives elsewhere in the Upper Rio Negro to revive or revitalise more 4. See e.g. Howard 1991 and Mentore 1993 for the WaiWai,Turner 1969, 1995
traditional features. and Verswijver 1992 for the Kayap, Seeger 1975 for the Suy, and Erikson
2. Unless otherwise indicated, indigenous terms are given in the Barasana 1986, Melatti 1986 and Verswijver 1987 respectively for the Panoan Matis,
language throughout. Marubo and Nahua.
56 57
and Howard (1991), my aim here is not to deal with body decoration in to ceremonial exchange in Northwest Amazonia, the merit of these
the round and as a phenomenon in itself but rather to focus on particular theoretical arguments is that they match exactly an empirical situation in
aspects of the decorations worn at dances and to link these with the which food, drink, objects, speeches, songs, dances, and decorated bodies
status of ornaments as wealth items or valuables. This will lead me on to are all being exchanged, displayed, circulated, evaluated and consumed
a discussion of the relation between exegesis, performance and display. at once.
In discussing why the body and the modification of its surfaces play I begin with a discussion of the links between patriliny, ornaments and
such a fundamental role in simple societies, Turner (1995:147) suggests architecture: ornaments are a key component of the house-clans estate,
that these societies tend to do with the body what complex societies do a box of feather ornaments occupies a prominent place in the centre of
more with objects. In societies with differentiated systems of exchange, their malocas, and the box itself is a kind of house that mediates between
where abundant objects are the focus of both technical and symbolic two other containers, the body and maloca, both of them thatched with
elaboration, social identities and values are marked and constituted by feathers. Using data from the Barasana and other speakers of East Tukano
the exchange of valuables, gifts, or commodities. Where such objects languages, my aim here is to explore further these links between feathers,
are absent or in short supply, capacities, identities, statuses, values and bodies, and houses.
subjective states may be indexed by specialised verbal performances and
visual displays directed at an audience as virtual gifts. Performance and
display are functionally equivalent to exchange, but exchange is but one 1. Ornaments as valuables
of several different modes of circulation. East Tukano exogamous groups and their component clans are houses,
corporate social units or moral persons defined in relation to an estate
Turners argument is similar to that of Strathern (1988) who extends made up of material and immaterial property, which persist through time
the notion of gift beyond exchange mediated by objects to embrace the by successfully transmitting this estate across the generations.These groups
whole gamut of presentations, performances, and productions both are also corporate and persons in that they are identified with the body
material and theatrical that constitute social action. To be recognised and person of the anaconda ancestor from whom they derive; individual,
at all, such performances must adopt a particular conventional form, lineage, clan, and exogamous group are expansions or contractions of
and to have social and political effect they must be consumed by an the same fractal person (Wagner 1991; see also Hugh-Jones 1995:233).
audience whose members judge the claims and capacities of the persons The house estate comprises a common language and a set of personal
concerned. Wilsons (1988:114) point that hospitality, the political and names, songs, spells, and myths; specific clones of manioc, coca and yag;5
aesthetic display of elaborated foods, dress and language, is a key missing
element in Maussian exchange theory is along the same lines.With respect 5. Banisteriopsis, a hallucinogen.
58 59
Yurupar, a set of sacred flutes and trumpets used in initiation; and a set in the centre of the world as fully-human beings, the clan-ancestors
of feather head-dresses and other ornaments.6 and sons of the deity / anaconda ancestor. That ornaments are semen-
like products of body-tubes, that the feather box and canoe are people,
To the eye or ear, there is little to distinguish one groups property houses, and womb-like containers, that the journey is a gestation, and
from that of another. In contrast to the Kayap and Bororo, where that ornaments are persons are all clear enough. Pace Descola (2001:112),
specific ornament styles differentiate houses or clans, here more or less these objectifications and personifications are explicit, well understood
identical ornaments define a Northwest Amazonian regional polity that locally, and require no sophisticated interpretation of symbolic discourse
embraces both East Tukano and Arawak speakers. East Tukano groups on the part of the analyst.
are not differentiated visually but verbally, by myths and origin stories
that authenticate ownership and continuity either by testifying to their As ancestral heirlooms that assert continuity with the past and
acquisition of property on an ancestral journey of origin or by identifying discontinuity in the present, ornaments and Yurupar instruments bear
items of property with the body of the groups ancestor. Yurupar all the hallmarks of Wieners (1992) inalienable possessions,7 a point also
instruments are the ancestors paired bones and feather ornaments are noted by Descola. Half right, half wrong, Descola writes that Yurupar
the colours of his skin; both are manifestations of the spirit (s) of the may constitute an intermediary figure between homosubstitution and
ancestor, the group and its members. heterosubstitution: they alone stand for something else, and they alone
cannot enter the network of reciprocity (2001:113) the missing half
If not elsewhere in Amazonia, here at least objects do indeed stand for are the ornaments that stand in relation to Yurupar as tube to contents
parts or aspects of persons and for relations between people: the clan and and which do sometimes enter networks of reciprocity.
its ancestor, the members of the clan, and the clan in relation to its affines.
But this personification goes further in that both Yurupar instruments Though both operate within the same dialectical field of centre and
and ceremonial ornaments are also persons in their own right. According periphery, consanguinity and affinity, endogamous, cognatic groups try
to the East Tukano origin story, ornaments were vomited up by a deity, to keep their sisters to themselves and bring in exotic goods or trophies
entered the body of the ancestral anaconda-canoe as pure spirits, travelled as the signs or substance of alien bodies and identities. The East Tukano
upriver from the East, stopping on the way to dance and sing, and emerged peoples must give out their sisters in marriage but try to retain their
6. These last items are hee gaheuni, spirit possessions, valuables, objects of a 7. Ancestral items that encapsulate spirit or vital force associated with social
different order from gaheuni, mundane goods or possessions. Gahe-, other, uni, difference or hierarchy. Such items should not be given away; if they are given,
thing suggests an alienable, relational status with respect to the self. they should ultimately return to the giver.
60 61
heirlooms as personifications of their own identities. The former must Women and valuables were once the main targets of inter-community
overcome radical difference in world where predation negates exchange; raiding and gifts of valuables gave protection from such raids (see also
the latter must avoid loss of difference and identity in world of constant Howard 1991:fn.7, 131); peaceful exchanges of valuables set up relations
exchange with similar others. of ritual affinity that complement the exchange of sisters between affines;
and influential men are sometimes able to substitute valuables for sisters
The East Tukanos exogamy and patrilineal descent present a paradox: to or bride-service, a limited form of bride-price. All this suggests that, in
reproduce themselves, groups must meet and fuse but for this to happen some respects, paired flutes and feather ornaments are the equivalents
they must also remain separate and distinct.This paradox is partly resolved of sisters or wives: in different contexts these pairs are not only elder
in the complementary balance between initiation cults and ceremonial brother / younger brother but also husband / wife and brother / sister.
exchange. In each generation, the former underscore a distinction In this, and in their ritual practices and exegesis, the East Tukano peoples
between single-sex clan relations and cross-sex relations with wives and are like the Melanesian Gimi. On the cusp between homosubstitution
affines, a primordial differentiation between people otherwise of the same and heterosubstitution, both exchange sisters and ritual goods in tandem,
kind and belonging to a common social system; periodically, feasts bring the Tukano peoples to the near side with close sister exchange, the Gimi
clans together in the economic, matrimonial, and symbolic exchanges to the far side with bride price as a substitute for the true sister (see
necessary for their reproduction (see also Hugh-Jones 1995, 2001). The Gillison 1981 and compare Hugh-Jones 2001).
paradox is also resolved in the peculiar combination of keeping-while-
giving that inalienable possessions allow (Wiener 1992). People keep Thus far I have been speaking at a general, structural level. In order
their language but give out speech songs, chants and formal greetings; to proceed further it is necessary to introduce a historical and political
they keep their plant clones but give out their products beer, coca, and dimension. The Barasana may speak as if each clan were the collective
yag in exchanges of hospitality; they keep their women as sisters but owners of a box of feather ornaments and a set ofYurupar but, in practice,
give them out as wives; they guard their Yurupar jealously but play them this ideal is tempered by rank and by historical contingency. People make
loudly;8 they parade their ornaments, the more alienable products and
counterparts of Yurupar, in displays that reveal and demonstrate their
owners capacities as makers, exchange partners, men of influence, and
beings endowed with ancestral potency; and they deploy ornaments
strategically as exchange items in their own right.
8. I observed one occasion on which Yurupar instruments were exchanged

privately for a mix of indigenous valuables and western goods.
62 63
clear that those who build large dance houses and control ceremonial must husband its ceremonial wealth as static, permanent heirlooms; but
items are ideally people belonging to the highest ranking clans, the to ensure its reproduction, it must also activate this wealth by displaying it
chiefs, dancers, and chanters who have the right to such prerogatives. and by investing it in alliances.To become a man of influence, a man must
To some extent this is true. However, claims to seniority and the rights build a dance house and gain control over ceremonial regalia. Inheritance
they imply depend on mythological pedigrees that may be challenged by is one way of doing this; manufacture, exchange or sale are other ways.10
rivals.9 In addition, not all those of high rank have the necessary power Those who control a box of feathers can dominate ritual proceedings in
and influence to command the human resources required to build large, a given territory and exert influence over their agnates and affines (see
prestigious houses and not all those who manage to build such houses also rhem 1981:85).
also control of box of feathers. Groups lose their valuables through theft
and house fires or disperse them through demands for exchange and, in 2. The feather box as cosmological operator
all cases, as groups segment, their valuables are inherited by particular The large houses that own ceremonial regalia and sacred instruments
individuals living in particular houses. act as focal points and ceremonial centres. Their status as socio-political
centres also has a cosmological dimension that is encapsulated in the box
As in the Xing, where chiefship is inherited but to be a chief requires the of feathers they own, the analogue of the focal heirlooms in Indonesian
demonstration of chiefly qualities and where claims to legitimacy can be house-societies (McKinnon 2000). The box hangs suspended above the
manipulated and challenged (see Heckenberger 2005:105-6; Coelho de centre of the house, the seat of the noon-day sun next to the lighting
Souza 1995:181-3), here too, rank and political status is a matter of both post, above the area where the beer-canoe, another manifestation of
ascription and achievement. Ceremonial regalia and the pooled labour the anaconda-canoe, is kept, where important individuals are buried in
of junior clans and client Mak-groups are forms of wealth and both are canoes, and around which people dance. Feathers are sources of light and
symbolised in large houses, the products of work and the prerequisites are buried with the dead.The box is the heart, s, of the house conceived
of ceremonial gatherings where wealth is deployed. To maintain its status of as a body and, in cosmological terms, the centre of the house is also the
and ensure its continuity through time, a high-ranking clan or house centre of the world. This world is sometimes portrayed as a village with
four malocas at the cardinal points and a fifth at the zenith above. This
fifth house, the feather box itself, is the house and body of the thunder-
9. In the Upper Rio Negro, these challenges typically assert that those claiming deity who vomited up the ornaments (see also Hugh-Jones 1995:234-5).
senior status are parvenus not born of the anaconda ancestor, groups with a
separate and inferior origin who tricked their superiors into calling them elder
brothers. Bidou (1976) provides an extended discussion of such mythological 10. Goldman (1979:153) reports that, rather than making them, the Kubeo buy
politics amongst the Tatuyo. all their headdresses from neighbours.
64 65
The box is thus a miniature house, a microcosm and vertically located found today and bringing sickness in their wake. The beings then cover
cosmic centre (Helms 1993) that concentrates spiritual property and their house with leaves, causing its interior to become dark like night,
ancestral power and makes them tangible and visible. It is one of a set and use the ornaments in a dance to celebrate its completion.
of containers body, box, beer-canoe, anaconda ancestor, house that
evoke each other, are ordered by the same abstract principles, and stand In the case of sleep and night, these same pre-human beings become
in a nested or fractal relation to each other, now as container, now as tired of living in perpetual daylight. They visit the Owner of Night and
contained.This vertical bird-like centre is in a complementary relation to Sleep, a being identified with crickets or frogs that sing at night and
the fish-like sacred instruments stored in distant horizontal space at the who keeps night and sleep in a box of feathers. Each night, to mark the
bottom of a stream in the forest. Feathers cover the body and flutes are passage of time, he beats the box with a whip and sings as the box moves
bones; when brought to the house and dressed in feather ornaments, a slowly across the floor. First he gives them a pot full of sickness; then, in
move that parallels the journey of origin mentioned above, these ancestral exchange for their sister in marriage, he gives them night and sleep as
bones wake up and come alive to sing and dance. feather ornaments shut in a box or pot. Again he tells them not to open
the box till they reach home but again they do so. Night flies out and
These transformative movements between centre and periphery, above covers the earth with darkness and rain. Normality is restored by song
and below, indicate that the feather box is also a spatio-temporal operator, and dance, either the songs of the nocturnal creatures that mark the
a point confirmed in two paired myths linking it with the origins of passage of time till day-beak, or by the pre-human beings who sing the
roofing leaves, sleep and night.11 To obtain leaves, the first pre-human closing strophe of a dance-song, the strophe that is sung at dawn.
beings visit the Owner of Roofing Leaves, a giant bird whose feathers
are all different varieties of leaves used for thatching, each the property of These myths all take the same basic form, an order disobeyed that leads
a different group. He gives them both leaves and dance ornaments shut in to a shift from micro- to macro-space and to a dangerous and abrupt
a box, telling them not to open it till they get home. But of course they transition from light to dark that is subsequently reversed by singing.The
do.The leaves fly out, scattering to all the places where roofing leaves are same occurs at dances: at normal times the feathers and spirit-powers they
represent are static and asleep; at dances the box is opened, the house
expands to cosmic proportions, and the ornaments are dispersed to the
11. For examples of these myths see Saake in Bruzzi 1994:173-175 (Baniwa); dancers who assume the stature and qualities of spirits. Dancing round
Correa 1989:37-39 (Kawiyari); 1996:343-345 (Taiwano); 1997:60-65, 151- the house periphery, they mark out its spatial structure and animate it
154, 167-170 (Kubeo); Diakuru and Kisibi 1996:93-100 (Desano); Hugh-Jones as a stable cosmic centre. The passage of time is marked by a sequential
1979:267-268 (Barasana); Piedade 1997:167-168 (Tukano); Umsin Panln structure of song and dance that ends at dawn when normality is restored.
Kumu and Tolamn Kenhri 1980:109-112 (Desano). In sum, these myths make clear that the feather box is a spatio-temporal
66 67
operator, a manifestation of the sun, a being dressed in a brilliant feather and is itself made into an object of beauty. Beauty is a social not natural
crown who orders the passage of time. The use and display of ornaments quality: natural materials such as feathers only become beautiful when
during ceremonial exchange thus concerns on-going socio-political they have been transformed, a socialisation of nature that parallels the
relations between groups and individuals on the one hand and contact way that the making of things and the wearing of ornaments socialise
with supernatural forces and the expression of cosmological order on the the body. The recursive relation between the body and the objects that
other, an exchange between the living and an exchange between them, bodies produce is manifest in the decoration of some ritual objects in the
the spirits and the dead. manner of bodies.The black, basket-weave designs applied to the dancers
skin are also painted on the stools they sit upon; the ends of Yurupar
3. Making bodies, making things flutes are dressed in the same feather crowns worn by those who play
Like elsewhere in Amazonia, in Vaups society the ability to make objects them. The same relation is also underlined in shamanic discourse where
that are at once useful, decorative, and imbued with esoteric significance the body is portrayed as an object a basket to be filled with knowledge
is the mark of adult status and the hallmark of civilisation itself. As Guss and wisdom, a solid, firmly-rooted stool, or an assemblage of objects
(1989:70) notes for the Yekuana, technical and symbolic competence go flutes, stools, gourds, baskets that correspond to its parts and internal
hand in hand so that leaders and ritual experts are typically those who organs long-bones, pelvis, heart, and skin.This mode of thinking builds
also excel in the making of goods. People undergoing puberty or post- upon a more general and pervasive analogy made between body and
initiation seclusion spend their days making things pottery in the case house: if the roof is head, hair and feathers, the posts are bones, and the
of girls, basketry in the case of boys and are systematically trained, a doors orifices, then the furnishings of the house are all body parts (see
training that is as much intellectual and spiritual as it is technical. Sitting also Hugh-Jones 1995). Objects flow from fingers as sounds from flutes
still and making things is a form of meditation that gives insight into the and people from houses. Making things is thus self-making and world
interconnectedness of objects, bodies, people, houses and the world. This making. I now turn to an exploration of this point in relation to the
training and learning continues into adult life and soon takes in other decorated body that is displayed at dances.
more specialised crafts formal speaking, oratory, chanting, singing and
dancing. Post-initiation is also the favoured time for knowledgeable adult 4. The decorated body
men to make ceremonial regalia, a potent and dangerous activity whose At dances, younger men wear a basketry crown fringed with red and
female counterpart is the production of red paint: both activities involve yellow toucan feathers and a diadem of yellow jap (Oropendola sps.)
a bodily state like that of menstruation. feathers with two red macaw tail feathers in the middle; elder men wear
the full complement of ornaments. Starting from the head, this full regalia
The seclusion that follows first menstruation and initiation is a process is made up from the following items. On the forehead is a) a crown of
of transformation in which the body is trained to make objects of beauty yellow and red macaw feathers with a lower band of white down. Behind
68 69
this come b) a plume of egret feathers on a base of monkey and human and his skills as hunter, craftsman, or trader. Each one condenses histories
hair; c) a red macaw tail feather tipped with a white panache; d) a jaguar of hunting, manufacture, previous ownership, and trade and the same
bone tube with a jaguar-hair plug inside; and e) a stick of white down applies to the collectively owned ornaments, each of which also carries
topped with two yellow or green feathers. Hanging over the back are f) the biography and pedigree of a myth (see also Hugh-Jones 1992).
a white egret wing and g) hanks of sloth and monkey-hair string. On Ornaments are not only body parts on different parts of the body; they
the left biceps is h) a monkey hair bracelet with hair strings tipped with are also distributed elements of the lives and identities of individual and
yellow jap feathers and rattles of snail-shell and beetle wings. Round collective persons, the visual counterparts of names. Like the items he
the waist is i) a belt of jaguar or peccary incisors with j) a pleated white wears, the names of the dancer derive from three different sources. Firstly
bark-cloth apron with red designs hanging to below the knees; wound he has the secret spirit or sacred name of an ancestor drawn from a
round the right ankle is a k) fruit-shell rattle.The dress is completed with limited set owned by his group, the counterpart of collectively owned
bands of white bast on the ankles and fragrant herbs tucked into the belt regalia; secondly he has one or more nick-names given by his close kin
and bracelets. or affines, the counterparts of his personal accessories; thirdly, he has a
foreigners name, given by a missionary or trader and the counterpart of
These items are communal clan property and each dancer wears the his western clothing (see also Hugh-Jones 2006).
same uniform. In addition, each wears a set of individually owned
accessories: cane ear-plugs tipped with red and yellow feathers, polished Looking at the dancer as a whole, we see that the main ornaments he
copper plates hanging by the ears,12 a necklace of jaguar teeth or polished wears cluster around the head and genitals, drawing attention to these
silver triangles, a cylindrical quartz pendant on a seed necklace, palm- areas and framing the torso between, a point further emphasised by a
seed bicep bracelets, a lizard-skin bracelet above the wrist, strings of glass contrast between ornaments and paint. The demarcation of body space
beads round the neck and wrists, and ochre-rubbed calf-ligatures, the last extends outwards on the arms and legs so that the central torso area is
two items being made by women.Today, many dancers also wear items of outlined by two circles, an inner one marked by the bracelets on the
Western manufacture towels draped round the shoulders, handkerchiefs upper arms and ligatures on the calves, and an outer one by bands on
on the head or round the neck, and even shirts, shorts and boots. the wrists and ankles, areas of division that end in the spreading fingers
and toes. These concentric circles marked on the body recall the family
Made by their owner or obtained through trade, these accessories index compartments clustered around the malocas central dance space with
the dancers personality, his life history, his wealth, influence and contacts, the boundaries of the house, patio, gardens and forest beyond. Vertical
progression is marked, visually, in the overall contrast between painted
body and feathered head and, in substance, by paint, seeds, bast, and teeth
12. See Bidou 1996 for an analysis of these ear ornaments.
70 71
from gardens, plants and ground-based animals on the lower body, with by a shaman, their meat can be safely consumed. What must not be
ornaments made from tree- and sky-dwelling birds and monkeys on the consumed is, on the one hand, their blood or vitality and, on the other,
upper body and head.13 their colour, clothing, capacities, and inalienable identities, properties
that are expressed in the notion of kni oka, a concept which, like the
In sum, in Northwest Amazonia, we find the same congruence between heraldic coat of arms, combines shield, armour, clothing, design, identity
the organisation of body space, social space and cosmos that we find and power.14 The arms or inalienable identities of animals, their hair
amongst the Yekuana, WaiWai and Kayap and, in each case, the basic or feathers, must be burned to return them to their spirit houses or
principles and the processes they order are much the same (Guss 1989; else converted into human identities in the form of ornaments. Women
Howard 1991; Turner 1969). East Tukano space-time is organised on cook the inner substance of animals and birds as food and domesticate
combined linear and concentric principles with a linear or vertical their young as minia, both birds and pets. Their husbands craft the
axis that runs East < > West or head < > toe and bisects a series animals outer fur and feathers and innermost bones to appropriate and
of concentric circles from centre to periphery. The linear axis relates domesticate their identities: appropriately both Yurupar and ornaments
to the life cycle, initiation, descent, and hierarchy whilst concentricity are also minia, mens pets. Husbands also consume their wives leaving
corresponds to the complementary, cyclical, and reversible processes their identities intact but appropriating their children as their own. The
of marriage, affinity and exchange (see also C. Hugh-Jones 1979). In commerce of substance and identity, self and other, inside and out, with
the human life span, and for individual people, linear processes are the animal world is continuous with the exchange of wives, valuables and
irreversible, across the generations they are replicated at a collective level identities between humans.
and, in the cosmological space-time of the feather chest, where rivers and
body-substances flow in both directions, they are brought into line with Generically, ornaments are maha hoa, macaw feathers. Macaws are
the reversible complementarity of sex, gender, and exchange and with prototypical birds, pets par excellence, and closely allied to humans, spirits
diurnal and seasonal cycles. and ancestors.15 Hoa, in abstract means excrescence, growth, covering;
concretely it means feathers, hair, and fins, forest cover and bags or
5. Hair and Teeth

14. See also Viveiros de Castro 1998 and Hugh-Jones 2009 on clothes as capacity
Ornaments are made from the feathers, hair, bones and teeth of hunted
and identity.
animals and birds, most of them also consumed as food. Once treated
15. In Barasana, people are masa and macaws maha; in neighbouring languages,
people are maha and macaws, maa. This phonological slippage seems to follow
13. Where black feathers from the ground-dwelling curassows are used in East a symbolic identity and is reminiscent of the famous Bororo trope (see Turner
Tukano ornaments, they are consistently placed at the base. 1991).
72 73
containers.16 The ornaments on the head thus represent hair writ large, Themes of the fertility, growth, process and periodicity that stem from
a massive extension and exaggeration of the hair on the head, a wig that complementary relations are also expressed in colour. Bright feathers
contrasts with the smooth skin of the face and body from which hair is are placed on top of black human hair. The paired yellow and red of the
carefully removed.17 Condensed and synthesised in this hair is a gamut frontal crown, the dominant colours of the ornaments, are the colours
of everyday experience the capacity to swim and fly; fertility, energy, of the sun, energy and vitality; yellow is also the colour of human
vitality; gender identity, sexuality, processes of growth and temporality settlements. Black is the colour of night, death and the forest (hair).
the breeding cycles, migration, and maturation of fish and birds, the cut Relative to spirits and animals, humans are dark and colourless and thus
hair of puberty, the long unrestrained hair of youth, the bound hair of need paint and decoration they are half way between origin and destiny,
adults, and the grey hair of old age. between the proto-human fish that own red and black paint and the
post-human spirits who own feathers. Relative to men, women are dark
More knowledgeable persons will also know that hair is a manifestation and colourless but in their paints, they have a superabundance of colour.
of spirit and soul, that the hair-strings on the feathered bracelet are paths The yellow/red frontal crown contrasts with the white of egret plumes
of communication through the cosmos that allow shamans to open and wings behind.19 Like the migrating egrets, whose appearance and
animal houses and release game, that the milky way is the hair of the deity breeding frames the summer, egret constellations mark the beginning
Woman Shaman, that the black bands in the woven base of the egret- and end of the rains (see Hugh-Jones 1982:186).Yellow is the colour of
plume panaches (uga) were apparently sometimes made from hair cut grease and semen, of the summer and of the creator Sun, Earth Father
from young girls at their rites of first menstruation, and that seeing their who fertilises his consort Woman Shaman, the Earth with his light and
hair causes women to menstruate just as seeing Yurupar instruments heat.White is her colour, the colour of milk and manioc and of the clouds
causes men to do the equivalent (see Hugh-Jones 1979) in short that and rain of the cold, dark rainy season, her menstrual flow that is echoed
hair, in a visible, chromatic register, is the equivalent of all that Yurupar in the hair at the base of the egret plume. Like red and yellow, white and
proclaim in the register of sound. The hair-filled tubular jaguar bone, a
miniature Yurupar flute worn behind the head, hints that ornaments are
the public, visible counterparts of secret Yurupar;18 a Desano drawing of
Yurupar dressed as a dancer with plume-like sounds emanating from his During the oko-wewo (water panpipe) dance that ends the initiation cycle, in
body underlines this clearly. their right hands, Barasana dancers carry these jaguar bones dressed in the same
Oropendola-feather ruffs that are also used to decorate the ends of Yurupar flutes.
16. As in gda-hoa, stomach, womb; waheri-hoa, scrotum; waso-hoa, cloth bag 19. This contrast is reduplicated in the colours of the frontal crown (a); in the
17. See OHanlon 1989 on comparable wigs in a Melanesian context. white panache at the top of the red macaw tail (c); and in the yellow top vs. white
18. Compare Gimi flutes plugged with female pubic hair (Gillison 1993:180). shaft of the down stick (e).
74 75
black are paired and also connote death or decay.20 The complementary, that are expected of the hosts, the latter with the noise, speech and self-
alternating relation between day and night, the summer and the rains, aggrandisement and display they expect from their guests.22
men and women, kin and affine, marked in the colours of the ornaments,
is also contained within the feather box, a Pandoras box that brought sex 6. Paint
and sickness, the alternation between life and death.21 Alongside hair and feathers, teeth and bones are the hardest and most
durable parts of the human body. In this they stand in marked contrast to
In wearing the teeth and bones of predators as trophies, the dancer the other main component of bodily decoration, ephemeral paint. The
appropriates the aggressive powers of animals just as he appropriates ornaments described above derive from the forest, are made by men,
the powers of birds that sing, dance, fly and mediate between cosmic and are exclusively male prerogatives. They come in uniform sets, and
domains. In a general sense teeth belong together with feathers, hair, their use establishes the dancers as a unified, same-sex group, a clan or
claws, fingernails as indices of growth, vitality and sexuality but their clan segment that is continuous with its ancestors and differentiated only
positioning in the genital area suggests a particular link between by minor variations at the level of accessories. Paint comes from garden
aggression and sexual potency. In another register, the complementary plants, is owned and produced by women, and the act of painting the
synthesis of feathers and teeth, beauty and aggression, indexes the inner body of another has cross-sex, affinal connotations.
state of the dancer, a delicate balance between friendship and hostility.
More generally, it relates to the complementary ritual roles of dancer and Two kinds of paint are used at dances: a vermilion red powder and a
warrior and to two opposed ideals of manhood, the tolerant understanding blue-black liquid skin-dye. To paint oneself with red paint is an act of
of the headman (h) and the belligerent self-assertion of the man of renewal and, as elsewhere in Amazonia, red paint is the mark of visibility,
anger (guam). Understanding and self assertion also encapsulate different sociability, alertness, of physical activity and engagement, and of a body
dimensions of personhood and orientations towards the world, the former open to social intercourse. Red is the colour of blood, identified with
linked with the receptivity, seeing, hearing and identification with others menstrual blood, a substance that fortifies the blood and makes skin, and
an index of vitality. In its colour of sleep, night, death and decay and
in the fact that it takes several weeks to fade away, black paint signals
periodicity and states of transition. In other contexts, black paint is used
20. The apparent proximity of Barasana botise, white with the Barasana and to protect people from danger by disguising their bodies and rendering
Tukano bo-, to rot is suggestive here. Note also boti wia-, to become mouldy, boti
wiase-, white mould.
21. In myth, alternating colours on a bead necklace connote both periodicity and 22. See Turner 1991 for a comparable Kayap contrast between the values of
sequences of song strophes. See Bruzzi 1994:173; Diakuru 1996: 94-100. beauty and dominance.
76 77
them invisible. As a covering or shield and as the colour that marks individual, lineage, clan, exogamous group and ultimately to all East
puberty seclusion, it has more general connotations of closure and of Tukano peoples.
withdrawal from normal social existence and interaction with others.
As inalienable possessions associated with ancestors in houses of stone,
Each dancer dabs red paint on his temples and paints his own face with and as objects made from durable teeth, hair, and bones, body ornaments
designs in red that are peculiarly his own. Along with his own private are icons of permanence (Wiener 1992:8).23 In an embedded series of
ornaments, these designs express his character and individuality. The part-whole relations, what is conjoined at the level of the total body
dancer also covers his hands, wrists, feet, ankles and knees in uniform is divided at the next. Seen overall, ornaments cluster around the hard,
black paint. Along with ligatures, these uniform areas of black on the bony parts of the body, the skull, joints and genitals, framing soft, fleshy
knees and ankles segment the body and cover the fingers and joints, the parts that are covered with ephemeral paint. At the next level down,
points where the soul can exit from tubular, flute-like bones. Physically this major contrast is reduplicated in colour and paint: the contrast
and socially, the openness of the body must be tempered and controlled. between the yellow/red and white feathers of different head ornaments
is reduplicated in each one; red and black paint are combined together
The dancer then asks a woman to paint his body. She applies a coating of but areas of uniform black on the hard joints of hands, knees and ankles
red powder before painting black linear designs on his calves, thighs and stand out against designs in mixed red and black that pick out the softer
arms. The women who paints him should not be his wife; for preference parts, the trunk, upper and lower arms, calves and thighs.
she is his henyerio, a ceremonial friend and honorary affine, one of whom
first painted him when he emerged from post-initiation seclusion. A The totality of the dancers decorated body thus presents a synthesis and
mans henyerio is also his trading partner who supplies him with strings of balance of opposites that is encapsulated in paired ornaments and in
beads and with the ligatures that make his calves look strong and sexy. A the pairing of these ornaments with paint. As bother/sister or husband/
mans female affines thus distinguish him from his fellows just as female wife, paired ornaments are overtly gendered; the gendering of ornaments
partners temporarily segment the continuous line of dancers. and paint is there in their ownership and production; red and black are
implicitly gendered as complements. Some aspects of this pairing and
Like the feather box, whose explosive openings signal a shift in cosmic synthesis have been discussed above in relation to temporality and the
scales of space and time, the decorated body of the dancer also plays on modulation of openness and closure. Here I turn to their relation to the
scale. In wearing ornaments whose materials derive from all parts of the physical and social self.
cosmos, he condenses a microcosm on his body as his body expands
to macrocosmic proportions and as his identity shifts between self and
ancestor, at once a part and a whole on a single scale that runs from 23. See also Helms 1998: Ch. 11 on tangible durability.
78 79
7. The self, self-presentation and exegesis decoration on the bodys exterior thus stands for its interior parts, for the
For East Tukano peoples, fish, snakes, birds, palm trees, and human bodies social relations these parts imply, and for the persons they constitute.
are all tubes. Human bodies are made up of further tubes, the arm and
leg bones, gut, penis and vagina. Life is sometimes imagined as a passage Like an onion, people their marrow, bone, flesh, skin, paint, and feathers
through a tube and what tubes produce is human life or soul (s) in all form a series of concentric layers, now container, now contained. And
its manifestations, not just semen or children, but also hair, breath, speech, here feather ornaments have an ambiguous tinge. They are central in
song, and music, goods, ornaments and paints, the beautiful, chromatic the maloca but peripheral to the Yurupar in the forest; they are either
creations of men and women that flow from their tubes. The prototypes self-derived, inalienable clothes that encompass affinal connections or
of all such tubes are Yurupar, a penis that produces wind, sound and the alienable parts of affines that can be detached from their persons
colours as semen just as palms produce coloured fruit and feather-like and attached to the self as parts of ones own person and identity. As
leaves. However, if Yurupar and their products concern cosmology, Marquesans are wrapped in images by their matrilateral relatives (Gell
this must be understood, not in transcendental, structural terms but as a 1998:215), so too are East Tukano bodies wrapped in clothing flesh,
general theoretical construct or indigenous way of speaking about social painted skin, feather ornaments supplied by their affines.This wrapping
processes, human capacities, and psycho-sexual dynamics, about the ways extends to thatch of their malocas, another form of feathers, again
that people show their stuff . provided by their affines. As a correlate of their patriliny and exogamy,
East Tukano peoples are carried as parts of others, and carry or bear
In East Tukano understandings of conception, the bones and soul come others by making themselves parts of these others in a endless process of
from the fathers semen whilst vitality, blood, flesh and skin come from enchainment (Wagner 1991:163).
the mothers blood, the former derived from marrow, the latter from
the womb and vagina. Semen thus comes from mens bones as feathers The physical self embodied in ornaments is also a social self, one expanded
from their Yurupar; womens blood and red paint come from womens and enlarged by these ornaments, exteriorisations of aspects of the self
Yurupar. Interior bones, a durable manifestation of the body of the clan, that are distributed about the person. Barasana speak of peoples heads and
are clothed and complemented by ephemeral flesh and skin from external bodies being surrounded by an aura.We can understand this as a statement
maternal and affinal sources, the latter moulded by calf-ligatures and about their personalities, how they come across in the exteriorisations of
covered in painted designs supplied by affinal women. Above and beyond their bodies, their appearance, words, and behaviour and in the things they
the painted skin, feather ornaments, the exteriorised products of inner make and do. The dancers costume is like a hyperform of this aura and
bones, come as a further layer, hoa, both hair and bag. In a general sense, a moving line of fully dressed dancers is a quintessence of human beauty,
80 81
completion, power, health, vitality and energy. Ornaments are metonyms these performances whilst simultaneously staging their own. In Melanesia,
and indices of ancestral powers, capacities and identities and those who where a disparity between elaborate art and meagre verbal exegesis has
wear them become enlarged spatio-temporal operators, appropriating to often been noted, anthropological analyses of art typically proceed at a
themselves the spatio-temporal qualities condensed within the feather structural level to produce interpretations that may not be verbalised
box. It is for this reason that I began this chapter with a discussion of the or understood by its creators; where indigenous peoples put words to
significance of control over ornaments. art, these are more concerned with assessment and evaluation than with
interpretation and meaning (OHanlon 1989; 1992). Predictably, the
Ornaments are vehicles and indices of control over the natural world assessments of well being, strength and unison that Barasana bring to
and over the social environment. They are the counterparts of persons bear on body decorations at ceremonial exchanges are much like those
enlarged to cosmic proportions and extensions and expansions of the reported for Highlands PNG (see Strathern, A. and Strathern M. 1971;
self that attract, persuade and extend influence over others, with the OHanlon 1989).
appearance and songs of the dancers presented as virtual gifts that attract
sex, food, wealth and women, the prizes of ceremonial exchange (see In his insistence on the visual essence of art and on art being a form of
Howard 1991 and Munn 1986). For Gell (1998), art is a technology instrumental action, Gell is rightly sceptical about linguistic models that
of enchantment used in psychological warfare with art objects as the presume art be a language or code. But to reject language as model
distributed extensions of various agents and indices of their capacities should not necessarily entail the rejection of words. Gell proposes a
and intentions. What we call beauty is thus about politics, a vehicle and theory that applies as much to verbal and musical performances as it
manifestation of powers and intentions, a theory that accords with East applies to those that are mediated via artefacts and recognises that, in
Tukano views and practices.As hunters paint, and thus disguise, themselves practice, visual, verbal and musical arts are often inseparable (1998:13,
to seduce and entrap the prey they kill, so dancers decorate themselves 67). If this is so, then words must re-enter the picture, not only as the very
to attract and ensnare others in the networks of their intentions. Gell constituent of verbal performances but also as the carriers of some of the
reminds us that living persons can also be art objects, a point that is accompanying symbolic resonances of the artefacts to which they relate.
especially apt in the present context, though here I would add that body As such, they may be integral components of the abductive inferences
art is also cosmetic and cosmological, and concerned with principles of that artefacts motivate and part of their captivating powers (see also
order, balance and complementarity. Campbell and DAlleva in Thomas and Pinney eds. 2001). If Melanesians
and Amazonians are sometimes unwilling or unable to provide exegetical
Ceremonial exchanges are tournaments of value, mutual displays where commentaries for works of art (see OHanlon 1989:18; Howard 1991:52),
individuals and collectivities activate their names, their wealth and their East Tukano peoples are ready and able to produce myths and myth-
capacities to impress and influence others who consume and evaluate related verbal commentaries concerning decorated bodies and other art
82 83
objects. Alongside knowledge of people and their relations, knowledge of Conclusion

myth forms a component of the assessment of display and performance. Features such as a focus on the cultivation and processing of bitter manioc,
Furthermore, the recitation of myths and the singing of songs derived the consumption of coca and yag, ranked patrilineal and exogamous
from myths are part and parcel of the ornaments that dancers wear. clans, elaborate maloca architecture, the ritual use of masks and sacred
Dancers instantiate and embody myth and myth informs what they are musical instruments forbidden to women, and the religious importance
and do. of ancestors are often listed as characteristic of the East Tukano- and
Arawak-speaking peoples of the Upper Rio Negro. Although this is not
In saying this, in no sense do I wish to imply that words can adequately often noted, a particular style of male ceremonial dress made up of a
express the significance of art and performance; nor do I wish to imply relatively standardized set of items that are stored in a palm-leaf box
that what is written above would ever be presented in this form by the is another feature that might also be added to this list. Far from being
people I know. What they see in their performances is up to them, a merely another trait that also defines a particular Upper Rio Negro
function of their experience, status and current situations. But it is also culture area, I suggest that, in conjunction with shared norms of ritual
a function of what they know how fully they know each myth and interaction and shared conventions regarding the organization and use of
how much they grasp its layered meanings. But we should not expect ritual space, shared bodily ornamentation is a key component in giving
that myths will always state things baldly and explicitly. Though much coherence to the Upper Rio Negro regional system.
of what I have was explained to me by Barasana or is stated directly or
indirectly in their myths and those of their neighbours24 these myths A full discussion of this point is beyond the scope of this paper. Instead,
should be understood as theories that allow people to perceive and as a step in this direction, I have tried here to provide a more limited
understand new or latent connections by applying their principles for exploration of some different facets of Upper Rio Negro body
themselves. Tubes and containers are principles of this kind. In opening ornaments and of the box in which they are stored. My aim has been
up the feather box, displaying its contents, and relating these to their both ethnographic and theoretical; in placing an analysis of Upper Rio
counterparts hidden offstage, my intention has been to indicate some of Negro body ornamentation in the context of material from other parts
the potential knowledge that different observers might bring to bear on of lowland South America, I have also tried to show that different styles
the body of the dancer in a range of different possible interpretations. of analysis, of value and exchange, of politics and performance, and of
cosmology and exegesis, must here work together.
24. See e.g. Umsin Panln Kumu (Firmiano Arantes Lana) and Tolamn Kenhri
(Luiz Gomes Lana) (1980) and Diakuru (Amrico Castro Fernandes) and Kisibi
(Dorvalino Moura Fernandes) (1996).
84 85
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. 1982. The Pleiades and Scorpius in Barasana cosmology.
Ethnoastronomy and Archaeoastronomy in the American Tropics, ed. A. Mentore, George. 1993.Tempering the social self: Body adornment, vital
Aveni and G. Urton. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 385: substance, and knowledge among the Waiwai. Journal of Archaeology
183-201. New York: New York Academy of Sciences. and Anthropology 9: 22-23.
. 1992. Yesterdays luxuries, tomorrows necessities: Business and Montagner, Delvair. 1986. Simbolismo dos adornos corporais Marbo.
barter in Northwest Amazonia. Barter, Exchange and Value, ed. C. Revista do Museu Paulista 31: 7-41.
Humphrey and S. Hugh-Jones. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Munn, Nancy. 1986. The Fame of Gawa. Cambridge: Cambridge
. 1995. Back to front and inside out: The androgynous house in University Press.
NW Amazonia. About the House, ed. J. Carsten and S. Hugh-Jones.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. OHanlon, Michael. 1989. Reading the Skin. London: British Museum
Press.
. 1996. Bonnes raisons ou mauvaise conscience? De lambivalence
de certains Amazoniens envers la consommation de la viande. Terrain . 1992. Unstable images and second skins: Artefacts, exegesis and
26: 123-148. assessments in the New Guinea Highlands. Man 27, 3: 587-608.
. 2001. The gender of some Amazonian gifts: An experiment with Rivire, Peter G. 1984. Individual and society in Guiana. Cambridge:
an experiment. Gender in Amazonia and Melanesia, ed. T. Gregor and D. Cambridge University Press.
Tuzin. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Seeger, Anthony. 1975.The meaning of body ornaments: A Suya example.
. 2006. The substance of Northwest Amazonian names. The Ethnology 14, 3: 211-224.
Anthropology of Names and Naming, ed. G. vom Bruch and B.
Bodenhorn. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Strathern, Marilyn. 1988. The Gender of the Gift. Berkeley; London:
University of California Press.
. 2009.The fabricated body: Objects and ancestors in NW Amazonia.
The Occult Life of Things, ed. F. Santos-Granero. Tucson: University of Strathern, Andrew and Marilyn Strathern. 1971. Self-decoration in
Arizona Press. Mount Hagen. London: Backworth.
88 89
Pandoras box - upper rio negro style
Turner,Terence. 1969. Tchikrin: a Central Brazilian tribe and its symbolic

language of bodily adornment. Natural History: 50, 52, 57-59 and70.
. 1991.We are parrots,twins are birds: Play of tropes as operational

structure. Beyond Metaphor, ed. J.W. Fernandez. Stanford: Stanford
University Press.
. 1995. Social body and embodied subject: Bodiliness, subjectivity

and sociality among the Kayap. Cultural Anthropology 10, 2: 143-79.
Umsin Panln Kumu (Firmiano Arantes Lana) and Tolamn Kenhri The Serpent, the Pleiades, and the One-legged
(Luiz Gomes Lana) 1980. Antes o Mundo No Existia. So Gabriel:
UNIRT/FOIRN. Hunter: Astronomical themes in the Upper Rio Negro
Verswijver, Gustaaf. 1987. Analyse comparative des parures Nahua:
Similitudes et differences. Buletin du Musee dEthnographie de la Ville
de Genve 29: 25-67.
Patience Epps
. 1992. Kaiap amazonie: Plumes et peintures corporelles. Gent: University of Texas at Austin
Snoeck-Ducaju and Zoon.
Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo. 1998. Cosmological deixis and Amerindian

perspectivism. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 4, 3: 469-488. Melissa Oliveira
Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina/FAPEAM
Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo and Carlos Fausto. 1993. La puissance et
lacte: la parent dans les basses terres Sud-Americaine. LHomme 33 (2-
4): 141-170.
Wagner, Roy. 1991. The fractal person. Big Men and Great Men, ed. M. Abstract: Astronomical beliefs are a fruitful area for cultural exchange,
Strathern and M. Godelier. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
with relevance to many aspects of indigenous Amazonian life spiritual
Weiner, Annette B. 1992. Inalienable Possessions. Berkeley, Oxford: belief, ritual practice, verbal art, and day-to-day subsistence activities.
University of California Press. Here we consider the star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro peoples, with a
Wilson, Peter J. 1988.The Domestication of the Human Species. London: particular focus on the regions of the Pleiades, Scorpius, and associated
Yale University Press. constellations.Various common themes appear in the astronomical beliefs
of the East Tukano, Arawak, and forest peoples (Nadahup, Kakua) of the
region, indicative of their extensive interaction over time; on the other
hand, certain differences in astronomical beliefs and practices may be
linked to their distinct histories and subsistence orientations. In addition,
90
The Serpent, the Pleiades, and the One-legged Hunter Patience Epps and Melissa Oliveira
we observe that many of the astronomical themes encountered in the Introduction1

Upper Rio Negro are found more widely throughout the Amazonian Most of the worlds cultures identify patterns in the stars, although the
lowlands and beyond, traces of the broad networks of interaction that shapes and significance of these constellations vary widely from group
linked these regions in the past. to group. Ethnographic studies have often overlooked astronomical
Keywords: astronomy; cosmology; Rio Negro; Amazonia; constellations; knowledge, perhaps considering it of peripheral interest to the
East Tukano; Nadahup; Arawak understanding of a culture. Yet the interpretation of the sky is for
many peoples a pivotal facet within a complex network of beliefs and
associations that informs many aspects of their lives (Chamberlain and
Resumo: Conhecimentos astronmicos conformam um campo
Young 2005; Chamberlain 2005).
frutfero de intercmbio cultural, com reflexos em muitas reas da vida
dos povos indgenas da Amaznia suas concepes sobre o mundo e as
relaes entre os seres que o constituem, prticas ritualsticas, artes verbais
e atividades de subsistncia cotidiana. Nesse trabalho consideramos os
conhecimentos dos povos do Alto Rio Negro sobre as estrelas, focalizando
principalmente aqueles relacionados s regies estelares de Pliades, 1. We are grateful to the people of the Upper Rio Negro who have shared
Escorpio e constelaes associadas. Vrios temas em comum marcam their knowledge of the stars with us. Epps work on this paper and with the
os conhecimentos astronmicos dos povos na regio Tukano Oriental, Hup people was supported (in 2011) by a Mellon Research Travel Grant
Aruk e da floresta (Nadahup, Kakua), indicando uma interao duradora awarded through the Teresa Lozano Long Institute of Latin American Studies
entre os mesmos; por outro lado, certas diferenas entre conhecimentos at the University of Texas at Austin, by National Science Foundation grant
e prticas astronmicas assinalam histrias distintas e orientaes de HSD0902114, and (in 2001-2004) by NSF grant DDRG BCS-0111550,
subsistncia diversas. No mais, observamos que muitos dos temas Fulbright-Hays, and the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology.
astronmicos encontrados no Alto Rio Negro so encontrados mais Oliveiras research on Tukano cosmology was conducted jointly with the
amplamente nas terras baixas da Amaznia e reas contguas, evidncia researchers, indigenous environmental agents (AIMAs), and indigenous experts
de redes maiores de interao entre regies estabelecidas no passado. of Aeity (Associao Escola Indgena Tukano Yupuri) and Acimet (Associao
Palavras-chave: astronomia; cosmologia; Rio Negro; Amaznia; das Comunidades Indgenas do Mdio Tiqui), and with Walmir Thomazi
constelaes; Tukano Oriental; Nadahup; Aruk Cardoso (Pontifcia Universidade Catlica de So Paulo and Brazilian Society
for the Teaching of Astronomy, SBEA). Oliveiras work was supported by the
Instituto Socioambiental and the Federao das Organizaes Indgenas do Alto
Rio Negro; it took place as part of a wider research project on environmental
92 93
The centrality of astronomical knowledge is clearly evident among In this paper, we consider the star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro peoples.
the peoples of the Upper Rio Negro, as it is for many other indigenous Despite the differences among these groups languages, cultural practices,
Amazonians. In the Rio Negro region, constellations are closely woven into and subsistence activities, the many shared motifs in their astronomical
ritual life and mythological narrative, mark the seasons of the year, and signal beliefs are evidence for the profound cultural and linguistic exchange that
the life-cycle phases (reproduction, migration, and interaction of the plants has gone on in this region. Similarly, the differences in their cosmological
and animals that are prevalent during those seasons. Thus the knowledge systems speak to their distinct identities, and to their different degrees of
of the stars represents a crucial link between spiritual belief, ritual practice, involvement in overlapping regional systems. Finally, the similarities and
verbal art, and day-to-day subsistence activities in indigenous life. differences between the astronomical beliefs of the Upper Rio Negro
groups and those of peoples in the broader Amazonian region provide
Given its centrality to daily life, it should be no surprise that astronomical intriguing clues to wider networks of interaction, some of which are
knowledge is a particularly fruitful area for cultural exchange. This can undoubtedly very old.
be seen in many parts of the world, as in the widespread recognition
of particular constellations in the European tradition such as Taurus We focus our discussion on the Pleiades, a constellation that is particularly
the bull much of which is rooted in Greco-Roman and Babylonian widely identified and culturally important for many Amazonian peoples
mythology. Similarly, knowledge and beliefs centered on the stars are (see e.g. Hugh-Jones 1979; 1982; Ortiz Gomez 1987), and on Scorpius,
widely shared among Amazonian groups (see e.g. Jara 2002; Magaa its counterpart in various Amazonian mythologies and in the night sky.
2005; Roe 2005; Arias de Grief and Reichel 1987). In regions where We examine the roles that these and other constellations, most notably
contact is more intense, we can expect to find more shared astronomical the Hyades and Orion, play in the daily life of the Upper Rio Negro
themes, just as we find shared aspects of cultural and discursive practice peoples in their verbal art, subsistence activities, and ritual and spiritual
more generally. life in light of the similarities and differences that exist among these
groups and their neighbors.
1. Regional context
management conducted by the indigenous associations of the Tiqui River, As discussed in the introduction to this volume, the Rio Negro region is
in partnership with the Instituto Socioambientals Rio Negro Program, home to peoples from as many as five distinct language families, whose
particularly Aloisio Cabalzar and Pieter van der Veld. Our thanks also go to cultural and subsistence practices differ in locally significant ways. The
Kristine Stenzel, Danilo Paiva Ramos, and Aloisio Cabalzar for their helpful East Tukano groups of the Vaupes region are settled, river-dwelling
comments on the material in this article. fisher-farmers; they speak a closely related set of over a dozen languages,
94 95
and traditionally practice linguistic exogamy, by which marriage Despite their differences, the Upper Rio Negro peoples and particularly
partners are expected to come from different ethno-linguistic groups those of the Vaups region have engaged in an intensive exchange of
(e.g. Sorensen 1967; Jackson 1983; Stenzel 2005; Cabalzar 2008). Their knowledge systems and cultural practices over a long period of time.
Arawak neighbors (Baniwa, Kurripako, Tariana,Yukuna, Bar, Werekena, This interaction has given rise to many similarities, as discussed in this
and others), which except for the Tariana are located on the periphery volume, including linguistic features, discursive practices, ritual practices,
of the Vaups, are distinct both linguistically and in their preference for and subsistence activities.
marrying within their linguistic group (with some exceptions most
notably the Tariana, who are more integrated into the Vaups system). Astronomical knowledge represents a crucial link among these
However, like their neighbors they have a settled, riverine orientation various facets of indigenous Amazonian life a pivot point at which
and depend heavily on fishing and farming. Many of the formerly information and practice are organized and interrelated. Although details
Arawak-speaking peoples of the middle Rio Negro region have shifted about astronomical beliefs and their relationship with other aspects of
linguistically to Nheengat, a Tupi-Guarani language spread by Jesuit daily life are unfortunately limited for many Rio Negro peoples, we
missionaries, and/or to Portuguese. are nevertheless able to make some intriguing observations about the
similarities and differences that occur throughout the region, and their
The Rio Negro region is also home to the Nadahup and Kakua- implications for understanding the Rio Negro cultural system as a whole.
Nkak language groups. While these two sets of languages are frequently
lumped together under the denomination Mak, recent work has As is true for peoples in many other parts of the world, the constellations
shown that they may be linguistically unrelated (Bolaos and Epps provide the Rio Negro peoples with a visual calendar. The appearance
2009). However, their speakers fit together into a locally salient cultural of particular star-patterns in the night sky is understood to correspond
category, defined by their hunting-gathering subsistence focus and semi- to particular seasons of the year, which in this region are associated with
nomadic settlement pattern (though this has lessened in recent decades), periods of rain or relative dryness. The astronomical calendar effectively
their forest orientation, and the fact that they do not practice linguistic maps the life cycles of wild plants, fish and animals, as well as the agricultural
exogamy. Within the Vaups region in particular, the Hup and Yuhup cycles of planting and harvest, in relation to these seasons. The calendar is
(Nadahup) peoples, and likewise the Kakua (Kakua-Nkak), engage thus an integral part of day-to-day subsistence practices, which draw on
in frequent interaction with their East Tukano and Arawak neighbors, the resources available during the different phases of the natural cycles.
involving extensive trade of goods and labor. The forest peoples are
treated as socially inferior by their riverine neighbors (see, e.g. Jackson The star calendar is also ritually significant. The arrival of particular
1983; Reid 1979; Silverwood-Cope 1972). constellations marks the times at which certain rituals are performed;
for example, Hugh-Jones (1982:199, one of the most detailed accounts
96 97
of Rio Negro cosmology) describes how for the Barasana (East Tukano), ideas among groups may also be reinforced or restrained by the natural
dabacuri rituals center around the exchange of particular forest fruits, of associations involved. For example, the Pleiades is of central importance
which the availability is signaled by constellations. Similarly, the position in the northwest Amazon, where it marks the juncture between the wet
of the Pleiades dictates the timing of the main initiation rite (he wi), and dry seasons, but it is likely to be less emphasized in other regions
which coincides with the conjunction of the dry and wet seasons and where the seasonal cycles are different. Similarly, the associations among
their associated oppositions, such as male vs. female agricultural activities particular constellations notably the Pleiades, Hyades, and Orion, which
and cultivated vs. wild fruits. are widely linked in Amazonian mythologies are doubtless due in part
to the fact that they appear to move as a group across the sky.
The stars are likewise symbolically associated with ritual activities and
objects. For example, again for the Barasana, Hugh-Jones (1982:199) In what follows, we consider the astronomical beliefs of the East Tukano
writes that the components of feather ornaments represent the sun, stars, groups, the Arawaks, and the forest peoples (Nadahup and Kakua) of the
and rain in a kind of cosmic synthesis; moreover, the feathers themselves Rio Negro region. We discuss the similarities and differences in star-lore
are from birds, believed to be a daytime embodiment of stars. Dancers among these groups and those beyond the region, in light of the various
move around the house in circular east-west movements, replicating the facets of Amazonian life.
movements of the heavens, and initiates in the he wi ceremony eat coca
from a gourd of beeswax that represents the vagina of Woman Shaman, 2. Star-lore of the East Tukano peoples
who is identified with the Pleiades. The cosmology and constellations of the East Tukano peoples have long
been a focus of interest for travelers, missionaries, and anthropologists,
Finally, the figures represented by the constellations are the characters and have been described more recently in publications by indigenous
of myths, so the stars provide a visual embodiment of the spiritual experts themselves. Discussions in the literature include Koch-Grnberg
framework peoples use to make sense of their existence. The association (2009 [1905]; 2005 [1909]) for the Mirititapuyo of the Tiqui River
between the constellations and central themes of indigenous verbal art and the Kubeo of the Cuduyar River; Bruzzi A. da Silva (1962; 1994)
(narrated myths, incantations, and other forms of discourse) means that for the Waikhana (Pira-Tapuya) and Tukano peoples; Hugh Jones (1979;
astronomical knowledge is an important aspect of the discursive resources 1982) for the Barasana; Correa (1987) for the Kubeo; Reichel-Dolmatoff
of many Amazonian groups. (1997), Ribeiro and Kenhri (1987), and Fernandes and Fernandes (2006)
for the Desana; Aeitu (2005; 2008) for the Tuyuka of the Upper Tiqui;
In considering the common threads and differences among Amazonian and Aeity and Acimet (2008), Cardoso (2007), Oliveira (2010), Oliveira
astronomical beliefs, there is no doubt that contact among groups is and Azevedo (2010), and Cabalzar and Azevedo (2010) for the Tukano
responsible for many widely shared motifs. However, the diffusion of and the Desana of the Middle Tiqui River.
98 99
A particular set of constellations is recognized by almost all of these linked to seasonal changes, as Hugh-Jones (1982:189) suggests for the
groups, with some variations.These are the Viper (or Stingray), Armadillo, Barasana. Various constellations are also identified with particular types
Jacund Fish, Shrimp, Jaguar, Star-Group (or Star-Thing), Fish-Smoking of birds, which appear during the time of year in which the relevant
Grid, Adze,2 Otter, and Egret.3 The Tukano groups often differ on which constellations are visible and bear their names; these birds are believed
name is linked to which precise set of stars; however, a relatively consistent to be the day-time embodiment of the stars (Hugh-Jones 1982:185;
matching is found between the Viper and the region of Scorpius, the Ramirez 1997:246; Oliveira forthcoming).
Star-Group (or Star-Thing) and the Pleiades, the Fish-Smoking Grid
and the Hyades, and the Adze and Orions belt.4 Like the other peoples of the Rio Negro and beyond, the East Tukanos
associate the annual cycle of the constellations with the cycles of
Entities represented by the constellations include birds, fruits, insects, fish, the seasons, ecological phenomena, economic activities, rituals, and
other aquatic creatures, and objects of manufacture, but notably not game recurrence of particular diseases. For the Tukano and Desana of the middle
animals perhaps because these are classified as earth-related and are less Tiqui River (Aeity and Acimet 2008; Cardoso 2007), for example, the
descent of particular constellations into the western horizon marks the
occurrence of seasonal rains and high-water periods, which are named
2. A tool used in woodworking (Portuguese cabo de enx). for the constellations and are typically associated with the entities they
3. Some constellations are composed of several parts; the Viper, for example, represent.5 Miguel Azevedo, a Tukano of the middle Tiqui, describes the
includes head, eggs, liver, body and tail (see Aeity and Acimet 2008; Cardoso time of the Viper Rains (Aa Poero):
2007).
4. Nonetheless, variations occur even within particular groups. For the Barasana, When the Viper constellation descends [...], the fish have
for example, Hugh-Jones (1982:190-191) observes that ...the Caterpillar Jaguar, more fat, and are beginning to form eggs. In the old days
[identified with] Scorpius, is a very ambivalent creature, variously described as people would make big fish-weirs to encircle the mouths of
a jaguar with a snake for a tail or a snake with jaguar only for a name. As a
jaguar, it is linked with Forest Fruit Jaguar (he rika yai), the master of forest 5. The longer intervening dry periods are named according to the cycles of
fruits, and a cluster of stars in the region of of Scorpious, called the jaguars certain cultivated fruits: e.g. ing (inga genus; mer kum), pupunha (guilielma
testicles, are also identified with the tree fruit. As a snake, the constellation is speciosa; ur kuma), umari (poraqueiba sp.; wamu kuma), and cucura (pourouma
identified with the category hino, which embraces both large nonpoisonous cecropiaefolia; use kuma);: and for edible insects:, particularly the comestible
constrictors (Boidae) and also mythical ancestor figures of whom a snake is only caterpillars (ia kuma) and sauva ants (mehk kuma) (Aeity and Acimet 2008).
one manifestation.The eggs of this snake are the cluster by of Scorpius and its The shorter dry periods receive the names of the constellations that are near the
tongue is the blade of the ritual adze, itself a constellation. western horizon during the time of their occurrence.
100 101
lakes and pools to catch the fish. They do not resist timb As observed by Uremir Jose Azevedo, a Tukano of the middle Tiqui
[fish-poison] and die quickly.When the river-japura [fruit] is River (Oliveira 2010), the Tukano people consider the constellations to
falling, they eat and get fat. At this time they rise, are greasy. derive from the time of the worlds first people, the Emergent People
[...] This fat turns into eggs. Its as if they were in a period (Bahuari Mahs), whose visits to earth from the Maloca of the Sky (Umuse
of menstruation or initiation, like people. At the time of Wikh) gave rise to the conditions in which humanity exists today.
the Viper, they do not eat because they are fasting, just as Objects and beings they manipulated and encountered, as described in
we do after the initiation ritual. In the dry period people myth, were released into the sky and became ohkoa Mahs, Star-People.
would fish with poison, encircling the lakes and pools, and
would kill them when they had eggs. At that time a first In many cases, the ascent of mythical characters into the sky is linked
spawning occurs, in the first flood of the Viper (...), when to their liaisons with non-human entities or breaches of behavioral
the fish prepare the places where they will reproduce, which norms (Oliveira 2010). For example, the Tukano and Desana accounts
are their houses. Because of this it is said that when you put of the origin of the Viper constellation (Aeity and Acimet 2008;
the fish-trap at these sites, its like a big snake waiting to eat.6 Fernandes and Fernandes 2006) describe how the wife and brother of
(Cabalzar and Azevedo 2010:51-52)7 the demiurge Yepa Oakhu (Tukano) or Deyubari Gomu (Desana) were
killed while attending a dabacuri festival in the village of the family of
Similarly, according to the Tuyuka, it is dangerous to collect fruits during Vipers (Aa Mahs), the children of Thunder (Buhpo); the vipers were
the time of Woga Mas (the Toad People, lords of certain forest fruits), killed in revenge and set in the sky. Similarly, other constellations are
requiring incantations to protect against accidents that could occur in the linked to the myth in which the Yurupari trumpets were stolen by
forest. Particular songs and ceremonies are performed at dabacuri rituals women (before returning to the exclusive domain of men): the Shrimp
during the periods in which certain fruits are available (Aeitu 2005:151). (who was charged with keeping the trumpets safe and hidden) and the
Jacunda fish (who encouraged the women to touch them) were thrown
into the sky as punishment for their transgressions (for the Tukano and
Desana, see Fernandes and Fernandes 2006; Cardoso 2007; and Aeity
6. Similarly, Hugh-Jones (1982:191) observes that for the Barasana the and Acimet 2008, who also link the Armadillo (Pamo) constellation
Caterpillar Jaguar is the father of snakes (anya haku) and is responsible for their to the Yurupari trumpets; for the Kubeo, see Correa 1987:152-153).8
creation. As it and its companion the Snake pass their zenith and begin to set in
October, snakes become especially visible and aggressive and this is presumably
the time when many of them breed.
8. In the Kubeo version, according to Correa (1987:153), the mythological
7. Our translation from Portuguese.
figure Yurijer used his smoking grid (as a scaffold on which to stand) and his
102 103
The Pleiades constellation holds particular importance for the East The year is defined by the movements of the Pleiades
Tukano peoples. Most groups call it the Star-Group or Star-Thing, with constellation (okoatero). Its appearance at dawn is the sign
the exception of the Kubeo, who call it the Wasp Nest (uchiwu) (Koch- of the new year. In this period the dawn comes with a
Grnberg 2009 [1905]; Correa 1987), and the Retur (Tanimuka), for chill fog (yusuare), and it is the time of the male initiation,
whom it represents a type of cricket that appears on the river-beaches coinciding approximately with the month of July. The year
at low water (von Hildebrand 1987). Koch-Grnberg (2005 [1909]:530) begins with the end of the rainy season, generally in the
observes that the Pleiades marks the time of planting for the Tukano second half of July. Between December and February, when
and Arawak Indians of the Iana and Vaups Rivers. Hugh-Jones (1982) the Pleiades appear at dusk in the center of the sky, it is the
detailed account of Barasana cosmology describes the Pleiades as the time to clear the manioc gardens, (...) the season to protect
most important constellation in the Barasana zodiac, marking the dry against diseases, and for the ceremonies to tame the Yuku
season from December to March; this period is associated positively with Mas (tree people). When okoatero (...) appears at dusk in
the time of year when food is abundant and people go visiting. The the sky in the position of (the sun at) four in the afternoon, it
Pleiades stand in contrast to Scorpius (the ambivalent Caterpillar Jaguar/ starts to rain more. At the time before the manioc gardens are
Snake), whose appearance at the opposite time of the year in the rainy made, the benzedor [preparer of spells] does the ceremony
season is associated with scarcity of food, death, witchcraft, and disease. for protection, to prevent illnesses or accidents in the work
The Barasana consider the Pleiades to be the nocturnal counterpart of in the fields. At the end of the garden-clearing, during the
the sun, associated with Woman Shaman, the controller of the seasons dry season, dances are performed to bring a good dry season
and agriculture. Similarly, the Pleiades mark the time of the principal for burning the fields.9 (Aeitu 2005:150)
initiation rituals for the Kubeo (Correa 1987) and for the Tuyuka.
Aeitu (2005) describes the significance of the Pleiades in the Tuyuka Mythical accounts of the Pleiades origin include the following Desana
yearly cycle: version, as related by Gui Maximiano Aguiar of the middle Tiqui River
(Aeity and Acimet 2008; see also Fernandes and Fernandes 2006:31-33).
Similar stories are also told by the Tukano people of the region (Oliveira,
adze to climb into the palm trees to make the ancestral flutes and trumpets, field notes).
and these tools remained in the sky as constellations. Later, women stole the
trumpets but did not know how to use them properly.The men then repossessed
the trumpets, and Yurijer made the women pay for their action with their lives.
For this reason, women today may not see the trumpets, and, it is said, cannot
explain the significance of these constellations. 9. Our translation from Portuguese.
104 105
The origin of the Pleiades is linked to the story of a man is likely that the diffusion of ideas has moved in both directions.11 Koch-
who was making a fish-weir before the Pleiades rains came. Grnberg (2005 [1909]) lists constellations identified by the Siuci or
Another man arrived, asked what he was doing, and told Walipeeri Dakenai - Descendants of the Pleiades - of the Aiar River,12
him to get on with the work because the Cloud-Flood which include two Shrimp constellations (Manpane Dzka, Dzka)
(Ome Poero) was about to come. The man then realized that in the region of Leo and to the west; the Fish-Trap (pitsi, Nassa) in
(the visitor) was ohkoa Diar Mahs (a leader of the Star- Orion; the Youths (Oalperi), corresponding to the Pleiades, Kakudzt in
People), ohkoa Mahsu (Star-Person). The Star-Man warned Eridanus, and the Great Serpent (Kitpana) in the region of Scorpius.
that the constellation would fall to earth at midnight. When For the Kurripako of the Upper Rio Negro, Rojas (1997) lists the
(the Star-Man) turned around, (the man) saw on his back piece of a shrimps arm (Manapa); the Pleiades (Walipere); the Fish-Trap
a constellation, the Pleiades. He returned home and told (Uptisina), corresponding to Taurus; the Curve or Zig-zag (Kakuyude),
his wife what had happened. At midnight there was a noise, corresponding to Orion; the seven-headed Snake (Kjewidapam), or
and after midnight came rain, wind, and lightning. It rained Scorpius; the group of four otters (each represented by a single star);
until dawn and continued raining throughout the day, and the Green Ibis (Kuriam); the Cicada (Yurum), corresponding to the
all night, and did not stop until the next day at noon. The Southern Cross; the Clay Pot (Makuapidam); the Armadillo (Aaldali), and
constellation was forming. Thus the Pleiades came to exist; the Father of Egrets (Maalinai). The myths discussed by Rojas illustrate
it was on the back of the Star-Man (ohkoa Mahsu).10 (Aeity the associations between the constellations and seasonal and ecological
and Acimet 2008:16) phenomena.
3. Star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro Arawaks

The star-lore of the Arawak peoples of the Rio Negro region shares
many motifs with that of the East Tukanos. Jara (2002:115) suggests 11. We base this suggestion on the fact that other shared features in the region
that the direction of influence has been largely from East Tukano into almost certainly have an Arawak origin, such as the belief in a culture figure
Arawak, since Arawak beliefs in other regions are relatively distinct, but it named Bone-Son (or some variant thereof), and the Yurupari tradition with its
sacred flutes. We also note that the widespread existence of many astronomical
themes, as discussed in Section 5 below, suggests that the exchange of ideas has
followed multiple routes.
10. Translation from the Desana by Cornelio Lobo; our translation from the 12. A phratric group of the Baniwa (Koch-Grnberg 2005 [1909]). The name
Portuguese. Siuci derives from Nheengat.
106 107
The association between Scorpius and the Great Serpent is widespread Serpent (Scorpius and/or Ophiuchus). A Tariana account of the origin of
among the Rio Negro Arawaks and other groups. Tastevin (2008 the Pleiades describes how two children were born from the union of a
[1925]:138) records the belief that the constellation originated in the female water spirit and a trumpeter bird: a girl (Meenspuin star fire), who
ascent of a mythical snake to the sky, noting that it is to this snake that became the Pleiades, and a boy (Pinon), who became the constellation
the first heavy rains of November and December are attributed, which of the Great Serpent. Each year, when the Pleiades descend below the
produce sudden, rapid, and short-lived periods of high water. Tastevin horizon and disappear, the Serpent rises, ushering in a period of decay
recounts a myth, told to him by the descendent of a Manao (Arawak) in which the gardens give their last fruits and the birds lose their old
Indian living along the Solimes River, in which a woman is impregnated feathers (Jara 2002:124; citing Goeje 1943:119). The new year and the
by a giant serpent and gives birth to a serpent son (Boiau), who ascends time of renewal and growth arrive with the reappearance of the Pleiades.
into the heavens.13 A very similar tale is also told among Vaups peoples,
although the attested versions do not mention the stars (Epps, fieldnotes; The Kurripako story of the origin of the Pleiades (Waliperi), as recounted
Bruzzi A. da Silva 1994:90; see also Hugh-Jones 1982:191). by Rojas (1997:139), closely resembles that recorded for the East Tukanos.
Waliperi encountered a group of people who were making fish traps
The Pleiades play a central role among the constellations recognized by and saying that they had to prepare them before a small, brilliant bird
the Rio Negro Arawaks, as they do for the East Tukanos and others in would descend. Walipere listened and told them to wait five days, after
the region. The Pleiades mark the beginning of the agricultural cycle which would come a flood, and advised them to install the traps carefully
(Koch-Grnberg (2005 [1909]) and stand in opposition to the Great because the flood would be very strong. He then left the people who
were setting their traps and walked about looking for fruits and timb
(fish-poison) in order to fish in the streams. When we look into the sky,
13. However, Tastevin (2008 [1925]:150) observes that the match between we see Waliperes back as he lies face up, and on it are nine little stars, or
Boiau and Scorpius is not in fact a precise one. For my narrator, Boiau is bright birds the Pleiades.
not simply a constellation; it is a dark streak in the sky, or more precisely, in the
Milky Way; its body is sprinkled with small brilliant stars. Its head touches Pisces.
Climbing past it is a sorva tree [Sorbus domestica], traced by stars, at the foot of 4. Star-lore of the Rio Negro forest peoples
which can be seen Boius canoe, with its masts, its prow, its rudder. The body The repertoire of constellations among the Vaups forest peoples appears
of the canoe is a semi-dark cloud, part of the Milky Way, outlined by stars. It to have much in common with that of their East Tukano neighbors,
is seen a little below and to the left of Scorpius, [which represents] the tree by although unfortunately there is little information for many of the forest
which [Boiau] ascended to the sky (our translation). Roe (2005) also observes groups. Here we focus on the Hup and Kakua (Bara) peoples, with whom
the relevance of dark patches among the stars to Amazonian constellations. some investigation into star-lore has been carried out. The common
108 109
features in their views of the heavens doubtless owe much to their their rains. After the egrets come, then comes the armadillo.
long-term and intensive interaction with Tukano peoples, including the The armadillo rains, the viper [Scorpius] rains, they come,
sharing of myths, stories, and other discourse forms, and are yet another bathing the ing [edible fruit] and making it grow.When the
facet of the cultural common ground between these groups despite venomous snake rains come, the armadillo rains will come.
their differences in language, subsistence and settlement patterns, and Thats all of them, those rain-lords.15
marriage norms.14
All of these constellations are found among the Tukano and other
Henrique Monteiro, a Hup elder from the community of Taracua Igarap
East Tukano groups (see Section 2 above). Sr. Henriques account also
on the middle Tiqui River, gave the following description of the yearly
addresses the seasons that accompany the constellations (rain-lords)
cycle of constellations and associated seasonal changes:
and mentions the natural resources that are available during those seasons,

as well as the natural entities that are feared (such as the venomous snakes
First comes the jaguars head, then his whiskers. After that it
that are said to be more prevalent during the time of this constellation),
goes up, the jaguars body, there are many [parts] to that jaguar.
as observed for the Tukanos. The description of the major constellations
After that come the Star-Hollow [Pleiades] rains. After those
as rain-lords likewise has a parallel among the Tukano and Desana
rains comes the fish-smoking grid [Hyades/Taurus].After the
peoples, who refer to the constellations that are associated with longer
fish-smoking grid rains come the adze [Orions belt] rains.
periods of rain and high water as the star leaders or chiefs (Cardoso
Once those adze rains have gone by its the otter rains; those
2007; Oliveira 2010).
are very heavy rains. Then, after the otter rains have passed,
(come) the crabs, the shrimps, all those rain-lords. The white
The Pleiades is an important constellation for the Hupdh, who call it
egrets, the moyk egrets, the toucans. All of them come with
the Star-Hollow.Virtually all Hup people recognize it in the sky, and the
myth involving the Pleiades is frequently told among the Tiquie River
Hupdh. The same tale is associated with the constellation of the Viper
(Scorpius), and also accounts for the emergence of the Fish-Smoking
14. We note, however, that traditional ritual life in the region has undergone
Grid (the Hyades, part of Taurus). The Hup Pleiades story, as told by
many changes due to contact with the national society, missionaries, and other
Henrique Monteiro, is as follows:
agents of change, so it is difficult to gauge how much star-lore has changed over
the past decades. Our accounts of Hup astronomical knowledge and practice are
predominantly contemporary, based on recent investigation along the middle
15. Our translation from Hup.
Tiquie River.
110 111
Those Star-Hollow ones, they used to be people on this that they went up to the sky, the Star-Hollow ones. They
earth. A snake killed them here on the earth. One by one were once people. They climbed up there to stay.16
they descended to the river [lured by the snakes beautiful
daughter] and were killed. The snake put them up on a fish- A very similar story, involving the death of mythological brothers who
smoking grid, one after another, those who had been people, were lured to the riverbank by a viper woman, occurs among the Tukano
the Star-Hollow children. He smoked each of them over the and Desana (Azevedo and Azevedo 2003), and related versions all
fire [on the smoking-grid]. concerning an altercation between vipers and mythical people are
documented widely among East Tukano groups (see Section 2 above;
The snakes hole was big, long! In the creek the snake had Aeity and Acimet 2008). Most of these stories are focused primarily
sunk the end of a hollow log. You grab the fish, said the on the Viper and Adze constellations, and do not appear to mention
snakes daughter, Ill poke with the stick [into the log] to the Pleiades; however, a Desana version, recounted in Fernandes and
send them out to you, she said [intending to trick the men Fernandes (2006:31-33; see also Section 1 above), appears to link the
into falling victim to the snake].When she poked, each time, two.This story tells about the Nek Mas, or Star-People, who suffered as
that snake bit each of them, from within the hollow log. slaves on earth after the death of their leader at the hands of his wife, the
daughter of the Viper, equated with Thunder.Their ensuing escape led to
A long time [it went thus]... he did this to all the brothers, the emergence of the Pleiades and the Adze constellations.
and then another man came. He put bb bark on his hand,
and wrapped it around many times [to make a thick glove]. For the Kakua, as for the Hupdh, the repertoire of constellations has
When his hand was covered, he said, Send them on! Send much in common with that of the other Vaups peoples. Silverwood-
them on! Right here, grab it! the Snakes daughter said. He Cope (1972:251) lists the Pleiades, the fish-smoking grid (Taurus), the
grabbed the snakes head and pulled it, and killed that snake. shoulder-carried thing (i.e. adze, which was formerly used as a ritual
object in dances [see Hugh-Jones 1979; 1982]; Orions belt), the fresh-
Then a man made a blessing [incantation] for the murdered water shrimp (Bellatrix or Leo), the armadillo (Corona Borealis), the
brothers. He blessed them with smoke-leaf, pineapple-wash venomous snake (Scorpius), and the jaguar (Cetus). He observes that these
plant, all of these. In making the blessing-smoke for them, he major constellations announce the coming of seasonal changes in rainfall,
caused them, who had been smoking on the grid, to descend and in the plant and animal environment. He also notes that the Kakua
[magically cured]. You all come bathe and wash, he said,
and he sent them all to the river. Thats how it came about,
16. Our translation from Hup.
112 113
believe the stars to be transformed into small birds in the daytime, which The associations between the astronomical cycles and those of the
fly back to the east a belief shared by the East Tukanos (see above). natural and seasonal year may also be somewhat distinct. For Tukano and
The Pleiades themselves are termed water-cuttings in Silverwood-Copes Arawak peoples, the constellations are particularly significant in timing
(1972) work; it is not yet known to what extent the Kakua beliefs involving agricultural cycles especially the Pleiades, which mark the beginning
this constellation resemble those of their neighbors. of the dry season. For the Hupdh (and possibly for other hunting/
gathering-focused peoples in the region), on the other hand, the seasonal
While the star-lore of the Vaups forest peoples bears close resemblances changes in wild resources appear to be more frequently emphasized.
to that of their riverine neighbors, certain differences also emerge. For Ramos observes that the Hup people he spoke with drew an explicit
the contemporary Hup and Tukano peoples of the middle Tiqui River, contrast between their own knowledge of the stars and that of the
a notable difference appears to be the importance of star knowledge Tukanos, telling him that their Hup forefathers perceived [the passage
in daily life. Of the handful of Hup elders that Epps interviewed along of] time in the fruits, the animals, and the changes of the forest, while
the middle Tiqui River (between 2001 and 2011), only Sr. Henrique the Tukanos perceived time by reading the stars (Danilo Paiva Ramos,
demonstrated much knowledge of the constellations.17 When another p.c. 2011, our translation). However, we note that the Tukano peoples
Hup elder was approached for information, he put the interview off for likewise demonstrate a sophisticated perception of the local plant and
the following day so he could brush up on his knowledge with a local animal ecology, such as the life cycles of fish and their interaction with
Tukano man. In contrast, for the Tukano elders interviewed by Oliveira the riverine fruits and insects (see Section 2 above). A more complete
and others, knowledge of the principal constellations appears to be understanding of the contrasts between these groups perceptions of the
much more a part of their everyday lives. Danilo Paiva Ramos, who also natural and astronomical cycles awaits further investigation.
conducted interviews about Hup star-knowledge in the same region,
observes that certainly there is a cosmological interpretation of the stars To the extent that differences exist, the riverine and forest peoples
in myths and also in the marking of Hup ritual events, but it is not as perceptions of the heavens may relate to their distinct living patterns
explicit as it is for the Tukano peoples (Danilo Paiva Ramos, p.c. 2011, within the Vaups ecosphere.The widespread association between the stars
our translation from Portuguese). and agriculture does not figure prominently for the forest peoples, who
are primarily hunters and gatherers. For riverine peoples, the east-west
axis is salient with respect to the passage of the constellations through the
sky, but also corresponds to the direction of the regions major rivers (and
the associated migrations of fish, birds, and other animals), the orientation
17. We note that Sr. Henrique had spent a great deal of time in his younger
years with Tukano people.
114 115
of the longhouse (Hugh-Jones 1979; 1982), etc.18 For the forest peoples, prevalence of various wild resources (Magaa and Jara 1982:109). For
on the other hand, different spatio-temporal references may be as or more hunting/gathering-focused groups, on the other hand, the stars have less
relevant. While in recent years the forest peoples settlements have been relevance to agriculture.This is the case for the hunting/gathering Cuiva,
located in large clearings that offer a broad view of the heavens, this pattern a Guahiban group of the Colombian llanos (Ortiz Gmez 1987), as it is
is probably recent; in the past, when groups were more nomadic and had for the Nadahup and Kakua peoples of the Vaups.
little or no access to metal tools for clearing, the forest canopy probably
obscured much of the night sky in contrast to the open riverbank To the north and east of the Rio Negro, the Arawaks and Caribs of the
locations of the traditional Tukano and Arawak villages. Guianas and surrounding regions hold the Pleiades in particular importance.
Many groups call the Pleiades by the same name as that used for star in
general, and which in some cases also means year, or, alternatively, Star-
5. Star-lore beyond the upper Rio Negro
Many-Things (Jara 2002:120-121) much like the names for the Pleiades
The Rio Negro system is itself part of the wider network of Amazonian
in the Rio Negro region (Tukano Star-Thing and Hup Star-Hollow).
peoples. Interaction and trade among these groups, both before and after
For these Arawak and Carib groups, much as for the Barasana (Hugh-Jones
the arrival of Europeans, facilitated the spread of discursive and cultural
1982) and other Tukano peoples, the Pleiades mark the beginning of the year
practices over a broad region (e.g. Reeve 1993; Santos-Granero 1992;
and the agricultural cycle. The link between the Pleiades and agriculture is
Beier et al. 2002;Vidal 2000). Shared motifs in star-lore are evidence for
emphasized in the origin myth common among the Arawaks and Caribs
this circulation of ideas, and help us to understand how the Rio Negro
of the area: it is Siritjo/Wiwa [Carib/Arawak names for the Pleiades] who
region links into the wider Amazonian system. These shared motifs are
initiated agriculture, introducing the manioc and the methods to produce it
particularly evident in beliefs about the Pleiades, Orion, and associated
and, consequently, the cycle connected to it. Siritjo/Wiwas existence in the
constellations, presumably due to their widespread importance in the
heavens keeps this cycle going (Jara 2002:121, citing Magaa 1988).
region and their relatively frequent mention in ethnographic sources.
Among a number of Central Arawak and Carib groups, according to Jara

The importance of the stars in regulating agricultural cycles is
(2002), the Pleiades are associated with a turtles nest filled with eggs;
widespread in the northern Amazon region, as it is in the Rio Negro. Jara
a myth concerning the turtle is also prevalent in the region, though it
(2002:115) considers the connection between the stars and agriculture
is not always linked directly to the Pleiades.19 The association between
to be particularly apparent among Arawak groups; it likewise holds for
many Carib peoples, who also see the constellations as announcing the
19. Jara (2002:123), citing Farabee (1918), observes that the following version
18. Thanks to Aloisio Cabalzar for this observation. was recorded among the Taruma Arawaks, and similar versions are found among
116 117
the Pleiades and the turtles eggs does not appear to be particularly These motifs appear more marginally within the Rio Negro region,
widespread beyond the Guianas, but the Arawaks of the Colombian where Orions belt and sword are usually associated with the adze and the
llanos associate several other constellations with turtles, and the cycle of Hyades with the fish-smoking rack; however, there are some intriguing
constellations during the dry season is closely aligned with the egg-laying common threads. For example, Reichel-Dolmatoff (1997) observes that
activities of various types of turtles, which constitute a major food source for the Desana Orion is the most important constellation, and represents
in the region (Ortiz Gmez 1987). Of further possible relevance is the a powerful hunter who can be seen walking through the sky along the
association between the Pleiades and a cricket among the East Tukano Milky Way (his trail), carrying game, a string of fish, or fruit, according
Retuar (Tanimuka) in the western part of the Rio Negro region; this to the different periods of resource availability. In the Colombian llanos,
particular type of cricket tends to arrive on the river beaches at low the Arawak and Sikuani (Guahiban) peoples identify Orion as a man
water and attack turtles nests (von Hildebrand 1987). with an amputated foot and a canoe, holding an adze, who is the victim
of the daughter of the snake embodied by the Milky Way (Ortiz Gmez
A particularly widespread association in the northern Amazon links 1987) compare the Tukano and Hup identification of the adze with
the Pleiades to Orion, who represents a hunter with a severed leg (Jara Orion, and the story of the predatory snake and his victims (embodied
2002:127; Magaa and Jara 1982; Green and Green 2010). In several in the Pleiades and/or the Viper constellations). Similarly, for the Tukano
myths of the Guianas, a woman was seduced by a tapir and went into Barasana the stars of Orions belt represent three men, of which the center
the sky with him, followed by her husband, who (in some versions) lost one was bitten by a snake, resulting in a twisted foot (Hugh-Jones 1982).
his leg in his fight with the tapir. The Pleiades are associated with the For the Arawaks of the Colombian llanos, the Pleiades is recognized as the
woman (or, in different versions, with the hunters brother, the hunters most important constellation, identified with the culture hero Tsamani
entrails, or the hunter himself); the Hyades with the tapir (typically his and his brothers (Ortiz Gmez 1987). In the Guianas, a story told among
head or jaw), and Orion with the one-legged hunter (or, alternatively, the Carib Kulin and the Arawak Palikur has the Pleiades-brother eaten
Orions belt with his severed leg). by the celestial snake (Green and Green 2010; Levi-Strauss 1973; Magaa
and Jara 1982:119); in some accounts, the legless hunter is also involved,
as well as a fish-smoking grid that the brothers brought up into the sky.
the Wapishana and their Tuarepang Carib neighbors: A woman was the wife
of the turtle. As they were picking the fruits of a tree, the wife was seduced by Similar astronomical themes are not limited to the northern Amazon, but
a fruit-eating bird. The husband realized what was going on and obtained the are also found to the west and south. Widely shared views include the
help of some animals to avenge the offence, but to no avail.The wife was finally belief that the stars are animate beings, and that the constellations signal
eaten up by the jaguar.Two of the womans eggs, however, were spared and from the arrival of various wild resources, as well as dictating the agricultural
them arose the turtles known today. cycles (e.g. Langdon 1974 for the Siona [Western Tukano] and Roe
118 119
2005 for the Shipibo-Konibo [Pano]). Also common is an association Amahuaca tale noted above, and the common armor-headed catfish for
between the Milky Way and a snake or a river of sickness (compare also Campan groups in place of the lowland anaconda rainbow demon (Roe
the widespread belief that the rainbow is a malevolent snake; see e.g. Roe 2005:217).
1982:173, Tastevin 2008 [1925] for discussion). A connection between a
serpent, a tree (sometimes described as the World-Tree), and a canoe
Conclusion
is likewise widespread, as recorded by Tastevin (2008 [1925]) along the
Many shared motifs are evident in the star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro
lower Solimes (see Section 3 above), and noted in the mythology of
peoples, and link them with peoples of the wider region. Similar entities
Shipibo and Kampan groups in western Amazonia and the Pemon in the
are identified from one group to the next, often associated with the
north (Roe 1982:152).
same clusters of stars, and common themes emerge from the myths that
explain the constellations origins and link them to aspects of everyday
The story of the one-legged hunter, and its association with the Pleiades,
life. These overlapping cosmological perspectives align with known
Hyades, and Orion, is likewise widely encountered beyond the northern
patterns of interaction among groups, and are in large part consistent
Amazon (Roe 2005, Levi-Strauss 1964:205). Among the Panoan groups
with other traces of contact as seen in languages, cultural practices, and
of the western lowlands, the Amahuaca tell of a man whose leg was
discourse norms across the region.
bitten off by a cayman, which was speared by his brother; the caymans
jaw became the Hyades, the severed leg the Pleiades, and the man with
In the Vaupes, where interaction has been particularly intense, we see
the lance Orions belt and dagger (Woodside 2005).The Shipibo-Konibo
close resemblances in the repertoires of constellations among the various
(also Panoan) tell a similar story, in which the severed leg becomes
peoples (East Tukano, Arawak, Nadahup, and Kakua); here, common
Orions belt and the hunters brother the Pleiades; in a different account,
motifs include the Adze (Orions belt), the Fish-Smoking Grid (Hyades),
the Pleiades are a group of brothers, the sons of the sun and the moon
the Viper (Scorpius), and the name of the Pleiades (Star-Thing or Star-
(Roe 1982; 2005:205).
Hollow). The myth of the Viper and his victims is widespread, as is the
account of the Pleiades as either a band of brothers or a set of stars
Roe points out that similar motifs occur in highland astronomical
emblazoned on the back of a star-person. By the same token, differences
beliefs (for example, an almost identical version of the one-legged
in the star-lore of the Vaupes groups speak to their distinct histories and
hunter myth is told among the Ecuadorian Canelos Quichua; see
identities. The Kubeo and the Retuar, who are the only East Tukano
Roe 1982:315), indicating past interaction between the lowlands and
groups known to have distinct names for the Pleiades (relating to wasps
highlands. Substitutions of highland or pre-Andine animals for lowland
and crickets), are linguistically divergent from their Tukano neighbors
ones sometimes obscure the connections, but are in Roes view clearly
due to their relative lack of contact with these languages (Chacon
motivated, such as the substitution of the cayman for the tapir in the
120 121
forthcoming; this volume), and are also culturally more distinct from no surprise given its centrality to so many aspects of life in the Amazon
these other groups the Kubeo do not practice linguistic exogamy, and and elsewhere subsistence activity, ritual practice, spiritual belief, and
they and the Retuar have experienced particularly intense interaction verbal art. Similarly, our understanding of star-lore and its relationship to
with Arawak peoples. Similarly, while the Nadahup and Kakua peoples Amazonian lifeways is enriched by taking all of these perspectives into
of the Vaupes recognize constellations and associated myths that are account via a multidisciplinary attention to language, ritual and material
strikingly similar to those of the East Tukanos, the differences among culture, and the natural world.
these groups astronomical perspectives are probably associated with their
distinct cultural and subsistence orientations.
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_____. and M. Jane Young. 2005. Introduction. Chamberlain et al. (eds.), in tropical South America; a bibliography survey. Latin American Indian
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Correa, Franois. 1987.Tiempo y espacio en la cosmologia de los Kubeos. _____. 2009 [1905]. Comeos da Artes na selva. Desenhos manuais de
Arias de Grief and Reichel (eds.), pp. 137-168. indgenas colecionados por Dr.Theodor Koch-Grunberg em suas viagens
pelo Brasil. Manaus: Universidade Federal do Amazonas/IGHA.
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Levi-Strauss, Claude. 1964. Mythologique I: Le cru et le cuit. Paris:
Librairie Pion. Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo. 1997. Modelos astronmicos de conducta
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Aloisio Cabalzar
Instituto Socioambiental
Resumo: Esse ensaio enfoca as relaes intercomunitrias na regio

do rio Tiqui, Noroeste Amaznico, onde habitam povos das famlias
lingusticas TUKANO ORIENTAL (especialmente os Tukano, Desana e
Tuyuka) e NADAHUP (Hup eYuhup). Inspirado em pesquisa etnogrfica
e num conjunto de registros de casamentos da Misso Salesiana de Pari-
Cachoeira realizados durante cinquenta anos, procuro traar relaes
entre organizao socioespacial e predomnios lingusticos, em vrios
nveis (lnguas mais ou menos faladas e entendidas), na bacia do rio Tiqui.
Agradeo a contribuies, no muito recentes, de Cristiane Lasmar, Flora

Cabalzar, Geraldo Andrello e, em especial, Dominique Buchillet e Jorge
Pozzobon (in memoriam); e recentes de Kristine Stenzel.
128
Organizao socioespacial e predomnios lingusticos no rio tiqui aloiSio cabalzar
Nesse sentido retomada a noo de nexo regional e suas possibilidades. do rio Tiqui (Terra Indgena Alto Rio Negro,Amazonas, Brasil, ver mapa
Nessa perspectiva, discuto questes sensveis etnologia do Uaups, geral do volume). A partir de discusso iniciada anteriormente (Cabalzar
como hierarquia, multilinguismo e o significado do espao geogrfico na 2000; 2009), sobre formas de organizao intercomunitria, supralocal,
reproduo dos grupos de descendncia. e os princpios sociais subjacentes, pretende-se estudar aqui a dimenso
Palavras-chave: Tukano Oriental; noroeste Amaznico; Tuyuka; rio lingustica em diferentes situaes da bacia do Tiqui, como exemplo do
Tiqui; organizao socioespacial; hierarquia; aliana; exogamia lingustica que se encontra em outras partes do sistema social do noroeste amaznico.
Esse trabalho se inscreve em esforo mais amplo para se entender esses
Abstract. This article focuses on the intercommunity relations in the nexos regionais, sendo o fator lingustico um dos centrais.
Tiqui region of northwestern Amazonia, inhabited by groups from the
East Tukano (in particular the Tukano, Desana and Tuyuka) and Nadahup A bacia do Tiqui ocupada por seis grupos da famlia lingustica
(Hup and Yuhup) language families. Based on ethnographic research and TUKANO ORIENTAL e dois da famlia NADAHUP (ver mais detalhes
marriage registries of the Pari-Cachoeira Salesian Mission spanning a abaixo). Entre os TUKANO, as lnguas mais faladas nessa rea so, na ordem,
period of fifty years, I trace the relation between sociospatial organization o tukano propriamente dito, tuyuka, bar, desana e makuna. Embora a
and linguistic practice (between the more and less commonly used or populao desana seja expressiva, sua lngua pouco falada atualmente e as
understood languages), at various levels in the Tiqui basin. I further vias de transmisso para as geraes mais jovens esto debilitadas.
explore the notion of regional nexus and its possibilities and discuss
questions relevant to Vaups ethnology, such as hierarchy, multilingualism sabido que o processo de escolarizao e todo o aparato em torno dos
and the significance of geographic space in the reproduction of centros missionrios salesianos, que teve grande impacto na regio no
descendence groups. decorrer do sculo XX, favoreceu a expanso do tukano em detrimento
Keywords: East Tukano; northwest Amazon; Tuyuka; Tiqui river; de outras lnguas minoritrias. Os alunos dos internatos tinham vergonha
sociospatial organization; hierarchy; alliance; linguistic exogamy de falar suas prprias lnguas2. Essa afirmao vlida para boa parte da
INTRODUO
simplificar TUKANO ORIENTAL. Tukano, distintamente, diz respeito a um
O objetivo deste texto discutir aspectos da relao entre organizao
grupo de descendncia especfico. NADAHUP usado em lugar de Mak
socioespacial e lnguas faladas (e entendidas) entre os povos TUKANO1
(Epps 2008:10).
2. Entre os ex-alunos dos colgios das misses, comum ouvirmos relatos da
1. Quando se trata da famlia lingustica, ser usado no texto a palavra grafada vergonha que sentiam de falar suas prprias lnguas, em lugar do tukano. Os
em caixa alto, como TUKANO e NADAHUP. TUKANO usado para missionrios tambm reprimiam o uso de outras lnguas (ver Tenrio 2012).
130 131
bacia do Uaups no Brasil. No caso do Tiqui, a misso, seu colgio, A lngua dos Bar falada nas cabeceiras desse rio, em ambiente mais
santa casa, comrcio etc. foi implantada ainda na primeira metade do multilngue que o restante do Tiqui, considerando que esto em contato
sculo XX na comunidade tukano de Pari-Cachoeira. Tukano hoje com regies vizinhas das bacias do alto Piraparan e alto Papuri, com
a lngua mais falada, no s por aqueles desse grupo de descendncia, presena de vrios grupos de descendncia (Barasana, Tatuyo, Makuna,
mas tambm como primeira lngua pela grande maioria dos desana, Taiwano, Siriano). J a lngua makuna falada principalmente no
miriti-tapuya, e tambm como lngua franca em todo o Tiqui brasileiro, alto igarap Castanha, por poucos. Essa lngua dominante no baixo
inclusive na relao com populaes NADAHUP. Mais que isso, a lngua Piraparan e partes do rio Apapris. De modo geral, podemos dizer que
tukano a lngua franca em todo o setor brasileiro da bacia do Uaups, o o multilinguismo, hoje em dia, est mais presente no lado colombiano,
que expressa o predomnio populacional e prestgio poltico desse grupo principalmente do Piraparan e alto Papuri.
de descendncia. Fora do Tiqui, foi adotada pelos Tariana, Arapaso,
Piratapuyo (Waikhana) e outros (ver Stenzel 2005). Embora no exista um censo lingustico, podemos dizer que na bacia do
Tiqui 70% da populao fala exclusivamente a lngua tukano (sem considerar
A lngua tuyuka esteve declinando na ltima dcada do sculo passado o portugus, atualmente em franca expanso). Na maior parte desse rio, os
entre as comunidades do lado brasileiro da fronteira, provavelmente falantes de tukano no falam nem entendem bem outras lnguas (novamente,
em funo da grande proporo de casamentos e relaes rio abaixo, com exceo do portugus). A lngua tuyuka passa a ser compreendida pelos
sobretudo com os Tukano, em detrimento das relaes rio acima, j no Tukano a partir da comunidade de Bela Vista e Pari-Cachoeira; e bem
territrio colombiano3. Atualmente a lngua tuyuka est em expanso, entendida e falada pelos tukano do trecho entre So Domingos e a cachoeira
principalmente devido implantao de uma escola que usa essa como Caruru. A partir da o tuyuka domina, at a comunidade colombiana de
lngua de instruo, alfabetizao das crianas, iniciou sua escrita, inclusive Trinidad, onde foi instalada, na dcada de 1970, uma misso catlica com
com a publicao de vrios livros e outros materiais4. colgio. Da para cima territrio lingustico bar (Mapa 1)5.
3. As fronteiras atuais, junto com polticas de educao, sade e sociais

(aposentadorias, bolsas, projetos etc.) de cada pas influem na direo das relaes.
Assim, mesmo que vivam junto fronteira colombiana, os moradores do alto
Tiqui frequentam mais a cidade de So Gabriel da Cachoeira, distante alguns 5. Essa caracterizao foi feita em termos muito gerais, sem considerar as nuances
dias de viagem (at uma semana, em motor rabeta) para comrcio, servios etc. da questo e a situao em toda a sua complexidade, o objetivo aqui dispor de
4.A importncia desses projetos de educao, seja dos antigos missionrios, seja das uma visada geral para aqueles no familiarizados com o rio Tiqui. Um censo
atuais escolas indgenas, no foco desse trabalho, mas mereceria outra publicao. lingustico permitiria uma descrio completa.
132 133
Para os povos TUKANO, observa-se ambientes sociais mais abertos ao

exterior e outros nem tanto, endogmicos em certa medida e, em alguns
casos, at mesmo mais favorveis a alianas com os NADAHUP . Embora
os casamentos com os NADAHUP sejam raros, eles so expressivos, tanto
conceitualmente quanto por marcarem posies importantes na rede de
alianas dos TUKANO.
Mapa 1. Lnguas TUKANO ORIENTAIS no rio Tiqui
Para os TUKANO, os NADAHUP8 representam muitos aspectos
negativos da vida social, estando associados endogamia lingustica,
Traado esse panorama atual da situao das lnguas TUKANO na bacia endogamia local e, em certo sentido, ao incesto. Em menor grau, o
do rio Tiqui, podemos nos direcionar para o foco principal desse texto, mesmo se aplica, no mbito das estruturas hierrquicas internas a cada
que a relao entre organizao socioespacial e predomnios lingusticos.6 grupo de descendncia exogmico, aos sibs de mais baixa hierarquia.
Entre os TUKANO, esse sistema de representaes maneja de maneira
1. PROBLEMA TERICO
No rio Tiqui, numa primeira aproximao, pode-se distinguir duas
populaes, do ponto de vista lingustico, cultural, da forma de ocupao
territorial e, provavelmente, da origem e procedncia. No que diz respeito
homens NADAHUP se casaram com mulheres TUKANO. Como bem lembra
s alianas de casamento, os TUKANO e os NADAHUP formam duas
Pozzobon (comunicao pessoal 2000), isso decorrncia de uma combinao
extensas redes com pouqussimos pontos de ligao7. H uma quase total
da hierarquia intertnica com a patrilinearidade. Um homem Tukano que se
impermeabilidade de um sistema ao outro.
case com uma mulher NADAHUP ter filhos Tukano, mas uma mulher Tukano
com um NADAHUP ter filhos NADAHUP, o que representa uma baixa de
status para os filhos.
8. Existem referncias, na literatura etnolgica da regio, a processos de
6. Vale alertar que essa abordagem no significa que outros fatores, como projetos incorporao de grupos NADAHUP, provavelmente Hup, dentro de outros
de educao e fronteiras nacionais, no tenham sua importncia, mas que no conjuntos sociais. Nimuendaj (1950:164-5) menciona um sib baniwa (os
seria possvel tratar todo esse tema nos limites desse texto. Hohodene) e outros kubeo como exemplos disso. No Tiqui, os Tukano e
7. Nos Registros (ver adiante), apenas nove homens TUKANO casaram-se Tuyuka dizem que os Mirititapuyo so de origem NADAHUP, provenientes
com mulheres NADAHUP, ao passo que um nmero menor ainda (quatro) de do Igarap Japu.
134 135
complexa referncias espaciais, lingusticas, de estilo de vida e de trabalho9. desordem. Por exemplo, os TUKANO dizem que os NADAHUP no
Efetuam-se gradaes que, em seus extremos, podem ser caracterizadas regulam bem a bebida e, em dia de caxiri, brigam muito.
na forma de opostos: rio x floresta, referncia espacial forte x mobilidade,
agricultura/pescaria x coleta/caa, endogamia x exogamia, maloca x Esse sistema conceitual opera vis--vis as relaes sociais propriamente
tapiri10, e, em sentido mais amplo, moderao x exasperao, ordem x ditas. Essas relaes se definem por formas de casamento e residncia,
padres de territorialidade, princpios de constituio de grupos locais e
regionais, e assim por diante. Um dos pontos que nos interessa enfocar
9. comum os Tukano falarem que os NADAHUP no sabem trabalhar, no so as formas de organizao socioespacial. Em trabalhos anteriores
sabem beber caxiri, no sabem manejar suas roas, e assim por diante. Entre eles, (Cabalzar 1995; 2000; 2009), observei, para os Tuyuka do alto Tiqui,
tambm indicam excees a esse julgamento. A perspectiva dos NADAHUP uma estrutura territorial concntrica, com grupos locais formados
outra, como bem ilustra Pozzobom (1997:3): com base em relaes agnticas (produzidas a partir da descendncia
A relao entre os dois povos fortemente hierarquizada. Para patrilinear) no centro de seu territrio, e grupos locais constitudos com
os Tukano, os NADAHUP so seus escravos: cada aldeia tukano base no cognatismo (relaes baseadas em casamentos prximos com
seria dona de uma aldeia NADAHUP. Mas isso no passa de uma coresidncia entre aliados) situados em sua rbita, perifricos. A essa
ideologia tnica. Na verdade, os NADAHUP aceitam essa imagem unidade socioespacial denominei nexo regional. Pozzobon (comunicao
depreciativa em funo de certas vantagens. Eles no gostam de pessoal 2000) interrogou se se trata de uma oposio entre agnatismo
plantar, mas no querem passar sem produtos agrcolas. Enquanto central e cognatismo perifrico ou entre agnatismo ideal e cognatismo
permanecem junto aos seus patres, eles poupam suas prprias real. Nesse caso especfico, possvel afirmar que a primeira alternativa
plantaes de mandioca, que alis no so capazes de produzir mais vlida, considerando que alm da inferncia estatstica, observa-se
o que eles consomem. Estando entre os Tukano, eles tentam se o uso de um sistema de categorias socioespaciais que opera com a noo
aproveitar das plantaes para alm da permisso concedida pelos de hierarquia, havendo um ajuste entre esses dois planos.
patres. Por sua vez, os Tukano se tornam mais e mais avaros
quanto ao pagamento dos escravos, at que a relao entre as O sentido do parentesco strictu sensu para estes grupos definido
duas partes se deteriore. Quando isso ocorre, os NADAHUP fundamentalmente atravs das noes de agnatismo e, em segundo plano,
estabelecem um lao de escravido com outra aldeia tukano o de residncia. Idealmente, o princpio da descendncia gera um grupo
que sempre possvel, dado que h muito mais aldeias tukano que exogmico unido pela residncia comum. O agnatismo pode ser enfatizado
NADAHUP. atravs de relaes de alianas distantes e conflituosas. O casamento por
10. Tapiri uma casa pequena, precria, usada como acampamento de pesca ou captura da noiva, prtica bastante comum no passado, ilustra bem esta
caa ou moradia provisria. noo (ver Goldman 1963:143). Esse gradiente, no entanto, no deve ser
136 137
tomado como nica chave para a compreenso do sistema. Nem todos os status atravs da hipergamia. Isso seria a varivel tradicional por detrs
afins que residem prximos entre si cultivam alianas por casamento, assim das estratgias de carter mais explicitamente econmico.
como existem aliados distantes que mantm trocas frequentes e positivas,
especialmente quando so completadas por intercmbios de bens. A anlise proposta aqui abrange mais de um grupo de descendncia
exogmico. A nfase nos sistemas regionais, constitudos por relaes
Uma anlise mais detalhada dos casamentos deve levar em conta fatores intercomunitrias, como casamentos, participaes conjuntas em festas,
como complementaridade artesanal (por exemplo, fabricantes de canoas rituais, trabalhos coletivos e projetos associativos, trocas de bens e notcias.
tuyuka trocando com fabricantes de bancos rituais tukano), ou localizao As estratgias matrimoniais definem as alianas de cada grupo local e
em relao a reas de maior acesso a certos recursos naturais (por exemplo, como so conduzidas. O casamento visto aqui como uma das formas
Tukano de reas de terras firmes e mais frteis trocando com Mirititapuyo privilegiadas do grupo local, pensado como um todo orgnico, se integrar
de trechos muito piscosos e de poucas terras boas para a agricultura; ver no contexto social mais amplo.
adiante como isso ocorre no Tiqui). Atualmente, outro fator que parece
interferir nas polticas matrimoniais so as condies do cnjuge em Os casamentos revelam aspectos de como o grupo local elabora suas
adquirir mercadorias. H certa vantagem dos homens que possuam renda relaes com o exterior.A relao entre casamentos prximos ou distantes,
monetria, como professores e agentes de sade assalariados11. Muitos o mbito em que esto ocorrendo com maior frequncia, so indicadores
casamentos tm sido arranjados pelos prprios cnjuges, sem passar por da situao de um grupo local e de sua posio dentro de um sistema
negociaes entre seus respectivos grupos, especialmente no perodo do socioespacial. Partindo das alianas, busca-se aqui uma caracterizao
garimpo na regio do Trara (dcadas de 80 e 90) ou em temporadas mais completa das formaes supralocais, e sua face lingustica.
na cidade de So Gabriel da Cachoeira. Outra varivel uma relativa
preferncia em negociar casamentos com grupos de descendncia que
2. CONTEXTO ETNOGRFICO
vivem a jusante nos rios (como veremos mais abaixo). Segundo Pozzobon
O rio Tiqui o mais extenso (cerca de 374 quilmetros, 321 no
(comunicao pessoal 2001), pode-se dizer que h uma certa busca de
Brasil) e populoso afluente do Uaups. habitado por vrios grupos
lingusticos, somando uma populao de aproximadamente 4000 pessoas,
incluindo os NADAHUP (Hup e Yuhup), somando as partes brasileira
11. Atualmente, observa-se tambm um contingente considervel de mulheres e colombiana. Dentre os povos de lngua TUKANO ORIENTAL,
que se deslocam para os centros urbanos, sobretudo So Gabriel e Manaus, com destacam-se no Tiqui os Tukano, Desana, Tuyuka, Mirititapuyo, Bar e
ou sem o consentimento dos pais, e acabam ficando com homens de fora e Yebamasa (Makuna).
tendo filhos (ver Lasmar 2005). muito comum mulheres que voltam para seus
povoados como mes solteiras.
138 139
peixe, maior concentrao populacional e proximidade entre os grupos

locais (ver descrio mais detalhada do Tiqui em Cabalzar e Lima 2005).
A nfase ribeirinha dos povos TUKANO faz do Tiqui a principal
referncia espacial e via de deslocamentos e comunicao. Ocorrem
relaes antigas de trocas entre os moradores de diferentes trechos do
rio. Para isso contribui, como vimos, a maior disponibilidade de certos
recursos em seu baixo curso, e de outros no mdio e alto. Essas trocas
algumas vezes so reforadas por relaes matrimoniais, que facilitam
e do uma direo para tais intercmbios, permitindo ainda um acesso
direto a esses recursos.
Grfico 1. Populao dos grupos de descendncia na bacia do Tiqui No mdio e alto rio Tiqui, as relaes entre populaes NADAHUP
(lado brasileiro). Fonte: DSEI-RN 2009 e TUKANO so marcadas pela complementaridade nas trocas. Os
primeiros, por sua maior familiaridade com a floresta e destreza em
percorr-la, tm mais acesso a recursos dispersos, como caa e frutos
silvestres. Os TUKANO so agricultores e pescadores sedentrios,
A bacia desse rio ecolgica e demograficamente diferenciada em duas explorando recursos mais concentrados. comum realizarem-se festas
reas bem definidas: seu baixo curso desde a foz at a Cachoeira Tucano de oferecimentos (dabucuri) entre eles, cada um oferecendo o que tem
(na verdade uma corredeira que desaparece quando o rio est mais cheio mais disponvel. Fora isso, os NADAHUP tambm prestam trabalho aos
e que s impede a navegao de barcos com motor de centro no perodo TUKANO, a troco de produtos da roa (farinha, tapioca e mandioca
mais seco) e o mdio e alto curso, desde esta corredeira at suas cabeceiras. crua) e bens industrializados. Pozzobon (1995:3) discorda da sugesto
A primeira rea, que compreende um trecho de 192 quilmetros, se de simbiose (ver Ramos 1980:6) para caracterizar essa relao. Segundo
define pelo predomnio de igaps, lagos e a escassez de terras altas e ele, esse conceito s faz esvaziar o contedo poltico da relao,
aproveitveis para a agricultura; em compensao, h maior abundncia nomeadamente o seu carter hierrquico. Alm do mais, no d conta da
de peixes. A densidade populacional baixa e os povoados esto distantes instabilidade que caracteriza as transaes entre os dois grupos.
uns dos outros. A segunda rea, que corresponde ao trecho restante, se
diferencia em todos estes aspectos: boa disponibilidade de terras altas, no
inundveis e mais frteis o que redunda em uma produo maior de
farinha e outros derivados da mandioca brava menor disponibilidade de
140 141
3. OCUPAO DA BACIA DO TIQUI POR SUA POPULAO ATUAL Compilando informaes de pessoas de vrios povoados do Tiqui,
Embora seja difcil estabelecer com segurana h quanto tempo os especialmente dos Tuyuka de seu alto curso e dos Tukano do mdio,
TUKANO chegaram nesta regio, a tradio oral destes grupos sugere possvel se chegar a algumas concluses com certa margem de segurana:
deslocamentos no muito remotos (entre cento e cinquenta a duzentos
anos). Isto pode ser dito para os Tukano, Desana e Tuyuka que residem 1. o Tiqui foi ocupado inicialmente por outros grupos de
atualmente nesse rio. Estes povos so provenientes de reas de ocupao descendncia TUKANO Oriental que, posteriormente, se
mais antigas, centros de formao e de disperso de cada um deles, retiraram, atravs das cabeceiras, por razes no conhecidas;
situadas no rio Papuri e no mdio e alto Uaups. No Papuri e em seus
afluentes ainda permanecem os sibs tukano, desana e tuyuka de posies 2. ocorreu um perodo de certo vazio demogrfico no rio,
hierrquicas mais altas, como o caso dos Tukano do mdio e alto Papuri, quando provavelmente j era frequentado por grupos Hup e
dos Tuyuka do Igarap Inambu e dos Desana do mdio e alto Papuri12. Yuhup (NADAHUP);
Na tradio oral tuyuka, afirma-se que o rio Tiqui, antes da chegada dos 3. os grupos de descendncia atuais Tukano, Desana
ascendentes dos moradores atuais, foi ocupado pelos Taiwano, Tatuyo e e Tuyuka13 encontraram o canal principal do Tiqui
Karapan e outros povos que se deslocaram para o oeste espontaneamente desabitado;
e hoje habitam a regio do alto Pir-paran, Japu e Ti. Muitos lugares
(estires, pedras, cachoeiras, litografias) do alto Tiqui so associados 4. essa ocupao ocorreu h aproximadamente seis geraes
origem desses povos. J os Desana (do sib Kehripr) afirmam que o (cento e cinquenta anos) vrios relatos coincidem nesse
Tiqui era habitado pelos Wayer e Koamana, que eram cunhados entre si, ponto. As genealogias abaixo, que traam a ligao entre um
e teriam sido levados e exterminados pelos brancos (Prkumu e Kehir morador atual e seu ascendente que veio morar no Tiqui,
1995:60 e Ribeiro 1995:38). corroboram essa proposio.
12. Na verdade, existem segmentos de sibs de alta hierarquia tambm na bacia 13. Segundo informaes indiretas, os Mirititapuyo chegaram posteriormente
do Tiqui. O movimento de disperso dos grupos de descendncia constante ao curso principal do Tiqui. Segundo alguns Tukano do mdio Tiqui, os
e atinge todos eles, em maior ou menor proporo, independentemente do Mirititapuyo ou Buia-tapuya se estabeleceram nesse rio depois de firmar alianas
nvel hierrquico (ver Cabalzar 2009). de casamento com um dos sibs tukano migrados para o Tiqui, os Doe-pra.
142 143
No processo de ocupao do mdio Tiqui, a populao desana se

estabeleceu ao redor dos Tukano, esses no curso do rio e aqueles nos
igaraps maiores; j existiam intercmbios matrimoniais entre vrios
sibs tukano e desana que migraram para esse rio. No alto, distintamente,
os Tukano e Tuyuka chegaram independentemente, formando-se
posteriormente as alianas. Com o tempo e as estreitas alianas entre
Tukano e Desana, formaram-se vrios povoados mistos ou muito prximos
uns dos outros14; hoje no se reconhece contornos de uma separao
territorial entre esses grupos de descendncia, com a nica exceo do
Figura 1: Genealogias de sibs do Tukano e Tuyuka do rio Tiqui Igarap Umari, onde h quatro grupos locais desana prximos entre si.
Gerao atual G0 (homens e mulheres entre 30 e 50 anos, a A proximidade e coresidncia entre os Tukano e Desana no significa,
maioria j casados e com filhos, poucos netos). Os preenchidos no entanto, uma simetria poltica. Mesmo em comunidades onde hoje a
representam os homens que traaram cada genealogia. Em G+5 maioria da populao Desana, os Tukano mantm o domnio poltico
esto os ascendentes que migraram primeiro para o Tiqui: no e prerrogativas territoriais - preservando-se assim traos de hierarquia
caso do sib tukano ahuri-pra, foi Sarp; no do sib Hausir-pra, evidentes na ocupao inicial do Tiqui.
foi Akuto; e no caso do primeiro segmento do sib tuyuka Opaya,
foi Poani Ekagu. No alto, isso no ocorreu. Existe um limite entre ocupao tukano
e tuyuka, que a grande cachoeira Caruru: nela e a jusante esto os
5. todos os que vieram morar no Tiqui provinham do Tukano, a montante esto os Tuyuka. Ambos se estabeleceram na calha
Papuri e de seus afluentes (os Tukano vieram do Igarap Turi), principal do Tiqui. Os Tuyuka provinham de outras redes de aliana. A
que o principal centro de disperso dos povos TUKANO exceo que se configurou posteriormente so os Tuyuka que moram
ORIENTAIS;
6. nesse tempo (h cerca de cento e cinquenta anos), 14. Atualmente, quase todos os povoados tukano contam com presena expressiva
com o incio da ocupao atual do Tiqui, cada grupo desana, como em Cunuri, Boca de Estrada e Santo Antnio. Em outros, como
de descendncia, atravs de processos continuados de So Jos, j se passaram longos perodos de convvio, at a sada recente dos
segmentao e disperso, permanncia e deslocamento, foi Desana (migraram para o baixo Uaups). Existem tambm povoados tukano e
ocupando trechos do rio e igaraps, formando suas redes de desana muito prximos, como So Jos II de Floresta e So Luiz e Santa Luzia
aliana e trocas rituais e de bens. de Cucura Manaus.
144 145
nos igaraps Ona e Cabari (uma minoria), que esto dentro de territrio violncia. Outros comerciantes e patres atuavam de forma semelhante. A
dos Tukano, ao estilo desana/tukano do mdio Tiqui. Foram justamente chegada dos missionrios salesianos significou o desbaratamento gradual
esses que passaram por processo de deslocamento lingustico (antes de destas prticas, na medida em que intervieram e conseguiram reduzir tais
tambm aderirem s polticas de afirmao da lngua da ltima dcada). abusos. Em compensao, desmoralizaram os rituais e o conhecimento
Os Tuyuka tambm se revelam pouco dispostos co-residncia com os dos xams, mandaram abandonar as malocas, confinaram vrias geraes
Tukano (ver mapa 1). Essa disposio geogrfica dos trs principais grupos de crianas e jovens em internatos, submetendo-os a uma educao
de descendncia TUKANO na bacia do Tiqui possui uma interface rgida e de integrao sociedade nacional. Segundo carta de Nimuendaj
complexa com as redes de alianas. (2000:111), como os missionrios apresentam as suas medidas como
vontade do governo, os ndios se submetem. No Tiqui, o marco da
interveno salesiana foi a construo da misso de Pari-Cachoeira em
4. HISTRIA RECENTE
1940. Contriburam tambm para a formao de centros urbanos regionais,
A foz do Tiqui se localiza prximo a Taracu, onde foi fundada uma
como So Gabriel e Iauaret, que funcionam hoje como polos de atrao
misso salesiana em 1923, e de onde os franciscanos haviam sido expulsos
para os ndios (ver Nimuendaj 1950;Van Emst 1966; Cabalzar 1999).
cerca de quarenta anos antes, depois de terem exposto publicamente os
instrumentos de jurupari. Grande parte do curso do Tiqui est situada
Mais recentemente, a partir da dcada de 80, novos impactos na
dentro do territrio brasileiro, justamente o trecho em que o rio mais
organizao social do Tiqui ocorreram com o fim dos internatos nas
caudaloso e navegvel por barcos maiores. Por isso, o impacto do contato
misses, a implantao do Projeto Calha Norte do Exrcito brasileiro, a
com comerciantes, intervenes oficiais e missionrias foi mais frequente
descoberta do ouro na Serra do Trara e a exploso comercial decorrente.
no lado do Brasil. A fcil navegabilidade por seu curso at Pari-Cachoeira,
Algumas consequncias deste processo foram o enfraquecimento de
durante a maior parte do ano, sugere penetraes antigas neste trecho, j
vrias comunidades com a ida de muitos de seus membros para o garimpo
a partir do sculo XVIII.
ou para cuidar dos filhos nos povoados-sede de colgios, a introduo
macia de novos bens industrializados, a abertura de grandes clareiras
A histria mais recente marcada pela violncia dos comerciantes no incio
para formao de pastagens para gado bovino doado pelos militares
do sculo XX e posterior chegada e domnio dos missionrios salesianos.
e salesianos, e assim por diante. Com o esgotamento do garimpo e o
Manduca Albuquerque, comerciante nordestino e com ttulo de Diretor
fracasso das criaes de gado, veio um perodo de desconcerto. Houve
dos ndios do Uaups e Papuri, e seus irmos controlaram com mo de
significativo fluxo migratrio para fora, especialmente para So Gabriel,
ferro o comrcio e o trabalho indgena na regio do Uaups; instalados
Santa Isabel, Manaus e Colmbia (Mit, San Jos de Guaviare e pequenos
em Bela Vista, no baixo Uaups, interferiam no trnsito de pessoas e
centros urbanos do Vaups).Vrias comunidades se viram desarticuladas e
aterrorizavam as povoaes indgenas, subordinando-as com grande
esvaziadas. Diante desta situao, surgiram as organizaes indgenas, no
146 147
contexto de um movimento poltico liderado pelos prprios ndios com foram completados com dados coletados por mim em vrias pesquisas de
intuito de criar uma instncia de representao das comunidades frente campo a partir de 199116.
s presses externas sobre suas terras (ver Cabalzar e Ricardo 1998). De
uma forma ou de outra, incontestvel que todos esses acontecimentos A Misso de Pari-Cachoeira foi a quarta casa salesiana a ser fundada na
mais recentes tm interferido na perspectiva de vida dos habitantes do rio regio do alto rio Negro. Antes as crianas eram levadas para o internato
Tiqui, incluindo a busca por alternativas fora da regio. da misso de Taracu no baixo rio Uaups, prximo foz do Tiqui.
Da saam os missionrios para fazer a itinerncia e a distribuio de
5. OS REGISTROS sacramentos pelo rio Tiqui. A misso atual uma grande construo de
A base documental desse texto so os Registros de Casamentos da alvenaria, composta por dois prdios, um de cada lado da igreja17 e que
Misso Salesiana de Pari-Cachoeira (referidos daqui para frente apenas funcionaram por dcadas como colgio e moradia dos meninos, de um
como Registros), que do conta de 863 casamentos realizados entre 1940 lado, e meninas, do outro. O regime de internato foi extinto entre o final
(quando a misso foi inaugurada) e 199015 nesta parquia, que abrange dos anos 70 e incio dos anos 80.
do povoado de Ftima (hoje capoeira) at a fronteira com a Colmbia
(ver mapa 1). Os salesianos fizeram um trabalho alm do simples registro
de casamentos, anotando vrios dados de interesse para uma anlise das
relaes sociais e do casamento no rio Tiqui. Constituem um documento
de valor considervel para a pesquisa das redes de aliana nesse rio. Foram 16. Nos Registros, dependendo do ano, muitos dos campos deixaram de ser
anotadas informaes a respeito de cada um dos noivos: nome, grupo preenchidos pelos missionrios. Por exemplo, comum a anotao do nome da
lingustico, nome do pai, nome da me, grupo lingustico de cada um pessoa sem sobrenome (os sobrenomes foram sendo atribudos pouco a pouco,
dos pais, local de nascimento, local de residncia depois do casamento e vrios foram modificados com o tempo). Em boa medida, estas lacunas dos
e idade, alm da data em que foi celebrado o matrimnio. Os registros originais foram completadas. Para o caso dos Tuyuka, j dispunha de dados
coletados em vrias pesquisas de campo. Os Registros foram revistos com alguns
moradores do Tiqui. Tambm foi elaborado um cadastro de sobrenomes de
famlias residentes neste rio, o que permitiu estabelecer o grupo lingustico e o
grupo local de muitas pessoas presentes nos Registros. Por ltimo, foi necessrio
15. Estes registros foram pacientemente copiados a mo, na dcada de 1980, dos fazer um levantamento de todos os povoados citados que no existem mais,
livros que, provavelmente, permanecem na Misso de Pari-Cachoeira pela Dra com a localizao de cada um.
Dominique Buchillet, antroploga do IRD/Frana. Posteriormente, inseri este 17. Para maiores detalhes sobre o trabalho dos salesianos, ver Cabalzar 1999 e,
material em um banco de dados digitalizado. especificamente sobre o cotidiano na misso de Pari-Cachoeira, ver van Emst 1966.
148 149
ocorre com os NADAHUP) realizaram em algum momento o ritual

catlico. Em geral, o casal se une e s depois de certo tempo procura o
casamento na igreja.
6. CASAMENTOS NO TIQUI
Alm de algumas caractersticas j conhecidas do sistema social
Quadro 1. Nmero de casamentos (por dcada) uaupesiano, como a exogamia do grupo de descendncia e lingustico e
a ausncia quase completa de alianas entre TUKANO e NADAHUP,
so observadas algumas relaes especficas ao rio Tiqui - circuitos de
Muito explcito nas publicaes dos salesianos o processo que eles aliana e associaes entre casamento, localizao espacial e suas relaes
consideram de gradativa superao das dificuldades e condies adversas com os predomnios lingusticos. Com isso, amplia-se a compreenso
iniciais, sucedendo-se resultados positivos para a obra civilizatria. das organizaes sociais do Noroeste Amaznico, e a descrio de nexos
Os registros de casamentos refletem este gradual avano do trabalho regionais.
missionrio (ver Quadro 1). Na dcada de 50 realizaram-se trs vezes mais
casamentos na igreja do que havia sido observado na dcada anterior. Nas A apresentao dos dados dos Registros est dividida em: (1) nmero
dcadas seguintes, estes nmeros tendem a se estabilizar em um patamar de casamentos dos homens e mulheres por grupo exogmico e os
mais baixo, j que o trabalho mais intenso para regularizar a situao casamentos entre estes grupos exogmicos (destacando-se os Tukano,
de casais mais velhos j havia sido realizado18. O registro de casamento, Desana e Tuyuka); (2) nmero de casamentos entre grupos exogmicos
assim como de nascimento, foi durante um perodo a oportunidade de com a associao aproximada a trechos do rio (casamentos rio abaixo e
atribuio de nomes cristos e sobrenomes, em portugus, s pessoas e rio acima).
famlias19. Praticamente todos os casais TUKANO (distintamente do que
18. Este conjunto de dados tem sua dimenso temporal, incluindo casamentos que
ocorreram durante meio sculo, perodo em que foram observadas transformaes
muito significativas em todos os aspectos da vida social das populaes da bacia do
Uaups. Este aspecto dos dados no analisado aqui. povos do Tiqui. De qualquer modo, os sobrenomes permitem identificar, muitas
19. Este outro tema interessante (mas que no ser desenvolvido aqui), o mtodo vezes, o sib. Este mtodo foi usado algumas vezes para preencher as lacunas dos
adotado pelos missionrios e como o uso de tais sobrenomes manipulado pelos dados salesianos.
150 151
6.1. CASAMENTOS ENTRE OS GRUPOS DE DESCENDNCIA mais do que cedeu; os Desana, ao contrrio, negativo em 8; enquanto
Nos Registros, dos 863 homens que se casaram, 352 (40,79%) so Tukano, os Tuyuka obtm um equilbrio perfeito. O dficit dos outros grupos
199 (23,06%) Desana, 163 (18,89%) Tuyuka e os outros 149 (17,26%) juntos de 39. Este ltimo nmero compreensvel visto que uma
so de outros grupos de descendncia ou no foram identificados (25 parte dos outros grupos de descendncia est localizada fora da parquia
Mirititapuyo, 12 Bar, 25 NADAHUP, 10 Karapan, 19 Makuna). de Pari-Cachoeira, de forma que os homens se casam e permanecem
Portanto, trs grupos de descendncia (Tukano, Desana e Tuyuka) em suas reas (virilocalidade). Via de regra, as mulheres se movimentam
somam mais de 80% do total dos casamentos realizados na Misso, fato neste sistema de trocas. Os Mirititapuyo moram do mdio para o baixo
que deve ser atribudo sua predominncia populacional neste rio. A Tiqui, sendo que uma parte de seus casamentos foi registrada na misso
pequena presena dos NADAHUP deve ser vista como decorrncia de Taracu, na foz do Tiqui. Os Bar e Makuna esto em sua grande
de um processo de contato e catequizao diferenciado em relao maioria em territrio colombiano, onde os salesianos atuaram apenas de
aos ndios do rio, o que tem como consequncia, dentre outras, o fato forma espordica; os Bar no possuem nenhum grupo local no Brasil e
deles pouco se casarem na igreja (e quase no aparecerem nos Registros os Makuna formam apenas alguns povoados pequenos no igarap Aa e
nesse perodo). Por fim, os outros grupos de descendncia so marginais alto Castanha (afluentes do Tiqui). Para os casos tukano, desana e tuyuka,
em relao rea coberta pelos Registros ou representam populaes so teis maiores detalhes, referentes s trocas com cada um de seus afins.
menores numericamente.
O Grfico 1 mostra os casamentos dos Tukano (ver em nota20 o significado
Os nmeros mudam um pouco quando se observa o total de mulheres de dos cdigos mostrados nos grficos).A primeira de cada par de colunas do
cada grupo de descendncia presente nos Registros. Dos 863 casamentos, grfico expressa o nmero de mulheres (cedidas) Tukano que se casaram
305 (35,34%) envolveram mulheres tukano, 207 (23,99%) mulheres (o nmero absoluto est na primeira linha da tabela); enquanto a segunda
desana, 163 (18,89%) mulheres tuyuka e 188 (21,78%) mulheres de outros
grupos de descendncia (32 bar, 30 NADAHUP, 29 yebamasa (Makuna),
15 Mirititapuyo, 16 Piratapuyo). Uma informao importante a relao 20. Nos grficos e tabelas so usadas as seguintes abreviaes para os grupos
entre o nmero de homens casados e o de mulheres casadas em cada grupo de descendncia mencionados: TK (Tukano), DS (Desana), TY (Tuyuka), BR
de descendncia. Como se trata de um contexto de patrilocalidade (onde (Bar), HP (Mak, a expressiva maioria Hup), KR (Karapan), MI (Micura,
as mulheres em geral se mudam para o povoado do marido ao se casarem) tambm conhecidos como Mucura, ou Oamasa em tukano, pequeno grupo que
e de casamento entre primos cruzados com frequente troca de mulheres, vive no alto Uaups), MK (MAKUNA, tambm conhecidos como Yebamasa),
possvel falar em termos de mulheres cedidas e recebidas e, na prtica, MT (Mirititapuyo), PT (Piratapuyo), TA (Tariana), KB (Kubeo), SR (Siriano),
de uma certa contabilidade por grupos de descendncia localizados. Dito TT (Tatuyo). O sinal <> significa casamentos com pessoas de origem tnica
isto, o saldo tukano positivo, j que esse grupo recebeu 47 mulheres a desconhecida.
152 153
entre os Tukano e Desana do mdio Tiqui, o que viabiliza formas de

controle mais sistemtico da poltica matrimonial uns dos outros. J os
Tuyuka esto mais separados geograficamente de seus cunhados. Mas a
relao Tukano/Tuyuka voltar a ser abordada.
No grfico 3, dos casamentos desana, o que mais chama a ateno a

grande parcela de relaes com os Tukano, 82% do total de mulheres
Grfico 2. Alianas dos Tukano (mulheres cedidas e recebidas) desana se casaram com Tukano, enquanto 78% dos homens desana se
casaram com mulheres tukano. Considerando estes nmeros e as j
citadas proximidade dos grupos locais tukano e desana no mdio Tiqui,
coluna do grfico (e a segunda linha da tabela) d conta do nmero de
o que gera descontinuidades do territrio desana; e uma certa assimetria
homens casados (mulheres recebidas). O ltimo par de colunas expressa os
poltica e socioespacial (rio x igarap), possvel entender o declnio
totais de mulheres cedidas e recebidas. Observa-se que os Tukano obtm
do uso da lngua desana nesta rea. Esses fatores combinados parecem
um saldo positivo com todos os grupos com que mantm relaes de
favorecer esse processo de homogeneizao lingustica no mdio Tiqui,
afinidade, com a nica exceo dos Mirititapuya (que devolvem apenas
com o crescente predomnio do tukano. A lngua desana mais falada
64,7% das mulheres obtidas junto aos Tukano). J os Tuyuka cederam 28
em ambientes onde este grupo de descendncia pratica alianas mais
mulheres a mais que receberam, para homens tukano (apenas 77,41%
diversificadas (no rio Papuri) e ocupa territrios mais contnuos; trata-
foi reciprocada). De um modo geral, os Mirititapuyo e os Tuyuka esto
se de uma hiptese a ser verificada. No Tiqui, mais falada justamente
situados no baixo e no alto Tiqui, respectivamente abaixo e acima dos
onde h um pequeno nexo de quatro grupos locais no igarap Umari
povoados tukano/desana deste rio. As alianas com os Mirititapuya so
(ver mapa 1).
valorizadas pelo fato de que habitam a rea do Tiqui onde ocorrem os
maiores estoques pesqueiros, sendo portanto estratgicas como maneira
de acessar este recurso bsico e relativamente escasso no alto Tiqui. J
os Tuyuka so fornecedores de canoas, utenslio de primeira necessidade
para estes povos ribeirinhos e em cuja fabricao so especialistas.
A relao dos Tukano com os Desana j mais equilibrada, sendo

que 93,45% das mulheres cedidas a esse grupo de descendncia so
reciprocadas. Isto est relacionado a uma maior proximidade espacial Grfico 3. Alianas dos Desana (mulheres cedidas e recebidas)
154 155
Os dados relativos aos casamentos tuyuka (Grfico 4) mostram uma maior

diversificao da poltica matrimonial. Os homens tukano continuam a
ser o destino da grande maioria (75%) das mulheres tuyuka. Deve-se
ponderar, no entanto, que aquelas que se casaram com os Bar e Makuna,
com os quais os Tuyuka mantm estreitas relaes de aliana, em boa parte
no aparecem nestes Registros (pelas razes j citadas acima). Nos dados
sobre origem das mulheres casadas com homens tuyuka, a participao
das relaes com Tukano cai para 58%, enquanto 17% so Bar e os
Makuna e Desana entram com 6% cada um. Diferente dos Desana, os
Quadro 2. Casamentos tuyuka, por grupo lingustico do cnjuge
grupos locais tuyuka esto situados em uma rea contnua, separada do
trecho de predomnio tukano.
Esses dados se referem a casamentos atuais ou mais recentes dos Tuyuka,

incluindo todos os grupos locais do alto Tiqui, dos dois lados da fronteira
Brasil-Colmbia. Mostram uma diversidade de casamentos maior, em
comparao com os Desana.
6.2. CASAMENTOS RIO ABAIXO E RIO ACIMA

Um aspecto que deve ser destacado a preferncia por trocar mulheres
Grfico 4. Alianas dos Tuyuka (mulheres cedidas e recebidas)
rio abaixo, com homens residentes em grupos locais situados mais a
jusante nos rios, em relao ao seu prprio grupo local. O nmero de
mulheres cedidas para grupos de descendncia que habitam no sentido
Em outro trabalho, diretamente com os Tuyuka, reuni um conjunto
da foz do rio maior que o nmero de mulheres provenientes desses
mais completo de dados, no Quadro 2, abaixo, que permite configurar
grupos. Considerando, grosso modo, que os grupos de descendncia
melhor essa situao (apud Cabalzar 2009:294). Vemos que a proporo
esto assim dispostos no curso do rio Tiqui:
de casamentos com os Tukano, tanto dos homens quanto das mulheres
tuyuka, inferior a 50%.
156 157
verifica-se que os Mirititapuyo receberam 34 mulheres tukano e desana 2. A constatao de uma rede de alianas baseada nas estreitas relaes entre
e cederam apenas 15 para ambos; os Tukano e Desana receberam 138 Tukano e Desana de um lado, e Tukano e Tuyuka de outro. Os Tukano,
mulheres tuyuka e cederam 106; os Tuyuka, por sua vez, receberam 45 portanto, tm um papel chave neste sistema, onde quase 40% das pessoas
mulheres bar e makuna, mas cederam apenas 18. Da mesma forma, envolvidas nos casamentos so deste grupo de descendncia exogmico.
cada grupo de descendncia, individualmente, recebe mais mulheres
provenientes de rio acima do que as oferece para o mesmo destino21. 3. Em termos da reproduo de predomnios lingusticos, alm da
Esta caracterstica das redes de aliana derivada do mesmo princpio de diversidade de alianas, importante a condio geogrfica (alguma
que referncias geogrficas so flexionadas por conotaes hierrquicas, continuidade de comunidades de um mesmo grupo lingustico, como
conforme mencionado acima. o caso dos Tuyuka no alto e dos Desana no Umari); e uma simetria
sociopoltica na relao com outros grupos lingusticos com quem se
divide o territrio. No caso dos Desana do mdio Tiqui, os Tukano
COMENTRIOS FINAIS
claramente tem mais prestgio poltico e prerrogativas territoriais (rio dos
De acordo com os dados apresentados, dois pontos devem ser marcados:
Tukano, igaraps dos Desana).
1. A quase inexistncia de casamentos internos aos grupos de descendncia
exogmicos, que no Tiqui correspondem sempre a grupos lingusticos,
Guardadas as propores, os Desana esto para os Tukano no mdio
comprovando mais uma vez a j bem conhecida ideia de exogamia
Tiqui, assim como os Bar esto para os Tuyuka no alto. Os primeiros
lingustica (ver Sorensen 1967; Jackson 1983; Gomez-Imbert 1991). Os
de cada par so grupos de descendncia mais tolerantes coresidncia
casamentos dentro de um mesmo grupo de descendncia so considerados
com seus aliados em seu territrio. Como vimos, h consequncias em
incestuosos. Quando ocorrem, geram constrangimentos, sobretudo dos
termos lingusticos. Trata-se de entender a situao desses grupos de
mais velhos, expressos nas dificuldades de se referir ao cnjuge, j que no
descendncia em outros contextos regionais.
h flexibilidade no uso dos termos de parentesco.
Finalizando, possvel postular que trs fatores so cruciais: alianas,

21. Estes nmeros no levam em conta, porm, o fato de homens de outros territrio e hierarquia; que podem se compor de diferentes formas na
grupos de descendncia residirem nas reas de predomnio de certo(s) grupo(s) de estabilidade de grupos de descendncia e lingusticos. Outros autores,
descendncia. Por exemplo, existem vrios homens tuyuka que esto morando na especialmente Sorensen (1967), Gomez-Imbert (1991) e Stenzel (2005)
rea de domnio tukano/desana, como referido acima. De qualquer forma, estes atentaram para o multilinguismo no noroeste amaznico, caracterizando-o
casos formam uma minoria. No caso da diferena tuyuka em relao a makuna/ e discutindo suas condies de reproduo. Esse texto visa dar uma
bar, deve ser ponderado que existem casos de mulheres tuyuka que se casaram e contribuio, no estudo das relaes entre organizao socioespacial e
foram registrados na Colmbia, o que pode reduzir um pouco esta diferena. predomnios lingusticos no rio Tiqui.
158 159
REFERNCIAS . 2000. Cartas do Serto. De Curt Nimuendaj para Carlos Estevo

de Oliveira. Lisboa: Assrio e Alvim.
Cabalzar,Aloisio. 1995. Organizao socialTuyuka. Dissertao de Mestrado.
Departamento de Antropologia, FFLCH, Universidade de So Paulo. Pozzobon, Jorge. 1995. Hierarquia, Liberdade e Excluso (Reflexes
sobre a Identificao da rea Indgena Rio Apapris). MS.
. 1999. O templo profanado: missionrios salesianos e a transformao
da maloca tuyuka. Transformando os Deuses. Os mltiplos sentidos da . 1997. O sistema numrico dos ndios Maku. MS.Verso ampliada
converso entre os povos indgenas no Brasil, org. Robin Wright, pp. de Langue, socit et numration chez les Indiens Maku, Journal de la
363-396. Campinas: Editora da Unicamp. Socit des Amricanistes 83:159-172.
. 2000. Descendncia e aliana no espao tuyuka. A noo de nexo Ramos,Alcida, Peter Silverwood-Cope e Ana Gita de Oliveira. 1980. Patres
regional no noroeste amaznico. Revista de Antropologia 43, no.1: 61-88. e clientes: relaes intertribais no Alto Rio Negro. Hierarquia e Simbiose,
org. Alcida Ramos, pp. 135-182. So Paulo: HUCITEC/INL/MEC.
. 2009. Filhos da Cobra de Pedra. Organizao social e trajetrias
tuyuka no rio Tiqui (noroeste amaznico). So Paulo: Editora Unesp/ Ribeiro, Berta. 1995. Os ndios das guas Pretas. Modo de Produo e
ISA/NuTI. Equipamento Produtivo. So Paulo: Edusp/Companhia das Letras.
Cabalzar, Aloisio e Flavio Lima. 2005. Do rio Negro ao alto Tiqui. Sorensen, Arthur P. 1967. Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon.
Contexto socioambiental. Peixe e Gente no Alto Rio Tiqui, ed. Aloisio American Anthropologist 69:670-684.
Cabalzar, pp. 23-42. So Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental.
Stenzel, Kristine. 2005. Multilingualism in the Northwest Amazon, revisited.
Cabalzar, Aloisio e Carlos A. Ricardo. 1998. Mapa-livro. Povos Indgenas Annals of the II Congress on Indigenous Languages of Latin America
do Rio Negro. So Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental. (CILLA).Austin,Texas. http://www.ailla.utexas.org/site/cilla2_toc_sp.html.
Epps, Patience. 2008. A Grammar of Hup. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Tenrio, Higino P. 2012. Impactos das polticas lingusticas tuyuka.
Goldman, Irving. 1963. The Cubeo Indians of the Northwest Amazon. Educao Escolar Indgena no Rio Negro, 1998-2011, org. Flora
Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Cabalzar, pp. 134-145. So Paulo: Instituto Socioambiental.
Gomez-Imbert, Elsa. 1991. Force des langues vernaculaires en situation Prkumu, Umusi e Trmu Kehir. 1995 [1980]. Antes o mundo no
dexogamie linguistique: le cas du Vaups colombien (Nord-Ouest existia. So Gabriel da Cachoeira: UNIRT/FOIRN.
amazonien). Plurilinguisme et dveloppement, ed. J. Charmes. Cahiers
des Sciences Humaines 27, no. 3-4:535-559. Van Emst, P. 1966. Indians and Missionaries on the Rio Tiqui, Brazil
- Colombia. International Archives of Ethnography, vol 1, parte 2, pp.
Jackson, Jean. 1983 [1972]. The Fish People. Cambridge: Cambridge 145-197. Leiden: MS.
University Press.
Nimuendaj, Curt. 1950. Reconhecimento dos rios Iana, Ayar e

Uaups. Relatrio apresentado ao Servio de Proteo aos ndios do
Amazonas e Acre, 1927. Journal de la Societ des Americanistes de Paris
39:125-183.
160 161
recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo
NKAK del mundo (Amazonia colombiana)
Dany Mahecha
Universidad Nacional de Colombia
Carlos Franky
Resumen: Los Nikak son reconocidos por ser el ltimo pueblo nmada
en Colombia (contactado oficialmente en 1988), por el sofisticado
manejo que hace de los recursos del bosque y por la crtica situacin
humanitaria que afrontan debido al conflicto armado en la ltima
dcada. Sin embargo, poco se conoce acerca de la cosmologa Nikak y la
forma en que las relaciones sociales al interior y entre los grupos locales
se proyectan en aquellas que tienen con seres de distintos niveles del
mundo. Este artculo explora los discursos chamnicos y otras prcticas
con las cuales los hombres son capaces de ascender al mundo de arriba
recolectando en el cielo: elementos del manejo nkak del mundo (Amazonia colombiana) dany mahecha and carlos franky
para colectar frutas, visitar los seres que viven all y fertilizar el bosque. Introduccin1
El artculo tambin argumenta que esta conceptualizacin del cosmos Los Nikak, los Hup, los Kakua y los Yuhup, pueblos de tradicin nmada
tiene elementos presentes en otras poblaciones de tradicin nmada del Noroeste Amaznico, conocidos como mak2, han interactuado
en la Amazonia. Adems, el modelo no corresponde al de intercambio durante varios siglos con los Tukano oriental y los Arawak, adoptando
reciproco propuesto por Reichel-Dolmatoff para el Vaups ni al de diversos conocimientos tecnolgicos, prcticas chamansticas y rituales,
predacin propuesto por Viveiros de Castro. y conceptos sociales y cosmolgicos (vase Mapa 1). Pero mientras los
Palabras claves: nmadas, Amazonia, nukak, cosmologa, ecologa Nkak se aislaron e interrumpieron estas relaciones durante la mayor
parte del siglo XX, los Hup, los Kakua y los Yuhup las incrementaron, en
Abstract: The Nikak are well known for being the last nomadic people un proceso que ha sido documentado etnogrficamente desde los 1960s3.
in Colombia (officially contacted in 1988), for their sophisticated forest
management techniques, and for their critical humanitarian situation
as victims in the civil conflict over the last decade. However, there is 1. La informacin presentada son avances de los proyectos de investigacin: La
little information about Nikak cosmology and the ways in which gramtica del Nikak, realizado por D. Mahecha, dirigido por Leo Wetzels (Vrije
social relationships within and between local groups are projected onto Universiteit, msterdam), y financiado por The Netherlands Organization for
relationships with beings of different levels of the world. This paper Scientific Research NWO, beca No 256-00-521; e Identidad tnica y cambio
explores the shamanistic discourses and other practices, with which men socio-cultural entre los Nukak (Amazonia Colombiana), desarrollado por
are able to ascend toward the world above, ja (sky), in order to gather C. Franky, supervisado por Georg Frerks, Pieter de Vries y Gerard Verschoor
fruits, fertilize the forest and visit beings that live up there.This paper also (Wageningen Universiteit), y cofinanciado por Nuffic (The Netherlands), como
argues that the Nikak concept of the cosmos has elements that suggest parte del proyecto NPT/COL/100, y por la Universidad Nacional de Colombia,
a model of social relations that may also play a role in other Amazonian sede Amazonia. Agradecemos los comentarios y observaciones a las versiones
forager populations. Interestingly, this concept does not correspond to previas de este texto de Patience Epps, Kris Stenzel y Ana Mara Ospina.
the reciprocal exchange model proposed by Reichel-Dolmatoff in the 2. El significado y origen del trmino mak, que denota connotaciones
Vaups, nor with the predatory model suggested by Viveiros de Castro. peyorativas, es presentado en Mahecha et al. (1996-1997). En el presente
Keywords: nomads; Amazonia; Nukak; cosmology; ecology documento este trmino ser escrito con minscula inicial, en cuanto no refiere
un nombre propio, a diferencia de los etnonimos y los nombres de las familias
lingsticas, y por los cuales se escribirn con mayscula inicial.
3. Al respecto vanse las etnografas del Noroeste Amaznico sobre los Tukano
oriental, los Arawak y los pueblos denominados Mak. Sobre los ltimos vanse
Silverwood-Cope (1990:73, 143), Reid (1979:328), Pozzobon (1992; 1997),
164 165
As los Kakua y los Hup afirmaban que sus clanes patrilineales estaban formas. Hugh-Jones (1995) propone que los Tukano oriental conciben su
divididos en dos conjuntos exogmicos, ordenados internamente en organizacin social a partir de dos modelos complementarios y presentes
forma jerrquica. Sin embargo, Silverwood-Cope (1990) y Reid (1979) simultneamente en cada maloca (casa comunal). El primero, masculino,
observaron que dicho modelo no tena mayores implicaciones prcticas enfatiza sobre la descendencia patrilineal, la virilocalidad, la exogamia y las
entre los Kakua y los Hup, y concluyeron que esta conceptualizacin jerarquas. El segundo, femenino, enfatiza en la consanguinidad que prima
responda a la influencia de los Tukano, quienes tenan unas prcticas en la vida diaria, los grupos residenciales y territoriales con tendencia a
sociales ms coherentes con dicho modelo. la endogamia local, la igualdad, la cooperacin y la interdependencia.
rhem (1981:206; 2000) concuerda con este planteamiento, aunque
Los Hup y Yuhup plantean, en sus narraciones mticas, que ellos llegaron asocia el primero con la descendencia patrilineal y el segundo con la
al rea desplazndose a pie, antes que arribaran los Tukano (Reid 1979; alianza simtrica4. Cabe anotar que estos tres autores no mencionan
Mahecha et al. 2000; Athias 2003). Nimuendaj (1950), Lathrap (1970) ningn tipo de influencia recibida o proveniente de los mak, quienes
y Reichel-Dolmatoff (1997) concuerdan con este planteamiento y estaran ms cercanos a una organizacin social igualitaria.
sostienen que luego llegaron los agricultores Arawak y posteriormente
los Tukano oriental, ambos en diferentes oleadas. Reichel-Dolmatoff De otro lado, la influencia Tukano oriental y Arawak sobre los mak
(1997) argumenta que los Tukano no eran una gente homognea, pues involucra rasgos lingsticos. Epps (2007; 2008) seala que debido
unos eran cazadores y otros tenan prcticas hortcolas. Adems coincide al contacto lingstico con los Tukano, en la lengua de los Hup
con Wright (1992) al proponer que los Tukano tomaron de los Arawak est emergiendo un incipiente sistema de clasificacin y marcas de
el sistema de jerarquas clnicas y el complejo ritual del Yurupar. A su evidencialidad. En este volumen Ospina y Gomez-Imbert exploran
vez, los Kubeo y los Bar sealan que ellos integraron a grupos mak las similitudes entre los verbos seriales de los Yuhup, los Barasano y los
en su organizacin social, como clanes de menor rango (Goldman 1968; Tatuyo, y sugieren que es un fenmeno areal de la cuenca del Caquet-
Jackson 1983). Japur, Apaporis y Pira-Paran, pero sin resultados conclusivos ya que se
requiere comparar la persistencia de los hallazgos con otras lenguas del
Wright (1992) especifica que fruto de este encuentro e influencias mutuas, rea y por fuera de sta.
en toda la regin subsiste una tensin entre un ethos igualitario tukano
y uno jerrquico arawak, el cual se expresa localmente de diferentes
4. rhem (1981:315-319) presenta una sntesis de un debate ms amplio, de

Cabrera et al. (1994; 1997; 1999), Mahecha et al. (1996-1997; 2000), Athias (2003; mediados del siglo XX, entre las teoras de la descendencia y de la alianza,
2010), Cabrera (2010), Mahecha (2007) y Franky (2011). proponiendo que stas pueden ser vistas como complementarias.
166 167
Los Nkak, que al parecer son una migracin de los Kakua del Vaups 1. Parentesco por descendencia y consanguinidad
colombiano al interfluvio Guaviare-Inrida, probablemente a principios Los Nkak tienen un modelo de organizacin social basado en clanes
del siglo XX, tambin manejan un legado de influencias arawak y tukano. patrilineales. Los miembros de cada clan se consideran parte de una misma
Entre stas tenemos las tcnicas y procesamiento de la yuca brava, la dna parentela, pues comparten, entre otros aspectos, los niwayi ancestros
realizacin de un ritual mortuorio de osteofagia endocanibal (prctica o abuelos masculinos, determinadas caractersticas fsicas y emocionales
que abandonaron), rituales asociados al yurupar y lxico relacionado con (como tener una estatura alta y ser hospitalarios) y un territorio heredado
plantas cultivadas y objetos (Mondragn 1991; Cabrera et al. 1994, 1999; desde el poblamiento mtico de este mundo (Franky 2011). Los clanes son
Mahecha 2007; Franky 2011). No obstante, los Nkak no reconocen exogmicos, siendo el ideal la unin entre primos cruzados bilaterales, lo
vnculos explcitos de parentesco con los Kakua (pese a que hablan cual posibilita un intercambio de mujeres sostenido en el tiempo entre dos
lenguas inteligibles), ni con los Arawak o los Tukano y no adoptaron el dena. Si bien la norma de residencia es patrivirilocal, en la prctica el patrn
sistema jerarquizado de clanes organizados en fratras. Todo esto quizs de residencia implica la convivencia con afines cercanos. As cada grupo
debido al periodo de aislamiento que mantuvieron. local est constituido a partir de un conjunto de agnados (como un padre
con sus hijos o un grupo de hermanos) que habitan en su territorio con
En este artculo argumentamos que los Nkak privilegian las algunos cuados, afiliados al grupo residencial (Cabrera et al. 1994, 1999).
manifestaciones de la consanguinidad en las relaciones sociales, para
reactualizar los lazos de convivencia entre parientes y afines corresidentes La descendencia patrilineal tambin establece vnculos imprescriptibles
en un grupo local, aunque tambin apelan a las de descendencia con con los parientes que habitan en ja el mundo de arriba y en bak el
el mismo propsito. Paralelamente describimos cmo estas dos caras mundo de abajo, quienes mantienen entre ellos las mismas relaciones de
del parentesco orientan las relaciones que los Nkak establecen con parentesco que tienen sus familiares humanos vivos. Entre estos parientes
gentes de otros niveles del cosmos. Por ltimo discutimos aspectos de la estn los takueyi. Todos los Nkak tienen al menos un takueyi pariente
cosmologa Nkak que no encajan con las descripciones etnogrficas de propio, que siempre lo acompaa, ayuda y protege en las actividades
los otros pueblos del Noroeste Amaznico ni con las tentativas analticas cotidianas y rituales. Sobre su origen hay varias versiones: se crean cuando
para interpretarlas, como el intercambio recproco directo propuesto por un hombre con conocimientos especializados aspira eoro5, una sustancia
Reichel-Dolmatoff (1986) o la predacin como uno de los principales que otorga poderes chamansticos, quien se convierte en su padre; son
operadores cosmolgicos propuesto por Viveiros de Castro (2002). el mik baka de parientes fallecidos, es decir, uno de los tres espritus que
5. Arrabidea chica (Bignoniaceae)
168 169
se desprenden del cuerpo al morir; o se heredan va patrilineal, cuando nacidos se conciben como humanos potenciales que al ser amamantados
fallece el pariente que era su padre o dueo. se comienzan a humanizar apropiadamente. Lo mismo sucede con las
mascotas alimentadas con leche materna humana, al punto que los
Los chamanes solicitan ayuda de sus takueyi para realizar curaciones de funerales son similares a los de los humanos10.
proteccin, viajes por el cosmos o ataques a personas de otros grupos.
Sin embargo, los takueyi tienen agencia propia y algunos son muy De manera anloga la incorporacin de un afn visitante requiere su
agresivos, incluso pueden atacar por iniciativa propia a los Nkak de otras consanguinizacin. El contacto inicial con un afn no corresidente es
dna, cuando hay conflictos entre los humanos o cuando gente de otro cauteloso y en lo posible al oscurecer, para no tener que confrontar las
grupo local visita e ingresa en el territorio de los parientes humanos miradas directamente. Luego viene la realizacin de un entiwat ritual de
de los takueyi. Por sta razn permanecer en el territorio propio es una encuentro y en la fase final de la ceremonia se comparte comida y se
fuente de proteccin, mientras que desplazarse a otro es peligroso. Sin conversa, pero los visitantes no pernoctan en el campamento y durante el
embargo, una persona puede apelar a la filiacin de la madre para forjar da se evitan los contactos directos. En una visita breve, sta dinmica se
relaciones de convivencia con los takueyi del clan de la madre, cuando mantiene por unos das hasta que los visitantes se marchan. En una visita
visita el territorio de dicho clan o cuando cambia de grupo de residencia, prolongada o un cambio de grupo de residencia,el recelo va desapareciendo
afilindose al grupo local de los afines. La estrategia de acudir a la filiacin progresivamente. Luego de varios das de estar compartiendo comida, los
de la madre pretende mostrar que de todos modos hay un vnculo de visitantes ingresan al oscurecer al campamento anfitrin y duermen all,
parentesco comn y por tanto no son completamente extraos. Para aunque lo abandonan al amanecer. Con el tiempo se integran a la vida
lograr esto se requiere de un proceso en el que, para unas cosas, se matiza cotidiana, siendo tratados como si fueran consanguneos (Cabrera et al.
la afinidad y los afines se tratan como si fueran consanguneos. En este 1994, 1999).
proceso juega un papel destacado el acompaarse, el trabajo conjunto, la
reciprocidad y el compartir sustancias constitutivas del cuerpo. Entre los 2. Convivencia y conflicto
humanos las sustancias ms importantes son la leche materna, el achiote6, Los miembros de la dna parentela son quienes pertenecen a un mismo
el eoro, el milpeso7, el chontaduro8 y el laurel9. De hecho los nios recin grupo descendencia patrilineal, pero quienes conviven, comparten
comida y se ayudan mutuamente comienzan a considerarse como dna,
as sean afines. En contraste, quienes no comparten comida y no procuran
6. Bixa orellana (Bixaceae).
7. Oenocarpus bataua (Palmae).
8. Oenocarpus bataua (Palmae). 10. Rival anota que esta relacin con las mascotas, similar entre los Huaorani, es
9. Dacryodes peruviana. una adopcin (2004:108).
170 171
un buen ambiente de convivencia se comportan como si fueran de otra de su reproduccin y garantizaba una oferta variada y constante tanto de
dna y con ellos no existe obligacin de reciprocidad. En el mbito del estas especies como de otras asociadas a ellas, insectos, primates y aves
grupo local, la reciprocidad con bienes, servicios y alimentos entre los (Cabrera et al. 1994; 1999; Gutirrez 1996; 2002; Politis 1996a; 1996b; 2007;
parientes consanguneos y afines corresidentes es cotidiana. As todos los Sotomayor et al. 1998).
das, los grupos domsticos comparten entre s al menos una parte de
los alimentos que cocinan. La convivencia adems implica permitir el En contraste, la otra cara de la convivencia es la vulnerabilidad de las
uso colectivo de algunos bienes y objetos, tener buen nimo para llevar relaciones interpersonales entre corresidentes. Buena parte de los
a cabo las actividades de obtencin y procesamiento de los alimentos, conflictos cotidianos se suscitan por comentarios acerca de actitudes de
disposicin para colaborar si alguien lo requiere, y buen humor para hacer egosmo o pereza. Los comentarios reiterados respecto al comportamiento
y soportar las bromas cotidianas. Compartir y acompaarse son asuntos inadecuado de una persona pueden llevarla a reclamar directamente, al
que marcan la memoria afectiva de las personas y son fundamentales en ostracismo, a alejarse por un tiempo y en casos extremos a intentos de
la constitucin y consolidacin de los lazos de parentesco11. suicidio. Por esto, los Nkak evitan hacer comentarios negativos de otras
personas en pblico. Las desavenencias se resuelven dependiendo de la
La participacin en diferentes faenas cotidianas crea lazos de solidaridad gravedad de los hechos; entre personas de distintos grupos domsticos
de gnero y redistributiva, que afianzan las relaciones entre corresidentes. las disputas se solucionan mediante compensacin o la fragmentacin
Hasta hace diez aos las actividades de recoleccin de frutos y materias temporal del grupo local. Entre distintos grupos locales, la compensacin
primas en el bosque demandaban la mayor parte del tiempo, y entre stas es una posibilidad, pero sta debe incluir la realizacin de uno o varios
sobresalan las partidas colectivas en las que participan personas de varios rituales de encuentro dependiendo de la intensidad del conflicto. Cuando
grupos domsticos. La segunda actividad ms importante en trminos de las disputas se asocian con acusaciones de chamanismo, causantes de
subsistencia era la caza, seguida por la pesca, la horticultura y en menor enfermedad o muerte, el disgusto puede prolongarse por aos.
medida la recoleccin de miel e insectos, con variaciones estacionales. El
manejo12 que los Nkak hacan de frutales y palmas incida en la cualificacin Uno de los principales motivos de conflicto entre grupos locales y entre
los Nkak y los colonos es nim el robo, aunque este comportamiento
tambin se presenta al interior de los grupos locales (Cabrera et al. 1994,
11. Gow (1991), Overing (1997), y Overing y Passes (2000), entre otros, proponen 1999; Mahecha et al. 2011). Los hurtos colectivos de comida y otros
que estas caractersticas en realidad forman parte de la sociabilidad cotidiana de
los pueblos amaznicos.
12. Segn Anderson y Posey (1985:3) manejo significa una alteracin del medio Esta alteracin puede ser hecha de muchas formas, conforme a intensidades de
ambiente para la creacin de plantas y/o animales de inters para el hombre. manipulacin.
172 173
bienes de los colonos son asumidos como una estrategia legtima de las relaciones de los chamanes con sus afines del mundo de arriba se
acceso a recursos, que adems fortalece los niveles de solidaridad entre asemejan a las que se dan entre grupos locales distantes y en stas el hurto
los que participan. Al mismo tiempo el hurto a personas de otros grupos tambin est presente.
locales es una expresin del lmite de la sociabilidad, caracterstica de los
corresidentes. Quienes roban saben que se exponen a una retaliacin si 3. Fertilizando el mundo
son descubiertos. Los perjuicios ocasionados por un robo entre los Nkak En el mundo de abajo, bak, habitan otras gentes que tambin viven como
dependen de la gravedad y del mbito donde haya ocurrido; tales reveses los Nkak. Entre ellas estn los ancestros de los Nkak, ya sean los ancestros
pueden ser resarcidos con una amonestacin (robos hechos por nios), humanos que optaron por permanecer en bak y no acompaar a sus
una compensacin en especie (con alimentos u objetos) o generar una parientes en la travesa del poblamiento mtico de yee nuestro mundo o
cadena de ataques entre grupos locales que pueden culminar en un ritual los espritus borekaki de los parientes muertos. Las gentes de bak visitan
de encuentro con episodios violentos. De hecho, los Nkak consideran nuestro mundo, pero los humanos las percibimos como animales (tapir13,
que las epidemias de gripa causantes de la muerte de un 38,5% de su venado14, jaguar15, zaino16, etc.), y solo los chamanes pueden comunicarse
poblacin durante los primeros cinco aos de contacto, fueron un ataque con ellas y visitarlas en bak, donde las perciben en su forma humana. Esta
chamanstico de los blancos en venganza por el rapto de un nio colono gente, al igual que la gente del mundo de arriba, acompaa y ayuda a sus
en 1987 (Franky et al. 1995). parientes humanos y a los afines que corresiden con dichos parientes. Una
de estas ayudas es la fecundacin de los principales rboles y palmas de los
Las relaciones que los Nkak mantienen entre s se proyectan en las que se alimentan los Nkak (milpeso, laurel y moriche17). As, cuando los
relaciones que mantienen con otros seres del cosmos, las cuales tambin takueyi y otras gentes del cosmos preparan las bebidas de algunos frutos,
son de consanguinidad o de afinidad. La gente de ja el mundo de arriba, estos residuos caen al suelo, traspasan el nivel de su mundo y fertilizan a
por ejemplo, organiza sus actividades cotidianas de la misma forma que los sus respectivas especies en nuestro mundo. Asimismo, cuando las mujeres
Nkak, y bajan a nuestro mundo para ayudar y acompaar a sus parientes del mundo de arriba tejen pulseras, las fibras que caen se transforman
humanos cuando estos realizan dichas actividades. Esta relacin es ms en los frutos de diferentes tipos de guamas18. Sin embargo, la gente del
fuerte con los chamanes, quienes consideran a cada uno de sus parientes
del mundo de arriba como un chedn compaero, trmino usado entre 13.Tapirus terrestris
humanos para denotar vnculos afectivos muy estrechos. Inclusive, los 14. Mazama spp
chamanes comparten alimentos con sus parientes del mundo de arriba y 15. Panthera onca
llegan a tener esposas takueyi. Sin embargo, slo pueden compartir hasta 16. Tayassu pecar (Tayassuidae)
cierto punto, pues si llegan a excederse podran transformarse en gente 17. Mauritia flexuosa (Palmae)
de ese mundo, abandonando el nuestro, es decir, muriendo. Adems, 18. Inga sp
174 175
mundo de abajo es un peligro potencial para los afines humanos lejanos no tiene cabeza, se enoja porque le estn quitando las frutas, sale con su
de sus parientes humanos, especialmente en contextos similares a los ya cerbatana y empieza a cazar lo que ve como micos chichi. Si un dardo
sealados con los takueyi. hiere a un chichi, el Nkak que porta esa ropa, simplemente se la quita y
Adems, los chamanes Nkak viajan a ja, el mundo de arriba, y la tira, ponindose una nueva ropa de chichi, pues el dardo no afecta el
tambin pueden contribuir directamente a fertilizar las siguientes especies cuerpo ni el espritu del humano. Cheujumka toma esas ropas de chichi
vegetales: como comida, pues para l son micos. Cuando los Nkak consideran que
han tumbado suficientes frutos de una especie, pueden pasar a tumbar
1) Wana laurel, kutpe19, wajabo20, patata21, tegebo22, yee23, yarawa24, echacheu25, los de otra especie. Por ejemplo, repiten este mismo proceso con yarawa,
waa26, yapio o edn27, y chichi28. Una vez en ja, los chamanes se visten con pero en este caso deben actuar rpido, pues duyup ne el abuelo liblula
ropa de mono chichi colimocho29, es decir, adquieren la apariencia de y buyup ne el abuelo colibr, los dueos de esta especie, pueden atacar
este primate. Luego se suben en el rbol ne abuelo30 de alguna de las a los chamanes humanos, defendiendo sus frutales.
especies anteriores. Una vez en el rbol, sacuden las ramas y los frutos
que caen traspasan el piso y llegan a nuestro mundo, fecundando los 2) Duri o jia panat y chaa o duri dawa31 mamitas. Las mujeres de ja
frutales. Durante este proceso, el dueo de esos frutales, cheujumka el que buscan a los chamanes para tener relaciones sexuales con ellos. Si son
consanguneas, los humanos las evitan por ser parientes. Pero si son afines,
19. Dacryodes chimantensis. tienen relaciones y con ellas fertilizan esta especie en nuestro mundo.
20. Couma macrocarpa.
21. Helicostylis tomentosa. 3) Puyu32 algodn que se emplea para los dardos. Los chamanes buscan
22. Protium crassipetalum. algodn acumulado en las viviendas de la gente de ja y con la punta de
23. Maquira guianensis. una flecha para pescar sacan pequeas porciones. Luego soplan para que
24. Indeterminada. se esparza sobre los arboles puyu de nuestro mundo.
25. Perebea angustifolia.
26. Duruia maguirei. 4) Yabm o teruke milpeso, yabuto milpesillos33 y otras palmas. Los chamanes
27. Moraceae. cortan los racimos de las palmas ne. Los frutos caen al piso, traspasan el nivel
28. Indeterminada. de mundo y se distribuyen en las palmas de nuestro mundo.
29. Cacajao melanocephalus.
30. Los Nikak conciben a estos rboles como abuelos, porque asumen que de 31. Iryanthera ulei.
ellos se originaron las especies que existen actualmente (vase Franky 2011; cfr. 32. Ceiba pentandra.
Politis 2007). 33. Oenocarpus mapora (Palmae).
176 177
5) Mn o juuni chontaduro. Los chamanes repiten el mismo 4. Depredacin, intercambio directo y manejo del mundo entre los Nkak
procedimiento que con el milpeso y adems intentan robar la semilla para En esta seccin presentaremos y discutiremos los argumentos que sugieren
traerla a este nivel del mundo. Sin embargo, siempre son descubiertos. que en la cosmologa Nkak, la depredacin o el intercambio directo
Algunos Nkak dicen que, una vez en nuestro mundo, las semillas ocupan un lugar menos protagnico que el atribuido por los pueblos de
produciran abundantemente, pero como no hay suficientes cultivos de tradicin hortcola en el Nororeste Amaznico. Como veremos esto est
chontaduro, muchsima fruta se perdera, pues no tendra palmas donde relacionado con la concepcin de los seres que habitan en los diferentes
fructificar. Por ello no vale la pena concretar este robo. niveles del cosmos, las relaciones que tienen con estos, la nocin de
persona y los nfasis en las actividades chamansticas. Entre los Nkak,
Cabe anotar que en la contribucin a la fertilizacin de las especies estas ltimas estn ms orientadas a contribuir a la reproduccin de las
numeradas de 2 a 5, los chamanes no llevan el ropaje de mico chichi. especies vegetales que son la base de la alimentacin, que a la realizacin
de ofrendas con sustancias rituales, como la coca, para obtener presas de
Segn los Nkak, en estas jornadas los chamanes humanos siempre van cacera como se ha reportado para los Yukuna (Arawak), los Makuna, los
en grupos de al menos dos hombres, y acompaados por sus takueyi para Barasano o los Desana (Tukano oriental). De hecho, los otros pueblos de
protegerse de los peligros que deben sortear. Los Nkak tambin sealan tradicin nmada (los Kakua, los Yuhup y los Hup) adoptaron el uso de
que la realizacin de los bailes rituales baap, de dos das de duracin y en la coca como sustancia ritual de sus vecinos Tukano oriental34.
los que se toma chicha de frutas del bosque (milpeso, laurel) o de especies
cosechadas (chontaduro, yuca), contribuyen a fecundar el cosmos. Para comenzar hay que sealar que segn los Nkak, sus parientes de
Primero, porque los takueyi y la gente de ja se alegra al escuchar los otros mundos los acompaan, cuidan y ayudan, porque precisamente
cantos, pues sus parientes humanos aun viven, siguendo sus consejos; esto estas actitudes son propias del trato entre parientes. Por ello, los humanos
los motiva a seguir acompandolos y ayudndolos en la fructificacin de no hacen pagos, intercambios ni mantienen relaciones predatorias con
las especies de nuestro mundo.Y segundo, porque parte de las canciones la gente de otros mundos para favorecer la reproduccin o el acceso a los
tratan sobre la reproduccin de los peces, y sobre cmo los ancestros recursos que necesitan.
de los Nkak intervienen en este proceso para que sus parientes tengan
una oferta abundante de este recurso. Sin embargo, los Nkak tambin
sostienen que sus presas predilectas de cacera, como micos y aves, son
animales que pertenecen a yee, nuestro mundo, y se reproducen por s 34. Franceschi (1982), quien visit a los Yuhup del Bajo Apaporis en 1976 observ
mismos, sin ninguna forma de intervencin humana o de otras gentes que en ese entonces ellos no empleaban la coca. A su regreso a la zona, en 1996,
del cosmos (Franky 2011). tan solo veinte aos ms tarde, los Yujup consuman la coca cotidianamente y en
ocasiones rituales como ofrenda a los dueos de los animales.
178 179
La exploracin del perspectivismo (Viveiros de Castro 2002) Nkak Cheujumnka cree que caza animales y no humanos, y a los chamanes
revela que solo ciertos animales (danta, jaguar, venado, etc.) son gente en no les pasa nada. De tal forma que los Nkak no son depredados en el
otros niveles del cosmos, pero a pesar de ello no tienen takueyi. Adems, sentido que usa rhem (1990; 2001) para referirse a los Makuna ni de
esta gente no humana est ms asociada con la vida en muuyi casas y Fausto (2007) en su comparacin de varios pueblos cazadores de Amrica.
con las actividades hortcolas que con la vida nmada. En otras palabras, Adems, entre los Nkak se reproducen frutas y no animales-gente.
estos seres se alimentan y viven parcialmente como los Nkak, aunque sus
patrones de residencia sean sedentarios. Adicionalmente, estos animales- En general, los Nkak sostienen que los mayores peligros para los humanos
gente no eran consumidos por los Nkak antes del contacto con nuestra provienen de los takueyi afines o de los espritus nemep y estn asociados
sociedad en 1988 (excepto el cafuche y el zano, slo consumidos por a las relaciones con otros humanos o con parientes Nkak muertos,
hombres adultos). Es decir, los Nkak no se reconocen como predadores respectivamente.
ni presas de la mayor parte de animales-gente del cosmos. En contraste,
consideran sus presas de cacera (en especial primates y aves) slo como El principal predador identificado por los Nkak es el jaguar, al cual le
animales, pues no les atribuyen ningn tipo de agencia o subjetividad temen porque ha atacado y comido humanos, en especial nios. Por
similar a la de los que s son gente. En este sentido, los Nkak son ello mimetizan a los recin nacidos pintndolos como estos animales
depredados por ciertos animales-gente y solo son predadores de para evitar que se los coman. Cuando los Nkak sienten un jaguar cerca
animales-animales, por decirlo de algn modo. identifican si dicho ejemplar es: un animal de este mundo; gente del
mundo de abajo, considerado la mascota o el perro guardin de las dantas
A lo anterior se suma que la antropofagia es vista por los Nkak como una y los venados35, o la esposa de un takueyi; o un chamn humano vestido de
caracterstica de no humanidad. En el pasado, tuvieron enfrentamientos esta manera. Sin embargo, en la mayora de casos que presenciamos o de
con gentes no humanas canbales, bien fueran seres antropomorfos que relatos que conocimos de aparicin de jaguares, los Nkak los asociaron
residan en este mundo o grupos con un cuerpo totalmente humano, con animales de este mundo y nunca con ataques chamansticos.
similar al nuestro, del medio ro Inrida. Inclusive, hasta hace menos de
una dcada, los blancos tambin ramos concebidos como una gente La preocupacin de los Nkak se centra en garantizar la reproduccin
no humana antropfaga y slo comenzamos a ser considerados como de las especies vegetales que manejan y no la de los animales que
gente humana cuando los Nkak dejaron de valorarnos como canbales
(Cabrera et al. 1994, 1999; Mahecha 2007; Franky 2011).
35. Ntese que los Nkak no consideran que en los mundos de arriba y abajo el
El hecho de que los chamanes, en ja, arrojen a Cheujumnka, el ropaje jaguar sea depredador de la danta o del venado, pero tampoco de los humanos, en
de mico colimocho no se puede interpretar como predacin, pues una relacin inversa a la que sucede en este mundo.
180 181
son presas de caza. Esta es una de las razones para argumentar que el los Hup son ambiguos, pues algunos aseveran que estas transacciones
chamanismo Nkak no le da un papel preponderante a la predacin involucran el pago de almas humanas por presas de caza, como lo describe
es decir, a matar y alimentarse de otros para reproducirse. Al parecer, Reichel-Dolmatoff para los Desana (1986:161); mientras que otros dicen
en el pasado las relaciones predatorias tenan mayor relevancia: existan que con las ofrendas es suficiente. A su vez, Silverwood-Cope (1972:275,
chamanes que se transformaban en jaguares, a veces llegando a atacar a citado en Reid 1979:263) seala que los Kakua no creen que se deba
sus propios parientes; o practicaban la ostefaga con las cenizas de los pagar con las almas de los humanos.
difuntos mezclada con chicha de maz, con ello buscaban heredar las
caractersticas de los muertos valoradas como positivas. El punto crtico de la depredacin es comerse a otro que se considera
de la misma especie, pero los Nkak y los Kakua son categricos en
Si bien las descripciones etnogrficas de los Kakua y de los Hup que para ellos las presas de cacera son solo eso y nada ms. No son
evidencian la influencia de las cosmologas Tukano Oriental respecto a gente. Asimismo, tanto los Nkak como los Hup afirman que una de las
la depredacin y al estatus de humanidad de algunas especies, tambin caractersticas para considerar un animal no comestible es precisamente
muestran diferencias notorias. Para los Kakua, las presas de cacera no que tenga atributos humanos o negativos (Reid 1979:251). El mismo
tienen espritus como los humanos, son de distinta naturaleza y al morir rhem (1990:121), quien argument que para los Makuna (Tukano
estos espritus no desaparecen, sino que se vuelven a reproducir a partir Oriental) los hombres y los animales son miembros de una sociedad
de alguna parte del cuerpo del animal que deja el cazador, como pelos csmica en donde las fronteras de lo humano y lo animal o natural se
o plumas. El hecho de reproducirse de esta manera permite que en los diluyen, una dcada ms tarde replante la igualdad ontolgica entre
lugares donde se encuentran las casas de nacimiento de estos animales, animales y humanos (rhem 2001:281), postulando que los humanos
se reproduzcan nuevas generaciones para sustituirlos. Adems, los Kakua s se distinguen de los animales en cuanto son quienes tienen el poder
conciben que estas especies se reproducen sexualmente y solo en casos chamnico para regenerar la vida, asegurando la reproduccin de las
de escasez los chamanes intervienen para propiciar su abundancia especies de las que dependen para su sostenimiento, y para mantener la
(Silverwood-Cope 1990:171-172). sociedad csmica de todos los seres vivos.
Los Kakua y los Hup coinciden en afirmar que la mediacin de los Investigaciones posteriores sobre los Makuna (Mahecha 2004) y los
chamanes, para negociar la disponibilidad de ms presas, implica el Tanimuka (Franky 2004) sugieren que las diferencias ontolgicas
desplazamiento hasta las casas de los dueos de estas especies, a quienes les entre los humanos y los animales tienen matices importantes segn
ofrendan tabaco fumado (Reid 1979:263 y Silverwood-Cope 1990:180- las caractersticas de la nocin de persona de cada pueblo, siendo
181). En contraste, frente a las caractersticas de las transacciones no hay fundamentales las sustancias que constituyen cuerpos y espritus. En
una posicin unificada entre los Kakua y los Hup. Segn Reid (1979:263), efecto, como uno de los propsitos de estas sociedades es mantener la
182 183
fertilidad y garantizar la reproduccin de su gente, ellas deben manejar En efecto, las actividades que propician la fertilizacin de las especies
con extremo cuidado el contacto con las sustancias de otras especies vegetales entre los Nkak, ya sean realizadas por la gente de ja y bak o por
que pueden transformar su propia ontologa, causando enfermedades e los chamanes humanos en ja, son bsicamente las mismas que los Nkak
incluso la muerte. efectan cuando recolectan y preparan alimentos o manipulan materias
primas con dichas especies en yee, nuestro mundo. Es decir, un manejo
En trminos generales, las sustancias vitales (sangre, semen, leche materna) similar que empieza con las tcnicas para acceder a los frutos (subir al
que constituyen el cuerpo de los pueblos de tradicin hortcola del rbol o palma, cortar el racimo, sacudir las ramas) y prepararlos (calentar o
Noroeste Amaznico estn compuestas a partir de especies cultivadas, macerar los frutos, colarlos y mezclar los residuos con desechos orgnicos
siendo la yuca, la coca y el tabaco algunas de las ms importantes. En en las esquinas de las viviendas, donde se amontonan). Todo esto facilita
contraste, entre los pueblos de tradicin nmada dichas sustancias la dispersin y la germinacin de un mayor nmero de semillas en el
provienen principalmente de especies silvestres, frutales o palmas. Por suelo. En conjunto, stas y otras prcticas (tumba selectiva, poda de ramas
ejemplo, entre los Kakua, una de las sustancias vitales ms importante en determinadas pocas del ao, apertura de claros en el bosque, etc.) han
y sanas es el elu, el cual proviene de los frutos del bosque, a pesar de la promovido la constitucin de reas con predominancia de las especies
presencia de los derivados de la yuca brava en su dieta (Silverwood-Cope que manipulan (Cabrera et al. 1994; 1999:252 -256; Gutirrez 1996;
1990:275). A su vez para los Hup, una de las sustancias que circula en los 2002; y Politis 1996a; 1996b; 2007).
cuerpos humanos es el Mair Ponah fuerza calmante o enfriadora, la cual
se encuentra en la leche materna, las frutas cultivadas y el agua fra, y en Crdenas y Politis (2000:85-87) y Peres (1994) debaten el origen
una forma menos pura en los dems vegetales comestibles, especialmente antropognico de algunos manchales36 de ciertas especies que manejan los
en las frutas y nueces del bosque y la yuca (Reid 1979:252). Nkak, argumentando que estos manchales tambin se dan en condiciones
naturales. No obstante, la concepcin del papel del chamanismo y de
Como se discuti en el Simposio Man the Hunter en 1968, la denominacin la gente de otros mundos en la fertilizacin de estas especies, evidencia
de estos pueblos como cazadores no corresponde del todo con sus una conciencia clara de los efectos de sus estrategias de manejo en la
prcticas culturales, ya que es claro que la mayora subiste principalmente transformacin y cualificacin de los recursos del bosque. A su vez, la
de recursos distintos a los provenientes de la cacera, como plantas silvestres interpretacin Nkak sobre la fertilizacin de los rboles de mamita
y pescado (Lee y Devore 1968:4). Entonces, en asuntos chamansticos, es (Iryanthera ulei), a travs de relaciones sexuales entre humanos y no
consecuente la atencin que recibe la fertilidad de las especies silvestres
distintas a las presas de cacera, de las que obtienen la mayor parte de lo
36. Manchal es la denominacin regional para referir una rea del bosque en la
necesario para reproducirse como sociedad.
que hay una alta concentracin de una misma especie.
184 185
humanos muestra una clara analoga con la reproduccin humana; sta otros mundos prima tanto la consanguinidad como la afinidad, a pesar de
especie requiere ciertas condiciones para su fertilizacin, no fructifica la diferencia en nivel csmico de residencia que acarrea peligros para el
anualmente y se encuentra dispersa. As, la reproduccin de esta especie bienestar de los humanos. En otras palabras, las gentes de otros mundos
implica una consanguinizacin con las mujeres del mundo de arriba y al no siempre son vistas como imgenes de alteridad o externalidad al
mismo tiempo un manejo cuidadoso. grupo local, pues algunos son parientes.

Por otra parte, para poder acceder a varios rboles y palmas en ja, La presencia de elementos predatorios en la cosmologa y las prcticas
los chamanes acuden a estrategias en las que combinan la pericia en chamansticas Nkak contemporneas es escasa. En contraste, la historia
los movimientos, la habilidad para distraer y engaar a los dueos de oral revela cambios importantes en las formas de asumir la depredacin
estas especies, y llevar a cabo intentos de hurto, aunque en el caso del ya que prcticas como la osteofaga se abandonaron. Qu provoc
chontaduro siempre fracasan. As, ms que un hurto violento equiparable este cambio y cmo incidi en la construccin actual de la nocin de
a una forma de depredacin, la actividad fertilizadora de los chamanes persona? Estos son temas a indagar que contribuirn a comprender las
requiere astucia, agilidad y diligencia para no daar los rboles abuelos. transformaciones en la representacin de la alteridad y, con ellas, de las
En contraste, entre los humanos los hurtos de los huertos o los raptos transformaciones en las estrategias relacionales con los no Nkak. Una pista
de mujeres s pueden presentar cierto grado de violencia y destruccin, para comprender estos cambios son los patrones de subsistencia, ya que
aunque combinados con estrategias de seduccin. En efecto, algunas las cosmologas de los pueblos de tradicin nmada estn ms enfocadas
mujeres nos revelaron que aun cuando sus exesposos los conciben como hacia la fertilidad de las especies silvestres. En cambio, aquellas de los de
robos, ellas los abandonaron porque se sentan atradas hacia los hombres tradicin hortcola, adems de preocuparse por la fertilidad de las especies
con quienes se fueron. cultivadas, dedican mayor atencin al manejo de las presas de caza que se
asemejan o consideran humanas. Lo anterior no implica desconocer que,

entre los pueblos de tradicin nmada, la horticultura se afianz gracias
Consideraciones finales
a las ventajas tecnolgicas que supone el uso de herramientas metlicas,
Los lazos dados por la descendencia y la consanguinidad se reafirman
as como a los discursos civilizatorios que promueven la sedentarizacin
cotidianamente entre los Nkak al comportarse como parientes, lo cual
y la vida en aldeas.
implica procurar una convivencia amable, solidaria y respetuosa entre
los corresidentes y con los parientes de otros mundos. Las tensiones
Adems, las prcticas chamansticas Nkak que promueven la fertilizacin
en las relaciones entre grupos locales distantes se disipan con procesos
de especies vegetales revelan un conocimiento explcito de los efectos
de consanguinizacin y con la realizacin de los rituales de encuentro.
de la intervencin humana en la dispersin y germinacin de dichas
Adicionalmente, el caso Nkak revela que en las relaciones con gentes de
especies, las cuales son intensamente manipuladas por este pueblo. Este
186 187
hecho fortalece la hiptesis sobre el origen antrpico de manchales de . 2001. Ecocosmologa y chamanismo en el Amazonas: variaciones
estas especies. sobre un tema. Revista Colombiana de Antropologa 37: 268-288.
Athias, Renato. 2003. Territoriality and space among the Hupdh and
Finalmente, tanto para los Nkak como para los Hup (Reid 1979:84, Tukano of the River Uaups Basin. Estudios Latinoamericanos 23: 1-26.
180), los Kakua (Silverwood-Cope 1990:46) y los Yuhup (Cabrera, et . 2010. Ocupaao espacial e territorialidade entre os hupdah do Rio
al. 1997:23), el robo es ambiguo, pues puede crear lazos de solidaridad Negro, Amazonas. Viviendo en el bosque: Un siglo de investigaciones
sobre los mak del Noroeste amaznico, ed. G. Cabrera, pp. 57-84.
entre los participantes o generar y agudizar distancias sociales con Medelln: Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
los afectados. Entre los pueblos de tradicin nmada la justificacin
de los robos tambin se interpreta como una posibilidad legitima de Cabrera, Gabriel (ed.). 2010. Viviendo en el bosque. Un siglo de
investigaciones sobre los mak del Noroeste amaznico. Medelln:
obtener algo que es abundante entre los afectados o como una forma Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
de compensacin. No obstante, el hurto como forma de depredacin o
Cabrera, Gabriel, Carlos Franky y Dany Mahecha. 1994. Aportes a la
reciprocidad negativa ha sido poco explorado en la etnologa amaznica, etnografa de los nukak y su lengua - Aspectos sobre fonologa segmental.
a pesar de que est presente en muchas cosmologas y descripciones Tesis de grado en antropologa, Universidad Nacional de Colombia.
etnogrficas. Definitivamente el hurto merece mayor atencin, as sea un
Cabrera, Gabriel, Carlos Franky y Dany Mahecha. 1997. Del monte a la
tema polticamente incorrecto y delicado de tratar. chagra, de la cerbatana a los anzuelos. Una aproximacin a los yujup del
ro Apaporis. Bogot: Fundacin Gaia Amazonas.
Referencias Bibliogrficas Cabrera, Gabriel, Carlos Franky y Dany Mahecha. 1999. Los Nikak:
nmadas de la Amazonia Colombiana. Bogot: Unibiblos y Fundacin
Anderson, Anthony y Darrell Posey. 1985. Manejo de cerrado pelos Gaia-Amazonas.
indios Kayap. Boletin del Museo Parense Emilio Goeldi, Serie Botnica
2 (1): 77-98. Crdenas, Dairon y Gustavo Politis. 2000. Territorio, movilidad,
etnobotnica y manejo del bosque de los nukak orientales, Amazonia
rhem, Kaj. 1981. Macuna Social Organization. Uppsala: Acta Univ. colombiana. Bogot: Instituto Amaznico de Investigaciones Cientficas
Ups., Studies in Cultural Anthropology. Sinchi, Ceso, Ediciones Uniandes.
. 1990. Ecosofa Makuna. La selva humanizada: ecologa alternativa Epps, Patience. 2007. Birth of a noun classification system: the case of
en el trpico hmedo colombiano, ed. F. Correa, pp. 105-122. Bogot: Hup. Language Endangerment and Endangered Languages. Linguistic
Instituto Colombiano de Antropologa, Fondo FEN Colombia y Cerec. and Anthropological Studies with Special Emphasis on the Languages
and Cultures of the Andean-Amazonian Border Area, ed. L. Wetzels, pp:
. 2000. From longhouse to village: Structure and change in 107-128. Leiden: CNWS.
the Colombian Amazon. Ethnographic Puzzles: Essays on Social
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192 193
II. dIsCourse and
language Ideology
toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics:
metadiscursive practices, identity, and
sustained linguistic diversity in the vaups
basin of brazil and colombia
Janet Chernela
University of Maryland
Abstract. In the Vaups basin of Brazil and Colombia, with conditions

of intense language contact, speakers of East Tukano languages actively
construct and maintain difference through speech practices. The
maintenance of linguistic separations, this article argues, is largely
accomplished through the work of ideological mechanisms which
attach social identity to speech and essentialize group belonging. Here
I look at an array of extra- or meta-linguistic practices associated with
language use and identity, gathered between 1980 and 2012 among
speakers of Wanano/Kotiria, to postulate the existence of an East Tukano
ethnolinguistics a body of theory about language and language use that
renders it intelligible to speakers and drives practice. This body of beliefs
underlies speech practices and, I argue, contributes to one of the most
197
toward a tukanoan ethnolinguistics: metadiscursive practices, identity, and sustained janet chernela
linguistic diversity in the vaups basin of brazil and colombia
extreme examples of language maintenance reported in the literature. contact between codes. The maintenance of linguistic separations
Keywords: Tukano; Amazonia; language; ideology; Kotiria/Wanano is largely accomplished through the work of ideological mechanisms
which attach social identity to speech and essentialize group belonging.
Resumo. Na bacia do Vaups, apesar do contexto de contato lingustico In this context, where speech stands for identity, I argue, speakers of East
intenso, falantes de lnguas Tukano Oriental no Brasil e na Colmbia Tukano languages actively construct and maintain difference.
constroem e mantm diferenas entre suas lnguas atravs de prticas
discursivas. Nesse artigo, proponho que a manuteno de diferenas In order to make my argument, I describe speech practices and language
lingusticas se baseia em mecanismos ideolgicos que atribuem identidade ideology from the point of view of speakers of Wanano/Kotiria
social fala e essencializam o pertencer ao grupo. Para isso, examino um (hereafter Wanano1), one East Tukano language, and contrast it with the
conjunto de dados de prticas extra ou metalingusticas associadas ao uso da views of nearby Arawak marriage partners. I look at an array of extra- or
lngua e identidade lingustica coletados entre 1980 e 2012 entre falantes meta-linguistic practices to postulate the existence of an East Tukano
de Wanano/Kotiria, a fim de postular a existncia de uma etnolingustica ethnolinguistics a body of theory about language and language use
Tukano Oriental um corpus de teoria sobre lngua e uso da lngua que
a torna inteligvel aos falantes e que impulsiona a prtica. Esse corpus de
crenas subjaz s prticas de fala e contribui para um dos mais contundentes
exemplos de manuteno lingustica conhecido na literatura. 1. The term Wanano, referring to one of the East Tukano languages of the
Palavras-chave: Tukano; Amaznia; linguagem; ideologia; Kotiria/ northwest Amazon, is known in the literature by the spellings Guanano, Uanano,
Wanano and by the self-name, Kotiria. While my earliest work (1983, 1993) referred
to Kotiria, I shifted to the term Wanano in order to maintain consistency
with the literature on Tukano languages. In the scholarly context Tupi-Guarani
denominations such as Tukano, Desana, Kubeo, Barasana, Bar, and Tuyuca have
Introduction
been conventional, rather than Tukano names. Speakers engaged in efforts
The Vaups basin of Brazil and Colombia is well known in the literature
to create a new literature and school curriculum rightly re-instate the term
for its ongoing multilingualism despite intimate contact between speakers
Kotiria. However, these same indigenous educators, with whom I spoke in July
of different languages. While authors have considered language loss in
of 2012, favored a more context-specific, audience-centered, approach. They
the area (Chernela 1989; Gomez-Imbert 1996; Aikhenvald 2001, 2002,
suggested the use of Wanano in academic publications when other languages
2003a), there has been little in-depth attention given to the ideological
are listed conventionally; the use of Kotiria for internal reference; and the
factors that contribute to language survival or loss across groups. In this
use of Wanano/Kotiria for greatest precision and recognition. I follow their
paper I outline what I consider to be an EastTukano language ideology,
proposal here.
claiming that it contributes to language survival in a context of intense
198 199
that renders it intelligible to speakers and drives practice. This body of as an exemplary case, I describe three sets of beliefs that, I argue, combine
beliefs underlies speech practices, influencing language maintenance and to form an East Tukano ideology of language use and group belonging:
contributing to one of the most sustained examples of linguistic diversity (1) a value of linguistic purity and aversion to linguistic merging; (2)
reported in the literature. a reification of speech varieties into closed, non-overlapping, systems;
and (3) a concept of language as a manifestation of being, inextricably
My focus is the sub-region of the middle Vaups River where two tied to self and processes of identification. I later place this discussion
intermarrying groups belong to two genetically distant language families: in comparative perspective in order to theorize the role of language
the Wanano, who speak an East Tukano language, and the Tariana, whose ideology in language maintenance. I conclude with generalizations from
language belongs to the Arawak family. While these groups, like most in the the study and suggestions for future research.
Vaups basin, share a constellation of traditions that includes patrilineality,
patrilocality, and linguistic exogamy,2 East Tukano and Arawak groups The data presented here were collected over a thirty-year time span.
subscribe to different norms and beliefs about language and linguistic The earliest were collected between 1978 and 1982. During eighteen
practice. Most importantly for our discussion are the different values months of that period, I carried out participant-observation fieldwork
the groups place on loyalty to the language of the patriclan and related in villages belonging to the Wanano language group, where males and
attitudes towards mothers language. To address these matters I introduce children spoke Wanano while in-marrying wives belonging to Tariana,
the terms patrilect to refer to the language of ones patriclan, matrilect to Tukano, Desana, and Kubeo language groups, additionally spoke their
refer to the language of ones mothers patriclan, and alterlect to refer to own, outside languages.3 The second set, from the same time period, is
learned languages that are in neither category. based upon shorter sojourns in settlements belonging to the Piratapuyo,
Arapaso, Tukano, and Tariana language groups. The third set, specifically
The article begins with a brief introduction to the notion of language devoted to questions taken up in this discussion, was collected between
ideology, then reviews relevant themes in the ethnographic literature on 2001 and 2012 with Wanano speakers from inside and outside the
the Vaups basin before turning to the case of the Wanano to consider indigenous area. Additional data for comparative purposes are drawn
the ideological underpinnings of language practices. Using the Wanano from the literature by fellow researchers.
3. In the Wanano village of Yapima, where the majority of fieldwork was

2. Several East Tukano groups do not practice linguistic exogamy: the Makuna conducted, the in-marrying wives were from the Desana, Tariana, Kubeo, and
(rhem 1981, 1989), the Kubeo (Goldman 1963), and the Arapaso (Chernela Tukano descent groups. The Kubeo marriage was a second one for a widowed
1989, Chernela and Leed 2003). The latter represent a group whose language husband and wife. A wife from the Baniwa descent group had passed away prior
has been lost, yet who maintain rules of descent-group exogamy. to my arrival in the village.
200 201
An important source of such comparative data comes from the work Speakers of East Tukano languages have access to several meta-discursive
of Alexandra Aikhenvald, regarding what she calls language etiquette tools that allow them to theorize about the nature of language and
among speakers of Arawak Tariana, who are among the preferred marriage construct linguistic ideologies. The degree to which language is available
partners of the Wanano. The findings suggest areas of commonality and as a topic of talk depends upon a number of pre-existing conditions. I
difference between Arawak Tariana and East Tukano languages, with identify and describe four features that give rise to such a resource: (1)
important implications for language maintenance and contrasting social, objectification the essentialization of language as a bounded entity whose
historical, and linguistic factors. identifying features distinguish it from other languages; (2) explanatory
resource the explanatory power of language in making sense of the
1. Language Ideologies, Norms, and Essentialisms broader social universe; (3) perceptual salience a conscious awareness of
Ideologies are sets of ideas about the world that organize phenomena into different languages as distinct and alternative means of communication;
coherent schema. With respect to language and speech practices, ideologies and (4) speakability the availability of a body of discursive and linguistic
refer to the meanings, values, and rationales that speakers use to frame and resources for producing talk about language. These tools allow speakers
make sense of language practices and preferences (Silverstein 1998; Gal of East Tukano languages to engage in conversation about language as a
and Irvine 1995; Gal 1998; Irvine and Gal 2000; Woolard and Schieffelin phenomenon and about individual languages in comparison.
1994; Schieffelin et al. 1998; Kroskrity 2000; Errington 2000). Presented
in closed, unquestionable, forms that are understood as common-sense 2. Background: the Northwest Amazon
universalisms or natural principles, language ideologies are articulated by The Northwest Amazon is defined by the headwaters of the Rio Negro,
users as a rationalization or justification of perceived language structure the largest of the Amazons tributaries, which flow southeastwardly
and use (Silverstein 1979:193). A growing literature on language ideology through southern Colombia, portions of southern Venezuela, and
and identity (Bucholtz and Hall 2004; Gal 2005), especially relevant here, northern Brazil. The Vaups River, an affluent of the Rio Negro, forms
has only recently begun to influence research on Amazonia. the center of the area whose indigenous languages constitute one of the
greatest concentrations of linguistic diversity in the world.
Ideological procedures, as assumptions, entail a necessary essentialism that
treats languages and communities as bounded and stable.They establish a In this area of about 40,000 square kilometers a region the size of
set of a priori properties that obscure complexities and divergences from Switzerland the high level of linguistic diversity provides important
a projected (and therefore, expected) condition (Fuss 1989). Although opportunities to study language and speaker interaction. The areas
actual practices reveal greater variation and exception, ideological estimated 38,000 residents speak more than twenty indigenous languages
phenomena must be taken into account as factors that generate, drive, of the East Tukano, Arawak, and Nadahup (Mak) language families.The
and account for practice. distribution of speakers among the three language families is uneven,
202 203
with the largest number of speakers belonging to languages of the In two cases where languages have been lost, the survivors shifted to
Arawak family, and the smallest number of speakers belonging to those Tukano. The first of these were the Arapaso, whose violent encounters
of the Nadahup family. with Europeans in the nineteenth century resulted in extreme population
decline and language loss (Chernela 1989; Chernela and Leed 2001,
The estimated 13,509 speakers of East Tukano languages in Brazil 2003). The Arapaso adoption of Tukano a century ago is testimony to
belong to fifteen different language groups, whose numbers range from the prominence given that language in institutional settings, including
10 (Yurut) to 6,151 (Tukano) speakers (IBGE 2010). Calculations for boarding schools administered by the Salesian missionaries.The case calls
speakers of indigenous languages in theVaups basin (Grimes 1985), based into question the assertion that the dominance of the Tukano language
on data from the 1980s in the Colombian portion of the basin, seriously is a recent phenomenon and proposes instead a slower, more long-term
underestimate the extent to which East Tukano languages continue to process. The second case is the Arawak Tariana, whose villages are closest
be spoken in the villages of the Brazilian portion of the basin. Here we to the principal mission centers of the Vaups and who have long used
are concerned with the area demarcated by the government of Brazil the Tukano language as a means of communicating with East Tukano
as the Terra Indgena (T.I.) Alto Rio Negro, centered around the Vaups peoples throughout the river basin.
River and its affluents. Its population of 19,721 lives within a legally
demarcated region of 7,999,380 ha (ISA n.d.). Residents throughout The role of Tukano as a lingua franca and representative of other East
this vast area speak indigenous languages in their everyday lives, with Tukano languages was recently buttressed by the 2002 decision by the
the use of Portuguese limited to conversations with itinerant merchants, municipality of So Gabriel da Cachoeira (Law #145) making three
missionaries, and other outsiders. Northern East Tukano languages, like indigenous languages co-official with Portuguese, the nationallanguage:
Wanano, Piratapuyo, Tukano, and Desana, share a significant amount of Baniwa, Lingua Geral (Nheengat, a Tupi-based trade language of
lexical and grammatical material, whereas others notably Kubeo and the Brazilian Amazon) and Tukano. Increased migration out of the
Tanimuka are more distinct (for discussion see Chacon, this volume). indigenous area to that city has created a new metropolitan context for
Arawak, Nadahup, and East Tukano languages, which belong to different the growing role of Tukano (Lasmar 2005).
families altogether, are not mutually intelligible at all.
3. Anthropological Studies of Multilingualism in the Upper Rio Negro
At mission centers within the demarcated area the Tukano language is An extensive literature has examined linguistic differentiation and
prevalent (Cabalzar 2000; Andrello 2006).The dominance of Tukano as a language group exogamy among East Tukano-speaking groups. Irving
lingua franca in cosmopolitan settings is neither new nor widespread, but Goldman first drew the attention of scholars to the area with his 1948
rather reflects the near century-old policy encouraged by ecclesiastical publication in The Handbook of South American Indians (Goldman 1948).
missionaries, whose presence has considerably diminished in recent years. Twenty years later Arthur Sorensen (1967, 1973) identified thirteen
204 205
intermarrying groups as members of the East Tukano family of languages: continued to use their own languages in their husbands villages without
Tukano, Tuyuka, Yuruti, Paneroa, Eduria, Karapana, Tatuyo, Barasana, prompting difficulties in comprehension. Hugh-Jones also noted the
Piratapuyo, Wanano (Kotiria), Desana, Siriano, and Kubeo. Although commonplace stereotyping of speech practices (1979:17-18), illustrating
Sorensen focused on the variant known as Tukano, he also gathered how the languages of others are construed in an essentialized manner.
comparative data on other East Tukano variants. On the basis of the latter,
Sorensen concluded that the languages of the East Tukano family are The work of Elsa Gomez-Imbert among the same group of speakers
more distant from one another than are the languages of the Romance (1993, 1996, 1997, 1999; Gomez-Imbert and Kenstowicz 2000) furthers
or Scandinavian groups (1967). the ethnolinguistic understanding of the region by showing how
countervailing forces exert pressures on East Tukano languages both
Jean Jacksons now classic works broke new ground in treating the toward assimilation (linguistic convergence) and away from it (linguistic
language groups4 of the Northwest Amazon as components of an differentiation) (1993:256; 1996). Gomez-Imbert postulates that the
integrated, regional system characterized by linguistic exogamy. In two deterioration of languages in the Vaups is due to interference from the
landmark articles in 1974 and 1976, Jackson emphasized the role played mothers language, the first language a child learns (1996:443). Adults
by language as the basic marker of descent group affiliation and individual strive to resist such interference: In principle, women and men use
identity (Jackson 1974, 1976). As early as 1972 Jackson drew attention to their fathers language throughout their life, and women speak their own
the tripartite distinction between own kin, mothers kin, and others language with their children during the first years of childhood one of
a distinction that has since proven fundamental to analyses of East the main conditions for the persistence of multilingualism (1996:443).
Tukano society and culture.The template has been extended into studies Gomez-Imbert points out that the child eventually shifts to his fathers
of language use and learning (Chernela 1993, 2003, 2004; Aikhenvald language (which I here call patrilect), a language he will speak exclusively
2002, 2003a). as an adult. In the villages of their husbands, adult married women use
their own patrilects throughout their lives, even while speaking with
In her 1979 monograph on the East Tukano Barasana of the Pir- husbands and children. According to Gomez-Imbert, Only under
Paran region, Christine Hugh-Jones provided significant data on exceptional conditions do people switch to another language: either
multilingualism. She described speech participation in which wives momentarily when quoting someone else, or in order to make oneself
clearly understood (1996:443).
4. This named unit of affiliation has been variously referred to in the literature The linguist Kristine Stenzel compares the multilingual systems of the
as a tribe (Goldman 1963), a maximal exogamous descent unit (C. Hugh- Vaups basin with those of the Upper Xingu and the socio-historical
Jones 1979), or a language group (Jackson 1974, 1983). forces leading to language endangerment (2005). For the Vaups she
206 207
compares speakers of Wanano (Kotiria) and Piratapuyo (Waikhana), a basis for contrast with East Tukano speakers in the same marriage
concluding that the Wanano withstand outside influences to maintain network who maintain their own languages even in the circumstances of
linguistic conservatism, while the Piratapuyo demonstrate greater linguistic exogamy and co-residence.
vulnerability to exogenous pressures. Stenzel has also contributed to
studies of Wanano phonology (2007), evidentials and clausal modality Patience Eppss work among Hup speakers has also yielded important
(2008), and has written a reference grammar of Kotiria (Wanano) (2013). findings. For example, Epps recounts a Hup woman who characterized
Tukano-Hup bilingualism by saying we dont really know their
Alexandra Aikhenvalds extensive work among the remaining speakers of language; were just stealing/appropriating it; its not our language (Epps
Arawak Tariana provides an overview of the sociolinguistic parameters 2007:269). The example, which resonates with Aikhenvalds work and
in language contact, change, and interaction among Arawak and Tukano data, highlights the importance of theorizing notions such as language
language speakers (1999, 2001, 2002, 2003a, 2003b). Her 2002 book, ownership as a part of a widespread ideology shared by groups in the
Language Contact in Amazonia, provides what she calls a language Vaups basin.The example from the Hup, who are not openly recognized
etiquette of the area from the point of view of two of the last remaining as sharing culture with East Tukano groups and do not marry with them,
settlements of Tariana speakers in the Vaups (2002:23-24; 2003a:5). Like is an especially interesting example of ideological exchange.
Jackson (1972, 1974, 1983), Chernela (1993, 2003, 2004), and Gomez-
Imbert (1996), Aikhenvald describes a tripartite distinction, prevalent In my own work I have been concerned with theorizing the social and
among Tariana and Tukano alike, between own language, mothers historic factors that contribute to linguistic exogamy and language loss in
language, and the languages of others. This work, together with her the Vaups basin (Chernela 1989, 2001, 2011b; Chernela and Leed 2001,
2001 and 2003a articles, is the first mention of ideological factors in 2003) as well as questions of speech in practice (2001, 2003, 2004, 2011a,
language maintenance in the Vaups. The Tariana preference to speak 2012). In a series of papers I discuss the loss of language among the Arapaso,
in matrilect to mothers relatives, as reported by Aikhenvald, provides a whose downriver location placed them in the wake of nineteenth century
strong comparative starting point for continued research on the norms European slave raiding. As I report, the severe population decline suffered
of appropriate language use among Arawak Tariana and East Tukano by the Arapaso resulted in the loss of language but not of the bounded
speakers. exogamous descent group. A number of my papers take up historic and
social factors in ceremonial speech. In a 2001 publication, for example, I
Aikhenvald found that marriage between Tariana and speakers of East reviewed the ceremonial representation of intergroup conflict to argue
Tukano languages is the principal factor accounting for the decline in that the formation of hierarchies in the northwest Amazon is, at least in
spoken Tariana (2001, 2003a, 2003b). This important study of an Arawak part, a linguistic project, created in the act of speaking (2001, 2011c). In
group within the intermarrying universe of the Vaups basin provides 2011 I drew an analogy between the case of the East Tukano peoples
208 209
and the nineteenth-century Cree (Albers 1993) to postulate a history of By virtue of the narrative, the descendants of a putative patrilineal
female captivity to account for linguistic diversity among speakers of East ancestor are understood to share a natural connectedness and close
Tukano languages (Chernela 2011b). kinship that is manifest in a common language. Descent, therefore, is
coterminous with linguistic performance (Jackson 1974, 1976; C. Hugh-
In several publications I have discussed what I call a common speech Jones 1979; S. Hugh-Jones 1979; Sorensen 1967; Chernela 1993, 2003).
culture in the Vaups basin, created through talk, in which an agreed- It is the idealized isomorphism between descent group and language that
upon set of principles, semantic fields, values, and performative norms are inspired the use of the term language group by authors to refer to the
shared by linguistically diverse units belonging to the East Tukano family. largest unit of patrilineal descent (Jackson 1974, 1976). It is a convention
In 2003 I argued for the special role played by women in this context, I follow here.
whose social networks and discursive practices knit together the distinct
language groups of the area. In 2004 I explored Wanano processes of In this schema, where identity and descent are inseparable, ones speech
language transmission, emphasizing linguistic and social modeling as the indexically points to the descent group to which one belongs. According
means by which children learn the appropriate contexts for mothers to this logic, speech functions as a substantialized symbol (Barnett and
and fathers languages. The 2004 work remains the only case study of Silverman 1979) of relatedness in a manner similar to the metaphor of
language learning from the Vaups basin. In more recent works I take blood in Western ideology. As a manifestation of the universal organizing
up individual creativity and language play in the use of rhetorical and principle of patrifiliation that structures social identity and belonging
grammatical devices (2003, 2011a, 2012). through descent, speech production disambiguates the placement of
individuals within larger matrices of kin and potential spouses.
4. An East Tukano Ideology of Language
The language groups of the Vaups basin have their origins in a common The base model that all persons are members of their fathers kin group
cosmology in which the ancestors of each linguistico-descent group and will speak the patrilect of that group is extended to several levels, in a
arose from the body of a primordial anaconda known by the names manner not unlike Gal and Irvines fractal recursion (Gal and Irvine 1995;
Pamri Bsok (Tukano, Wanano) and Pahmelin Gahsiu (Desana). From Gal 1998, 2005). At each level of inclusiveness a different pivotal ancestor
the segmented body of the ancestral anaconda, stretching eastward along becomes relevant, and thus a different calculus of membership is applied.
the Vaups River, emerged a set of brothers, the founding ancestors of Starting at the lowest level of inclusiveness, an individual is a member of
each of the language groups that comprise the intermarrying social a local patrilineal descent group; at the next level, a sib or patriclan; and
universe. (Lana and Lana 1980; Azevedo et al. 2003; Maia and Maia at the highest level a language group. As the index of belonging, language
2004). The narrative both accounts for commonalities among groups plays the primary role in this system of fractal recursion where each
and rationalizes their separation. level conflates persons into own kin, i.e. fathers group or own group;
210 211
in-law mothers group; and others. As an indicator of descent, shared the mu, they comment, imitating every kind of sound. The Wanano
speech defines the sphere within which familial sentiments and moral commentary illustrates the high value placed on linguistic loyalty by some
commitments prevail. East Tukano groups, including the Wanano, who point to the equivalence
between speech and descent. Although the comment suggests that not
5. linguistic Purism and patrilect all groups place the same high evaluation on linguistic loyalty in practice,
About 1400 speakers of Wanano5 currently reside along the middle Aikhenvald reports similar sentiments among Tariana speakers, lending
Vaups River in Brazil and Colombia, with approximately fifty percent support to the presence of a widespread value in the Vaups basin (2001,
in each nation. The group was recently identified by Kristine Stenzel as 2003a).
exhibiting strong linguistic conservatism:
Favoring linguistic purism has its expression in the phrase, Kotiria yawaro,
The Wanano are an example of a group within the Vaups referring to pure (correct) Wanano, which does not allow for mixing,
system that still retains many of its traditional characteristics, and is contrasted with daho[-mene], mixing up or incorrect speaking.
including high degrees of individual and community The Wanano recognize several types of mixing, including the practices
multilingualism. In contrast, the introductory case study of referred to in Western scholarship as code switching and borrowing.
the Waikhana [Piratapuyo] shows them to be an example of Duruku more, which glosses as mixed language, is used to refer to an
a group whose language has become highly threatened as a interlanguage such as Portuol, which combines features of Portuguese
result of adjustments within the system. (Stenzel 2005) and Spanish. Code-switching is regarded as speaking in pieces and is
ridiculed, saying, laughingly, A piece of Wanano, a piece of Tukano!
The Wanano with whom I spoke strongly rejected switching or A high value is placed on the quality of poo, a term that may be glossed
combining codes. According to them, people who readily shift to other as internal discipline or self-control. A bearer of this quality, pooriro (one
languages are likened to mu, the yellow-backed mocking bird (Cassicus with inner discipline), does not mix or confuse languages. I have been
persicus), that is said to speak in all the languages of the world. The told, I do not mix languages because I am a disciplined (self-controlled)
Wanano deride the Kubeo, an East Tukano group that includes at least person: y duruku doho menera, y duruku pooriro hiha.
one Arawak sub-group, for speaking other languages. They sound like
6. Marriage and Multilingualism
In practice, however, speakers choices are influenced by many criteria
5. The IBGE census of 2010 gives the number of Wanano in Brazil at 670. The in different contexts and are complicated by numerous factors. Within
survey does not distinguish language from ethnicity. For studies of Wanano in the village, a core of male relatives and their children (of both sexes) all
Colombia see Waltz and Waltz (2000). speak a single patrilect; these members of the agnatic core at the center
212 213
of village life face relatively uncomplicated choices when speaking. The in a woman marrying into the village of her matrilect. Such wives are
settlement belongs to their linguistico-descent group, and, at least in this regarded as returning (Chernela 2003). My closest associate, the Tukano
context, their language is the dominant language. daughter of a Wanano mother, had married back into her mothers
brothers village. Although her comprehension of Wanano was excellent,
Married women face far more complex choices when deciding which she never spoke Wanano, opting to speak exclusively in her own patrilect,
language to speak.The rules of exogamy and patrilocality, which are almost Tukano. That language served as a lingua franca outside the village, but
always followed, result in a woman marrying into a village where the not within it, where it remained a minority language. Although she spoke
language of a different patriclan dominates. Her husband and children are in Tukano to her children, they responded in Wanano, as she had herself
expected to speak one patrilect, while she and her fellow wives will speak trained them to do. A few wives opted to speak Wanano if comprehension
other, outsider languages. was an issue. This was the choice, for example, of a Kubeo wife, whose
relationship represented the second marriage of both widowed spouses;
In the Wanano village of Yapima males and children communicated her own language was not widely understood.
exclusively in Wanano, while in-marrying wives spoke Desana, Kubeo,
and Tukano, along with Wanano (Chernela 1993, 2003, 2004). This When linguistic loyalty is followed, each speaker performs in his or
depiction resonates with C. Hugh-Joness and Gomez-Imberts accounts her own patrilect. In the illustration shown here, a speaker of Wanano
of conversations within the Barasana longhouse but differs from refers to his brother, using a first person possessive, in conversation. His
Aikhenvalds report where Tariana speakers use their matrilect when interlocutor, a Tukano speaker, affirms the remark, shifting to Tukano and
speaking with their mothers.Wanano speakers describe the phenomenon, into third person, this way:
commonplace in the Vaups basin, whereby different speakers interact in
different languages, as mixing, ssarine (Chernela 1993, 1997, 2003). Male: Y wami (My brother, Wan.)
Female: M mami, (Your brother [confirmation], Tuk.)
In this multilingual context, problems of comprehension are minimized
when speakers have been exposed to several languages during their In the interchange, the Tukano respondent confirmed her understanding
lifetimes, as is typically the case. Because intermarrying groups maintain of the Wanano statement by repeating the utterance in Tukano, and
relationships over the long term, the matrilects a person hears as a child are altering it to adjust to her perspective. The exchange exemplifies an
the very ones he or she is likely to encounter after marriage. When cross- interaction between speakers of different patrilects for whom linguistic
cousins marry, potential problems of comprehension are further reduced. loyalty is a high priority. They may be mother and child, husband and
When followed over generations, the preferred form of marriage to fathers wife, co-wives, or any other speakers from different language groups.
sisters daughter for a man, or mothers brothers son for a woman, results
214 215
Obstacles to comprehension are minimized for several reasons. First, the Some of the sound features that are marked by Wanano and other East
percentage of cognates across East Tukano languages is high. Some East Tukano speakers as indicators of identity include: (1) sound flow versus
Tukano languages, like Wanano and Piratapuyo, are mutually intelligible stops (glottalization); (2) closed vs. open-mouthed (nasality); (3) speech
(yet these groups do not intermarry). North East Tukano languages, velocity; (4) word length (agglutination); and (5) breath (aspiration).
like Wanano, Piratapuyo, Tukano, and Desana, are closer to one another (In each of these behaviors, the first characterization shown is a rough
than any of them is to Kubeo, identified by some as occupying a central gloss of the emic descriptors followed by a more conventional linguistic
branch (see Chacon, this volume). Languages belonging to the Arawak description in parentheses.)
and Tukano families are unrelated, posing substantial challenges to
comprehension. Second, speakers are always familiar with at least two Between 2001 and 2011 I pursued the issue of speakability that is,
languages (patrilect and matrilect) and typically more. The languages to the ability to talk about speech practices and to compare them across
which they have greatest exposure are those spoken by the in-marrying language groups. I found that Wanano speakers often drew on visual
wives in the settlement where they were raised. analogies to characterize language and linguistic features. For example,
some languages are said to flow slowly and smoothly,like waves of water.
Wanano is said to be one of these. Other languages, by comparison, are
7. Perceptual Salience and Speakability said to sound like lightning with sharp angles, stops, and starts. The
The Wanano approach to language is based in comparison across
Brazilian (downriver) Tukano dialect is said to sound like lightning, with
difference, providing speakers with linguistic and lexical resources to
abrupt stops and starts: It goes and then stops! Like an angle sharp!
discuss speech per se and the criteria with which patterns are discerned,
Thus, a salient difference can be easily recognized: We have a wave; they
compared, and theorized.Through metalinguistic practices, languages are
have an angle.
reified and boundaries kept intact. Similarities and proximities between
genetically related variants are de-emphasized. In this way language is
These features are said to mark differences in identity among speakers.
employed to de-problematize group membership.
For example, the presence of glottal stops, described as sharp angles,
is compared to their absence, flowing waves, or aspirations, that are
Among these resources are discursive practices that draw attention to
often the sole distinguishing features between two reflexes. For example,
selected phonological features deemed relevant to identifying patterned
comparing the words for meat in Tukano,Tuyuka, and Wanano, speakers
difference. By mobilizing phonological elements that act as shibboleths
emphasize the indexical role of the glottal stop. According to native
of descent group membership, Wanano and other East Tukano speakers
speakers the glottal stop was mild in Wanano, strongest in Tukano, and
actively construct difference.
absent in Tuyuka:
216 217
Wanano di meat Word length is yet another feature used to describe and compare
Tukano di meat (Barnes 1999:210) languages. East Tukano languages are suffixing languages in which verb
Tuyuka di meat (Barnes 1999:210) roots are followed by multiple affixes indicating person, number, tense,
causation, motion and evidential category. The extent of agglutinative
Wanano and Tukano terms for a ceremonial gift likewise show the tendencies, however, differs among the languages (Barnes 1999:212). My
patterned differences in the glottal stop to mark speakers identity. The Wanano interlocutors described the differences in suffixing this way:
Wanano term poohari employs vowel elongation and aspiration while Ni ydoro, where n glosses as speak and yduro, as add a little piece.
the Tukano term with equivalent meaning, poati, employs a glottal stop. Wanano speakers observe that Tukano has more little pieces (affixes),
A lexicon, used to refer to aspiration, allows discussion of the feature and therefore, employs longer words than Wanano. The word for tree
whose presence or absence marks the ethnicity of speaker, as in the case (and all cylindrical shapes) illustrates the point quite simply:
of poohari and poati above. The stem, ph, for breath, refers to a voiced
puff of air that comes from the throat. It can be modified by morphemes Wan., tubular (cylindar, tree): t
that specify its characteristics; so, for example, a sustained sound from the Tuk., tubular (cylindar, tree): tig (Barnes 1999:210)
throat is referred to as phrida.
From the perspective of the speakers ethnotheory (as well as from the
A different set of features that do not alter meaning but serve to identify perspective of historical linguistics), the differences between these reflexes
the ethnicity of the speaker are those involving nasalization.The Wanano mark the boundaries between languages. In the process of reifying
conceptualize a continuum of languages proceeding from most open difference, distinctions between languages are exaggerated and fixed,
(least nasalized) to most closed (most nasalized). According to this rendering to language a level of inviolability. The process reinforces a
evaluation, Tukano speech is characterized as open (least nasalized); consciousness and reflexive awareness of the speaking self.The implication
Wanano speech as closed (mildly nasalized); and Kubeo speech very is that certain differences in speech across recognized language groups are
closed (most nasalized). heightened, rather than softened or eroded, by close language contact.
For example, Barnes has reported a weak glottal stop among upriver,
Languages are also characterized and compared according to speaking Colombian Tukano (Barnes 1999), whereas downriver, Brazilian Tukano
velocity: kheroka, fast, or pirodero, slow. Tukano is said to be fastest, Wanano show a strong glottal stop.The possibility remains that the strength of the
a bit faster than Tukano, and Desana very slow. Additional factors used to Tukano glottal stop downriver is a mechanism to increase differentiation
differentiate languages include vowel elongation, accent, and vowel change. from the other East Tukano languages with which it is in contact. In the
northwest Amazon, much like the neighborhoods of Philadelphia (Labov
2001), distinctions are maintained, and even exaggerated, in order to
218 219
mark identity. This runs counter to the commonly held belief that the of self and other, the act of speaking signals, and thereby establishes,
tendency of languages in contact is to become more proximate. commonalities and differences within and across individuals and
collectivities. One creates ones self in the act of speaking.
Michael Silverstein (1979) has discussed the degree to which speakers
are aware of linguistic patterns and able to articulate them. The level of The Wanano root du is used to refer to any sound produced by an animate
awareness of and interest in lexical and phonological contrasts expressed subject, such as a human being, an animal, or a musical instrument. In
by the Wanano does not appear to extend to the morpho-syntactic level. contrast, inanimate objects produce sounds that are referred to using
At this stage of research, principles of agglutination may represent the the term bihsi, to buzz or to ring. The inclusion of musical instruments
limits of awareness. among the animate producers of du arises from the understanding that
wind instruments take on life when imbued with breath, a matter that
is exhibited in the sacred treatment of trumpets, flutes and other wind
8. Speaking-and-Being: A Wanano Theory of Language and Language
instruments (see Hill 1993, 2011). Unless otherwise specified, the root du
Learning
refers to ones own language, an essential and essentialized notion of self,
As an objectified phenomenon language has a prominent placement in
which derives from father and is here called patrilect.
Wanano ideology and serves as an explanatory resource to understand
social life. An overarching theory organizes the relationship of languages
For the Wanano with whom I spoke, the process by which a child learns
and speakers to one another and both in relation to the self through a
his or her patrilect, referred to as dubue, is deemed a natural process,
scheme of contrastive categories, comprised of own language, mothers
inseparable from the childs physical and spiritual heritage. (This provides
language, and the languages of others. The first category, patrilect, is
an interesting mirror image of the naturalization attached to the term
intrinsically related to a speakers self and is said to be learned through
mother tongue in some Western usages.) The same phrase, Y Kotiria
the natural processes of personal development. The second, matrilect, is
hiha is used to convey both I am Wanano and I speak Wanano. When
limited to listening and understanding but not extended to production
asked whether he speaks Tukano, a Wanano son of a Tukano mother
or to identity. And, finally, the third, alterlect, the languages of others,
is likely to reply, Y Dahseakro hierara, I am not a Tukano. Because
learned through processes of imitation, makes no associations or claims
speaking-and-being are indivisible, it is sufficient to say I am not
to social identities. I will discuss each in turn.
Tukano to fully communicate its corollary: I [therefore,] do not speak
Tukano. The proscription on speaking ones matrilect amounts to a ban
8.1. Speaking the Self: Naturalizing Language and Personhood on bilingualism.
Deeply rooted in East Tukano ontology, speech production is regarded as
a fundamental property of being human. As the quintessential identifier
220 221
Durukua is reserved exclusively for the speech made by human beings. Children are likely to chastise peers who code-switch into their matrilect.
A fundamental opposition divides speech into mari yare durukua, our On one occasion during my stay in the Wanano village of Yapima, a child
language, and ti yare durukua, their language. The possessives mari (our) who was suddenly frightened while playing among friends accidentally
and ti (their) are the same as those used in other contexts of ownership (cf. shouted a vocable that signaled pain in her mothers language. In spite of
Epps 2007). On one occasion I heard a Western researcher ask a speaker the brevity of the outburst, she was the target of harsh mockery by her
of Wanano, How do you say his fathers language? The respondent playmates. She took care to not repeat the mistake.
laughed politely before he explained that which he considered obvious
and natural, His fathers language is his language, he explained, trying
8.2. Mother Tongue: For Listening Only
to contain some condescension. The expectation is that a person
The term dubue for learning ones patrilect may not be applied to learning
who identifies as Wanano should speak Wanano at all times, unless
ones matrilect.The first is ones own proprietary language; the second is not.
comprehension is an issue. A Wanano who speaks any other language is
The implication is that one ought never speak the language of ones mother.
said not to be speaking correctly.
To my question,How many languages does a baby learn? I was consistently
To illustrate the logic of patrilect and its widespread distribution among
told, One. When I asked, Is this the language of the mother or the
speakers of East Tukano languages, I convey an anecdote that took place
father? I received an immediate and firm reply, The father. A mothers
while I was visiting a Piratapuyo village on the Papur River. There I
language is not recognized as her childs language, and, accordingly, is not
overheard a villager admonish the child of a Piratapuyo mother and
said to be acquired or learned by the child. A proper relationship to ones
an absent Colombian father with these words, You shouldnt speak
matrilect is to understand it, tora, but not to speak it. The matter draws
Piratapuyo, you should speak Colombian! The speakers point was
attention to the difference between ideology and practice.
that the child should not be speaking his matrilect, Piratapuyo; instead,
he ought to speak his patrilect, Colombian. The author of the taunt
The case of East Tukano language learning confounds a simplified
suggested that this expectation was a reasonable one, in spite of the fact
distinction between first- and second-language acquisition. An East
that the child had never known his father, a Colombian trader. The
Tukano child is exposed to at least two languages from birth. Yet the
anecdote points to the conflation of language, identity, and place. But it
acquisition processes, while parallel, differ from one another. As I
also illustrates that those who speak languages not their own that is,
observed the process, a developing toddler begins her first utterances
those who speak in a language other than their patrilect can become
in her matrilect but is prodded away from that language by her elders
the targets of criticism and even ridicule.
(including mother herself) and later, peers (Chernela 2004). Despite
heavy exposure to mothers language in the early language-learning years,
222 223
the child is deliberately directed away from this language and toward her The contrasting Wanano proscription against speaking ones matrilect is
patrilect. East Tukano language learning reverses the tendency by infants especially strong for men who often deny understanding the languages
to identify with the language of affect, the language of their mother. of their mothers, languages with which they were in intimate contact
Rather than second-language acquisition as domestication of an earlier, during their earliest years. The mandate holds for male speakers even
natural, process (Klein 1986:28-29; Krashen 1981), the transfer from on visits to the villages of their wifes or mothers descent groups. In the
matrilect to patrilect is the inverse: it is the naturalization of the guided latter a Wanano speaker is very likely to have full comprehension of the
process (Chernela 2004). language but a hesitancy to speak it.
A Wanano child is raised learning both matrilect and patrilect but is Instances such as these provide opportunities to examine the way ideology
socialized to not speak one of them. In the transfer of knowledge from works. If men occasionally speak their mothers or wifes language, the
one generation to the next, every attempt is made to avoid hybridization, strong negative associations of doing so make them reluctant to admit
so that, to the extent possible, linguistic identities remain intact and it. While the Wanano men with whom I spoke denied speaking any
linguistic boundaries are kept stable. The situation is modeled for the language but Wanano when visiting the villages of their wives kin, the
child when people speak back and forth in two languages.The transition wives reported that their husbands did occasionally shift to the in-laws
to patrilect is complete only when the learner interacts regularly with languages (the wifes own language) when comprehension in Wanano
other youngsters of the village, all of whom are speakers of the same posed a problem. A mans wifes patrilect, the language spoken in her
language. natal village, may be a mans own matrilect and is also likely to be the
patrilect of other in-marrying wives in his village. As such, he will likely
A child must learn to distinguish matrilect and patrilect and discern have grown up listening to it. This is not always be the case, however,
which of them is appropriate to vocalize and which not. To speak ones and speakers may have no choice but to speak one anothers languages
matrilect is to be like mother, and therefore unlike ones kin and village or a neutral, third language.The difference in representation and practice
peers. As the alignment of like and unlike self is established in the course illustrates the contrast between the preferences and norms of linguistic
of Wanano language acquisition, mother becomes the quintessential loyalty and the realities of practice. The latter are far more complex.
other. The dominance of patrilect over matrilect extends eventually to
all arenas of social use, resulting in the total decline in the production of This reluctance to admit to speaking ones matrilect as an accommodation
ones matrilect. As patrilect gradually replaces and eclipses matrilect, the well illustrates the work of ideology. Gal and Irvine (1995) discuss Peirces
first becomes dominant, while matrilect becomes a secondary language, (1931 [1898]) concept of erasure as one of three semiotic processes through
limited to comprehension rather than production. which ideologies construct difference. Erasure, according to these
224 225
authors, is the process in which ideology renders some persons or of appropriating a language that is not ones own, as mentioned earlier,
activities or sociolinguistic phenomena invisible. . . . Because a linguistic points to a similar construction. Together the two accounts suggest an
ideology is a totalizing vision, elements that do not fit its interpretive area-wide phenomenon of some interest. I introduce the term alterlect to
structure . . . must either be ignored or be transformed (Gal and Irvine capture the sentiment of this category.
1995:974).
Since speaking-and-being, from the Wanano point of view, are inseparable,
The lens of ideology allows us to understand claims of linguistic purism. to speak a language not your own is to become another. Doho, which
It explains why men might deny accommodating to the languages of in- glosses as changing or becoming, also refers to spoiling or rotting. By
laws, and why recollections of language learning excise any acquisition speaking a language other than his or her own an alterlect a Wanano
of mothers language. It also allows us to reconcile divergent accounts person stops being Wanano and becomes something else. She is doho,
of accommodation. Such procedures obscure intra-group variation and spoiled, rotten, or broken. Dohoa (where -a refers to the plural) can refer
exception while emphasizing intergroup difference and consistency. to persons of changed identities, or those who became other. In 2011 I
was told by several Wanano that people who migrate to cities such as So
Gabriel da Cachoeira or Manaus and speak Portuguese are often told,
8.3. A Third Type of Language Learning: Mimicry in partial jest, ariro dohore daliro You became a whiteman! The
We have mentioned that a child learns his or her patrilect through assumption is that the ideal Wanano self is intact and uncontaminated by
processes which Wanano refer to as dubue and that this language is external influences (Kotiria yawaro). Fractioning in any way can spoil.
considered his or her own. We have also pointed out that the use of
matrilect is restricted to listening and understanding, tora. Yet a third 9. Ideologies in Comparative Perspective
type of language learning, also defined in relation to speaker, is that of Attitudes toward speaking a language other than ones patrilect provide
learning a language where the speaker makes no claim to the social a striking contrast between East Tukano and non-East Tukano speakers.
identities it usually indexes. A useful comparison may be made between the East Tukano Wanano
and the Arawak Tariana. Fortunately, Alexandra Aikhenvalds important
Acquiring a language that belongs to others, described as khayo buero, is research among the Tariana provides a useful starting point for such a
understood to be a qualitatively different process than the natural process comparison.
of learning ones own language. According to the Wanano speakers
with whom I consulted, the process involves mimicry or copying, At the time of my fieldwork in 1978, residents of downriverTariana villages
khayo, which closely glosses as answering the same way he does (khayo, closest to mission centers had shifted to speaking Tukano. Upriver from
mimicry, or answer the same way; buero, learn). Epps 2007 discussion those centers, in the region of the middle Vaups, the Tariana language
226 227
continued to be spoken by residents of two villages. One of these was patrilect, Wanano, and were responded to in Wanano or Tukano rather
Periquitos, a village in which Aikhenvald conducted her study, and one than Tariana by their husbands, children and in-laws even though the
of the villages with ongoing marriage ties to the Wanano. latter conversed with one another in Tariana (Aikhenvald 2002, 2003).
In Yapima, the Wanano village where I conducted fieldwork, two of the The depiction provides us with important insights into the differences
five in-marrying wives were Tariana. In nearby Periquitos, where Tariana in attitudes toward language use between the East Tukano Wanano
was spoken, several in-marrying wives were Wanano. and Arawak Tariana. Aikhenvalds scheme contrasts, for example, with
generalizations for East Tukano groups made by Elsa Gomez-Imbert
The speech practices of the wives, however, differed markedly in each case. for the Barasana and Tatuyo (1996) and by Stenzel and me for the
Whereas the Wanano wives continued to speak their Wanano patrilect in Wanano (Stenzel 2005; Chernela 2003a, 2004). The matter points to a
the Tariana villages into which they married, the Tariana wives never fundamental ideological distinction between the two groups, glossed
spoke Tariana in the Wanano villages. Instead,Tariana wives conversed in over in our assumptions of a shared, homogeneous, culture among
the language of their Wanano husbands, or in the lingua franca,Tukano. A the intermarrying language groups of the area, despite the distance in
Tariana son-in-law who temporarily resided in Yapima with his powerful language families. The principal divergence is treatment of mothers
shaman father-in-law, moreover, also spoke Wanano. The contrasting language. For the Tariana, speaking in matrilect to mothers relatives was
behaviors can be explained by the differing etiquettes to which each a matter of courtesy (Aikhenvald 2003); for the Wanano it is losing ones
group subscribes.Whereas Tariana norms favor accommodation,Wanano ground. While the Tariana regarded it as polite to speak the language
norms favor linguistic loyalty. of ones guest, or of the majority of the people around, in order not
to exclude them (Aikhenvald 2003:5), the Wanano strive to maintain
Working among the Tariana of the middle Vaups, Aikhenvald postulated linguistic dominance.
an etiquette for the entire basin in which one is supposed to speak the
language one identifies with that is, ones fathers language to ones 10. Comprehension, Multilingualism and Matrilect
siblings, ones father, and all his relatives, and ones mothers language A potential obstacle to multilingual communities is the difficulty of
to ones mother and her relatives (Aikhenvald 2003a:5). She described comprehension. In the Vaups basin several important factors, however,
how the Tariana members of a Tariana community spoke Tariana to their mitigate against such difficulties. The first of these is the genetic
fathers and fathers brothers; to their wives in the wivess own languages proximities among codes. Generally, speakers of one Tukano language
(Wanano and Tukano); and to their children in Tariana, Wanano, and can fairly easily learn another. Some, like Wanano and Piratapuyo or
Tukano (2003a). Aikhenvald also reported that the Wanano wives in Taiwano and Barasana, are mutually intelligible. The Tariana were at an
Tariana villages spoke to their husbands and children in their own extreme disadvantage in speaking an unrelated language.
228 229
A second factor that mitigates against incomprehension is exposure 11. Ideology, Matrilect, and Language Maintenance
through contact. Groups that are in geographical proximity, and therefore Ideology, I thus argue, is a principal factor in determining language
in frequent contact, become familiar with one anothers languages. This survival or loss. For linguistic diversity to be maintained, language loyalty
was the case of the neighboring Desana and Wanano of the middle is a necessary requirement.Among East Tukano speakers of the Northwest
Vaups River. Amazon, loyalty to patrilect is highly valued. The idea that ones matrilect
has no social or public value is a principal barrier to spoken bilingualism.
A different factor that contributes to familiarity is marriage. Ongoing At the same time, the imperative to speak exclusively in patrilect, while
marriage ties between villages, regardless of geographic distance, understanding matrilect, perpetuates multilingualism.
contribute to the amount of contact between languages. Marriage
pairing among the same language groups over time produces a linguistic From the point of view of the Wanano, it may be said, the overt practice
sub-community a microcosm in which a few languages are heard with of mothers language threatens to compromise adherence to patrilect. A
frequency. This is the case among the Wanano of Yapima and the Tukano similar point was made by Gomez-Imbert for the East Tukano Barasana
of Juquira, despite considerable geographic separation. Members of each in 1996 (1996:443). At the same time, the linguistic loyalties of women
group maintained strict adherence to own language. to their own patrilects as wives and mothers serve to transmit mothers
language to children as a language of comprehension, thereby expanding
As a result of the strong value placed on linguistic loyalty among the comprehension throughout the subregion. When loyalty to patrilect is
in-marrying Desana and Tukano in Yapima, the linguistic proximities of combined with a tradition of marrying into the same descent group over
the languages, and the ongoing exposure to these languages, Wanano time, conditions are ideal for linguistic diversity.
children developed a degree of familiarity with them. Such loyalty
to own language, in combination with a familiarity of the other Aikhenvalds case of the Arawak Tariana, who addressed spouses, including
spoken languages, is requisite to maintaining the sustained diversity of wives, in the spouses own languages and children in those same languages
multilingualism. In comparison, in-marrying Tariana wives and visiting if outsiders were present, holds important lessons. Because Tariana
in-laws in Wanano villages elected to speak Wanano or Tukano because women did not speak their own languages in the villages into which
Tariana was generally not understood there, and because the Tariana they married, the Tariana language was not reproduced in those villages,
etiquette called for accommodation. The data suggest the important role and not transmitted as a language of comprehension. The evaluation
played by language ideology in the transmission and survival of language. undermined long-term language retention.
230 231
Tariana accommodation to the languages of others may have served in body of metadiscursive theory employed by the Wanano to characterize
the long run to compromise the preservation of spoken Tariana. The the patterns of their own language and to distinguish it from others. The
Tariana language experienced steady decline in the Vaups. One of second, identity, attaches abstraction to practice, lending meaning and
the last remaining fluent speakers of Tariana passed away in 2010. Like value to practice. The third, explanatory resource, refers to the explanatory
the downriver (Brazilian) Arapaso and unlike the upriver (Colombian) power conferred on language per se, as when speakers of East Tukano
Kubeo and Makuna, the Tariana retain their identity as an exogamous languages, including Wanano, rely on speech as an index with which to
descent group, despite language loss. make sense of the world and themselves within it. The fourth, perceptual
salience and speakability, refers to the conscious awareness (Philips 1992)
The East Tukano system of providing wives who subscribe to linguistic of different languages as alternative means of communication, each
loyalties, thereby transmitting their languages to children who are likely to with distinct and describable attributes. The everyday co-presence of
marry into that language (albeit without speaking it), and raise grandchildren languages in the Vaups basin and the abilities of speakers to characterize
who identify and maintain it, contributes to the linguistic preservation of and compare them attest to a keen awareness of the commonalities and
the language. The implication, moreover, is that language maintenance is a differences across varieties of East Tukano languages. That which I call
correlate of two factors: strong language loyalty and out-marrying women. speakability is the availability of a body of discursive and linguistic resources
A group that provides wives who practice linguistic loyalty to patrilect is for producing talk about language. Speakers of Wanano utilize a range of
likely to achieve a proportionate degree of linguistic dominance. lexical resources to discuss speaking, some of which have been presented
here.The four features, all found among speakers of East Tukano languages,
contribute to the likelihood that a metalanguage a language about
12. Generalizing from the Case: Language as a topic of Talk language will be found among a particular group of speakers. When
Using Wanano as an exemplary case, we have seen that speakers of East combined, the tools are in place to develop a conversation about language
Tukano languages engage in a wide range of meta-discursive practices as a phenomenon and about individual languages in comparison.
that theorize the nature of language, the means by which languages
are learned, and how languages differ from one another. The degree to
which language is available as a topic of talk depends upon a number of Conclusion
pre-existing conditions. The case at hand suggests four features that give Attitudes toward language, concepts of self and other, and meanings
rise to such a resource: (1) objectification; (2) identity; (3) explanatory attributed to speech performance, are important factors that contribute
resource; (4) perceptual salience and speakability. The first, objectification, to the outcome in any situation of language contact. These are especially
refers to the perception of thingness or essentiality of a language as a important in settings such as the Vaups basin where speech practices
recognizable, bounded entity, with identifying features.We saw this in the serve as indices of group belonging, reflecting a theory of the nature of
232 233
language and being, the means by which languages are acquired as part Most studies of language contact and loyalty consider cases where a state-
of the developmental process of the person, and how languages differ sanctioned language is imposed upon speakers of minority languages
from one another. This extensive body of symbolic and sociopragmatic (Blommaert 1998; Errington 2008; Sarkar and Winer 2006). In the Alto
knowledge about language, I argue, lays the foundation for an East Rio Negro Indigenous Territory, however, no single language is imposed
Tukano ethnolinguistics. as a universal standard. Instead, at the level of the local sib settlement
the language of the agnatic core, the patrilect, dominates. From the point
Scholars widely acknowledge that in the Vaups basin descent is de- of view of East Tukano speakers like the Wanano, members of a descent
problematized by the maintenance of linguistic difference. This article group are expected to speak the language of that descent group. With the
goes a step further to suggest that linguistic difference is itself the result exception of the limited hegemony of Tukano in mission villages and
of speaker choice in a context of strongly held beliefs with implications towns, the dominance of any single code is limited by the distribution of its
for the positioning of the self in the social world. In the act of speaking, members so that no one code may be said to predominate across villages.
each linguistico-descent group reproduces itself through specific choices
that maintain linguistic difference. The wealth of extra- or meta-linguistic practices associated with
language contact in this region leads us to postulate the existence of
The literature on language contact recognizes that in multilingual settings an East Tukano ethnolinguistics, a body of theory about language and
speaker choice is subject to the opposing goals of communicative efficacy language use that renders it intelligible to speakers and drives practice.
on the one hand, and identity maintenance on the other (Weinreich According to this body of thought, ones speech indexically points to
1963 [1953]; Sankoff 2001; Winford 2003). The first encourages ones descent identity, thus placing speakers within a social matrix. As
accommodation for purposes of mutual intelligibility, while the second is a manifestation of the universal organizing principle of patrifiliation
concerned with preserving group identity and boundaries.The first leads that structures social identity and belonging through descent, speech
to convergence; the second to differentiation. While linguistic studies production disambiguates the placement of individuals within larger
have amply explored the processes of bilingualism, code switching, and matrices of kin and marriageables.
borrowing for several decades, understanding the processes which favor
linguistic purism and conserve linguistic boundaries has been far more Although the data for this article were derived principally from fieldwork
recent (Thomason and Kaufman 1988; Thomason 2001). Here I have among speakers of Wanano, one language of the East Tukano family, the
argued that a number of mechanisms, including language ideology, may rich corpus of literature for other languages of the same language family
act as profound forces to counter linguistic assimilation, even in contexts indicates that linguistic practices and values shown for the Wanano are
of intense language contact. widely shared across East Tukano groups (C. Hugh-Jones 1979; S. Hugh-
Jones 1979; Gomez-Imbert 1993, 1996, 1999; Jackson 1983; Stenzel
234 235
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Annual Review of Anthropology 23:55-82
contacts between groups, languages, and individuals
Aimee J. Hosemann
Southern Illinois University Carbondale
Abstract: This paper examines both the commonalities and

differences in discourse structuring of adult womens song exchanges
among the Wanano/Kotiria (East Tukano; Chernela 1988; 1993; 2011;
2012), Wakunai/Kurripako (Arawak; Hill 2009), and Hup (Nadahup/
Mak; Epps 2008). This piece addresses the theme of the special issue by
bridging anthropological and linguistic concerns about potentially shared
cultural and linguistic areal features in the NW Amazon. Further, this
paper enters into dialogue with Beier, Michael, and Sherzer (2002:126)
in their discussion of a greater Amazonian discourse area. The Wanano,
Wakunai, and Hup people share marital practices that can situate women
as outsiders; this outsider statuscan be explicitlyremarked upon during
the performance of song exchanges. When women remain in natal or
familial areas into adulthood and marriage, they continue to perform
244
Womens song exchanges in the northwest amazon: AIMEE j. hOSEMANN
these songs according to expectations that singers will comment on Introduction1

loneliness, alienation, and /or poverty - women who could be perceived This paper explores the concept of a Northwest Amazonian discourse
as community insiders retain an outsiders stance in performance.Women area via the production of individual womens songs during song
share feelings and words during these song exchanges, which create exchanges, and the way these songs give voice to womens experiences
intertextual (Bauman and Briggs 1992) links across languages, time, and of exteriority.2 I give examples from three groups representing three
space, as well as links between people and groups.
Keywords: womens song exchanges; processual solidarity; verbal art
Resumo: Esse artigo investiga as semelhanas e diferenas na estrutura 1. I thank Kristine Stenzel and Patience Epps for allowing me to participate in
discursiva das trocas de msicas cantadas entre mulheres Wanano/Kotiria this volume. I thank an anonymous reviewer for thorough engagement with my
(Tukano Oriental), Wakunai/Kurripako (Aruk) e Hup (Nadahup/ paper and for recommendations that have pushed other projects stemming from
Mak). A abordagem do tema focaliza aspectos antropolgicos e this paper into a deeper realm of understanding. I thank Janet M. Chernela,
lingusticos que apontam potenciais traos areais do noroeste amaznico. Jonathan D. Hill, and Patience Epps for their help since the inception of this
O artigo, alm disso, ainda dialoga com autores como Beier, Michael project in 2009; I owe you so much for your kindness.Thanks to Heidi Johnson
e Sherzer (2002:126) na discusso de uma rea discursiva amaznica at the Archive of Indigenous Languages of Latin America for her help with
maior. Os povos Wanano, Wakunai e Hup compartilham prticas accessing necessary materials. I thank Janet M. Fuller, C. Andrew Hofling,
matrimoniais que situam mulheres como seres de fora, estatus observado Roberto Barrios, Juan L. Rodriguez, Kamden Summers, Yuki Tanaka, and
diretamente na performance de trocas de msicas cantadas. Mesmo Susannah Bunny LeBaron for their constant encouragement. Finally, profound
quando permanecem morando em suas reas natais ou familiais, mulheres thanks go to Anthony K. Webster for many years of cheerleading, patient
adultas ainda incluem em suas canes os temas esperados de isolamento, listening, and unfailing support.
alienao e/ou pobreza mostrando que at mulheres que poderiam ser 2. I have referred in the past to these songs as drinking songs (Hosemann 2009).
percebidas como de dentro adotam a postura de fora na hora do canto. Hill (2009 and personal communication) describes them as drinking songs
Mulheres compartilham sentimentos e palavras nessas trocas de msicas because their performance among the Wakunai occurs during drinking parties.
que criam elos intertextuais (Bauman e Briggs 1992) entre lnguas, Epps (2005: 12) collected a Hup example the night after a drinking party;
espaos e pocas, bem como entre pessoas e grupos. the singer reported that singing a song outside the proper context - outside a
Palavras-chave: troca de msicas entre mulheres; solidariedade processual; drinking party - was strange. Chernela (2003, personal communication) calls
artes verbais the Wanano songs ritual wailing or texted weeping. Chernela (p.c.) further
says that because of the possibility of singing these songs outside a drinking
party, these are not properly called drinking songs. Hill (2009: Ch. 5) presents
246 247
language families:3 Wanano/Kotiria (E. Tukano; Chernela 1988; 1993; exist for women in E. Tukano societies through the singing of kaya basa
2003), Wakunai/Kurripako (Arawak; Hill 2009), and Hup (Nadahup/ (Chernela 2003). I explore Wakunai pakamarntakan (Hill 2009) and
Mak; Epps 2005, 2008). I take as my frame two important articles. The Hup yamhido (Epps 2008) as similar examples of building what I will
first, by Beier et al. (2002:122), describes the evidence for a Greater refer to in shorthand as processual solidarity.This shorthand comes from
Amazonian discourse area, discourse being actual instances of language Chernelas (2003) focus on how the exchanging of kaya basa involves
use and the patterning of these instances of language use into systems constructing and elucidating particular personas and themes in order
of communicative practice. The second is Chernelas (2003; 2012) to build and reaffirm relations with other women. As Chernela notes
thorough exploration of kaya basa sad songs produced and exchanged (2003), the creation of solidarity is an achievement, realized over time
by Wanano women or women who have married Wanano husbands. and based on participation.
These songs allow women a chance to make statements about the life of
a married woman in a society where customary marital practices involve Gender relations among indigenous groups of the Upper Rio Negro are
linguistic exogamy, ideal sister-exchange or cross cousin marriage, and understood to include an opposition between those who are men and
residence with her husbands family (Chernela 1993; 2003).This practice belong, and those who are female and do not belong (see Lasmar 2005;
maintains solidarity between agnatic males, especially when those 2008; 2011). In this conception, the sphere within which women have
males may have wives who come from several other language groups the capacity to create solidarity would seem rather restricted. Lasmars
(Chernela 1993; 2003). However, the chance to create solidarity does work (2005; 2008; 2011) recognizes the cosmological reasons in-married
women would be seen as Other as Lasmar (2008) describes, a married
woman residing in her husbands community is the canonical embodiment
of feminine not-belonging. At the same time, she maintains social value
discussion in which the presence of alcohol is required by Wakunai in order to through fertility and food production (Lasmar 2008; 2011).Yet, a woman
sing. I have thus begun simply referring to these as song exchanges, until such residing among her own kin does not maintain a contrasting position
time as there is more analysis of these songs both within and across groups. of belonging rather, she is one who is expected to leave, one who
3. The songs produced in these exchanges are meaningful on both a musical or represents the potential for alterity, if not alterity in actuality (Lasmar
prosodic level including pause, melodic structuring of phrases, and repetition 2008:436-437). For a woman who remains in or returns to her natal
of phonological or morphological elements, and a verbal, referential one area, there is a self-recognized otherness that can be expressed in songs
(following Hymes 1960; Jakobson 1960; Sherzer and Wicks 1982; Woodbury as fluently and appropriately as the typical ethnographic examples of in-
1985; Graham 1986; Seeger 1987; Jane Hill 1990; Briggs 1993; Chernela 2003; married women (see Chernela 1993; 2003; Piedade 1997). Taking this
and Sicoli 2010, among others). The analysis of the musical structures of these as an analytical base, one may view womens song practices as reflective
songs is an on-going project of mine.
248 249
of the tension between belonging and varying degrees of not-belonging, turn contemplate the concept of genre itself (following Bauman and Briggs
but also as participation in an expressive practice that gives voice to the 1992) as a site of linguistic and cultural contact and dynamism. Chernela
complexity of being female in an exogamous society.4 (2003) describes the singing of these songs as an expression of the desire to
be social (and see Urban 1988 on expressions of sociability). They are also
I focus on individual articulations of discursive sharing about those statements about the value of the genre of sad songs in general.
complexities, in which discourse styles or genres cross linguistic or cultural
borders without requiring the sharing of specific linguistic forms from In describing the kinds of work that sad songs do, Chernela (2003) brings
one language to another (see Kroskrity 1997). As Beier et al. (2002:123- to the discussion a reminder that individuals position themselves in
126) note, the presence of socioculturally important discursive practices communities of practice (CofP; Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992) via
can create the context for the sharing of linguistic forms. A key factor in their speech practices. These CofP involve constructions of social relations
generic or stylistic transfer across languages is marital patterns and daily based on the participation of individuals through interaction, versus the
experiences of multilingualism (Kroskrity 1997:32). Chernela (2003; assignment of an individual to a network or community through externally
2012) describes several characteristic discursive elements of these songs, imposed forces (Eckert and McConnell-Ginet 1992; Chernela 2003).
including representation of the self and ones place in society, as well as Recognition of this constructive process is necessary for understanding
particular poetic and formal structuring devices. Also characteristic of the actual moment-to-moment interactions that create a song dialogue
this genre is a prosody and vocal presentation that is iconic of weeping (Chernela 2003). These songs allow women a chance to demonstrate
(Chernela 2003). These songs convey an affective perspective on the life their own proficiency in public performance, while openly addressing
of a woman in particular circumstances (Chernela 1988; 1993; 2003; those dynamics that are understood as unsayable, doubly so by people
2011; 2012) I focus here on a few of the characteristics as a vehicle for who are not ideologically licensed to comment upon them. Noting that
exploration of the production and pragmatic effect of these songs. As will language and identity are bound up for Tukanoan societies (e.g., Jackson
be demonstrated, there are similarities and differences that allow us to in 1974; 1976; 1983; Sorensen 1967; 1973), one further notes that it is not
just what one speaks, but how one speaks, that allow linguistic challenges
to mens perceived dominance (Chernela 2003; 2011). These songs are
4. Space unfortunately does not allow a full engagement with Lasmars 2008 and also challenges to the identities that create cohesive social relations that
2011 publications.These provide a rich understanding of the complexity of the are supportive of that dominance (Chernela 2003).
indigenous female experience as migration to the city spurs changes in marital
patterns, especially with regard to how women choose marriage partners.These This paper is intended as a meditation on the possibility of womens song
publications urge us to reconsider our formulations of the concepts of feminine exchanges as one of the ties that bind a NW Amazonian discourse area.
exteriority and to recognize the potential for change therein. I hope to spur consideration of whether these songs represent a single
250 251
genre, and to invite more conversation on this topic. As noted by Bauman (Chernela 2003; Hill 2009). For the Hup, songs can be traded among
and Briggs (1992), there are many ways to define a genre, from ones multiple groups, or within the membership of a single village (Epps
very strictly delineating whether a particular text or performance meets 2008; p.c. 2011) Generally speaking, songs are traded as host women
specific and exclusive criteria, to approaches in which conformance to ladle manioc beer to guest women, singing as they serve. Guest women
generic expectations are less strict, and take into account the dynamism then reciprocate. In the Wakunai and Hup cases, these songs can be
that results from individual actors. Hanks (1987) offers a view of genre as a produced by men (Hill 2009; Epps p.c. 2011).5 A further general note:
classification accounting for historical relations and relevance. Note how in the production of these songs, there is a tension between expectations
an approach that favors dynamism and flexible and porous boundaries about topic matter i.e, loneliness and poverty and improvisation.
between genres and styles and historical relevance meshes well with Individual singers may have favorite stock phrases or themes they pick
a linguistic-anthropological approach that focuses on communities of up and repeat from other women, but they are also free to comment
practice and discourse areas. upon new ideas as those ideas occur. As both Chernela (2003) and Urban
(1988) describe, the ability to manage that tension is a sign of proficiency
1. Song production and analysis and artistry.
1.1. General contextual information I present now translated individual samples of Wanano kaya basa, Wakunai
I briefly review marital patterns in the Vaups region as they are relevant pkamarntakan, and Hup yamhido. I approach the analysis of these songs
to the contexts of song production. It should be noted that exogamy using a discourse-centered approach following Sherzer (1987), Sherzer
and multilingualism are characteristic of all three groups. Among the and Wicks (1982), Urban (1986; 1988), and Chernela (1988; 2003; 2012),
Wanano, exogamy follows linguistic lines (Chernela 1988; 1993; 2003;
Rocha 2012; Stenzel 2005). The Wakunai practice exogamy among
equally ranked patrisibs (Hill 2009). Hup follow a system of exogamy 5. The circumstances of the production of the Wakunai song are a bit unusual.
among clans (Epps 2008). Sister-exchange and cross-cousin marriages Hill (2009: Ch. 5) is an entertaining account of the recreation of the pudli
are preferred among the three groups (Chernela 1993; Hill 2009; Epps ceremony after Hill asked about its proper conduct; the song presented here
2008). Thus women are constructed ideologically as outsiders among all was recorded at that time. Male singers are apparently not unusual among this
three groups, though this can be mitigated by marrying back in to ones group, but not a constant. An expanded investigation into song exchanges
mothers group (see above; Chernela 2003; Hill 2009). would provide more information about the frequency of inclusion of men as
singers. The spatial arraying of women and men during these song exchanges
Among the Wanano and Wakunai, womens songs are exchanged during does not preclude the inclusion of men minimally as indirect participants they
drinking parties that take place during larger inter-group exchanges may overhear and comment on a womans words. (Hill, p.c.; Chernela, p.c.).
252 253
as these songs are both reflections of and constitutive of the intersection 1.2. Wanano kaya basa
of language, culture, and society and the individual.The performance of We will begin with the Wanano at the village of Yapima, on the north side
these songs allows the expression of personal subjects within a culturally of the Vaups River on the Brazilian side, as discussed by Chernela (1988;
imposed regime (Urban 1986:379), and may represent a single genre 2003); I draw this section of my discussion from these sources. The song
(following Hanks 1987 and Bauman and Briggs 1992) shared across here was sung by Nicho, a Wanano woman married to a Desano man.
groups. The particular discourse feature of these songs to be considered Her kin, who belong to the Biari sib, have all died. She has come from
is the highlighting of the condition of the self as a central theme through her home at Bucacopa to Yapima, to seek the advice of a shaman upon
deixis and explication of ones material and relational circumstances.This falling ill. She has been counseled not to return home and is now in exile.
not only draws attention to the plight of the singer, but also serves to Nicho is singing to a younger brother (member of another Wanano sib)
highlight aspects of similarity and difference (Chernela 2003:798). during her exile; during the song, she comments about power dynamics
between sibs at Bucacopa and her status as the last member of her own
An interesting aspect of the engagement in processual solidarity is that sib (Chernela 1993:138; 2003).6
while women are creating community, they are often also marking
their experiences contra those of other women (Chernela 2003:798). The words presented here are reconstructed from Chernelas publications
One way to do that is by indexing ones situatedness ones placement, (1998; 1993; 2003), and I have preserved the spacing between lines and
as described by Chernela (1998) in social relations across time and line breaks as published in those sources. This song has been excerpted
space. This brings to mind Hills (1990) discussion of women as the due to space limitations. Chernela (1993; 2003) provides a thorough
thread which weaves together social and kin relationships in virilocal discussion of the metaphors and meanings of the words of this song.
societies; their intermarriage signifies the continuity of local patterns in
those places where ideal marriage practices and linguistic exogamy are Nichos Second song (Chernela 1993:143-145; 1998; 2003)
maintained. Individual womens social placement is the result of a nexus
of long-standing and broad-spanning social relations that have often been 1. I am one who drifts;
planned with an eye to where subsequent generations of women will be 2. I am one who mixes.
placed (Chernela 1988); Azevedo (2004) notes that these practices have 3. I am moving among your brothers
typically involved exchange of spouses between adjacent areas. In cases 4. And I havent even one brother.
presented here, the women are actually living near agnatic, not affinal,
kin. This provides us a chance to think about what kind of pragmatic
work these songs are doing, and what value there may be in adherence 6. Note that in this case, a male is the other in a pair. Chernela (2003) describes
to a generic standard when women sing. these songs in more detail as part of exchanges among women.
254 255
5. Like a horsefly 32. My grandfather, yes, he said to me,

6. That flies forward and backward 33. My grandchild, my grandchild,
7. That flies here and flies there, 34. I leave you in my place
35. In my last moments.
8. I am not like him, says my son, Ditoano 36. He said to me, my Mother, also,
9. [referring to the relative to whom she is singing], 37. In my last hours, I leave you in my place.
10. I, yes, am granddaughter of the Biari ones
11. My ing fruits are succulent with juices. 38. I am, yes, I am
12. Biari woman, 39. The Dianumia Nicho,
13. That wanders in your midst 40. I am granddaughter of those who spoke loudly, loudly,
14. I am a person 41. Wife of a Desano, and you cannot tolerate me
15. Raised on the bones of big fishes. 42. I am daughter of the Firsts,
16. I am the daughter of one who spoke loudly, loudly. 43. Daughter of my Fathers,
17. I am a Biari woman. 44. Born of them, I am she.
18. My mother has not even one brother .
19. She will disappear There are several striking aspects of the lexical composition of this song
20. Like a piece of kindling wood, that are noteworthy, particularly because Nicho sings the song in her own
21. An ember that blazed momentarily, voice and in the voice of her son, Ditano, as well as her deceased sister
22. Then turned to ash; my mother, speaking to Ditano in lines 55-66 (not reproduced here; see Tannen
23. My mother that has no brothers [2007] and Chernela [2012] on constructing dialogue to portray the
speech of others). One of the first aspects to note is Nichos use of deixis
24. I yes, I am the only son, my mother, says my son, throughout the song, which helps her to intelligibly shift between her
25. I was grandson of Simi Paro Ponairo, own voice and that of her sons. Beginning with the first lines, Nicho
26. But they were a fine people! makes herself visible as a topic. In Lines 1, 2, 3, 16, 17, 31, 40, and 42, we
27. Dianumio was my uncle! see references to her as I am. At the end of Line 44, the use of I
28. But as they are no longer listening to these things, am she marks her as different to others through her descent through
29. All is sad, all is heartache and loss says my son. those described as her Fathers (Line 43) and them (Line 44). In Lines
30. After the deaths of my brothers 10 (I, yes, am) and 28 (I am, yes, I am), we see the use of yes
31. I am going, going confirming Nicho as topic following a shift in voice from that of Ditano
256 257
to her own. Contrastingly, Line 24 (I yes, I am ) begins with similar Excerpted Wakunai pkamarntakan (Hill 2009:101-102;
words, but is used to orient the words of Ditano in the construction of KPC001R0061, ailla.utexas.org)
his discussion of his mothers transience and the sorrow of the loss of her Luisas song
kin (Lines 18-29).
44. I am going to speak,
Figuring in this song prominently are verbs of motion that help 45. I am going to speak.
us to imagine Nicho in terms of what Chernela describes as social 46. I, an ugly woman,
nonexistence (1993:147). Her position, and her sibs, are unstable and 47. I speak here in front of you
fleeting, moving to a demise apart from the rootedness marking others 48. About my people, my family.
especially mens temporal and spatial continuity. We see Nicho in Lines 49.Yes, mother, I speak for you.
1 and 2 as she drifts and mixes, moving among your brothers in 50. Thus I speak for my lazy, shameless children.
Line 3. She lacks even one brother to provide that patrilineal rootedness 51. Sadness when one goes far away.
that would mark her as a stable, extant social being.There is an important 52. My children have gone away.
marker of her difference from other women, even as she participates in 53.Yes, mother, leave us this sentiment.
solidarity building. She sings as someone who is an outsider, but she 54. Thus I speak for my children.
also sings as someone who is of a higher rank than her listener. Nicho 55. Thus I am speaking to you, my friend.
describes her placement in the Biari sib, which makes her one of the 56.You bring this kind of machine [ tape recorder and
Firsts (Lines 17, 42), meaning that she is due consideration other microphone] for me.
women may not be (Chernela 2003). 57. My friend, look at how I am.
58. So that you bring me a machine of this kind from your
people.
1.3. Wakunai pakamarntakan
59. From Caracas you bring me things, my friend.
I discuss here Luisas song, as documented by Hill (2009). Hill (2009:101)
60. In the afternoon I am in my house, my friend.
notes it is directed at him, not a local man. Note the kinds of desires
61. Bring things for me, my friend.
openly expressed here, and that Luisa is living among her agnatic kin
62. Look at how poor I am.
along with her in-married husband. It is not evident from the song, but
63. Its been a week since I put on these clothes, my friend.
Hill (2009) had already provisioned the women in the village with some
64. Bring some clothes for me, since I am poor.
needed items.
65. Then my hammock, my friend.
66. Thus is my hammock, tiny, my friend.
258 259
67. I have no money to buy soap, my friend. As we turn to look at Hup yamhido songs, we will again see themes
68. Bring some for me, my friend. signifying a womans position and see an appeal to the linguist not to
69. I have nothing to eat with, provide goods, but to provide an audience (though Epps notes [p.c.] that
70. No money to buy dishes, my friend. requests for goods could be made through song).
71. Thus we are poor here in the Guaina.
72. Here in this village I live, my friend.
1.4. Hup yamhido
73. Thus, my friend, I have spoken to you.
Here, Epps (2005) captures the song of Ana, child of a marriage between
a Dw man and Hup woman, which is an unusual circumstance. Note
Luisa repeatedly points to herself and her material well-being, as in Line
that Ana is related to several people in the village: siblings, their spouses,
64 (Look at how poor I am) and Lines 66 and 73. Luisa more extensively
and their children (Epps p.c. 2011). Further, notice the similarities here
recounts the extent of her poverty in Lines 65 (Its been a week since
to the repetition of elements found in Wakunai pkamarntakan and
I put on these clothes, my friend.) and 71-72 (I have nothing to eat
Wanano kaya basa. I mean here repetition within the songs, and across
with,/ No money to buy dishes, my friend.). Luisa is indicating her
the songs I describe. These repeated elements are foregrounding of the
desire to participate in the exchange by bearing witness to her material
self as a character and actual repetition of content, i.e., specific phrases
and familial poverty, while marking the exceptional degree to which she
such as I am in Nichos song and my friend in Luisas. Anas song is
is impoverished. The reference to herself as an ugly woman (Line 46)
sung the day following a drinking party, and is sung to Epps directly so
is a strategy deployed by women across groups to highlight the lack of
that Epps could record the song.The singing of this kind of song outside
belonging a woman may experience even amongst kin. The overhearing
a drinking party is unusual (Epps 2005; 2008).
audience for this song interprets it as satire because they know Luisas
husband to be a poor provider (Hill 2009).
Excerpted Hup yamhido: Anas song (Epps 2008:922-926;
JUP003R002I001, ailla.utexas.org)
One of the most interesting features is the way Hill is addressed by Luisa
as my friend in Lines 56, 61, 62, 65, etc. This term signifies a bond in
59. Here I am, here I am, here I am,
which aid is expected and which may rhetorically close social distance
60. this little woman
that exists between an anthropologist and his consultants. Eventually he
61. (I am) a woman who is just passing through, a little Dw
will return home and will no longer be able to provide dishes, clothes,
woman,
soap, or hammocks, but for now he can be petitioned. Further, the use
62. so says this little woman. I am the little wife of a Toucans-
of the deictic my allows Luisa to speak to Hill while maintaining her
Beak Clansman, I am,
position as thematically important while essentially claiming him.
260 261
63. Ive only come and mixed in (among the others) in this not measure her descent through her Hup mother, although she also
land, I feel, presents herself as being a Hup woman in Lines 61-62 in opposition to
64. But I too say this, Im just a little Hup (Mak7) woman, those who are from outside, or who specifically are non-Nadahup. She
65. I am. also claims her Hup ancestry in Lines 64-65. So in the same song, Ana
66. After my mother and mothers sisters, I think about how. moves from marking her similarity to other outsider women, creating
Ive ended up living here solidarity, then appears to reject solidarity with those women by referring
67. in this land too. to herself as Hup. Thus there is flexibility in how a singer presents her
68. In this land, after my mothers sisters, I guess Ive wound own placement even in contravention of understood practices. There is
up living here too, also flexibility in the degree of solidarity a woman must construct while
69. I have. still properly participating in the exchange. A shift back to an insider (or
less-of-an-outsider) persona allows Ana to reaffirm solidarity with other
84. she is likewise thus, just passing through, today she is thus women. Ana makes reference to Epps in Line 84; the latter woman is
85. just passing through. Thus says this woman, this thinking the she who is just passing through because of her descent; this is
about just passing repeated in Lines 85-86. In the final lines, she addresses Epps directly,
86. through, saying in Lines 88-89, Here I am, if you want to see,/ Here I am, I am,
87. I am, I am. non-Indian girl. This would mark Epps as even more of an interloper
88. Here I am, if you want to see, than even she herself is. Again, while Ana does have kin in the village, she
89. Here I am, I am, non-Indian girl. remains an outsider in comparison to other Hup women but she is less
of an outsider than Epps. Thus while these songs can mark similarities
Ana makes herself the center of attention beginning in Line 59 (Here I between individuals, the songs also highlight differences. Solidarity will
am, here I am, here I am); the phrase here I am is repeated at several not necessarily be built as expansively between all who are party to a
points throughout the song to repeatedly signify that she is speaking song exchange.
about herself here in this Hup village, reflecting on how she ended up
or wound up there (Lines 66-68). Because her father is Dw, she does Conclusion
This paper has examined a few discursive similarities in female-performed
songs from three Northwestern Amazonian indigenous groups. The
7. Epps (2011: p.c.) notes that when Ana refers to herself as Hup, even though
analysis has demonstrated similarities between the thematic material
she is Dw, she may be making reference to the perjorative Maku, used by non-
covered in the songs, especially in relation to a womans placement
Nadahup people (i.e., River Indians) to refer to Nadahup people (Forest Indians).
(Chernela 1998; Hill 1990) in exogamous societies. A brief discussion of
262 263
Lasmars (2005; 2008; 2011) work with indigenous women in So Gabriel means being willing to sing and listen properly. This is engagement in
da Cachoeira provided a frame for considering the self-perception of processual solidarity.
alterity in women who remain in or return to their natal communities,
as expressed in these songs presented here. All three women positioned Turning to the question of a unitary genre of womens song exchanges,
themselves strongly at the center of their songs, giving voice to particular it becomes necessary to open this conversation to data from other NW
concerns about poverty and loneliness while noting their own otherness Amazonian groups. Given especially that these songs can be heard
among agnatic kin. As Chernela (2003) noted, singing these songs allows and sung by men among the Wakunai, the gender of the proper
a woman to give voice to her feelings, but also to create solidarity with participants is certainly an important consideration. A further important
other women. One of the most interesting points is that engagement consideration is whether drinking is a necessary precondition for song
in processual solidarity is not total: it is achieved via engagement in production. This paper focused on discursive elements, leaving out
interaction, and can be differentially constructed depending on how musical/prosodic considerations for space. These need to be drawn back
much difference between the parties to the exchange is salient. into the conversation, as well. At the heart of the question of genre
is how much likeness is enough to consider groups to be connected
While noting the similar pragmatic effects of these songs across groups, by discursive or linguistic practices. When Beier et al. (2002:123-125)
one notes that there are degrees of freedom in the production of these describe the areal typological process in the NW Amazon, they look
songs.This has implications for defining the role of the audience in these to degrees of sociocultural salience and interconnectedness between
song exchanges, not just as singer-to-be, but as active listener. Note that forms as indicators of the presence of a discourse area. In so doing, they
Luisa, in the Wakunai context, directly asked for provisioning of needed urge us to be thoughtful about the ways that we define the limits of that
or wanted items, and addressed a particular listener the anthropologist, salience. We can define these limits more clearly by paying attention to
though Chernela (2003:801) reports a singing to in a different song the kinds of dynamics reflected in individual performances, for there we
by a Tukanoan-speaking friend. So while the song excerpted here from see the locally important bounds of genres, and of discourse areas.
Chernelas work does not include direct address of a single listener, such
is possible for Wanano singers. This points up the role of the listener
i.e., the one with whom one attempts to build degrees of solidarity as
one who listens actively knowing something about the person singing.
Whether it be general knowledge of social dynamics or of the specific
details of the singers life, it is necessary for each woman to come to
the exchange with foreknowledge. A single person will take both roles
singer and listener during the exchange, and a successful exchange
264 265
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268 269
semantic transparency and cultural calquing in
the northwest amazon
Simeon Floyd
Max Planck Institute for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen
Abstract: The ethnographic literature has sometimes described parts of

the northwest Amazon as areas of shared culture across linguistic groups.
This paper illustrates how a principle of semantic transparency across
languages is a key means of establishing elements of a common regional
culture through practices like the calquing of ethnonyms and toponyms
so that they are semantically, but not phonologically, equivalent across
languages. It places the upper Rio Negro area of the northwest Amazon
in a general discussion of cross-linguistic naming practices in South
America and considers the extent to which a preference for semantic
transparency can be linked to cases of widespread cultural calquing, in
which culturally-important meanings are kept similar across different
linguistic systems. It also addresses the principle of semantic transparency
semantic transparency and cultural caquing in the northwest amazon simeon floyd
beyond specific referential phrases and into larger discourse structures. It Introduction: Cultural homogeneity with linguistic diversity?
concludes that an attention to semiotic practices in multilingual settings The region along the Rio Negro and its tributaries in the Northwest
can provide new and more complex ways of thinking about the idea of Amazon, and particularly the Vaups river region, is famous as one of the
shared culture. most multilingual areas in the world, not just in terms of the total number
Keywords: ethnonyms, toponyms, Amazon, semiotics of languages but especially because of the high number of languages that
many individuals acquire, linked to the system of linguistic exogamy in
Resumo: A literatura etnogrfica tem identificado algumas regies which people marry outside their language group (Sorensen 1967; Silva
do noroeste amaznico como reas em que uma mesma cultura 1962; Jackson 1983; Stenzel 2005). Despite this great linguistic diversity,
compartilhada entre grupos lingusticos distintos. Esse artigo ilustra the ethnographic literature has described many of the different language
como o princpio de transparncia semntica entre lnguas constitui uma groups in the area as showing far less diversity in cultural practices than
estratgia importante no estabelecimento de elementos de uma cultura in language, since they are in a sense part of a single cultural complex
comum regional atravs de prticas como a traduo direta (calquing) de that maintains linguistic differences for various social reasons, including
etnnimos e topnimos de tal maneria que so semanticamente, mas no maintaining the marriage system. The Handbook of South American
fonologicamente, equivalentes entre lnguas. Com isso, insere a regio do Indians puts it this way:
Alto Rio Negro, do noroeste amaznico, dentro da discusso geral sobre
prticas translingusticas de nomeao na Amrica do Sul e considera at Within this network of rivers live people of diverse linguistic
que ponto a preferncia pela transparncia semntica se associa a casos families Arawakan, Cariban, Tucanoan, Witotoan (Miranyan),
mais abrangentes de calquing cultural, nos quais noes culturalmente and unclassified but having sufficient cultural resemblances
significativas se mantm entre sistemas lingusticos distintos. discutido to merit preliminary classification within a single culture
tambm o princpio de transparncia semntica que vai alm de frases area. (Goldman 1948:763)
referenciais especficas e penetra na esfera de estruturas discursivas
maiores, concluindo-se que uma maior ateno dada a prticas semiticas In her well-known ethnography The Fish People Jackson made essentially
em contextos multilingues pode nos levar a uma reflexo inovadora e the same point four decades later:
mais aprofundada sobre a noo de culturas compartilhadas.
Palavras-chave: etnnimos, topnimos, Amaznia, semitica (D)ifferences separating the language groups of the Vaups
tend to be over emphasized (exacerbated by calling them
tribes), despite the fact that the differences in language do
not, a priori, indicate deep cultural divisions. The essentially
272 273
homogenous and regionally integrated characteristics of practices while showing a high degree of multilingualism like that seen in
the Vaups have not, in my opinion, been given enough areas of the northwest Amazon are rarer and have less obvious historical
consideration in the ethnographic literature . . . (Jackson contexts. This paper will identify some of the linguistic and semiotic
1983:101) processes involved in the cross-linguistic transfer of meanings entailed by
ethnographic characterizations of the multilingual northwest Amazon as
an area of shared culture, both in terms of Vaups society specifically as
In fairness, what most ethnographers of the region have actually described
well as of the region more broadly, including a middle Rio Negro case
is a complex system in which general regionally integrated cultural
study. It will first discuss place names (toponyms) and social group names
characteristics exist at one social level, while a number of different
(ethnonyms), and how the cultural meanings attached to them can be
social distinctions are upheld at other levels (describing the relationship
transferred across linguistic boundaries, and will then widen the scope
of the phratry group versus the sib, and so on; Goldman 1948; Hugh-
to consider how these nominal referents are socially circulated through
Jones 1979; Jackson 1983; Hugh-Jones 1988; Chernela 1993; and many
discourse. The discussion will orient around the concept of semantic
others). However, while ethnographers have recognized that sometimes
transparency, which is applied as a principle of cultural practices by many
localized social groups in the region do indeed distinguish their own
peoples of the northwest Amazon as a way to manage shared meanings
specific cultural practices from the larger regional culture, what they have
in a linguistically-diverse setting.
found most remarkable is the fact that so many cultural practices are
shared widely beyond individual language groups, and this fact has been
emphasized as something quite special about the region.
1. Semantic transparency and cross-linguistic cultural meaning
A key aspect of the different northwest Amazonian linguistic groups
historical development of the shared culture remarked on by the
The fact that the divisions among linguistic and cultural groupings do
ethnographers cited above is a preference for semantic transparency in
not necessarily entail each other, as is sometimes popularly assumed, is
many cultural concepts across languages. A good way to illustrate the
well-established at least as far back as Boass disentanglement of linguistic,
principle of semantic transparency is with the case of upper Rio Negro
cultural and racial distinctions in his famous introduction to the Handbook
toponyms. During fieldwork with speakers of Nheengat, a Tupi-Guaran
of American Indian Languages (1911). Cases in which single languages are
lingua franca spoken on the middle Rio Negro, I often heard people refer
used widely beyond any one specific cultural group are easy to find and
to places in the Tukano- and Arawak-speaking areas upriver, from which
relatively well understood, often being linked to processes of language
many of them had migrated to form communities downriver. Despite
spread through migration, trade, colonization, conquest, nation-building
the fact that their shift to Nheengat was relatively recent, I was surprised
projects, and other similar socio-historical events. Cases in which groups
to hear them using what sounded like proper place names that were
show relatively little differentiation in terms of many of their cultural
native to Nheengat instead of names in the languages spoken upriver.
274 275
I soon realized that these places did have names in the local languages, tariana tukano nheengat/portuguese meaning
yema-phe uxtka-pr cigarro tabaco leaf/cigar
and that in each language the phonological word was distinct while the iwi-taku mo-no juquira-ponta salt point
meaning was what in linguistic terms is known as a calque. The town ikuli-taku huri-pwe jabuti turtle rapids
tuili-taku um- jap-ponta tinamou (bird) point
known as Yawarat, or jaguar in Nheengat, was known as jaguar in mawa-kere wh-nxkro arum fiber for basket-making
all of the other local languages as well, making its meaning semantically
Table 1. Tariana placenames; data from Aikhenvald (1996)
transparent in every language, as pointed out by Silva:
The principle of semantic transparency observed for Tariana place names

The names (of places/villages) are ordinarily from the
appears to hold to some extent for most of the languages in the region.
Nheengat language or Lngua Geral and correspond to
While some place names are left untranslated and others have become
others in Tukano, almost always as exact translation. It is
partially opaque due to historical drift, the high number of place names
difficult to say whether the original name is the Tukano one,
with obvious translations reveals cross-linguistic transparency to be a key
and the one from the Lngua Geral, by which it is known,
element in the local toponymic system. Table 2 shows a similar system for
is only a translation, or vice versa. (Silva 1962:57) [authors
Kotiria/Wanano from Stenzel (2013), in which the Wanano terms all have
translation]
equivalent terms in Nheengat or Nheengat mixed with Portuguese.
Place names often refer to physical features of the landscape, but can also nheengat/portuguese wanano meaning
make reference to elements from traditional histories, so keeping them Ilha de Jap
Arara Cachoeira
Mu Nko
Maha Poa
Oropendula (bird) Island
Macaw Rapids
semantically transparent can make cultural meanings accessible cross- Ilha de Inamb Kha Nko Tinamou (bird) Island
Puraque Ponta Sam Wapa Eletric Eel Rapids (or Point)
linguistically. It is not so simple, however, to say that the linguistic groups Carur Cachoeira Mo Phoye Salt Plant (amaranth Falls)
Jacar Soma Aligator Creek
of the northwest Amazon are basically calquing their cultures at all levels. Jutica apima Sweet Potato Creek
Tana Nihiphoto Boy Creek (mouth)
Aikhenvald (1996) describes three levels of Tariana toponyms: currently- Taracu Mene Koana oaka Black Ant Rapids
Ibacaba m Poa Palm (bacaba) Rapids
inhabited places, historical places and mythological places, only the first Matap Bkakopa Snare (fish trap) Falls
Igarap Paca Sama Nia Phito Agouti Creek (mouth)
reflecting translations from other languages in the area (multilingual Macuco (type of Tinamou bird) Phota Phito Thorn Creek (mouth)
place names), and the last two without translation (monolingual place Anans Sne Oaka Pineapple Rapids
Vila Ftima Boho Poa/Wate Poa Tapoica Rapids
names).Tariana toponyms reflect both historically-differentiated cultural Tamandu Mie Phito Anteater Creek (mouth)
Santa Cruz / Waracapur Poa Wapa Hairy Stone Rapids
knowledge as well as the common, shared cultural knowledge of the Tabatinga Bota Poa White Clay Rapids
Taia Yese Poa Pig Rapids
region. Table 1 shows some of the multilingual names in Tariana, with
their translations into other languages. Table 2. Wanano placenames, from Stenzel (2013); also Waltz (2002;
2007), Marmolejo et al. (2008)
276 277
Of course, semantically transparent proper nouns can be found in cases of cross-linguistic transparency in other areas, it is rarer to find this
many different languages and is not unique to the northwest Amazon. transparency used so productively for the sharing of ideas and practices
For example, while the common toponym Holland is not particularly among speakers of so many languages as it is in the Rio Negro area.
transparent, the alternative term, the Netherlands, is fairly transparent.1
English also has an even more transparent option, the Low Countries,
2. Semantic transparency versus other cross-linguistic strategies
and similar transparent names are used in most of the neighboring
Contact-based linguistic influence can have many different outcomes,
languages, as in the German Niederland, the French Pays-Bas or the
but one broad distinction is that between the practices of acquiring
Spanish Pases Bajos, and while many languages opt for a form based
loanwords proper, in which a phonological word is adapted into a new
on the phonological shape of the word Holland, a good number of
language, and loan translation (Weinreich 1963:51) or calquing, in
languages use a calque of low land, including Finnish, Basque, Welsh,
which a meaning from one language is approximated by the resources
Estonian, Albanian and Romanian, to name a few.2 This process is still
of a second, leading to phonological words of separate origins but
at least partially productive, as in recent years neologists writing for the
with transparent semantic relationships. Most discussions of loanwords
Quechua version of the wikipedia Netherlands entry have created the
deal primarily with the former, and not the latter (e.g. Haspelmath
semantically-transparent toponym Uraysuyu, literally Low Country.3
2009; Haspelmath and Tadmor 2009), and focus more on semantic
Someone learning the word for the Netherlands in any of the languages
and phonological adaptation in one language rather than semantic
with transparent terms would also have access to a description of that
transparency between languages. Proper names are borrowed particularly
country as a low area, compared to someone learning a borrowing based
frequently in language contact situations, since they often have no easy
on the phonological form Holland. However, while it is possible to find
translation. However, Aikhenvald points out that Upper Rio Negro
people regard the use of phonological forms from one language in the
context of another negatively (2002; 2003b), so such ideological pressures
have probably helped to make calquing much more widespread than
1. The Netherlands is also more accurate, as Holland technically refers only to
word borrowing in the region.
the southwestern part of the country, but in common usage covers the entire
country.
While ethnonyms are generally transparent across indigenous languages
2. http://www.geonames.org/NL/other-names-for-netherlands.html
in the Rio Negro area, in most cases transparency met its limits when
3. See http://qu.wikipedia.org/wiki/Uray_Llaqta_Suyu. For less transparent
the Nheengat versions were adapted to Portuguese based on their
names it was impossible to create calqued Quechua terms, in which case
phonological form and not their meanings. For example, the Nheengat
phonological forms are simply adapted to Quechua, as in the case of Spain, which
word form piratapuya has been borrowed into Portuguese as an ethnic
the Quechua wikipedia calls Ispaa; http://qu.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ispaa.
278 279
identifier, but not longer preserves its meaning of fish people in that the Nheengat term or other generic exonyms like bugre, tapuya, or
language (which would be something like gente peixe). The Nheengat even the Quechua auca (Roquette-Pinto 1913), while the Nambikwara
terms have in many cases become official etnia (ethnic group) names for themselves use unrelated clan-type autonyms like Mamaind, referring
the purposes of legal entities like the national census,4 the state indigenous to a specific northern population whose name transparently refers to
agency FUNAI,5 and foundations like the Instituto Socioambiental,6 a wasp species for speakers of other mutually-intelligible Nambikwara
where it is used to distinguish among people, but no longer on the basis languages (Eberhard 2009).
of categories like toucan people or armadillo people.7
A common scenario for South American indigenous ethnonyms is for
Sometimes exonyms, or names applied to a people by others, and a group of people to refer to themselves with an autonym that is the
autonyms, or names people apply to themselves, develop without any native word for people while others use an exonym with an unrelated
semantic or phonological cross-linguistic motivation. For example, the motivation. For example, similarly to the Nambikwara, a Western Tukano
Nambikwara peoples were given their exonym by Nheengat-speakers group from Peru received the name Orejones, Spanish for big ears,
who named them ear holes (nambi-kwara) based on one of their notable presumably due to outsiders noticing of their large ear piercings. In
features, the use of large ear piercings. The Nheengat speakers were contrast, neighboring Quechua-speakers called the Orejones Koto after a
apparently unaware that the Nambikwara themselves lack a term for monkey species whose coloring apparently bears some similarity to the
their language family as a whole, and instead recognize many individually body paints they use. But neither of these exonyms have any connection
named sub-groups (Kroeker 2001). The resulting situation is one of to the Orejon autonym mai, which simply means people (Bellier 1994).
unmotivated exonym-autonym correspondences, with outsiders8 using This scenario repeats all over South America. A number of cases from
Ecuador illustrate this point: before contact with the national society in
the 1950s, the Waorani people were known as aucas, a Quechuan term
for savage or warrior. The Shuar were historically known as jvaros, a
Spanish term meaning wild or untamed. The Tsachila were known as
colorados, a Spanish reference to the red color the men dye their hair.
4. http://www.ibge.gov.br/ibgeteen/datas/indio/numeros.html
5. http://www.funai.gov.br/etnias/etnia/etn_am.htm
6. http://pib.socioambiental.org/pt/povo/etnias-do-rio-negro 8. Neighboring indigenous peoples also have their own exonyms for the
7.Some groups today have come to prefer the autonym from their own language Nambikwara, the Parec dividing them into two main groups, the Uikokor
rather than the Nheengat version for official purposes, but this is equally opaque and the Ouihanier, also sometimes using the word Kabix (Roquette-Pinto
in Portuguese. 1913) as an insult (or ethnophaulism, see Allport 1954).
280 281
The Chachi were known as cayapas, probably in reference to an important concepts transparent has not been prioritized in the same way. This
historical figure (a chief or ui), or possibly to the river where the Chachis does not mean that these peoples never apply the principle of semantic
live. The Quechua-speakers of Ecuador, Peru and other Andean countries transparency; for example, some Chachi place names have calqued
are sometime referred to as quechuas or quichuas by Spanish speakers, Spanish alternatives, like the town of Tyaipi (salt-water), which is also
but they themselves either use locally-specific ethnonyms (like otavalo or known as Agua Salada. But in these cases there is a predominance of
saraguro in Ecuador) or use the term runa, for people. A similar situation non-transparent correspondences.
holds for the Nadahup peoples in the Vapus and neighboring areas,
who are known by outsiders as mak, among other terms, but who call
3. The upper Rio Negro ethnonymic system
themselves people. Table 3 illustrates cases in which both the meaning
Returning to the upper Rio Negro area, the ethnonymic systems
and the form of exonyms and autonyms have no motivated relation.
in the region, and particularly those of the Vaups River area, tend
not to feature arbitrary autonym/ethnonym pairs or borrowings of
exonym Meaning Autonym meaning phonological forms, but instead show a pervasive preference for cross-
Nambikwara ear hole in Nheengat many named sub-groups (various)
linguistic semantic transparency. If a group is named the mosquito or
Orejones large ears in Spanish Mai person
Auca savage or warrior in Quechua Wao person clay people, then their ethnonym in every language will be a word for
Jbaro wild in Spanish Shuar person
Colorado red colored in Spanish Tsachila person mosquito or clay, sometimes combined with a second word for people.
Cayapa Proper name of a chief and a river Chachi person
Quichua Proper name of the language Runa person
I heard Nheengat-speakers frequently using the Tupi versions of these
Mak Pejorative term in Portuguese,
Nheengat and other languages
Hup,Yuhup, etc. person ethnonyms, sometimes adding the generic term tapuya: tukana tapuya,
tuyuka tapuya, tariana tapuya, etc.9 Piecing together information from
Table 3. Some South American ethnonyms.
a number of different ethnographic and linguistic sources, Table 4 shows
that in most cases in each individual language the pattern is the same as
The naming practices illustrated in Table 3 have gone through interesting
that I observed for Nheengat, even in instances where data is incomplete.
developments in recent years because many native groups have rejected
non-native exonyms as offensive ethnophaulisms, and demanded
in most cases successfully to be known by their autonyms. It is the
phonological form, however, and not the meaning of the autonyms that
has been adopted, which would result in dozens of distinct indigenous 9. Some ethnonyms also standardly included the word tapuya in their official
peoples being each known as people in English, Spanish or Portuguese. Portuguese form, such as Piratapuya, but it appears that the two elements of this
Most of these cases are not situations of extreme multilingualism and name are not transparent for most Portuguese speakers, but instead constitute a
exogamous marriage like that of the Vaups, and so keeping cultural frozen form.
282 283
Official name - Autonym Tukano Bar Tariana Hup Translation

Nheengat
Tukano Dasa11 Dasa Dahca Yas-ne ckwt toucan people
The most complete lists were available for Tukano, Bar, Tariana and Tuyuka Dochkfuara Bahka Pura mc clay people
Hup.10 These first two languages are East Tukano and show cognates Pusanga Bar Bar pn medicine people
cy
between them, but otherwise there is little phonological similarity of Arapaso Kore
(Tukano)
medicine people
Piratapuya Uiakena Wai Mahkara Kuphe-ne hp fish people

the different terms across languages, only semantic consistency. This deh-hg
Wanano Ktitia Okotikar Ohkoti Mahkara water people
is striking considering that, together with Nheengat, the semantic Yurut-tapuya Uaiana Yutabopin Wayara
agua-?
dove people
correspondences can be observed for four distinct language families: Karapan-tapuya Mt Mutea-mas Mtea mosquito people
Tupi, Tukano, Arawak and Nadahup. Pis-tapuya Wahn net people

Tat-tapuya Pamo Pamo armadillo people
Desana Win mko masa Win min? (probable (wind? sky?)

borrowing)
Karawatana mira Buhgana blowgun people
Tariana Iri-ne (blood) Pavar c type of tree

(?)
Baniwa ? Behkana (probable manioc people (?)
borrowing)
Wariwa tapuya Hup, etc. Mak, etc. Mak, etc. Mak, etc. Hup = person howler monkey
people
Table 4. Ethnonyms across languages in the northwest Amazon; data

from Goldman (1948); Jackson (1983); Epps (2009b); Aikhenvald (2003a);
Ardila (1993); Melguiero (2009); Metzger (1981; 2000); Alemn et al.
(2000); Koch-Grnberg (1906); ethnologue.com.
As was pointed out earlier, no naming system obeys a single principle

exclusively, but systems can mix elements of semantic transparency
together with other principles. Some of the etnias official names cannot
be obviously traced to a transparent meaning in every language, like the
10. Due to the diversity of sources from different time periods, there is undoubtedly 11. Here autonym means any term in the language of the group that refers to
some orthographic inconsistency inTable 4, and perhaps even incorrect ethnonyms that group, even though there may also be other names. In Tukano, as well as
in a few cases. However, this does not affect the general point illustrated by the perhaps in other languages, there are a number of ways people can refer to their
table, that across languages social groups have phonologically different names that own social groups, and the animal-based names may be considered a kind of
often have the same meaning in each language. nickname as compared to other terms. This point is addressed further below.
284 285
Tariana, the Desana and the Wanano, whose names in Nheengat are refer to themselves most frequently as Yepa Masa, after a figure from their
not known Tupi-origin words.12 The Wanano autonym Kotiria translates traditional history called Yepa; this autonym does not have translations
as something like water people in other area languages, but the origin into other languages. Some sources consider the animal-based name to be
of the Nheengat word remains a mystery. The name comes from a more of a nickname than an official clan name (Ramirez 2001). However
traditional story that says that once the Kubeo people tried to burn the earlier sources show it has long been in common usage; Sorensen (1969)
Wanano out of a hollow tree, but because water poured out of the tree heard the term dahseaye ukushe or toucan speech referring to the Tukano
preventing them from burning they were thought to be water beings, language in the sixties. At any rate, it is clear that northwest Amazon
and were named accordingly (Stenzel 2013). This case illustrates how societies take care to make certain elements transparent, and to leave
semantic transparency allows access to traditional knowledge across other things opaque, as seen in this case, and in parallel with the situation
language groups, contributing to the shared cultural elements that of the translatable and untranslatable Tariana toponyms discussed above
ethnographers have so often noted. Multilingualism is maintained in part (Aikhenvald 1996).
as a consequence of the linguistic exogamy system, but common cultural
elements among inter-marrying groups can be maintained by keeping Outside of the Tukano society of the Vaups things are a little different.
names cross-linguistically transparent. It is sometimes said that the Baniwa from the Iana river are named for
the Tupi maniiwa for manioc but this is unclear. Actually, the Baniwa
This analysis actually oversimplifies the local naming practices, which are are not a single group in the way that the Vaups etnias are, but include
far more complex than I am able to address here. The different groups a number of sub-groups with their own names, a point taken up below.
have different named sub-clans that also take their names from animals Also not directly included in Tukano society, the Nadahup peoples are
and objects, like one group of the Karapan known as the duruwa fish sometimes referred to collectively by others with an animal-based term
people (Metzger 1981). Some levels of naming are kept more public while in Nheengat, wariwa tapuya or howler monkey people, but internally
others are more private, as in the case of the Tukano people who actually differentiate themselves as well. Local groups also apply a number of
other names to Nadahup peoples as exonyms in a relationship of social
inequality, addressed in the next section.
12. The Tariana are said by different sources to be possibly named for the arac
fish, (Ramirez 2001) or for blood (Aikhenvald 2003a).
286 287
4. Other patterns of semantic transparency in the Rio Negro region The different Nadahup peoples do not use any terms that are semantically
While the Tukano and Arawak peoples described above have cultural transparent with relation to any of the above exonyms, but instead they
ties and inter-marry, other people in the region have a different have adopted the common strategy of using the word for people as
relationship to Tukano-Arawak society. The exonym mak has been an autonym (Epps 2008:584). This asymmetry in ethnonyms reflects a
applied to forest-based hunter-gatherer peoples, but it is not used as an social asymmetry between Nadahup and Tukano-Arawak peoples in
autonym, and is often considered offensive, as one of a set of negatively- the region, as the former learn Tukano languages while the latter do
valenced exonyms. Epps recommends the more neutral term Nadahup not generally learn Nadahup languages. Consistent with this one-sided
for the language group of Hupda, Yuhup, Daw and Nadb (2008:9). bilingualism, Nadahup people translate Tukano-Arawak ethnonyms into
While Nadahup languages (particularly Hup, Epps 2009b) do maintain their languages, but the meanings of the Tukano and Arawak terms for
semantic transparency for other groups names, their neighbors do not Nadahup peoples are pejorative (ethnophaulisms; Allport 1954) and
treat them the same way. Table 5 shows some exonyms that have been unique to those languages. Between these two social groups neither
applied to them. semantic transparency nor phonological identity are the most important
aspects of the ethnonyms, which instead reflect cross-linguistic opacity
and social asymmetry, and perhaps some of the limits of shared culture
exonym language meaning
Mak Portuguese, Nheengat, other languages without speech?13 in the Vaups.
Kam Portuguese, Nheengat, other languages ?
Nix-maxsa Desana people who ask
Wira-poy Desana damaged people While the multilingualism of the Tukano society of the Vaups may offer
Pokce Tukano carrier
Josa Barasana/Taiwano servant one of the most extensive examples of semantic transparency in proper
Pavar-poy Tariana damaged people
names, the principle of semantic transparency can be observed much
Table 5. Names for Nadahup people; data from Mahecha et al. (1996); more broadly in the region through other kind of language contact
Epps (2009a); Bioca (1965) situations. In the area of the middle Rio Negro where I did fieldwork
with speakers of Nheengat, the locals are migrants not just from the

Tukano areas but also from different Arawak areas as well, which present
a different version of semantic transparency in their proper name systems.
The lower parts of the Iana River have undergone a language shift to
Nheengat while the people of the upper Iana continue to speak several
varieties of Baniwa.The different populations of Baniwa, like the Tukano
13. This word is probably from an Arawak term for those without speech people of the Vaups, each have a uniquely-identifying name based on an
(Koch-Grnberg 1906:877; Ramirez 2001:198), but its origin is not entirely clear.
288 289
animal or object. Like the linguistic groups of the Vaups, these named used.14 In this way the norms of cultural sharing and belonging, as well as
clan groups provide the basis for exogamy, but their names are not social exclusion, are reflected in these different forms of cross-linguistic
semantically-transparent across different languages in the same way, and negotiations of meaning.
instead are cognates across a dialect continuum. However, the Baniwa
that have shifted to Nheengat were able to bring these important social 5. Semantic transparency in discourse
distinctions along by maintaining semantic transparency with the shift to Examining naming practices provides a convenient way for fixating on
Nheengat. sets of noun phrases and their equivalents and lining them up with their
kurripako/baniwa Nheengat translation
correspondences across languages, as seen in the many tables above. But
Adzaneni Tat-tapuya Armadillo people of course the referential strategies for which such noun phrases are used
Aini-dkenai Kawa-tapuya Wasp people
Dzawi-minanei Yawarat-tapuya Jaguar people occur embedded in their usage in discourse, where they are circulated and
Dzreme Yibya-tapuya Bushmaster (snake) people
Hma-dkenai Tapira-tapuya Tapir people transmitted. One can imagine hundreds of thousands of conversations in
Kapit-mananei Kuat-tapuya Coati people
Kumada-minanei Ipeka-tapuya Duck people
which specific cultural concepts became salient and multilingual speakers
Morwene Sukuriy-tapuya Anaconda people calqued them into other languages. In the recordings I made with
Wdzoli-dkenai Urub-tapuya Vulture people
Aslipri-dkenai Sius-tapuya Pleiades people Nheengat-speaking people these processes were often observable online.
Table 6. Baniwa ethnonyms; data from Granadillo (2006:37-43); Koch- This section will give several relevant examples of semantic transparency
Grnberg (1906:168-169); Nimuendaj (1950:160-163) in the context of verbal art (Sherzer 2002) where the referential and
propositional functions that enable the sharing of cultural concepts are
Beyond the semiotic principles described above, the naming strategies embedded in languages poetic functions (Jakobson 1960).
in the region are ultimately subject to a superordinate cultural principle
of exogamy. For multilingual groups, social distinctions must be In example (1) the storyteller Marcilia is a native speaker of Tukano and
communicated cross-linguistically, for example, between a Tukano and long-term Nheengat-speaker who also has some knowledge of several
a Tariana. For people who speak varieties of the same language, as in other languages, especially the language of her late husband, Piratapuya.
the Baniwa dialect continuum, semantic transparency comes into play She was an exceptional source of cultural knowledge during my research,
when they must preserve social distinctions through a language shift, and she will feature in all of the following examples. Here, as she begins
for example, between an upriver Baniwa and a downriver Baniwa.
And toward the groups that are not part of exogamous relationships
in the area, the Nadahup peoples, semantic transparency is not applied, 14. However, Nadahup languages can show semantic transparency with the other
but instead a set of non-transparent exonyms and ethnophaulisms are local language families, but this is not reciprocated; see above.
290 291
to tell a story in Nheengat, she explicitly links referents in this story to a to the area, but speakers often care about finding translations, as in this
version she heard originally in Tukano. Line 1 shows how she establishes example where Marcilia unsuccessfully attempts to think of Nheengat
a semantically equivalent term for deer across languages, stating both the translations for two characters from a story she knows in Tukano.
Nheengat and Tukano words.
(2)
(1)
1 A-pe pa ta-kuma tara Warir. Warir, nome dele.
1 Suas, suas pa yam kwru ta-mu-seruka dem-loc rep 3pl-dawn son Warir Warir name of.him
deer deer rep yam kwru 3pl-caus-name There they say that it dawned on his son Warir.Warir is his name.
The deer, they say, is called yam kwru.
2 Ma ta puk? Pai dele,
2 ne a-kua ma-nungar nheengat irum ya-mu-seruka. what q long father of.him
neg 1sg-know what-like nheengat com 1pl-caus-name What is the other part (of the name)? His father,
I dont know in what way we call it in Nheengat.
3 ah nome dele, nome dele, pai dele,
3 Suas yurupar rara pa. ah name of.him name of.him father of.him
deer devil child rep his name, his name, his father,'
The deer is the child of the devil, they say.
4 Quando eu- nome dele pa, tukana Baseb.
On several occasions during narratives Marcilia became concerned when 1sg- name of.him rep Tukano Baseb
with finding the proper translation for the names of characters in the When I, his name, they say, in Tukano, is Baseb.
stories. Some characters have equivalent proper names in most of the
local languages, like the forest monster curupira, who was referred to by 5 Lngua geral como ta (?) t dizendo
this Tupi name in the Nheengat stories that I recorded, but who is also Nheengat how q 1sg.be saying
well-known in languages around the region (in East Tukano languages, In Nheengat like I am saying.
Stenzel 2013; in Arawak languages, Aikhenvald 1999; and in Nadahup
languages, Epps 2008). Other characters might not have pre-established 6 SF: Pode falar s em tukano tambem, o nome.
translations in Nheengat, since the language is a more recent introduction You can speak just in Tukano also, the name.
292 293
7. Baseb, so ae-ntu, Baseb. Warir, Baseb. 2 puranga u-nheengari u-suaxara am-t

Baseb, only 3sg-restr, Baseb. Warir Baseb. excellent 3sg-sing 3sg-companion other-pl
Baseb, just him, Baseb, Warir and Baseb. he sings excellently, to his companion, the other one.
Suaxara-t
3 pa maniwa ta-s vwuuu,
Meta-cultural descriptions are also an important way that cultural companion-foc rep manioc 3pl-go ideo
concepts can be rendered cross-linguistically transparent. In (3) Marcilia His companion, they say, (with) manioc he goes, vwuuuu,
describes events at the pan-regional dabucur celebrations, employing the ((circular gestures))
linguistic resources of Nheengat, including richly iconic elements like
ideophones and imagistic gestures which can be thought of as further 4 u-yuiri pa kway, yaw pa u-s.
ways for increasing transparency. 3sg-enter rep like.that like.this rep 3sg-go
(he) comes in, they say, like this, they say, (and) he goes.
((circular gestures))
Many of the meanings of the cross-linguistically transparent elements

discussed in this paper had to do with the cultural significance of
different animals as a system of social distinction. Example (4) is from
a data-collecting session in which I was recording the names of animal
species with the help of a Brazilian Amazon wildlife guidebook, looking
at the pictures and eliciting the names. When Marcilia saw the image of
the saracura bird, she was reminded that in upriver communities during
Image 1. Circular gestures representing the movement of dancers at a dabucur.
her childhood she had seen a ceremony where the men became saracuras
(3) and sang and danced. Presumably the songs were not in Nheengat, but
Marcilia creates an improvised online translation to render something
1 Ix iri umba a-ku a-nheengari, from a Tukano tradition in the Tupi language. In this way the principle of
1sg again neg 1sg-know 1sg-sing semantic transparency is extended beyond specific lexical items and into
Me on the other hand, I dont know how to sing; the elements of verbal art and performance.
294 295
4 Yandara u-pisika-ana yande r sarakura

noon 3sg-arrive-pft 1pl dat saracura
Noon has arrived for us saracura. ((singing))
5 Ya-s ya-mba. Ya-s ya-sik yepe roda sarakura.

1pl-go 1pl-eat 1pl-go 1pl-pull one wheel saracura
We are going to eat. Lets form a wheel, saracura. ((singing))
Image 2. (Left) Gestures show the beating of a drum along with singing. 6 Ta-me prato ik aikw timbi
(Right) The saracura bird (Aramides cajanea); image from the Projeto Brazil 3pl-give plate here be food
500 Pssaros website: http://webserver.eln.gov.br/Pass500/BIRDS/ They give a plate here food
INDEX.HTM
7 colher was irum ta-yuka ta-yupu i-yur-p.
spoon aug com 3pl-get 3pl-feed 3sg-mouth-loc
(4) with a big spoon, grab it and feed them in the mouth.
1 Kwa nungara festa ram ta-nheengari kariwa, tamburina irum, tititititi. 8 Ai! Yukitaya irum chega u-babari u-s sarakura.
dem similar festival when 3pl-sing white.person drum com ideo hot spice (?) com arrive 3sg-drool 3sg-go saracura
When they have a festival like that they sing, white man, with a drum, ti ti ti ti ti. Ai! With hot spice he goes drooling, the saracura.
2 Yandara ram ta-mba-r. Yandara ram. 9 Eeta! U-mutai-ana yand sarakura.

noon when 3pl-eat-dat noon when 3sg-bless(?)-pft 1pl saracura
At noon they would eat. At noon. Eeta! The saracura blesses (?) us.
3 Ya-s ya-mba sarakura, me ta puku r 10 Ya-s ya-yasuka garap kit sarakura u-nhe.
1pl-go 1pl-eat saracura how q long dat 1pl-go 1pl-bathe beach towards saracura 3sg-say
Lets go eat saracura ((singing)), how does it go? Lets go swim at the port saracura ((singing)), they say.
296 297
Not only are ethnonyms and toponyms made semantically transparent that of the Baniwa also participate in pan-regional cultural practices on
across languages in the northwest Amazon, but the ideas that those a broader scale, including exogamy and semantically-transparent naming
nominal forms refer to are transmitted in broader discourse forms that systems across dialects or languages, in cases of language shift.
are in their own way made transparent through translation. Like with
ethnonyms and toponyms, however, semantic transparency is not the Among intermarrying peoples, as part of complex inter-group social
only operative principle at the discourse level either, and in my fieldwork relationships including spouse exchange and widespread co-participation
I encountered cases of other principles at play. For example, when I was in different cultural practices and oral history traditions, the different
given a traditional treatment for a sore knee that included a specific peoples can calque their set of ethnonyms based on words for well-
spoken blessing, the blessing necessarily had to be performed in Tukano, known animals and objects that would be expected to exist in all
even though the speaker used Nheengat dominantly (see Floyd 2007). languages in the area.The practice of calquing and the avoidance of direct
The meaning of the words was rendered opaque and mysterious, while lexical borrowings in this region contrasts with other language contact
their phonological form remained consistent across languages, and with situations in which the most prominent effect of contact is increased
it presumably whatever makes it an effective treatment. lexical borrowing.15 In cases of lexical borrowing a new word enters a
language, adapting to its phonology and morphology, usually because
conclusion it refers to a new concept acquired from speakers of another language.
The data from the Rio Negro region presented above describe a The calquing of words for animals, plants and other well-known objects
multilingual society with many shared cultural elements across linguistic to refer to people and places, on the other hand, does not add new
groups. The limits of this regional culture are somewhat continuous lexemes to a language, but expands the meaning of existing words for
with the limits of the system of exogamy, partly excluding the Nadahup social categorization and other kinds of cultural practices. The meanings
peoples who are not typically involved in these exogamous relations.This of the words are in that sense motivated by social norms that require
exclusion is not total, as Nadahup peoples to some extent participate in social groups to be distinguished, and they map differences from the
Tukano society and translate Tukano names into their languages, but this non-human world onto the human world. As a way for maintaining
is not reciprocated, and Nadahup cultural concepts have little currency these important social distinctions cross-linguistically, speakers of upper
for the other groups in the region. Additionally, Portuguese-speaking Rio Negro languages are able to detach a terms meaning component
settlers and other outsiders such as white foreigners like myself are also not from its sound component through calquing, a process which does not
expected to participate in semantically-transparent naming systems, and
intermarriage with them is one way that people are considered to leave
the domain of the ethnonymic system altogether (particularly through 15. Among many other sources, see the classic Weinreich 1963 or the more
the fathers line; see Floyd 2007). As discussed above, Arawak societies like recent Haspelmath 2009.
298 299
occur in lexical borrowing, when sound and meaning are adopted and Relations of semantic transparency were not all-encompassing but
adapted together. There are different semiotic processes at play in these proved to have their limits, as reflected in the data considered here. Many
two types of borrowing with respect to ethnonyms, because while both of the local groups keep some of their cultural knowledge monolingually
types preserve an indexical relationship to the human groups they refer to themselves while making other parts of it transparent to the larger
to, in one case the translation is based on a symbolic association and in culture. Some terms have become ingrained, leaving their etymologies
the other case it is based on a kind of iconicity in which sound shapes opaque. Some peoples are not considered socially equal, and are partly
must physically resemble each other cross-linguistically. In some contexts excluded from transparency. Sometimes the boundaries between language
the preservation of the phonological form of borrowed words is desirable groups, cultural groups, and points on a dialect continuum can become
as a sign of prestige associated with multilingualism in high-prestige mixed up and yield the wrong level of granularity between sub-group
languages like Latin and French in certain moments of the history of and macro-group. In discourse, some traditions of language usage like
English, or like English in many places today but ideologies against shamanic singing can call for phonological identity to be preserved at the
borrowing and codeswitching in the Rio Negro region favor speaking expense of semantic transparency. These incomplete correspondences
many languages, but not combining elements from any two languages at complicate the claims of the ethnographers about cultural homogeneity
the same time.16 The different ways of translating names, either borrowing cited at the beginning of this paper. Their accounts describing the
a foreign word or calquing, raise the question of what exactly proper importance local people place on making cultural knowledge transparent
nouns consist of, and whether ethnonyms (and toponyms) in the shared and on circulating it widely are accurate, but it should also be noted
culture of the northwest Amazon are not single sound-meaning pairings that there are also limits to this principle. Ethnographic accounts have
but are primarily semantic concepts held by multilingual individuals also documented many different levels of social categorization in the
whose sound-meaning correspondences are only generated emergently region beyond the language group, and each of these has its own scope
as they use one language or another. It is the meanings that constitute of socialization. This means that although cultural sharing is pervasive, it
elements of shared culture, not the specific word forms, which are specific is also partial, and that the peoples of the region can be both independent
to each language group. social groups and members of a larger macro-group. Focusing on the
semiotic processes through which cultural elements are shared in the
Rio Negro region helps us to take account of this complexity and to
understand exactly how cultural sharing can be achieved in such contexts
of extreme multilingualism.
16.The exception to the prohibition of code switching appears to be Portuguese,
which is often mixed with local languages perhaps because it is not associated
with a specific local group of people.
300 301
Abbreviations: Bellier, Irne. 1994. Los Mai Huna. Gua Etnogrfica de la Alta Amazona,
eds. Fernando Santos Granero & Frederica Barclay, vol.1, pp. 1-180.
1, 2, 3 = person, sg/pl = singular/plural, aug = augmentative, caus = Quito/Lima: Flacso/IFEA.
causative, com = comitative/instrumental, dat = dative (prospective),
dem = demonstrative, foc = focus, ideo = ideophone, loc = locative, Boas, Franz. 1911. Introduction. Handbook of American Indian
Languages. Smithsonian Institution Bureau of American Ethnology
neg = negation, pft = perfective, pl = plural, rep = reportive, restr = Bulletin 40:1-83.
restrictive (delimitative), q = interrogative
Chernela, Janet. 1993. The Wanano Indians of the Brazilian Amazon: A
Sense of Space. Austin: University of Texas Press.
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III. grammar and

language relaTIonshIp
306
predicados complejos en el noroeste amaznico: el
caso del yuhup, el tatuyo y el barasana
Ana Mara Ospina Bozzi

Elsa Gomez-Imbert
Instituto Francs de Estudios Andinos
Resumen: En las familias lingsticas Arawak, Mak (o Nadahup) y

Tukano que coexisten en el Noroeste amaznico cuencas Ro Negro/
Vaups y Apaporis/Caquet-Japur se han encontrado predicados
complejos descritos como verbos compuestos o como verbos seriales.
Se sabe que existen en una lengua Arawak, el tariana (Aikhenvald 2006);
en tres lenguas Mak, el yuhup (Ospina 2002; 2009; 2010), el hup (Epps
2008) y el dw (Andrade Martins 2004); y en todas las lenguas Tukano
orientales (Gomez-Imbert 1988, 2007a; Stenzel 2007). Esta convergencia
indica que se tratara de un rasgo areal. En este artculo comparamos los
predicados complejos en el noroeste amaznico: el caso del yuhup, el tatuyo y el barasana ana mara ospina bozzi and elsa gomez-imbert
perfiles semnticos de las series verbales de las lenguas yuhup, tatuyo y 2006); in three Mak (Nadahup) languages: Yuhup (Ospina 2002; 2009;
barasana, segn criterios tipolgicos, ya que en ellas hemos identificado 2010), Hup (Epps 2008), and Dw (Andrade Martins 2004); and in
semejanzas que podran suponer difusin areal (dada posiblemente por su all East Tukano languages (Gomez-Imbert 1988, 2007a; Stenzel 2007).
vecindad geogrfica)1. Entre tales semejanzas encontramos el uso de series This convergence indicates such constructions to be an areal feature.
verbales para la expresin de las nociones espaciales de desplazamiento, In this article we compare the semantic profiles of verb serializations in
posicin y orientacin que acompaan un evento. Mostramos cmo tales Yuhup, Tatuyo, and Barasana according to typological criteria, since all
nociones se expresan en las series verbales, as como la disposicin tctica these languages display similarities that indicate areal diffusion (likely
de los verbos serializados, segn su semntica espacial. Comparamos, de attributable to geographic contiguity). Among these similarities we find
manera exploratoria, nuestros resultados con aquellos que se han obtenido that verb serializations are used to express notions of spatial direction,
para las otras lenguas mencionadas. position, and orientation that accompany an event. We show how
Palabras clave: serializacin verbal, semntica de nociones espaciales, such notions are indicated by verb serializations and demonstrate how
lenguas amaznicas, lenguas tukano, lenguas mak/nadahup. the tactic ordering of the verbs involved correlates with their spatial
semantics. We offer an exploratory comparison of our results with those
available for the other cited languages.
Abstract: In the Arawak, Mak (Nadahup) and East Tukano languages
Keywords: verb serialization; semantics of spatial notions; amazonian
that coexist in the northwest Amazon in the Rio Negro/Vaups and
languages; East Tukano; Nadahup/Mak
Apaporis/Caquet-Japur basins complex predicates, described as verbal
compounds or as serial verb constructions, are commonly encountered.
We know that they occur in one Arawak language, Tariana (Aikhenvald
Introduccin1
Trabajos publicados recientemente muestran que los predicados
complejos de tres familias lingsticas del rea del Noroeste amaznico
1. Entendemos por rasgo areal una caracterstica presente en lenguas de afiliacin Arawak, Mak (Nadahup) y Tukano comparten un rasgo tipolgico
genealgica diferente, localizadas en una misma rea geogrfica. En este tipo de cuya exploracin slo ha empezado a hacerse recientemente: predicados
situaciones se producen influencias lingsticas mutuas que pueden ser claramente complejos cuyas caractersticas permiten identificarlos como series
identificadas como prstamos (de una lengua a otras) o cuyo origen es difcilmente
rastreable en el estado actual de conocimientos sobre las lenguas implicadas. Por
esta razn nos abstenemos de plantear direccionalidad de la influencia de los
rasgos que trabajamos de una a otra familia y preferimos solamente constatar la 1. Investigacin realizada en el marco del proyecto C08H01 ecos-nord / icfes /
semejanza que existe entre ellas. colciencias / icetex.
310 311
verbales (SEV). En este artculo comparamos los perfiles de las SEVs Los parmetros propuestos para establecer una tipologa de las series
de lenguas pertenecientes a dos de estas familias: yuhup yuh (Mak), son los de incorporacin, contigidad, nuclearidad y simetra. Una
barasana bas y tatuyo tat (Tukano, rama oriental). En la primera parte serie incorporante constituye una palabra fonolgica mientras que
(seccin 1), esbozamos el perfil de estas SEV refirindonos a criterios una serie no incorporante est formada por varias palabras. En una
tipolgicos propuestos recientemente. En la segunda parte (seccin 2), serie contigua los constituyentes que representan los argumentos del
describimos sus caractersticas estructurales, la semntica de las races que predicado aparecen fuera de la cadena verbal, mientras que en una serie
participan en ellas y las nociones que expresan. Proseguimos (seccin 3) no contigua pueden intercalarse entre los verbos. La nuclearidad remite
comparando las series yuh, bas/tat que expresan de manera semejante al estrato en el que tiene lugar la serializacin, dando como resultado la
nociones espaciales de desplazamiento y posicin. En la seccin 4 serializacin de predicados (y eventualmente de operadores como el de
mostramos las diferencias entre las lenguas comparadas en la expresin aspecto) en la serializacin nuclear, frente a la serializacin de predicados
del desplazamiento con propsito y de la llegada al punto terminal de con sus argumentos en la serializacin no nuclear o central. Se observa
un desplazamiento. Concluimos mostrando similitudes y diferencias una preferencia de las lenguas con orden SOV hacia la serializacin
entre las SEVs de las dos familias lingsticas y sealamos perspectivas de nuclear, mientras que las lenguas SVO prefieren la serializacin central.
investigacin. La simetra remite al carcter abierto/cerrado, restringido o no de la
clase semntica o gramatical a la cual pertenecen los verbos serializados.
1. Tipologa Se distinguen as series simtricas que combinan verbos de clases
abiertas de series asimtricas donde uno de los verbos pertenece a
1.1. sev: caractersticas tipolgicas generales
una clase cerrada o restringida. Esta distincin remite a diferencias como
La identificacin de construcciones seriales combina propiedades
una fuerte tendencia diacrnica a la lexicalizacin en las primeras y a la
semnticas y formales (ver Durie 1997, Senft 2004, Aikhenvald 2006). La
gramaticalizacin en las segundas. Tambin a la relacin de iconicidad: el
serializacin verbal es un dispositivo gramatical plenamente productivo
orden de los constituyentes en series asimtricas no es necesariamente
que describe una escena conceptualizada como un evento nico. Es
icnico mientras que en las simtricas tiende a ser icnico en las
equivalente a un predicado simple en el sentido en que no hay relaciones de
construcciones que expresan relaciones secuenciales y de causa a efecto;
anidamiento o complementacin entre sus elementos. Desde un punto de
en otras, como las de manera, el orden vara segn las lenguas.
vista prosdico, tiene propiedades entonacionales comparables a las de un
predicado monoverbal. Sus elementos constituyentes comparten valores
Kroeger (2004: 251) define una construccin serial como aquella en
de tiempo, aspecto, modalidad y polaridad, que pueden ser marcados
donde una sola clusula contiene dos o ms verbos de los cuales ninguno
en cada verbo pero a menudo por un nico operador morfolgico.
es un auxiliar. Esto no excluye que algunos elementos puedan a la larga
Comparten por lo menos uno o ms argumentos.
312 313
convertirse en auxiliares, dada la tendencia a la gramaticalizacin de los Ro Negro, conocida por circunstancias que favorecen la difusin areal:
elementos de clases cerradas de las series asimtricas. sistema de exogamia lingstica, multilingismo generalizado y contacto
de lenguas.
Desde un punto de vista semntico, una serie puede codificar un evento
nico, varios subeventos estrechamente ligados, o varios subeventos Desde el punto de vista fonolgico, son comunes en esta regin los
en secuencia que pueden ser conceptualizados como conectados unos sistemas tonales y de acento tonal (o sistemas tonales restringidos), as
con otros. En la sntesis que ofrece Senft (2004) de las funciones que como sistemas de nasalidad suprasegmental. Aunque bas/tat son lenguas
asumen los verbos serializados figuran: el aspecto; el movimiento, la de dos tonos, alto (A) y bajo (B), ofrecen un perfil tipolgico diferente. En
distancia o la localizacin temporal, espacial o sicolgica; relaciones tat, A y B se oponen plenamente y se encuentran por ejemplo entradas
lgicas tales como causa a efecto y propsito; diferentes roles semnticos lxicas bimoricas que presentan oposiciones entre AA, AB, BA y BB;
(instrumental, dativo, benefactivo, locativo, manera, comitativo, acusativo, existe el proceso conocido como falla tonal (downstep) producida por
direccional, comparativo). Entre los verbos ms frecuentemente hallados un tono B flotante entre dos tonos A. En bas tenemos un sistema tonal
en construcciones seriales figuran primero los verbos bsicos de mocin restringido donde existe oposicin tanto en el lxico como en morfemas
(venir, ir), seguidos por otros verbos intransitivos activos (pasear, gramaticales entre dos especificaciones tonales solamente: A y AB; existen
desaparecer), de postura (estar parado, acostado) y luego por cualquier adems morfemas tonales sin soporte segmental. La nasalidad es un rasgo
otro verbo activo intransitivo (hablar, trepar); finalmente por verbos morfmico en ambas lenguas, no hay segmentos nasales.
transitivos que son los menos susceptibles de ser serializados. El perfil de
las SEV de las lenguas que vamos a tratar ofrece patrones de serializacin La lengua yuh puede ser considerada como una lengua acento-
que siguen a grandes rasgos los presentados por Senft. tonal dadas las restricciones de las secuencias tonales que presenta. La
originalidad de esta lengua reside en la funcin gramatical de los tonos
verbales y la funcin lxica de los tonos nominales. Tambin se puede
1.2. Caractersticas tipolgicas yuh, bas/tat
resaltar la existencia de consonantes postnasalizadas, as como la nasalidad
Antes de introducir las caractersticas tipolgicas de las SEV en las
y laringalidad morfmicas.
lenguas estudiadas (seccin 1.2.2), ofrecemos un perfil general de sus
rasgos tipolgicos sobresalientes (seccin 1.2.1).
bas/tat son lenguas con morfologa aglutinante esencialmente sufijal
y con prefijacin limitada, perfil ilustrado en los ejemplos que figuran
1.2.1. Rasgos tipolgicos generales yuh, bas/tat ms adelante en la seccin 1.2.2: en (1a) con una forma interrogativa
A continuacin mencionamos algunos rasgos tipolgicos interesantes de seguida de la correspondiente asertiva. Como se ve en estos ejemplos, la
estas tres lenguas, en el contexto sociolingstico de la regin Vaups- morfologa verbal es muy rica: se encuentran corrientemente palabras
314 315
con una decena de afijos flexionales concatenados a bases simples o Otro rasgo comn a las lenguas de la regin es la productividad de la
serializadas. En tat hay tres casillas prefijales, las dos primeras para ndices composicin nominal y la serializacin verbal, caracterstica compartida
personales de referenciacin cruzada: del objeto (k!- en (1a-b) y k!- en por las lenguas de nuestro estudio. La lengua yuh se diferencia de las
(1c)), y del sujeto ~d!- en la interrogativa en (1a); la tercera para un lenguas Tukano y Arawak de la regin en que la derivacin es mucho
prefijo modo-aspectual k- que indica la estabilizacin del proceso en menos productiva y la incorporacin nominal parece ser una tendencia
(1a-c). En bas hay una sla casilla prefijal para tres prefijos tonales: uno A nueva. En cuanto a la morfologa verbal, mientras que en tat/bas las
que expresa un sujeto de primera/segunda persona, frente a otro AB que categoras de modalidad, aspecto, persona y clase nominal (MAP) son
marca un sujeto de tercera persona; el tercero, que indica la estabilizacin marcadas por afijos, en yuh las categoras de modalidad y tiempo dectico
del proceso, es un tono polar con respecto al tono de la primera raz de la (pasado reciente y lejano) se expresan por medio de partculas pospuestas a
base3; el estabilizador tiene precedencia sobre la marca de persona. El tat constituyentes nominales y verbales, y los verbos slo expresan las categoras
ofrece adems un perfil polisinttico pues incorpora un nominal objeto de predicacin, tiempo y aspecto por medio de suprafijos y sufijos.
indefinido en posicin inicial de la base verbal, como acontece en (1b)
con wai pez, cosa que no hace el bas. Mientras en tat la palabra verbal Los sistemas de clasificacin nominal bas/tat estn muy gramaticalizados
es un enunciado porque integra los argumentos, en bas los argumentos cuando marcan concordancia con el sujeto en la sufijacin verbal, segn
objeto del proceso se expresan fuera del verbo. sea animado plural, animado singular masculino o femenino, o inanimado;
mientras que dentro del sintagma nominal esta concordancia se mantiene
En cambio, la lengua yuh presenta caractersticas de lengua aislante, tales para lo animado, en el mbito inanimado se introducen especificaciones
como una alta frecuencia de palabras monomorfmicas, una coincidencia de forma, compacidad y otras propiedades que se expresan ya sea por
importante entre slaba y morfema y una escasa morfologa nominal y sufijos gramaticalizados (monomoraicos), ya sea por nombres que
verbal. Sin embargo, su tendencia aglutinante se puede reconocer por asumen la funcin de marcadores de clase (Gomez-Imbert 2007b). En
ndices tales como la propensin de las palabras polimorfmicas a la cambio, en yuh se trata de un sistema en estadio de emergencia y slo se
cohesin fonolgica, morfosintctica y semntica de sus componentes. manifiesta en la morfosintaxis nominal (Ospina 2004-2005). En cuanto
a la morfologa nominal funcional, bas/tat tienen un sufijo marcador de
caso para el objeto dativo/acusativo -re en (1), un locativo y un sociativo/
comitativo. La lengua yuh presenta un solo morfema de caso directo
(-~d) usado para marcar complementos dativos y acusativos (que refieren
3. Si la raz es A el prefijo es AB, si la raz es AB el prefijo es A. Descripciones a entidades animadas y definidas) y un morfema locativo oblicuo, as
detalladas pueden consultarse en Gomez-Imbert (1997; 2011) para bas y tat como un rico sistema de posposiciones de distancia y orientacin para la
respectivamente. expresin de la localizacin esttica y dinmica; la categora de nmero
316 317
es expresada opcionalmente segn las intenciones comunicativas de los simples (1a) y bases serializadas, simtricas (1a) y asimtricas (1b). En las
locutores. SEV simtricas (1b) las clases semnticas a las cuales pertenecen los tres
verbos serializados son abiertas, mientras que en las SEV asimtricas (1c)
Desde el punto de vista sintctico, el orden de constituyentes en una el ltimo verbo pertenece a una clase cerrada.
oracin intransitiva bas/tat es SV oVS, siendo el primero menos marcado
en tat, el segundo en bas. En una oracin transitiva es SOV o OVS, (1) Lenguas bas/tat4:
siendo tambin el primero menos marcado en tat, el segundo en bas. En
frases nominales posesivas y determinativas, la cabeza es final. En yuh, a. Base verbal simple:
aunque el orden de constituyentes es flexible y depende de motivaciones prefijos map sufijos opcionales
base verbal sufijos map
pragmticas, los rdenes ms comunes son SV y SOV, pero tambin se tat: k -~d - k- [~d]
! !
-ga-~kti-~bahu-~ko-ba -h-p-r
encuentran los rdenes VS, SVO y OVS. Aunque en frases nominales 3f.sg-3pl-est [alimenta] -des-neg-cual-enf-frus -ind-cit-inter
posesivas y determinativas la cabeza se ubica en posicin final, en frases bas: ~c-re AB-[ek] -rii-bt-god-~ka-bo -j-ha-ri
con modificadores adjetivales la cabeza puede estar en posicin final o 3f.sg-obj 3pl-[alimenta] -des-neg-cual-enf-frus -ind-cit-inter
inicial. En frases posesivas la marca de la relacin se afija al nominal que Pero dizque ellos no queran verdaderamente alimentarla?
representa al dependiente (poseedor).
tat: k!-k- [~d] -ga-~kti-~bahu-~ko-ba -h-p-~ra
3f.sg-est [alimenta] -des-neg-cual-enf-frus -ind-cit-cl.an.pl
1.2.2. Caractersticas tipolgicas de las SEV en yuh, bas/tat bas: ~c-re AB-[ek] -rii-bt-god-~ka-bo -j-ha-~ra
En las tres lenguas examinadas todas las SEV son exclusivamente de tipo Pero dizque ellos no queran verdaderamente alimentarla.
contiguo, incorporante y nuclear. En cuanto al parmetro de simetra,
hay series tanto simtricas como asimtricas.
4. Las glosas usadas en los ejemplos tat/bas son: an animado, cit citativo, cl clase
nominal, cual cualitativo, des desiderativo, dev deverbal, enf enftico, est estabilizado
En bas/tat las SEV son contiguas,incorporantes y nucleares.Incorporantes
(modo-aspectual), ev evidente, f femenino, frus frustrativo, iden idntico, inan
porque constituyen una palabra fonolgica que es el mbito de procesos
inanimado, ind modalidad de conocimiento indirecto, m masculino, neg negativo,
nasales y tonales. Contiguas porque los argumentos aparecen fuera de la
obj objeto, perf perfectivo, result resultativo, 3 tercera persona. La transcripcin
serie, que comparte un marcador nico de persona, de aspecto (perfectivo/
fonolgica codifica un sistema consonntico con series de oclusivas sordas /p t c k/ y
imperfectivo), de modalidad epistmica, de polaridad y de cualquier
oclusivas sonoras /b d j g/, dos resonantes /w r/ y una fricativa glotal. Hay seis vocales
otra categora verbal. Nucleares porque no serializan el predicado con
transcritas / i u e a o/, representa la [] del AFI. La tilde nasal inicial ~ indica que el
sus argumentos. Los ejemplos en (1) muestran la equivalencia de bases
morfema siguiente es nasal; el acento marca el tono alto, ! una falla tonal.
318 319
b. sev simtrica: con el constituyente en funcin S ( abm jaguar) ubicado en posicin

bas: ~c-re wa [ha-heo-~ic]-j-hu ~wat-bk final de clusula en (2c). Son series nucleares porque slo se serializan
3f.sg-obj pez [barbasquea-pone.encima-da]-ind-cit Duende-blanco los predicados sin sus argumentos, cada serie est marcada por un solo
tat: k -k-[wai-p-pe-~dod]-j-p-i
!
~wat-bk suprafijo tonal temporal y comparte sufijos de predicacin, polaridad, y
3f.sg-est-[pez-barbasquea-pone.encima-da]-ind-cit-cl.an.m Duende-blanco clticos de modalidad y tiempo; en los ejemplos (2a, 2c) se observa que
Dizque Duende-blanco barbasquea pone (sobre piedras del ro) el suprafijo temporal concomitante (tono A) est suprafijado a la ltima
dando peces a ella. slaba de cada serie y el conjunto sufija los morfemas de predicacin (-v p25
en (2a) e - p1 en (2c)); en (2c) se observa adems el cltico bah citativo
c. sev asimtrica: pospuesto a la serie. Finalmente, las series ilustradas por (2a) son simtricas
bas: ~-re [~i-~baka-juh-]-bo-j-hu ~co puesto que las clases semnticas a las que pertenecen sus dos componentes
3m.sg-obj [ve-busca-baja.ro-va]-frus-ind-cit 3f.sg son de carcter abierto, mientras que las series ilustradas por (2c) son
tat: k!-k-[th-~bak-j-a]-ba-h-p-o asimtricas ya que la clase semntica a la cual pertenece el componente
3m.sg-est-[ve-busca-baja.ro-va]-frus-ind-cit-cl.an.f en posicin inicial (gritar) es de carcter abierto (i.e. cualquier clase de
Dizque ella mira buscndolo yendo ro abajo. verbo), mientras aquella a la que pertenece el componente final (bajar.
loma) es de carcter cerrado (i.e. slo verbos de mocin). Como ya se
En yuh las series verbales son incorporantes pues constituyen una palabra mencion y segn se observa en (2), en yuh el orden de constituyentes
fonolgica; los dos elementos de las series estn tonalmente integrados: es flexible y depende de motivaciones pragmticas: se aprecia SVO en
sus secuencias tonales siguen el mismo patrn tonal que los verbos (2a) y VS en (2c), pero como se ver en ejemplos posteriores tambin se
construidos con una sola raz verbal, como se observa al comparar los encuentran los rdenes SV (e.g. 6) y SOV (e.g. 14a), entre otros.
ejemplos con SEV (2a, 2c: tonos BAA) con los ejemplos con verbos
simples en (2b, 2d: tonos BAA). Se trata adems de series contiguas
pues los constituyentes que representan los argumentos del predicado
aparecen por fuera de la cadena verbal. En (2a) los constituyentes en
funcin S ( d 1pl) y O ( bid yuca de monte) se encuentran en
posicin inicial y final de clusula (de la misma manera y en las mismas
posiciones en que aparecen en las construcciones con verbos simples en
(2b, 2d)), y la insercin de ellos entre los dos componentes de la serie
verbal dara como resultado una clusula agramatical; igualmente sucede 5. v representa una vocal armnica con la vocal de la ltima slaba del morfema
precedente.
320 321
(2) yuh6 2. Construcciones seriales que expresan nociones de mocin

a. Simtrica (desplazamiento y postura)
d bih-wed- bid La expresin de las coordenadas espaciales de orientacin, desplazamiento
1pl recolectar-comer.conc-p2 yuca de monte y/o postura implicadas en un evento puede ser considerada obligatoria en las
Estbamos recolectando y comiendo yuca de monte. lenguas que estudiamos. Su estatus de subeventos est indicado tcticamente
b. Construccin con V simple por su posicin no inicial en una serie. Por tratarse de clases restringidas de
d ohj- bid races verbales, las series que examinamos a continuacin, son asimtricas.
1pl buscar.conc-p2 yuca de monte
Estbamos buscando yuca de monte. Talmy define un Evento de Mocin como una situacin que contiene
c. Asimtrica movimiento o la conservacin de una localizacin estacionaria (2003:
ej- dob-i bah ab 25-26). Aqu enfocamos la atencin en las construcciones seriales de yuh,
gritar-bajar.loma.conc-p1 cit jaguar bas/tat que codifican eventos de desplazamiento y/o postura (estativa,
Dizque el jaguar gritaba bajando la loma. incoativa o agentiva).
d. Construccin con V simple
twn-i ah
entristecerse.conc-p1 1pl 2.1. Caractersticas estructurales
Estoy triste. Las construcciones seriales que presentamos a continuacin comparten
las siguientes caractersticas estructurales: a) incluyen hasta cuatro races,
De ahora en adelante nos enfocamos en el anlisis semntico de las series aunque las ms comunes incluyen dos y tres; estas races aparecen
asimtricas que expresan mocin. plenamente flexionadas tanto en la construccin de verbos con radical
simple como en las SEV y no funcionan como verbos auxiliares ni hacen
parte de demostrativos7; b) estn formadas por dos posiciones bsicas,
cuyos elementos constituyentes pueden variar en grado de complejidad.
6. Los ejemplos de yuhup estn transcritos fonolgicamente siguiendo convenciones
del AFI. Los smbolos en superndice y subndice que preceden los morfemas
simbolizan nasalidad y laringalidad morfmica. Las abreviaturas de las glosas son las
siguientes: 1pl primera persona plural; 3pl tercera persona plural; 1sg primera persona
singular; 3sg tercera persona singular; col.pl colectivo plural; ind.sg individuo 7. El evaluador de este artculo propone que algunas de estas races no son verbos
singular; conc concomitante; p1 predicativo 1; p2 predicativo 2; cit citativo; pas.lej lxicos sino auxiliares de aspecto y posicin. Excluimos este anlisis alternativo dada la
pasado lejano; d.prox distancia prxima; ad aditivo; neg negativo; simul simultneo. definicin de SEV propuesta en la seccin 1.1.
322 323
En el caso ms simple, cada posicin es ocupada por una sola raz verbal (4) Estructuras de SEV
que corresponde a la estructura en (3): a. [P1 P2] yuh: [tod-e]
tener-entrar
[a b]
(3) Posicin 1 Posicin 2 llevar entrando
a b bas: [ba-kh]-~b
tat: [g-joh]-~w]
En los casos ms complejos, una de las dos posiciones es ocupada por come-est.suspendido-ev.perf.3pl
dos o tres races que forman estructuras binarias entre s. Es decir que comieron suspendidos
la estructura bsica de dos posiciones puede presentar complejidad b. [P1 P2] yuh: [bag-[wd-e]]
interna (sin que esto signifique relaciones de dependencia sintctica barbasquear-alcanzar-entrar
[a [b c]]
tales como coordinacin, subordinacin o complementacin). Los barbasquea y llega entrando
esquemas en (4) muestran las estructuras registradas, con ejemplos que bas: [cij-[hu-~caa]]-~ba
las ilustran. En (4a) se observan esquemas con dos elementos [[a][b]] y tat: [h-[he-~ha]]-~w
sus respectivos ejemplos. En (4b-c) se ven los esquemas y ejemplos de sigue-extrae-mete-ev.perf.3pl
series con tres elementos, dos de los cuales forman una unidad, que en ayudaron a recoger metiendo (en el cesto)
(4b) est formada por los dos ltimos elementos [[a][bc]], mientras que
c. [P1 P2] yuh: [[ daj- ka]- pe]
en (4c) est constituida por los dos primeros [[ab][c]]. En (4d-f) se
pescar-colgar-subir.ro
muestran esquemas y ejemplos de series con cuatro elementos; en (4d-e) [[a b] c]
pesca colgando mientras sube el ro
los tres primeros elementos forman una unidad, cuya estructura interna
bas: [[~jag-~hd]-huj]-~b
es, respectivamente, [[a[bc]]d] y [[[ab]c]d]; en (4f) los dos elementos
tat: [[wd!-~pdi]-ru]-~w
inciales y finales forman unidades [[ab][cd]].
habla-va.de.rama.en.rama-se sienta-ev.perf.3pl
charlaron sentados
324 325
d. [P1 P2] yuh: [[[ daj- ka]- pe]- dedn] 2.2. Semntica de las races constituyentes
pescar-colgar-subir.ro-venir Desde el punto de vista semntico, las races que participan en estas
[[[a b] c] d]
pesca colgando mientras sube el ro viniendo construcciones codifican: 1) eventos de mocin: a) desplazamientos
bas: [[[~i-~baka]-juh]-kud]-~b (e.g. ir, venir, subir, bajar), b) movimientos auto-contenidos (e.g.
tat: [[[th-~bak]-ja]-~tej]-~w mecerse, oscilar), c) posturas (e.g. estar.sentado, estar.parado, yacer)
ve-busca-baja.ro-va.por.doquier- ev.perf.3pl y 2) otros tipos de eventos estativos o agentivos estados, procesos,
miran buscando por doquier bajando el ro acciones (e.g. comer, bailar, esperar, vivir)8.
En la comparacin realizada encontramos que en las tres lenguas hay

e. [P1 P2] yuh: [[ck-[ kod-wah]]- habm]
SEV que expresan las siguientes nociones de mocin: a) eventos de
saltar-rodear-pasar-ir
[[a [b c]] d] desplazamiento orientados decticamente, b) eventos simultneos de
salta rodeando y pasando desde centro dectico
actividad y mocin (desplazamiento/postura), c) secuencias de eventos
bas: [[cij-[hu-~caa]]-eh]-~b
de actividad (causa) y mocin (efecto)9. El anlisis de las semejanzas entre
tat: [[h-[he-~ha]]-eh]-~w
este tipo de construcciones es objeto de la seccin 3.
sigue-extrae-mete-ev.perf.3pl
llegaron ayudaron a recoger y meter
A partir de la comparacin tambin encontramos algunas diferencias entre
las lenguas estudiadas en la expresin de la nocin de desplazamiento
f. [P1 P2] yuh: [~di- et]-[waj-~hab] con propsito, y del punto terminal de un desplazamiento (cf. seccin
[[a b] [c d]]
ser-yacer-salir-ir 4). Mientras que en yuh estas nociones se pueden expresar mediante
dejar saliendo desde el centro dectico SEV, en bas/tat se expresan usando construcciones analticas. Para
bas: [~i-~baka]-[~bd-di]-bo-~b expresar el punto terminal de desplazamiento, tanto yuh como bas/tat

tat: [th-~bak]-[~wab -at]-ba-~b
ve-busca-sube.ro-viene-frus-ev.perf.3pl
pero buscaron mirando mientras venan
subiendo 8. Para detalles sobre los inventarios de las races que pueden ser serializadas en estas
lenguas vase Gomez-Imbert 2007a y Ospina 2002; 2009.
9. Las construcciones con ms de dos elementos constituyentes expresan combinaciones
de estas nociones y en algunos casos involucran combinaciones de otras nociones que
no tratamos aqu, aunque aparezcan en algunos ejemplos.
326 327
las expresan por SEV, pero el orden de constituyentes no es el mismo. En llegada/recorrido) y la configuracin del fondo (superficie inclinada/
estas lenguas existen tambin SEV que expresan otros tipos de nociones de espacio cerrado/extensin con lmites/extensin mvil).
las que no hablaremos aqu, tales como fase inicial del evento de mocin, y
desplazamiento causado. Los elementos en segunda posicin slo son las races intransitivas ir y
venir, que codifican deixis (desde/hacia el centro dectico), vector (puntos
3. Semejanzas entre las lenguas comparadas de partida/llegada) y configuracin del fondo (extensin sin lmites).
En esta seccin describimos las semejanzas que encontramos entre las
lenguas comparadas: en la seccin 3.1 exponemos las SEV que expresan Como se observa en los ejemplos (5), la combinacin de estas races en
desplazamiento orientado decticamente; en la seccin 3.2 mostramos construcciones seriales produce como resultado predicados intransitivos
aquellas que expresan simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento/ que codifican un evento de desplazamiento direccionado en el espacio y
postura; y en la seccin 3.3 ilustramos aquellas que expresan secuencia de orientado decticamente; el centro dectico que sirve como referencia puede
actividad y desplazamiento o de actividad y postura. ser la ubicacin del locutor o de un participante del discurso. Al expresar el
evento nico al que refiere la SEV, todos los componentes de trayectoria de
la raz en la primera posicin se mantienen (direccin hacia abajo, recorrido
3.1. Desplazamiento orientado decticamente (DOD)
desde un punto de partida hacia un punto de llegada, fondo con extensin
Este tipo de SEV tiene alta productividad en las tres lenguas, con alta
limitada o mvil), mientras que de los componentes de trayectoria de la
frecuencia en textos narrativos y en el habla cotidiana. Las construcciones
segunda raz (localizacin del hablante/participante, recorrido desde punto
que codifican DOD son asimtricas, pues aunque los elementos en ambos
de partida, fondo con extensin sin lmites) slo se conserva el componente
componentes son races que codifican desplazamiento, los elementos que
dectico. El verbo resultante bajar(.ro) desde el centro dectico combina
ocupan la segunda posicin pertenecen a una subclase cerrada de ellos:ir
los rasgos de deixis, direccin, puntos de recorrido, y configuracin
y venir. Adems, los elementos que ocupan cada posicin se diferencian
del fondo. La conservacin slo del componente dectico en este par
semnticamente por los subcomponentes de trayectoria que codifican, tal
de races finales es indicio de su gramaticalizacin. De acuerdo con la
como se explicita ms adelante.
tipologa, este proceso es comn en construcciones seriales asimtricas10.
Los elementos iniciales son un conjunto de races intransitivas de

desplazamiento tales como salir/entrar,salir.afluente/entrar.afluente,
10. En bas el proceso de gramaticalizacin es evidente adems en la erosin fonolgica
subir/bajar, subir.loma/ bajar.loma, subir.ro/bajar.ro, cruzar.ro/
de las races wa- ir y wad- venir que pueden tener realizaciones plenas o reducidas
camino/maloca, etc. que codifican componentes semnticos tales
dependiendo de la creacin de mbitos tonales internos a la palabra, condicionados
como la direccin (hacia arriba/abajo), el vector (puntos de partida/
por el tipo de estructura de la SEV, segn lo mostrado en (4).
328 329
Desde el punto de vista sintctico, siendo ambas races intransitivas, la b. tat

SEV resultante es intransitiva. k-k-~ba-a-t-~da k-j-a-h-p-o
3m.sg-est-arrima-va-dev.inan.sg-iden est-baja.ro-va-ind-cit-cl.f.sg
(5) a. yuh: hi- hab b. bas: juha- (w)aa c. tat: j- a- Al mismo tiempo que l va arrimando, dizque ella va bajando por el ro.
bajar- ir bajar.ro- ir bajar.ro- ir
bajar(.ro) desde el centro dectico El elemento en posicin inicial puede expresar un evento de
desplazamiento complejo formado por dos o tres races unidas entre s
En (6) se muestra una oracin compleja en yuh, en la cual se aprecian por otros tipos de relaciones, pero el conjunto en posicin inicial contiene
dos muestras de este tipo de construccin. Mientras que un personaje se al menos un elemento semntico direccional: en (8a, b, e, f) sumergirse
dirige loma arriba (cop- hb arrimar-ir en (a)), el otro se dirige ro abajo y en (8c, d) bajar:
(hi- hb bajar-ir en (b)); en ambos casos el centro dectico es el lugar
donde los dos personajes se encontraban antes de iniciar sus respectivos (8) yuh: a. [ doh-tu]- hab [caer sumergindose] desde el centro dectico
desplazamientos (el puerto). caer-sumergirse-ir
b. [ck-[ doh-tu]]- hab [saltar y caer sumergindose]
(6) yuh: a. th cop- hb b di ~ba ~ab saltar-caer-sumergirse-ir desde el centro dectico
3sg arrimar-ir simul existir cit pas.lej
Diz que hace tiempo, mientras l arrimaba (a la casa desde el
puerto), bas: c. [~ba-roa]-wa [corre bajando] desde el centro dectico
b. p hi- hb ~ab p d ~ab tat: d. [t-ra]-a
ind.sg bajar-ir pas.lej rpido pas.lej corre-sale-va
ella bajaba (por el ro desde el puerto) rpidamente.
bas: e. [[ked-roka]-~j]-wa [cae chocando sumergindose] desde el centro
En (7) presentamos ejemplos elicitados de series equivalentes a las tat: f. [[~j!-rka]-~ju]-a dectico
anteriores en bas/tat. cae-choca-se.sumerge-va
(7) a. bas
~i ~bah-a-to-~de juh-a-cu-hu ~co
3m.sg arrima-va-dev.inan.sg-iden baja.ro-va-ind-cit 3f.sg
330 331
Epps (2008: 415) reporta para el hup construcciones similares, pero La combinacin de estos elementos produce como resultado la
seala que son ocasionales. En su interpretacin, considera que se trata codificacin de un evento complejo que expresa la simultaneidad
de un desplazamiento orientado decticamente que se realiza en la temporal de subeventos de actividad y desplazamiento/postura. En la
direccin codificada por el elemento en posicin inicial. Martins (2004) SEV todos los componentes semnticos de los elementos constituyentes
no registra construcciones de este tipo en dw. En otras dos lenguas se mantienen. El predicado resultante es transitivo cuando uno de los
Tukano orientales, kotiria (wanano) y waikhana (piratapuyo), Stenzel elementos constituyentes lo es; por lo general el elemento transitivo est
(2007) postula que la mayora de las SEV son formadas por dos verbos: el en posicin inicial, pero existen races de desplazamiento transitivo como
primero, independiente y cabeza de la construccin, es un verbo activo y perseguir que encontramos en segunda posicin.
el segundo, dependiente, la mayora de las veces es un verbo intransitivo
de mocin. Los verbos ir y venir son los verbos de mocin ms a. Simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento
frecuentemente serializados en SEV de tipo adverbial, indicando que En (9) se pueden apreciar SEV que expresan simultaneidad de la actividad
una accin se realiza acompaada por un desplazamiento translocativo o baarse y el desplazamiento cruzar.ro.
cislocativo, respectivamente.
(9) a. yuh: cob- beh b. bas: ba- ~hea- c. tat: ba- ~pj-
3.2. Simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento/postura baarse- cruzar.ro nadar- cruzar.ro nadar- cruzar.ro
Las SEV que expresan simultaneidad de actividad y mocin tienen baarse/nadar cruzando el ro
productividad muy alta y son frecuentes en los textos narrativos y en
el habla cotidiana. Estas SEV tambin son asimtricas, pues en posicin Los siguientes ejemplos ilustran el uso de este tipo de SEV en oraciones;
inicial se encuentran elementos de un conjunto abierto de verbos recolectar al regresaren (10a), cortar al volver en (10b, c):
que codifican actividades con o sin mocin (e.g. comer, baarse,
transportar,coger,bailar,decir,buscar,remar,mecer,vivir,colar, (10)
ahumar, recolectar, beber, halar), y en segunda posicin elementos a. yuh: ud bih bh d ceb- baj-e-p
de un conjunto cerrado de verbos que codifican desplazamiento (e.g. espina ro d.prox 1pl recolectar-regresar.conc-p1-p
ir, venir, salir/entrar, salir.afluente/entrar.afluente, subir/bajar, Nosotros recolectbamos mientras regresbamos por el Jotabey.
subir.loma/bajar.loma, subir.ro/bajar.ro, cruzar.ro/camino/maloca,
circular) o postura (estar.sentado, estar.parado, yacer, estar.posado, b. bas: kah c-td-j-ha~ra ~da
estar.suspendido). coca corta-vuelve-ind-cit-3pl 3pl
332 333
c. tat: k-ptu-hu-~tdu-j-p-~ra ~da comprender el sentido de las construcciones que se presentan en (12a, b)
est-coca-corta-vuelve-ind-cit-3pl 3pl que se usan para describir el modo de vida nmade. Estos ejemplos hacen
Dizque ellos cortaron coca volviendo. pensar que el elemento final es el que codifica la manera como se lleva
a cabo la actividad: andar paseando, vivir paseando. Sin embargo, los
Como en los casos anteriores, el primer o segundo elemento puede ser predicados en (12c, d) (cuyos componentes iniciales describen actividades
complejo, como se observa en (11), pero el primero codifica una actividad tpicas de la vida selvtica como ahumar carne y beber jugos de frutas),
(pescar colgando en (11a), barbasquear en (11b), mirar buscando nos confirman la idea de la simultaneidad de los eventos, aunque sta
en (11c)) y el segundo un desplazamiento (subir.ro en (11a), llegar se extienda en el tiempo, dado que la raz pasear, a diferencia de otras
entrando en (11b), venir en (11c) y llegar viniendo en (11d): races de desplazamiento, codifica una temporalidad extendida y una
trayectoria por varios puntos del espacio.
(11)
a. yuh: [ daj- ka]- p e [pescar colgando (anzuelos)] (12)
pescar-colgar- subir.ro mientras sube el ro a. yuh: hab- ko andar mientras se pasea
ir- pasear
b. yuh: bag- [wd-e] barbasquear mientras [llega bas: wa- kd-
barbasquear- alcanzar-entrar entrando] tat: a- ~tej pasear
va- va.por.doquier
c. bas: [~i-~baka]- wad- [mira buscando] mientras viene
tat: [th-~bak]- at- b. yuh: di- ko vivir mientras se pasea 11
ve-busca- viene existir- pasear
bas: ~j- kud-
d. bas: wa ha- [eh-di]- barbasquea mientras [llega tat: ~d- ~tej- ser nmade
tat: wai-p- [eh-at]- viniendo] existe va.por.doquier
pez-barbasquea- llega-viene

Aunque se podra pensar que el elemento inicial codifica la manera
como se realiza el desplazamiento codificado por el segundo (e.g.
entrar llevando, cruzar bandose), esta interpretacin no permitira 11. Martins (2004: 632, ej. (47)) registra ni x vive perambulando en dw.
334 335
c. yuh: hh- ko ahumar mientras se pasea d. yuh: ud- k a fumar mientras se est suspendido
ahumar- pasear e. bas: ud- ~kahi-
bas: wa ceco- kud- f. tat: - joh-
tat: wai ~h- ~tej- ahumar aqu y all (a medida que pesca) fumar- estar.suspendido
pez ahuma- va.por.doquier
Los siguientes ejemplos ilustran el uso de este tipo de SEV en oraciones;
d. yuh: g- ko beber mientras se pasea12 como se puede observar, el argumento S es compartido por los dos
beber- pasear verbos, mientras que O es argumento del inicial que fija la transitividad
bas: id- kud- de la serie:
tat: ti- ~tej- bebe aqu y all (yendo de
bebe va.por.doquier una fiesta a otra) (14)
a. yuh: oma- id hud cud- peb-i
omar-ad tabaco insertar-sentado.conc-p1
b. Simultaneidad de actividad y postura Omar tambin est sentado mientras inserta tabaco [en una hoja].
En yuh slo hemos registrado SEV que expresan actividad y postura
formadas por dos races, mientras que en bas/tat se registran algunas con b. bas: ~-~kede ~bd ud-huja-~bi
ms de dos races, configuracin ilustrada por el ejemplo (4c). En (13) se c. tat: ~k-~kda ~bd -ru-~w
presenta este tipo de SEV con dos races: 3m.sg-ad tabaco aspira-se.sienta-ev.per-3m.sg
El tambin fum tabaco sentado.
(13)
a. yuh: doh- et
Epps describe construcciones de los tipos mencionados en hup, pero
b. bas: hog- ~kuja- podrirse mientras yace
propone que el primer elemento codifica manera en el evento complejo
c. tat: bo- ~kj-
(2008: 411-412). Martins analiza construcciones similares en dw que
podrirse- yacer
clasifica como asimtricas locativas; propone que la cabeza semntica

y sintctica es la raz inicial, mientras que la raz de desplazamiento o
postura especifica la direccin del movimiento o la postura del agente en
la ejecucin del evento (2004: 643-644). La simultaneidad de actividad y
desplazamiento/postura se expresan tambin en kotiria y waikhana por
SEV, donde la actividad est expresada por el verbo en primera posicin y
12. Epps (2008: 411, ej. (43)) registra g-g go around drinking en hup.
336 337
el desplazamiento o postura en segunda posicin, cuando las SEV tienen (17) ACTIVIDAD POSTURA-agentiva
dos constituyentes (Stenzel 2007). a. yuh: huh- t
b. bas: ~ub- ~kuu- cargar (algo) y hacerlo yacer
c. tat: ~ba- ~k-
3.3. Secuencias de eventos de actividad o movimiento y mocin
cargar- hacer.yacer
Otro grupo de construcciones asimtricas expresa icnicamente la
secuencia temporal de una actividad (con o sin movimiento) y una postura
Los siguientes ejemplos ilustran el uso de este tipo de SEV en oraciones;
corporal. La postura (codificada por el elemento final) es causada por la
cargar hasta hacer yacer en (18a), morder quedando colgadoen (18b, c):
actividad (codificada por el elemento inicial). En (15) y (16) se exhiben
SEV donde la raz de actividad y movimiento/desplazamiento es seguida
(18)
por una de postura estativa, mientras que en (17) se presentan ejemplos
a. yuh: c w dap - id th huh- et-e
donde la raz inicial no codifica mocin. Como se puede observar estas
chontaduro carne-ad 3sg cargar-hacer.yacer.conc-p2
construcciones pueden ser intransitivas (15) y (16) o transitivas (17)13.
El est cargando hasta hacer yacer [en el piso] masa de
chontaduro. (para dar de comer a la visita)
(15) ACT + MOV POSTURA-estativa
a. yuh: doh- tu
b. bas: wek-r ~kud-jh-ko-c-hu g
b. bas: ked- ~jua- caer hasta quedar inmerso
tapir-obj -muerde-se.cuelga-result-ind-cit tortuga
c. tat: ~j- ~ju-
c. tat: wek-r k -k-bke-j-ko-h-p-
!
uu
caer- estar.inmerso
tapir-obj 3m.sg-est-muerde-se.cuelga-result- tortuga
ind-cit-an.m.sg
(16) ACT + DESP POSTURA-estativa
Dizque tortuga mordi a tapir y se le qued colgado (del sexo).
a. yuh: cag- ket
b. bas: ~bh- ~rgo- trepar hasta quedar parado
Como se observa en los siguientes ejemplos, el primer elemento puede
c. tat: ~wab -
!
~dk-
ser complejo:
trepar- estar.parado
13. En yuh algunas races de postura se pueden usar como estativas (estar en postura),
incoativas (entrar en postura) y agentivas (poner en postura), otras como estativas y
agentivas, y otras como estativas e incoativas.
338 339
(19) ocupada por un elemento que codifica una actividad (con o sin mocin)
a. yuh: [o-waj]- et mecer y sacar hasta hacer yacer que es el propsito del desplazamiento codificado por el elemento en
mecer-sacar- hacer.yacer segunda posicin, como se puede ver en (20).
[b- ah bah]- ket hacer transformar hasta parar
hacer-transformarse- parar (20) Actividad Desplazamiento
b. bas: [ked-roka] ~kb caer y chocar quedando inerte (propsito)
c. tat: [[~j -rka]
!
-~kb caer y chocar quedando inerte a. cob- dob bajar.loma para baarse
cae-choca-queda inerte baarse- bajar.loma
b. hod- dob bajar.loma para vomitar
Epps (2008) da cuenta de construcciones similares en hup, explicando vomitar- bajar.loma
que el orden es icnico y refleja la secuencia cronolgica de los sub-
eventos o una relacin de causa-efecto entre ellos. El ejemplo (21) ilustra el uso de estas construcciones (bajar la loma para
baarse) en la primera clusula de una oracin compleja:
4. Diferencias entre las lenguas comparadas
La expresin de las nociones de desplazamiento con propsito y de (21) d ehkop h d c ob- dob-o ka ~ba p wdhiip h d
llegada al punto terminal de un desplazamiento presentan diferencias puerto 3pl baarse- simul cit ind.sg llegar.bajando mujer
entre las lenguas comparadas. bajar.loma.conc-p2
Diz que cuando ellos estaban bajando la loma para baarse en el
4.1. Desplazamiento con propsito puerto, ella llegaba bajando.
En yuh el desplazamiento con propsito se puede expresar de dos maneras:
mediante SEV (ejemplos (20-22)), o mediante el uso de construcciones Los componentes en cualquiera de las dos posiciones pueden ser
que presentan la secuencia de un verbo principal y uno dependiente complejos; baarse sentado en el componente inicial de (22a) y llegar
(ejemplos (23). En bas/tat esta nocin nunca se expresa mediante SEV, viniendoen el componente final de (22b):
sino que se recurre a una construccin analtica.
(22) a. [ cob- peb]- ko
baarse-sentado- pasear pasear para [baarse sentado]
a. Desplazamiento con propsito en yuh
b. tow- [wd- ded]
Aunque en yuh existen SEV asimtricas que expresan desplazamiento
golpear- alcanzar-venir [llegar viniendo] para golpear
con propsito, estas son poco frecuentes. En ellas, la primera posicin es
340 341
Segn Epps, en hup se encuentran construcciones semejantes, en las b. h op dj p h b- d h a h a b cab

cuales el orden tambin es opuesto al de la secuencia temporal de los pez pescar ind.sg ir-neg 1sg. pas.lej ayer
eventos y las races tienen una relacin basada en el propsito (2008: 418, Yo no fu a pescar pescado ayer.
ejemplos (69), (70)). Martins tambin describe construcciones seriales Lit: Yo no fu pescador ayer.
asimtricas de propsito; en su interpretacin el segundo componente
es el que expresa la finalidad del evento codificado por el componente c. c b- id wj- dh ab ah ab daj p
inicial (2004: 646-647, ejemplos 120-122), pero no ofrece ejemplos noche-ad salir-neg pas.lej 1sg pas.lej pescar ind.sg
donde alguno de los elementos codifique un desplazamiento intransitivo. Anoche tampoco sal a pescar.
Lit: Anoche tampoco sal pescador.
Con mayor frecuencia, para la expresin de desplazamiento con propsito
se usa otro tipo de construccin; el desplazamiento es codificado por
b. Desplazamiento con propsito en bas/tat
un verbo finito simple (ir en (23a, b), salir en (23c)) y el propsito es
En bas/tat el desplazamiento con propsito se expresa por una
codificado por un verbo no finito (nominalizado mediante el morfema
construccin analtica, en la cual el auxiliado es el verbo de actividad
de nmero/clasificacin nominal para animados: p ind.sg en (23b, c)
en participio presente barbasqueando en (24), con el agente marcado
y deh col.pl en (23a))14. El orden preferido entre ellos es propsito-
en cuanto a su clase nominal, seguido por el auxiliar que expresa las
desplazamiento (23a, b), aunque ste puede variar y se puede introducir
categoras de persona, aspecto y modo:
material entre los dos (23c):
(24) a. bas: [Auxiliado + Auxiliar]

(23)
wa ha-go wa-c-hu ~co
a. aj deh- id akto ko deh hab-i
pez barbasquea-cl.f.sg va-ind-cit 3f.sg
hembra col.pl-ad yuca arrancar col.pl ir-p1
Dizque ella se va a barbasquear.
Las mujeres tambin se fueron a arrancar yuca.
Lit: Las mujeres tambin se fueron arrancadoras de yuca.
b. tat: [Auxiliado + Auxiliar]
wai-p- a-h-p-o
14. Los verbos as nominalizados (Verbo + num/cl), pueden funcionar en las pez-barbasquea-cl.f.sg va-ind-cit-cl.f.sg
clusulas en las mismas posiciones que otros constituyentes nominales que representan Dizque ella se va a barbasquear.
argumentos; igualmente, este tipo de nominalizaciones hacen parte de estructuras que
sirven como modificadores de nombres, cumpliendo as una funcin similar a la de las
clusulas relativas de lenguas como el espaol.
342 343
Si el verbo de actividad y el verbo de desplazamiento se combinan en una (27) th wd baj ~id wh ~bah
serie, se expresa actividad con desplazamiento desde/hacia el centro dectico: 3sg llegar.volviendo madre vieja d.prox
l llega volviendo a donde su madre vieja.
(25) a. bas: wa ha-a-cu-hu ~co
pez barbasquea-va-ind-cit 3f.sg Epps (2008: 393) registra este mismo tipo de expresin para la llegada,
pero propone que la raz wd- significa llegada de peces a desovar (fish-
b. tat: wai-p()-a-h-p-o spawn; arriving of spawning fish) que cambia su significado cuando entra
pez-barbasquea-va-ind-cit-cl.f.sg en composicin con los verbos de desplazamiento ir/venir. Martins
Dizque ella barbasquea yendo. (2004: 272, 622, 628, 630) plantea que la nocin de llegada se forma o
bien mediante compuestos con la misma estructura que los de yuhup y
4.2. Punto terminal de desplazamiento hup, donde el verbo inicial est an ms erosionado que en yuh: wd
Para la expresin de la nocin de llegada, es decir de un desplazamiento j > w llegar de regreso, o bien mediante series wd p llegar
que alcanza su punto terminal, tambin encontramos diferencias entre subiendo. Para esta autora, la raz wd significa llegar.
yuh y bas/tat.
b. Llegar en bas/tat
a. Llegar en yuh En construcciones seriales equivalentes en bas/tat, ir wa/a- y venir
En yuh la nocin de llegada se expresa mediante SEV asimtricas wad/at- aparecen despus de la raz llegar eh-, mientras que los dems
lexicalizadas que presentan en posicin inicial la raz fonolgicamente verbos de desplazamiento como subir/bajar.ro, entrar/salir, volver
erosionada wd que proviene de wd alcanzar, seguida por races de siempre aparecen antes. Los tres pueden combinarse en una misma serie:
desplazamiento, como se observa en los siguientes ejemplos.
(28) bas tat
(26) a. wd hab llegar yendo a. eh-- eh-a- llega yendo
b. wdcag llegar trepando b. ~bh-h-di- ~wab-eh-at- llega trepando hacia ac
c. wd baj llegar volviendo c. tud-eha- ~tdu-eh- llega volviendo
d. wd pe llegar subiendo.ro d. ~bd-h- ~wab-eh- llega subiendo.ro
Stenzel (2007) seala la existencia de estas series en kotiria y waikhana,

donde siguen el orden que acabamos de mostrar en bas/tat: vuelve-llega.
344 345
Conclusiones inicial y otro intransitivo, generalmente de mocin). En estas lenguas

En la comparacin realizada entre las lenguas yuh y bas/tat hemos tambin los verbos ir y venir son los ms frecuentemente serializados en
mostrado las semejanzas existentes en el uso de SEV para la expresin de SEV de tipo adverbial, indicando que una accin se realiza acompaada
desplazamiento con orientacin dectica, de simultaneidad de actividades por un desplazamiento translocativo o cislocativo, respectivamente. La
y eventos de mocin, de secuencia de actividades y eventos de mocin simultaneidad de actividad y desplazamiento/postura se expresa tambin
en relacin de causa a efecto. La comparacin tambin mostr que el por SEV, donde la actividad est expresada por el verbo en primera
yuh puede expresar el desplazamiento con propsito con una SEV, pero posicin y el desplazamiento o postura en segunda posicin, cuando las
la construccin alternativa preferida se parece a la de bas/tat, es decir a SEV tienen dos constituyentes.
una construccin analtica.
Igualmente, aunque no fue presentado en la exposicin precedente,
Encontramos que en series que expresan desplazamiento con orientacin notamos que en yuh, dw y bas/tat el verbo ir precedido por algunas
dectica los verbos ir/venir, tanto en yuh como en bas/tat, estn races de actividad presenta valores aspectuales: habitual en yuh, tlico
gramaticalizados o en proceso de gramaticalizacin como direccionales, en dw, inminencia de un cambio de estado en bas/tat. En serializacin
siguiendo la tendencia tipolgica de las series asimtricas. Vale la pena con verbos estativos en kotiria y waikhana ir codifica cierto tipo de
subrayar que yuh y bas/tat lenguas no emparentadas puesto que perfectividad: cambio hacia un nuevo estado, proceso de volverse X.
pertenecientes a dos familias bien distintas, habladas por grupos que
en principio no tienen relaciones de exogamia lingstica pero que Como se puede observar en el cuadro (29), todas las lenguas tienen
estn geogrficamente prximos (cuenca del Caquet-Japur, Apaporis, inventarios de races de mocin muy similares desde el punto de vista
Piraparan) presentan este fenmeno comn, mientras que las lenguas semntico y en cada familia los cognados de estas races tienen enorme
hup y dw (de la misma familia que yuh pero geogrficamente lejanas), semejanza formal. Es interesante la similitud de la raz suspendido en
no lo presentan. Parecera entonces tratarse de un fenmeno areal de bas (y no en tat) con los cognados correspondientes en yuh, hup y dw.
la regin del Piraparan-Apaporis, pero esto hay que comprobarlo
comparando con hablas yuh fuera del rea, y con lenguas Tukano en el
rea, como el makuna.
De manera semejante a bas/tat, Stenzel (2007) postula que en otras dos

lenguas Tukano orientales, kotiria (wanano) y waikhana (piratapuyo), la
mayora de las SEV son formadas por dos verbos (uno activo en posicin
346 347
(29) Algunas races de mocin en las lenguas yuhup, hup, dw (Mak), Para las lenguas de la familia Mak (yuhup, hup, dw) se pueden
barasana, tatuyo, kotiria y wa'ikhana (Tukano oriental) apreciar muchas semejanzas en el inventario de races y su semntica,
en la estructura y semntica de las SEV, pero las interpretaciones de las
yuh hup dw bas tat kot wai investigadoras son diversas para cada lengua (aunque en algunos aspectos
DATOS de: Ospina Epps Andrade Gomez-Imbert Stenzel compatibles).Valdra la pena un trabajo tipolgico comparativo profundo
2008 Martins 2004 2007 y conjunto. En estas tres lenguas hay varios temas muy interesantes
para estudiar pues parece ser que se usan elementos comunes pero con
estar ka ga ka ~kah- joh- estrategias relativamente diferentes; por ejemplo: la expresin de la causa
suspendido
(en general y particularmente en los desplazamientos causados), y la
yacer ~et yt jet ~kja- ~kj-
gramaticalizacin aspectual de algunas races en las series.
estar parado ket get kt ~rgo- th-

~dok- Otra perspectiva de investigacin conjunta, interesante para las dos
ir hab ham ham wa- a- wa'a wa'a familias, es la exploracin de si para estas construcciones es relevante la
determinacin de cul es la cabeza sintctica y la semntica, as como de
venir ded nn n d wad- at- ta ata su transitividad y estructura argumental.
subir.ro pe p p ~bd- ~wab-
bajar.loma dob dob db roh- ra-

Bibliografa
Aikhenvald A. 2002. Language Contact in Amazonia. Oxford: Oxford
University Press.
La relacin entre composicin y serializacin de tipo contiguo e
incorporante es un problema terico que queda por explorar, pues el _____. 2006. Serial Verb Constructions in Typological Perspective. In:
Serial Verb Constructions. A Cross-linguistic Typology. Robert M. W.
mismo tipo de construccin ha sido descrito primero como compuesto, Dixon and Alexandra Y. Aikhenvald (eds.) pp. 1-68. Oxford: Oxford
luego como serie. En lo que se refiere a las lenguas tukano orientales por University Press.
ejemplo, Aikhenvald (2002) las describa como lenguas con composicin
Durie, Mark. 1997. Grammatical structures in verb serialization. In:
verbal muy productiva y con SEV prcticamente inexistente, mientras Complex Predicates. Alex Alsina, Joan Bresnan and Peter Sells (eds.) pp.
que en 2006 las caracteriza como lenguas con extensa serializacin 289-354. CSLI Publications 64. Stanford: Stanford University.
(single-word verb serialization) y agrega que, mientras ms contiguos Epps, Patience. 2008. A Grammar of Hup. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
estn los componentes en su realizacin de superficie, ms cercana estar
la construccin de lo que puede considerarse como serie prototpica.
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Foley,William and Mike Olson. 1985. Clausehood and Verb Serialization.

In: Grammar Inside and Outside the Clause: Some Approaches to Theory _____. 2009. Productivit et intgration des prdicats complexes en
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60. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Cahiers 1. pp. 161-179. Paris: Ophrys.
Gomez-Imbert, Elsa. 1988. Construccin verbal en barasana y tatuyo. _____. 2004-2005. Clasificacin nominal en yuhup. Amerindia 29/30,
Actes du symposium Smantique grammaticale et textuelle amrindienne, AEA. Francia. pp.179-194
45e Congrs International de Amricanistes. Amerindia 13:97-108.
Paris: AEA http://www.vjf.cnrs.fr/celia/. _____. 2002. Les structures lmentaires du yuhup mak, langue de
lAmazonie colombienne: morphologie et syntaxe. Tesis doctoral,
_____.1997. Morphologie et phonologie barasana: approche non- Universit de Paris VII.
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Senft, Gunter. 2004. What do we really know about serial verb
_____. 2007a. Construcciones seriales en tatuyo y barasana (familia constructions in Austronesian and Papuan languages? In: Complex
tukano): hacia una tipologa de la serializacin verbal. In: Lenguas Predicates in Oceanic Languages. Isabelle Bril and Franoise Ozanne-
indgenas de Amrica del Sur: Estudios descriptivo-tipolgicos y Rivierre (eds.) pp. 49-64. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
sus contribuciones para la lingstica terica. A. Romero-Figueroa,
A. Fernndez Garay y A. Corbera Mori (eds.) pp. 172-189. Caracas: Stenzel, Kristine. 2007. The semantics of serial verb constructions in
Ediciones UCAB. two Eastern Tukanoan languages: Kotiria (Wanano) and Waikhana
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350 351
contact and innovation in vaups possession-
marking strategies
Kristine Stenzel
Federal University of Rio de Janeiro
Abstract: This article investigates the strategies by which noun-noun

possessive relations are expressed in languages from the three major
families in the Vaups region of northwestern Amazonia: East Tukano,
Arawak, and Nadahup (Mak). It highlights a number of structural and
semantic similarities in the marking patterns in each family that quite
likely represent areas of innovation molded, at least partly, by contact.
At the same time, it points out details of each system that continue to
attest diversity and are evidence of how contact works in tandem with
language-internal processes to produce a range of strategies with fine-
grained differences. This study endeavors to contribute to the growing
body of work on processes of areal diffusion, providing additional
insight specifically on the dynamics of change in the highly complex
northwestern Amazonian linguistic area.
contact and innovation in vaups possession-marking strategies kristine stenzel
Keywords: possessive constructions; language contact; language change; Introduction1

East Tukano; Nadahup; Arawak; northwest Amazon linguistic area The Vaups river basin, spanning the Brazil-Colombia border, lies at the
heart of a northwestern Amazonian linguistic area, understood to be a
Resumo: Nesse artigo, investigo as estratgias atravs das quais relaes region in which languages of different genetic origins gradually come
entre dois nomes (relaes de posse) se expressam em lnguas nas trs to display a number of similar structural features as a result of contact.2
principais famlias lingusticas da regio doVaups no noroeste amaznico: Specifically within the Vaups region, East Tukano, Arawak, and Nadahup
Tukano Oriental, Aruk e Nadahup (Mak). Aponto os elementos language groups3 share intense and longstanding contact grounded in
estruturais e semnticos compartilhados entre lnguas dessas famlias que social relations of different kinds. Most of the East Tukano and several of
representam reas de inovao moldadas, pelo menos parcialmente, por the Arawak language groups participate in a system of social organization
contato. Ao mesmo tempo, chamo ateno aos detalhes de cada sistema whose basic tenet is language-group exogamic matrimony (Sorensen 1967;
de marcao que continuam a atestar diversidade e que so evidncias
de como o contato e os processos internos das lnguas trabalham em
parceria para produzir um leque de estratgias com diferenas finas. Esse 1. Research on East Tukano languages has received support from ELDP/SOAS
estudo visa a contribuir com o corpus crescente de trabalhos que focaliza (grant MDP-0155), NSF/NEH (grants 0211206 and FA-52150-05), the Brazilian
processos de difuso areal, fornecendo insight adicional especificamente National Council for Scientific and Technological Development (CNPq), the
sobre a dinmica de mudana no contexto complexo que constitui a rea Instituto Socioambiental, and the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro. Many thanks
lingustica do noroeste amaznico. are also due to Patience Epps and Hein van der Voort for their valuable insights and
Palavras-chave: construes possessivas; contato lingustico; mudana suggestions on earlier drafts of this article.
lingustica;Tukano Oriental; Nadahup;Aruk; rea lingustica do noroeste 2. Among the common structural features found in the region are phonological
amaznico systems involving tonal and laryngeal features, noun classification and evidential-
marking systems, a reduced number of lexical categories, small case systems and
differential object marking, and extensive use of serial verb constructions (see
Aikhenvald 1999b, 2002, 2003; Epps 2005, 2007a, 2007b; Stenzel 2008, as well
as the chapter by Gomez-Imbert and Ospina Bozzi in this volume).
3. Use of Nadahup as the language family denomination follows Epps (2008:9), in
recognition of the regional pejorative connotations associated with the term Mak.
The East Tukano languages are Bar/Waimaj (bar), Barasana (bas), Desano (des),
Karapana (kar), Kotiria/Wanano (kot), Kubeo (kub), Makuna (mak), Pisamira (pis),
Siriano (sir),Taiwano/Eduuria (tai), Retuar/Tanimuca (ret),Tatuyo (tat),Tukano
354 355
Jackson 1983; Stenzel 2005), while relations between riverine (Arawak to code them, and define some key semantic distinctions in possession
and East Tukano) and forest (Nadahup) groups are primarily socio- marking. Overviews of the actual marking patterns in Arawak, Nadahup
economic and reflect the lower social status attributed by the riverine to and East Tukano languages are given in Section 2, and in Section 3 I
the forest groups (Ribeiro 1995; Epps 2008). Over time, contact among return to the question of contact and areal diffusion in light of the data.
these peoples has produced layers of regional, community, and individual
multilingualism as well as many shared cultural and linguistic traits.
1. Defining noun-noun or possessive constructions
D
This chapter looks at the expression of possessive relations in languages 1.1. Structural characteristics
from these three families, highlighting differences and similarities The term possessive construction is used here to indicate a specific
whether these be actual possessive forms, constructions, or shared structural relation involving two nouns or noun phrases in which
semantic distinctions that can further our understanding of the complex one nominal element modifies the other. In such constructions labeled
dynamics of areal diffusion within this linguistic area. Indeed, possessive attributive or adnominal possession in most linguistic literature
relations are a rich topic for cross-linguistic comparison not only because one noun represents the possessor and the other the possessed entity.
such relations are universal in natural languages, but also because they are In syntactic terms, the possessor-N is generally considered to be the
expressed by a broad set of typologically interesting strategies. This study modifying or dependent constituent and the possessed-N the head
shows that while contact has clearly played a contributing role in shaping constituent. Likewise, in morphological terms, languages in which
this area of grammar in languages of the region, a more complex picture possession markers occur on the possessor-N are generally labeled
in which contact and other processes are intertwined emerges when dependent-marking and those that employ markers on the possessed-N
details of each system are taken into consideration. In Section 1, I offer are labeled head-marking.4 Head-marking possessive constructions
a brief overview of possessive relations and the linguistic means used often involve direct affixation of possessor-agreement markers on the
possessed-N, while dependent-marking patterns generally involve use
(tuk), Tuyuka (tuy), Waikhana/Piratapuyo (wai), and Yuruti (yur). The total ethnic of affixed genitive markers or cliticized particles on the possessor-N, or
population of these groups in Brazil and Colombia is approximately 28,000. The free particles that are nonetheless syntactically related to it (Nichols 1988;
Arawak languages are Baniwa/Kurripako, Kawiyari, Tariana, Warekena and Yukuna, Nichols and Bickel 2011a).
with a total population of approximately 7,000 (additionally, Achagua, Piapoco and
Kauixana are spoken in regions nearby). The Nadahup languages are Hup, Yuhup, 4. Nevertheless, such distinctions are not always clear-cut. A language may
Dw, and Nadb, with a total population of approximately 3,000. Population employ both head and dependent-marking strategies; moreover, in certain types
estimates are from Ricardo and Ricardo (2006) and Licht and Reinoso (2006). of constructions, the possessor-N, rather than the possessed-N, can be construed
Precise information on the number of speakers of each language is unavailable. as head (for discussion, see Dixon 2010:262-306).
356 357
Let us consider a few examples of possessive constructions in English and 1.2. Semantic distinctions in possessive relations
Portuguese: Typological studies of attributive possession reveal that many languages
(1) POSSESSOR-N+s POSSESSED-N POSSESSED-N de POSSESSOR-N have distinct ways of expressing possession depending on the lexical
a. Kriss car c. a barba do Pedro class of the possessed-N. The most common distinction is binary, with
b. Patties daughter d. o artigo da Melissa nouns classed according to whether or not they must occur with an
explicit possessor, a semantic distinction usually identified as alienability.
These phrases clearly show that while possessive constructions may Languages with a binary alienability distinction typically have a closed,
express the semantic notion of actual ownership, e.g. (1a), they can also and often quite small, subset of inalienable6 nouns these require
serve to express social relationships such as group or kinship classifications an overtly expressed possessor and a larger, open class of alienable
(1b), part-whole relationships between an animate entity and parts of its nouns that can occur independently or be optionally possessed (Nichols
body (1c) or between an inanimate object and its components or related 1988:562-64).7 Inalienable possession is generally defined as expressing
parts (top/bottom/side, etc.), as well as other types of associations, a permanent relationship between two entities [] a conceptually
e.g. between an entity and its name, the sound it makes, or something closer relation than [that of] alienable possession (Croft 2003:205-6).
produced by or directly related to it (1d).We also observe that the make- Indeed, cross-linguistically, inalienable nouns tend to belong to few
up of possessive constructions can involve particular word orders and/or basic semantic categories, referring to: a) an integral part or component
use of morphological elements. In the English examples, the possessor-N (including inherent spatial/physical aspects) of an animate or inanimate
precedes the possessed-N and takes a cliticized possessive morpheme whole; b) a biological or social (e.g. kinship/group) bond; or c) a material
(orthographically represented as s), while in Portuguese the order of object essential for survival or livelihood, [all] inextricable, essential
the nouns is reversed and an intervening preposition de (with gender- or unchangeable relations between possessor and possessed that is,
specific alternating forms) marks the possessive relationship.5 In Section relations over which possessors exercise little choice or control (Chappell
2 we will see that possessive constructions in the languages of the and McGregor 1995:4).Yet despite observed tendencies, we find no strict
Vaups display yet other possibilities: juxtaposition, affixation, and use of
possessive classifiers or possessive nouns.
6. Also referred to as bound or obligatorily possessed nouns, though these
terms are often employed only in relation to languages with head-marked
possession (Bickel and Nichols 2011).
7. However, possession classification is not necessarily binary; languages may
5. English has a second, structurally similar construction containing the also have a class of non-possessible nouns or other additional class distinctions
preposition of , as in the back of the chair. (see Nichols and Bickel 2011b).
358 359
implicational hierarchies for nominal alienability and we cannot predict as in (3) to a full noun possessor (Aikhenvald 1999a:82-3; Ramirez
with certainty which nouns will belong to the inalienable class in any 2001a:120-30).8
particular language (Dixon 2010:278).
(2) Baniwa (Ramirez 2001a:105) (3) Warekena (Aikhenvald 1998:295)
When the possessor of an inalienable noun is a pronoun, we commonly i-naapa9 napitu kuimau
find that either a pronominal affix occurs on the possessed-N or the 3sgnf-arm back turtle
possessed-N and an independent pronoun are simply juxtaposed to one his arm turtles back
another. Juxtaposition is also extremely common when the possessor is
a full noun (or noun-phrase). None of these cases requires an additional In order for an inalienably possessed-N to occur independently, it must
morphological element marking the possessive relationship. Alienable occur with an unpossessed10 suffix (4) and, in some languages, by an
possession, in contrast, is most frequently indicated by overt linking additional indefinite possessor prefix (5). The second column of Table 1
elements, such as possessive/genitive markers on the possessor-N (as gives examples of such markers in Northern Amazonian Arawak languages.
with English s) or other free or bound morphemes, such as prepositions
(as with Portuguese de), possessive nouns, or classifiers. We will see (4) Warekena (Ramirez 2001a:336) (5) Baniwa (Aikhenvald 2002:291)
examples of these latter types in the upcoming sections. kpi-si i-hwida-i
hand-indep indef-head-unposs
hand someones head
2. Possession marking in Arawak, Nadahup and East Tukano languages
2.1. Arawak possession
Within the Vaups region, Arawak languages display the most explicit
morphological marking of possessive classes, with patterns distinguishing
nouns as alienable, inalienable, or non-possessible (the latter two classes 8. These general patterns occur throughout the Arawak family (see also Payne
being more restricted). Non-possessible nouns may include personal 1991 and Mori 2005).
names,harmful animals,astronomical bodies and other natural phenomena. 9. I have translated all non-English glosses and free forms, but otherwise preserve
Inalienable nouns generally kinship terms, body parts and some objects each authors original presentation of the data.
intrinsically or intimately associated with humans obligatorily occur 10. Also labeled as absolute (Payne 1991) and independent (Ramirez 2001a;
either with a pronominal prefix indexing the possessor (2) or juxtaposed, 2001b). In some Arawak languages, within the general class of unalienable
nouns, only body parts and intimate objects, but not kinship nouns, can take the
unpossessed suffix (Aikhenvald 1999a:82).
360 361
In contrast, alienable nouns can occur independently or as optionally

type unpossessed suffix possessive suffixes possessive
possessed. When possessed, alienable nouns are morphologically
marked by a combination of pronominal prefixes (the same ones used n-class (inalienable) (alienable) noun
on inalienable nouns) and possessive suffixes (6)-(7). Arawak languages Achagua -dee, -la, ni, -ee inaa
typically have sets of possessive suffixes (see the third column of Table
Bar -hVi -re, -se, -ni, -e
1) indicating subcategorization of alienable nouns into specific (usually
Baniwa i- . . . ti/i -te, -r/le, -ni dzaa
three to four) lexical classes.11 Such distinct marking patterns involving
indef unposs
paradigms of head-marking inflectional affixes are often viewed as
prototypical examples of lexical classification of nouns according to an Kauixana -re, -ni ahmila
alienable/inalienable parameter (e.g. Bickel and Nichols 2011). Piapoco i -de, -e, -ni au
Tariana i- . . . -si12 -ni, -e, -ne/(ya)na
(6) Achagua (Ramirez 2001a:312) (7) Yukuna (Schauer and Schauer Warekena -si/i -ne/te, -le, -ni, -
2000:520)
Yukuna i- . . . -i -te, -re, -ne -le(e)h
nu-tena-la nu-ta-ne
1sg-paddle-poss 1sg-canoe-poss
Table 1. Possession morphology in North-Amazonian (Colombian and
my paddle my canoe
Upper Rio Negro) Arawak Languages13
12. This suffix, and possessive suffixes (column 3), have been generally lost in
Tariana, occurring synchronically only on a few archaic forms (Aikhenvald
1999a:82; 2003:129-33).
13. Sources: for Achagua (Ramirez 2001a:311-12); Bar (ibid:482); Piapoco
(ibid:271-72); Kauixana (ibid:394); Warekena (ibid:336; Aikhenvald 1998:294-
95); Baniwa/Kurripako (Ramirez 2001a:123-29; Aikhenvald 2002:79); Yucuna
11. For discussions of the possible semantic notions associated with each class,
(Ramirez 2001a:362; Schauer and Schauer 2000:520); Tariana (Aikhenvald
see (Payne 1991:378) and (Aikhenvald 1998:294-95; 2003:131).
2002; 2003).
362 363
The fourth column of Table 1 shows that a number of North-Amazonian and c) independently, wherein they represent an overtly unspecified,
Arawak languages have an additional means of expressing alienable though contextually construed, possessed item in a predicative-like
possession involving use of semantically generic possessive nouns14 that construction (11)-(13).
themselves take possessive prefixes and occur in three configurations:
(11) Piapoco (Ramirez 2001a:271) (12) Kauixana (Ramirez 2001a:394)
a) with full, co-referential nouns, e.g. dog in (8) and hammock in (9); al-na nu-au p-ahmila
where 1sg-possession 2sg-possession
(8)Yukuna (Schauer and Schauer 2000:520) (9)Achagua (Ramirez 2001a:311) Wheres mine? (Its) yours.
ri-leehe-na yawi-na nu-inaa eda-i
3sgm-possession-pl dog-pl 1sg-possession hammock-indep (13) Baniwa (Ramirez 2001a:122)
his dogs (lit: his possessions, dogs) my (own) hammock nu-dza-da
1sg-possession-cls:generic
(Its) mine.
b) with noun classifiers that establish anaphoric reference to a possessed-N (10);
In the following sections we will see that there are markers in some
(10) Baniwa (Ramirez 2001b 3.1) Nadahup and East Tukano languages that behave in very similar fashion.
nu-dzaa-o-iita
1sg-possession-nom-cls:sharp
2.2. Nadahup possession
(Its) my knife/machete.
Table 2 shows that Nadahup languages also have more than one way to
express possessive relations. Though labeled inalienable and alienable,
Nadahup possessive constructions do not necessarily reflect the same kind
of lexical class distinctions that directly invoke complex Arawak-like
14. Term used following Ramirez (2001a). Such morphemes are alternately
morphological marking.
labeled as genitive markers (Schauer and Schauer 2000, for Yukuna), dummy
noun-possession markers (Aikhenvald 1999a:83, for Piapoco), and possessed
classifiers (Aikhenvald 2000:131-43, for Tariana and Baniwa). Similar nouns are
also found in Southwestern Amazonian languages Baure (Arawak) and Mekens
(Tupi) (see Danielsen 2007; Galucio 2001; and discussion in van der Voort
2009).
364 365
and a subset of bound human nouns must have a procliticized default

inalienable alienable third-person pronoun in order to occur independently. These essentially
Hup possessor n h head-marking strategies are reminiscent of Arawak patterns.
Yuhup possessor-~dh
(14) Hup (Epps 2008:235) (15) Yuhup (Ospina Bozzi 2002:240)
Dw juxtaposition juxtaposition
m=h ~toh cbm
animate possessor-ej
2sg=grandmother pig foot
inanimate possessor-d
your grandmother pigs foot/hoof
Nadb juxtaposition, possessive classifiers (on un-possessible nouns)

(16) Nadb (Weir 1994:296) (17) Dw (Martins 2004:547)
th dab b mj jh
Table 2. Nadahup possessive constructions15
wild.pig meat fallen.log hole month
wild pigs meat/flesh mouth of the hollowed-out log
The inalienable construction in all four Nadahup languages involves simple
juxtaposition of the possessor-N and possessed-N. It is the construction
The inalienable construction (juxtaposition) contrasts, in Yuhup and
most consistently (though not exclusively) used for possession of bound
Hup, with alienable possessive constructions involving additional
nouns,16 which generally include kinship terms (14), human nouns, body
morphology. In Yuhup, the possessor-N takes a possessive suffix -~d h
parts of animates (15)-(16) or component parts of inanimates, e.g. plants
(18) while in Hup, it occurs with a post-positional particle n h (19)
(17), as well as some artifacts associated with humans. In Hup, pronominal
with which it forms a morphosyntactic unit. Both languages combine
possessors of kinship terms are usually procliticized, forming compounds,
subject pronominals with these possessive morphemes to form possessive
pronouns, with some segmental and phonological modification generally
occurring in first/second singular forms. In Yuhup, the first and second
15. Sources: for Hup (Epps 2008:213-64);Yuhup (Ospina Bozzi 2002:239-46); singular forms show both segmental and tonal reductions: ~h--~dh
Dw (Martins 2004:148-58, 361-65, 546-49), Nadb (Weir 1984:83-93; 1994); 1sg.poss and b --~dh
~ ~ m
b 2sg.poss, while in Hup, the
~ m
as well as (Martins and Martins 1999) and (Aikhenvald 2000:139-47). first person singular form is the most differentiated: h nh n or nh
16. Epps (2008:232) defines bound nouns as those that must occur with a (in the Umari North dialect), while forms in the rest of the paradigm
nominal modifier (noun, pronoun, demonstrative, numeral, or relative clause). remain morphologically transparent. Such reduced pronominal forms are
In possessive situations, a noun can be bound to its possessor-modifier via the viewed as recent innovations (Ospina Bozzi 2002:243).
inalienable or alienable construction.
366 367
(18) Yuhup (Ospina Bozzi 2002:243) (19) Hup (Epps 2008:225) Nadb codes virtually all possessive relations by simple juxtaposition and
ihw-~dh bt ped n h cugt has no morphological possessive marker. Nevertheless, bound nouns,
Ihow-poss garden pedro poss book which require presence of a possessor-N (20a), contrast with independent
Ihows garden plot Pedros book nouns, which can be optionally possessed (20b), and un-possessible nouns
(Weir 1984:83-89). For possession of the latter (including proper names,
Alienable constructions (those with morphological marking) are always certain kinship terms, personal pronouns, and some specific animals,
used for possession of alienable (non-bound or independently occurring) fish and plants), Nadb employs a small set of possessive classifiers18
nouns, but can also be used with bound nouns, such as kinship terms. characterizing nouns within specific types of possessive relations. In
Epps notes that speakers choice to use one construction or the other (20c), for instance, banana is characterized as a type of food.
with a bound noun is likely related to the relative salience (to the
speaker) of the possessor as opposed to the possessum (2008:236, emphasis (20) Nadb (Weir 1984:84)
added). Likewise, Ospina Bozzi (2002:246) analyzes use of the alienable a. Subih b b. Subih tb
construction with bound nouns in Yuhup as a means of signaling the Subih father Subih house
relevance of the possessor in the relationship.Thus, we see that use of the Subihs father Subihs house
alienable construction is not determined by the class of the possessed-N; cf. *b father cf. tb house
it is pragmatically employed to call attention to the possessor as the more
salient participant within the possessive relationship. c. Subih waa masl cf. *Subih masl
Subih cls:food banana Subih banana
The situation in Dw differs from Hup and Yuhup in that a possessive/ Subihs banana Subihs banana
genitive suffix -ej/-dE need not occur at all if the possessor-N and
possessed-N are juxtaposed in a properly formed genitive phrase. Possessive classifiers of different types are well-documented in Oceanic
However, similar to its sister languages, when constructions with a genitive languages19 and also occur in a number of Amazonian isolates and languages
suffix are used in Dw, they serve to shift focus from the possessed-N from the Katukina, J, Carib, Nambikwara, Guaycuruan and Tupari (Tupi)
either to a more affected or discourse salient animate possessor-N or
to emphasize a possessive relation involving an inanimate possessor
(Martins 2004:158, 546-48).17 as possessors in alienable possession constructions.
18. Sometimes called possessive nouns (e.g. Bickel and Nichols 2011).
17. Aikhenvald (2000:139) analyzes the Dw genitive morphemes as possessor 19. Oceanic systems typically have relational classifiers characterizing the
classifiers and notes that it is typologically uncommon for inanimates to occur possessed-N as food, drink, or generic other (Lichtenberk 2009:268-86).
368 369
families (see Rodrigues 1997; Aikhenvald 2000; Queixals 2005; Messineo A closer look at part-whole constructions in a wide sample of East
and Gerzenstein 2007; Fabre 2007; van der Voort 2009; Bickel and Nichols Tukano languages indicates that in combinations involving parts of
2011, and references therein). In the following section we will see how the animate wholes, e.g. (22), the juxtaposed nouns occur as independent
East Tukano possessive form ya(a) compares to such forms. phonological words, while combinations involving parts of inanimates,
whether the part be indicated by a full root or by a classifier morpheme,
are compounded, forming a single phonological word (23)-(24).
2.3. East Tukano possession
Like Nadahup languages, East Tukano languages have two basic
(23) Waikhana (Piratapuyo) (24) Retuar (Strom 1992:48)
adnominal possessive strategies: an inalienable construction involving
kbo-kase-ri pii-rihea
juxtaposition and an alienable construction involving use of the (often
soaked.manioc-peel-pl basket-lip/border
optional) possessive morpheme ya(a). Also similar to Nadahup languages,
peels of soaked manioc roots lip/edge of the basket
use of one construction or the other is not solely determined by lexical
class distinctions.
Pronominal possessors show varying degrees of phonological
independence. Some languages consistently use full independent forms
It is not surprising that throughout East Tukano languages, kinship
(25)-(26). However, pro-forms (generally both morphologically reduced
terms (21), body parts (22) and other parts of wholes, as well as relative
and phonologically dependent) occur in kot (27) yur, pis, kar, kub,
spatial designations nouns conceived in a necessary existential relation
ret and tat (28a). This pattern is reminiscent of Arawak head-marking
with another entity (Gomez-Imbert and Hugh-Jones 2000:342)
morphology, as is the prefix ka- (in tat and kar), by which an inalienable
prototypically occur with juxtaposed possessors, in other words, in the
noun can occur as un-possessed (28b).
inalienable construction.
(21) Barasana (Gomez-Imbert and Hugh- (22) Kotiria (Wanano)21

Jones 2000:337)20
y hk k yahri~phoda
1sg father monkey heart
alternately represented by orthographic <y>; c) nasalization, which is associated
my father a monkeys heart
to the entire morpheme, is represented by some authors with a nasal vowel e.g.
por (26) and by others with a preceding tilde e.g. ~dab-ro (27).
20. Note that in examples from East Tukano languages: a) [] is indicated by an 21. All examples from Kotiria and Waikhana are from Stenzel (2013) or the
apostrophe; b) the initial consonant of the possessive morpheme, /j/ or // is authors own field data.
370 371
(25) Tuyuka (Barnes and Malone (26) Desano (Miller 1999:61) (29)
2000:449) a. ~phich-r h-ra
bedabk gia tg por tail-sg cop-vis.imperf.2/3
1sg friend 1pl.exc elder.brother children This is a tail.
my friend our elder brothers children
b. ~eb ~phich-r h-ra
(27) Kotiria howler monkey tail-sg cop-vis.imperf.2/3
to=~dab-ro Its a howler monkeys tail.
3sg.poss=wife-sg
his wife c. ti=~phich-r=~bere bor-era-ka
3pl.poss=tail-sg=com/inst fall-neg-assert.imperf
(28) (Using) their tails, (howler monkeys) never fall (from trees).
a.Tatuyo (Gomez-Imbert and b.(Gomez-Imbert 1981:117)
Hugh-Jones 2000:341)
~b-pk-o k-pk- The second, alienable possessive construction includes a possession
2sg-mother-fem unspec-mother-fem morpheme ya(a), which has cognate forms in all but two East Tukano
your mother a/the mother languages.22 This morpheme has been analyzed as a default marker
of alienable possession in East Tukano languages (Barnes 1999:218;
Although these examples suggest a fairly uniform class of inalienable Aikhenvald 1999b:399), but we will see that although ya(a)/ye(e)
nouns, the available literature indicates that only some East Tukano morphemes occur in nearly all East Tukano languages, there is variation
languages (generally those spoken in the Piraparan subregion: bas, bar, in terms of form, semantics, and degree to which use of this morpheme
mak, tat, kar) require nouns in all the above categories to be bound, in is obligatory with optionally possessed nouns.
other words, to have explicit possessors. In tuk, kot, wai, des, and yur,
only kinship terms are bound; all other nouns can occur independently Although few studies explicitly discuss the phonological and semantic
or as optionally possessed (see also Aikhenvald 2002:78). Optional properties of possessive constructions with ya(a),23 from the information
possession of a body part is demonstrated in (29), from the Kotiria story
The Tail. Though body parts in Kotiria prototypically occur with 22. Neither Kubeo nor Retuar has a ya possessive morpheme.
juxtaposed possessors e.g. (29b)-(29c) with full-noun and pronominal 23. Exceptions being (Gomez-Imbert 1981, 1982) for Tatuyo and (Gomez-Imbert
possessors, respectively they can also occur unpossessed (29a). 1997) for Barasana, (Stenzel 2013) for Kotiria, and (Ramirez 1997) for Tukano.
372 373
available (summarized in table 3), we see that the mono- or bimoraic ya(a)
inalienable alienable
phonological shape of ya(a) generally corresponds to whether it is analyzed (possessor-N always precedes, status
to be a suffix on the possessor-N (yur, sir, tuy, pis), an independent except where indicated as )
genitive particle (mak, des) or a possessive root/classifier (tuk, kot, wai, -ya N
Desano (suffix) 25
tat, kar, bar, bas). ya (indicates 1sg possessor)
genitive
Makuna ya-cls(sg); yee-N(pl/mass) particle
In Kotiria, for example, ya clearly displays all the defining phonological
and morphological properties of a root morpheme.24 Phonologically, ya is Barasana yaa N ya-cls
lexically specified for features of nasality and tone, and when compounded, Tatuyo juxtaposition
Karapana optional: animate N(sg)-y
forms a single phonological word with the root to its right, as in Kotiria N-y (pl/mass)
ya-~baka-ri [ktiria jmhkr i ] (Kotiria poss-village-pl) Kotiria villages. Bar
juxtaposition
Morphologically, ya can occur as the root of a derived nominal such as juxtaposition
Kotiria optional: ya-N/-cls root
to=ya-hi-ro (3sg.poss-poss-cop-sg) place for his/her stuff/things.
ya N/-cls(sg)
ye N(pl/mass)
inalienable alienable ya(a) Tukano ya/ye N (indicates 1sg
(possessor-N always precedes, status possessor)
except where indicated as )
-ya N/-cls Waikhana yaa-N/-cls(sg)
Siriano yee-N (pl)
yaa (indicates 1sg possessor)
-ya N(sg); -ye N(pl) Retuar juxtaposition -
Tuyuka yaa/yee N (indicates 1sg/pl possessor prefix-rika-cls
juxtaposition
possessor) -
-yaa-cls(sg) suffix Kubeo -i N
Pisamira -yee (indefinite)
Table 3. East Tukano possession marking26
-ya-cls(sg anim/inan)
-ye N/-cls(pl inan)
-k N(abstract/place/time/
Yuruti event/action)
yaa/yee N (indicates 1sg/pl as an independent word. Similar CVV/CV alternation is observed in Barasana
possessor) (Gomez-Imbert 1997:72).
25. According to Silva (p.c. 2009), based on phonological criteria.
24. In Kotiria it has underlying CV form, but is realized as CVV when it occurs 26. Sources: for Kotiria and Waikhana (Stenzel 2013 and field data); Desano
374 375
Regardless of what the morphological status of ya(a) is purported to be, we (32) Siriano (Criswell and (33) Tuyuka (Barnes and Malone
should note that the morpheme consistently precedes the possessed-N. If Brandrup 2000:409) 2000:446)
a possessor noun is overtly present, it can occur as head of a pronominal a poo jee-wese-ri
(30)-(31) or as a full noun phrase, as in (37b) below. 1sg.poss.alien garden (1sg)poss-garden-pl
my garden my gardens
(30) Siriano (Criswell and (31) Desano (Miller 1999:48)
Brandrup 2000:409)
(34) Desano (Miller 1999:48) (Silva p. c.)
g-a poo g ya wii
a. yaa kobro b. mya ~bohoto
3sg-gen garden 3sgm gen house
1sg.poss box 2sg.poss hand
his garden his house
my box your hand
In des, tuk, yur, tuy, and sir, use of the possessive morpheme with Similar to other types of noun phrase modifiers (descriptive, demonstrative,
no overt possessor-N indicates a default first-person possessor (32)-(33), anaphoric), possessive ya(a) itself can take affixed noun classifier morphology
while in Desano, morpho-phonological fusion of the possessive with first showing agreement with the possessed-N (35)-(36). Generally, classifiers
and second-person pronouns results in the innovative possessive forms are required if the possessed-N is animate. Use of classifiers varies with
in (34). inanimate possessed-Ns, but if the identity of a classifier-taking inanimate
has been contextually established (for example, in a direct question or
previous mention in discourse), the possessed-N can be omitted, the
classifier alone sufficing to establish reference, as in (37b).
(35) Makuna (Smothermon et al. (36) Waikhana

1995:40)
ja-gi hg t-d y-kido di-do
(Miller 1999:48-51; Wilson Silva p.c. 2009); Kubeo (Morse and Maxwell
3sg gen-cls:hammock hammock anph-sg poss-sg dog-sg
1999:91; Chacon 2012); Tukano (Ramirez 1997:324-27); Pisamira (Gonzlez
his hammock his (own) dog
de Perez 2000:385-86); Yuruti (Kinch and Kinch 2000:478); Siriano (Criswell
and Brandrup 2000:409); Tuyuca (Barnes and Malone 2000:446); Makuna
(Smothermon et al. 1995:40-41); Retuar (Strom 1992:66, 130-31); Barasana
(Gomez-Imbert 1997:72); Bar and Karapana (Gomez-Imbert and Hugh-Jones
2000:337-42); Tatuyo (ibid and Gomez-Imbert 1981; 1982: 249-52).
376 377
(37) Tatuyo (Gomez Imbert (40) Yuruti (Kinch and Kinch 2000:478)
1982:250) a. k-je-p-r b. k-k ju-re
a. kr y-p b. kr yw 3sgm-gen-cls:flat-pl 3sgm-gen hope-nom:non.count
Christine pers.poss-basket Christine pers.poss-cls:basket his machetes his hope
Christines (own) basket Christines (previously

mentioned) basket
While much of the East Tukano literature suggests that the possessive
Eight East Tukano languages have both ya(a) and ye(e) possessives whose morpheme ya(a) is obligatorily used whenever an otherwise independent
use indicates semantic distinctions related to the possessed-N. In tuk, noun is possessed, in some East Tukano languages, its use is not only
wai, tuy, mak, tat, kar, bar and pis, ya(a) forms are used with singular optional but, indeed, rather rare. Two such languages are Kotiria and
possessed-Ns, as in (36) above, and ye(e) forms with plural, as in (33) Tatuyo. In Tatuyo, the possessive construction with yaa is only used to
above, mass, or indefinite possessed-Ns (38)-(39).27 indicate association membership in a specific social group (41) or
the practices associated with that group or personal ownership of an
(38) Tukano (Ramirez 1997:326) (39) Makuna (Smothermon et al. object by an animate possessor. Simple juxtaposition of the possessor-N
1995:41) and possessed-N occurs in all other contexts (Gomez-Imbert 1981:121-
mii ye ak bs-a je sita 24; 1982:249-53).
2sg poss water people-pl gen:pl land
your water a people/groups lands/territory (41) Tatuyo (Gomez-Imbert 1981:118)
a. yi-y-r b. pb- ya-
In Yuruti, the two forms code features of both number and animacy:
-ya occurs with possessed animates and singular inanimates, -ye occurs 1sg.poss-possession-pl tatu.clan-sg possession-masc
with plural inanimates (40a), and a third possessive suffix -k occurs with my relatives a man of the tatu clan
abstract and derived possessed nouns (40b).
Similarly, in Kotiria, simple juxtaposition is used for possession by a
full possessor-N, as in (29b) above, while nouns of all classes, including
(always bound) kinship terms (42a), body parts (42b), concrete objects
(42c) and abstract concepts (42d) can occur with a procliticized
27. Gomez-Imbert (1981) analyzes the yee variant as the result of regressive pronominal possessor.
vowel assimilation from the classifier for inanimate mass nouns e to the
possessive yaa.
378 379
(42) Kotiria disambiguate situations in which more than one possible referent for
a. to=~dab-ro c. to=pka the possessed-N could be construed from discourse, as in (46), from a
3sg.poss=wife-sg 3sg.poss=blowgun narrative in which two houses are mentioned. The first is a temporary
his wife his blowgun house a man builds after he gets lost in the forest (46a). The other is the
b. to=p-ri d. to=~ba mans own (literally owned and referentially identified as his) house, to
3sg.poss=tooth-pl 3sg.poss=path/river which he returns the next day (46b); for this house, the construction
his teeth his way (home) with ya is used.
As in Tatuyo, the Kotiria possessive construction with ya is reserved for (46)

a limited number of specific contexts. First, ya can occur as the sole a. ~-p-r wuu-~k yo-a
root representing an unspecified, but unquestionably linked or associated deic:prox-alt-nom house-dim do/make-assert.perf
attribute of a distinct individual or group possessor (43)-(45). He made a little house, this big/like this.
b. thu-a t to=y-wuu-pu
(43)
return-assert.perf until 3sg.poss=poss-house-loc
a. to=y-ro b. to=y-du
(The next day, he) returned to his (own) house.
3sg.poss=poss-cls:concave 3sg.poss=poss-cls:cylindrical
her concave thing (vagina) his cylindrical thing (penis)
The Tatuyo and Kotiria cases show that in these languages, at least, ya(a)
(44) yuu ya-r y-re ya-i-ka is not a generic possessive morpheme used for simple possession of
1sg jaguar-sg poss-obj tell-(1/2)masc-predict any alienable noun; rather, its use indicates specific subtypes of highly
Im going to tell about jaguar things (here: specific facts related to referential possessive relationships.28 Generic possession (of both bound
jaguars). and independent nouns) is morphologically unmarked and indicated by
(45) k-ti-ri-a y=~bere bu ~hda simple juxtaposition.
water-vbz-nom-pl poss=com/inst study/learn exrt
Lets study with our own Kotiria (language). [kotiria = water
people]
Second, the ya construction is used to emphasize or reinforce the notion

of highly referential association or explicit ownership, yielding a meaning 28. As such, within Aikhenvalds typology, it can be thought of as a type of
akin to possessors own X. Pragmatically, use of the ya construction can relational classifier noun (2000:133-38).
380 381
3. Areal diffusion case of Tukanoan influence in Tariana, well documented by Aikhenvald

We turn now to a discussion of what can be learned about areal diffusion (op. cit). The tukanization of Tariana, should nevertheless be viewed as
in the Vaups from the synchronic data and observations of similarities an extreme case rather than as an overall model of linguistic relations
and differences in the possession marking strategies presented in the in the region. The much longer, historical norm among the Arawak
previous sections. Characterizing the historical sociolinguistic relations and East Tukano groups in the region would have been that of more
in the region, Aikhenvald (1999b; 2002; 2003; 2007) states that for the balanced, multilateral areal diffusion leading to identifiable common
several hundred years leading up to the twentieth century, approximately, features among the languages involved (see Gomez-Imbert 1996 and
the East Tukano and Arawak indigenous groups of the Vaups region Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009 for discussions of Arawak influence
(and, consequently, the languages they spoke) enjoyed fairly equal status. on East Tukano languages). The task at hand, then, is to pinpoint which
Longstanding interaction among speakers led to gradual, multilateral features of noun-noun relation strategies in Vaups languages appear to
diffusion and isomorphism of grammatical structures though generally not be solely attributable to genetic inheritance (such features would
not to borrowing of lexical forms resulting in enrichment of grammatical be generally found in languages of the same family whether inside and
features of individual languages. In contrast, relations between the East outside the region in question), but rather represent elements of an
Tukano/Arawak groups and the Nadahup populations historically identifiable Vaupesian profile.
based more on socioeconomic interaction than on intermarriage, and
with lower social status attributed to the Nadahup groups (Jackson 1983;
3.1. Inalienable/alienable lexical classes and inalienable/alienable constructions
Chernela 1993; Ribeiro 1995) resulted in greater unilateral diffusion
The overviews in Section 2 show that there are both notable differences
of East Tukano structures into Nadahup languages (Epps 2005; 2007a,
and interesting similarities in the possession marking strategies of
2007b).
Vaups languages. First, we saw that the inalienable/alienable possessive
constructions of Nadahup and East Tukano languages are different in
Around the beginning of the twentieth century, the linguistic balance
significant ways from the inalienable/alienable lexical classes of Arawak
of power began to change, particularly among Arawak and East Tukano
languages. In Arawak languages, it is the possessed-Ns inclusion in a
groups in the more central region. Increased external interference in
particular subclass that determines how it will be morphologically
traditional Vaups social organization spurred waves of internal regional
marked in a possessive relation. Use of one or another of the Nadahup
migration, disrupting longstanding language use patterns and accelerating
or East Tukano possessive constructions, on the other hand, is only partly
processes of language shift, principally from the minority languages to
related to the class of the possessed-N. Although certain sets of nouns,
Tukano (see also Stenzel 2005).Within this more contemporary scenario,
such as parts of wholes and kinship terms, do tend to occur more often
we find additional examples of clear unilateral diffusion, most notably the
in inalienable possessive constructions and other types of nouns occur
382 383
more often in alienable constructions, it is nevertheless possible for the reconstruct with the possessive morphemes in more distant Dw29 and
same lexical item to grammatically occur in one or the other. This is whose systems differ completely from that of Nadb.
because the choice of possessive construction is not determined by
the possessed-N itself, but conditioned by additional semantic and/or It is possible that the development of alienable constructions in both
discourse-related distinctions. Nadahup and East Tukano languages represents a new overall strategy
for marking of attributive possession by morphological elements (be
Indeed, we have seen that use of different Nadahup possession they affixes, particles, possessive classifiers or nouns). As for why such
constructions can indicate whether the possessor is inherently referential new marking systems might develop, Heine (1997) suggests that when
or salient in discourse (Epps 2008:253, 260), or whether, if animate, languages employ juxtaposition as the general means of expressing all types
it is individual or collective (Ospina Bozzi 2002:245). Such semantic of noun-noun relations, new patterns may arise precisely for contexts
and pragmatic features of nouns come into play in other grammatical where it is least obvious that a possessive relation exists [ and that]
spheres in Nadahup languages, for example, in differential marking of possessees which can be predicted to be associated with a possessor [such
objects within the verb phrase (see Ospina Bozzi 2002:139-48; Epps as] body-parts or kin terms [] are most likely to be ignored when a new
2008:170-78; Stenzel 2008:167-72), so it is unsurprising to encounter pattern of marking attributive possession is created (Heine 1997:174-
their influence in additional types of grammatical relations. Likewise, 76, emphasis added). Thus, we have systems with nascent distinctions
use of possessive constructions with ya(a) in East Tukano languages can of alienability. Cross-linguistic studies show that new possessive markers
indicate diverse types of distinctions: in a number of languages, ya(a) can develop from a range of language-internal sources often locative,
forms reflect features of the possessed-N (e.g. number), in some, ya(a) source, goal, or comitative morphemes (see discussion in Heine 1997 and
forms occurring on their own represent first-person possessors, and in Koptjevskaya-Tamm 2001) and that the semantics of these markers can
others, use of the ya(a) construction is reserved for particular types of be shaped both by existing internal grammatical distinctions as well as
possessive relationships. influence from languages with which they are in contact. Nevertheless, it
would appear that the common notion triggering the initial development
The development of a morphologically-marked contrast in possessive of alienable (morphologically-marked) possessive constructions is
constructions is likely of relatively recent origin in Nadahup languages, a perceived need to highlight specific types of possessive contexts,
as both Epps (2008:227) and Ospina Bozzi (2002:243) postulate. This preserving inalienable constructions (still coded by juxtaposition) for the
hypothesis is supported by the greater similarity of the possessive more expected or inherent ones. In this sense, the alienable constructions
morphemes in the Hup/Yuhup subgroup, which do not appear to
29. Information from Epps (p.c. 2009).
384 385
constitute the cognitively, as well as morphologically, marked category morphemes consistently occurring between the possessor-N and
(Heine 1997:174-76; Queixals 2005:186-87). possessed-N. It is doubtful that these semantic and structural similarities
are merely coincidental. Contact between the groups has likely played a
These observations can help us understand why, in Hup, the inalienable key role in their parallel development, a hypothesis further supported by
construction is used for animal body parts while the alienable construction the observation that similarities between the East Tukano and Nadahup
is preferred with human body parts. Both cases involve inherent part/ systems are greater in the Hup/Yuhup sub-branch these groups being
whole relationships, but use of the alienable construction shifts focus more centrally located and in greater contact with East Tukano peoples
to the human possessor as the more contextually salient element, thus than in Dw or Nadb.
highlighting the explicit bond between the part and a particular human
entity. In contrast, with the inalienable construction, association of the We can also identify points of convergence with Arawak languages: the use
part to its whole is the default assumption. We can moreover see why of indefinite possessor prefixes with bound nouns and the development
holes, gourds, and other hollowed-out objects (that might inherently of prefix-like pronominal markers in Nadahup languages are likely linked
or naturally serve as a home to an animal or insect or as a container to contact with Arawak groups, who, according to historical studies (e.g.
for a specific material) occur in the inalienable construction in both Wright 2005), occupied territories in the heart of the region up to the
Hup and Yuhup, while the alienable construction is used with dwellings mid-eighteenth century. Likewise, it can hardly be coincidental that in
for humans (Ospina Bozzi 2002:240-42; Epps 2008:232-56). Similarly, certain East Tukano languages, pronominal possessors are allowed to
we can understand why in certain East Tukano languages, constructions occur as proclitics or prefixes. True, it is not unusual for often-occurring
with ya(a) are used in contexts of true ownership and for associative juxtaposed constituents to undergo phonological reduction and fusion,
situations for which it is pragmatically necessary to highlight an explicit but the fact that these fairly strict postposing languages have so readily
rather than merely assumed bond. Thus, the Nadahup and East Tukano accommodated fusion of the preposed element (the pronominal
systems display certain shared features as well as subtle differences in the possessor) is likely reflective of Arawak influence (see Aikhenvald 2002;
semantic details and pragmatic uses of their alienable constructions.This 2003; Stenzel and Gomez-Imbert 2009).
is exactly the kind of outcome we expect to find among languages in
contact: points of convergence without the languages becoming carbon
copies of each other. 3.2. Possessive nouns and classifiers
Another striking feature of possessive constructions occurring in
Indeed, in addition to the semantic similarities discussed above, we more than one Vaups language family is the use of classifiers and/or
should also note the structural similarity of Nadahup (e.g. (18)-(19)) generic possessive nouns, in particular those attested in Arawak and East
and East Tukano (e.g. (30)-(31)) alienable constructions, which employ Tukanoan languages. In Section 2.3, we saw that East Tukano ya(a)
386 387
generally functions as a generic noun root possession or belonging It is also significant that possessive nouns are extensively found in northern
though it shows signs of grammaticalization as a genitive-type suffix (Colombian/Rio Negro) Arawak languages (as noted in Section 2.1),
in some languages. Use of such a root is not found as a possession- but not generally throughout the Arawak family. Widespread use of such
marking strategy in Western Tukanoan languages, in which juxtaposition nouns (or classifiers, depending on the terminology adopted) in East
is apparently the primary means of indicating noun-noun relations.30 Tukano and Arawak languages of the same geographic region reinforces
No ya(a) possessive morphemes are attested in Siona (Wheeler 1970) an analysis of such nouns as an additional component of the areal profile.
or in Sekoya (Johnson and Levinsohn 1990; Levinsohn 1992). However, Interestingly, in contrast to the cognate form of the possessive noun in
Koreguaje has yaa/yee morphemes that function as demonstratives East Tukano languages, northern-Arawak possessive nouns differ in form
expressing a number distinction that/those X (Cook et al. 2001:24), and from language to language, though they occur in similar constructions
recent work on Sekoya indicates that this language also has demonstratives and with parallel functions, as we saw in Section 2.1.
with similar phonological form.31 While there is no mention of yaa/yee
use in possessive constructions in Koreguaje, the forms themselves, as Particularly noteworthy and clearly suggestive of more direct diffusion
well as the number distinction they express, are certainly reminiscent of are the phonological and structurally similarity of Baniwa -dzaa and East
the yaa/yee morphemes in certain East Tukano languages, suggesting a Tukano ya(a), as Aikhenvald has pointed out (1999b:410; 2003:135). She
common origin. Whether the more lexical East Tukano possessive forms bases her analysis of Tukanoan-to-Baniwa diffusion on the claim that
grammaticalized into Western Tukanoan demonstratives or whether the no similar constructions are found in other North Arawak languages,
demonstrative forms were pressed into service as possessives is a question and although we have seen evidence showing use of dzaa-like nouns to
that must be left for further study.32 be a phenomenon with areal dimensions, historical diffusion with the
directionality she proposes is nevertheless a likely scenario. We should
30. The Western Tukanoan branch consists of four languages spoken in note that the synchronic similarity between East Tukano ya(a) and Tariana
Colombia, Ecuador and Peru: Koreguaje, Sekoya, Siona, and Maihuna (Orejn), ya constructions should be viewed a bit differently, as the product of
with a total of approximately 3,000 speakers (Barnes 1999:209). more recent unilateral diffusion of a loan form from Tukano (Aikhenvald
31. Schwartz (p.c. 2011) states that Sekoya has [ja / je] demonstratives that 2002; 2003), the processes perhaps facilitated by a structurally similar
express relative distance, and [i / io / ita] (sg.masc/sg.fem/pl) demonstratives element shared by Baniwa and Tariana in the past.
that occur in possessive constructions.
32. Although the development of possessives from demonstratives presents the Unlike Arawak languages, which are far spread geographically (thus
more cross-linguistically common scenario, Fraurud (2001) shows that, while permitting us the luxury of family-internal comparison), no languages
not common, possessive markers may grammaticalize into definite articles or clearly identified as East Tukano or Nadahup, with the exception of
demonstratives. Nadb, are spoken outside the Vaups region. Although Kakua (spoken
388 389
in the Vaups region), Nukak and Wnsht/Puinave (both spoken in entity, or an associative situation that is itself contextually prominent or
the adjacent northern region), have been grouped with the Nadahup culturally notable.The semantic common denominator of these alienable
languages, their genetic relation has yet to be conclusively demonstrated. constructions would appear to be referentiality, a notion that manifests
Still, we find that these languages have possessive constructions that itself in many spheres of grammar in these languages. The structural
reflect the overall Vaupesian profile. In the Kakua alienable construction, and semantic similarities particularly between the more central
for example, the possessor-N precedes the possessed-N and is marked by a Nadahup and the East Tukano possession marking systems indicate
suffix -i (Bolaos and Epps 2009). Wnsht, on the other hand, has a that contact has likely played a role in their development. The fact that
structure in which a generic root, pn similar to roots found in Arawak Tukano languages share a common marker while markers in Nadahup
and East Tukano languages and glossed as belong to or possession is languages are more distinct (thus suggesting more recent development
compounded with classifiers of the type observed in Nadb (Giron and from language-internal resources) points to diffusion with East Tukano-
Wetzels 2007; Giron 2008:203-7). Thus, the generic possessive nouns to-Nadahup directionality.
and possessive classifiers found in Arawak and East Tukano languages
appear to be an areal feature shared by additional languages in a region Second, we saw that while Nadahup and East Tukano systems differ in
extending beyond the Vaups. significant ways from the Arawak possession-marking patterns (these
being more strictly linked to lexical classes), we can nevertheless observe

elements that attest diffusion of certain Arawak-like features. The most
Conclusion
striking of these are the pronominal possession markers and unpossessed
This study has shown that there are several recognizable points of
suffixes found in some Nadahup and East Tukano languages. Finally,
convergence in possession marking in languages of the Vaups that are
we saw that use of classifiers or possessive nouns occurs in languages
likely attributable to contact. First, we have seen that Nadahup and
of all three Vaups families, as well in other languages within a wider
East Tukano languages (as well as Kakua) have developed contrasting
geographical region, and have postulated Tukano languages as a possible
inalienable and alienable constructions by which specific types
source. From these varied points of convergence, a general Vaupesian
of possessive relations are expressed. In general, a simple sequence of
profile for the expression of noun-noun relations begins to emerge;
juxtaposed possessor and possessed nouns, constituting the default
nevertheless, details of each system continue to reflect language-specific
inalienable construction, is used for noun-noun associations that can
particularities.
be construed as assumed or expected. The alienable construction,
both cognitively and morphologically more marked, is used to express
Indeed, although we now have a broad picture of the region as a linguistic
various types of additional information, such as a more salient, topical
area, there is still a great deal to learn about the dynamics of contact
or animate possessor, a more definite or uniquely identifiable possessed
among particular groups and the types of specific changes contact may
390 391
have brought about in individual languages. For this we need to further Abbreviations
invest in basic descriptive analyses of all the languages of the region as
1/2/3 first/second/third person
well as in comparative studies that examine details of particular structural alien alienable
and typological phenomena. While a number of such studies are alt alternate
already available, more are undoubtedly still needed. What each detailed anph anaphoric
investigation demonstrates is that even when we feel fairly confident in assert assertion (evidential cat.)
cls classifier
attributing particular kinds of developments to diffusion, languages still com commitative
manifest change in very individual ways, calling on different language- cop copula
internal resources and following distinct (even when somewhat parallel) deic deictic
dim diminutive
paths of grammaticalization. Such subtle variations continue to remind exc exclusive
us of the fascinating ways that linguistic diversity even in contexts of exrt exhortative
growing similarity lives on. f/fem feminine
gen genitive
nf non-feminine
imperf imperfective
indep independent
indef indefinite
inst instrumental
loc locative
m/masc masculine
neg negative
nom nominalizer
non.count non-countable
obj objetive (case)
pers.poss personal possession
pl plural
poss possessive/possessed
predict prediction
prox proximate
sg singular
unposs unpossessed
unspec unspecified
vbz verbalizer
vis visual (evidential cat.)
392 393
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400 401
kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the
upper rio negro
Thiago Costa Chacon

University of California Santa Barbara
Abstract: This paper explores the correlation of linguistic and socio-

cultural features in the historical processes that led to the formation of
Kubeo, an East Tukano language spoken in the Northwest Amazon. The
study shows that the Kubeo despite sharing many traits associated with
theVaups linguistic and cultural area owe many of their unique cultural
and linguistic characteristics to a complex set of historical circumstances
that led to the relative marginalization of the Kubeo language from
related languages and exacerbated influence from languages from the
Arawak family.
Keywords: Kubeo; Tukano; Arawak; Vaups; Northwest Amazon;
Contact; History
kubeo: linguistic and cultural interactions in the upper rio negro thiago costa chacon
Resumo: Este trabalho explora as correlaes de fatores lingusticos e i. Kubeo is an East Tukano (ET) language (rather than West
culturais na formao histrica do povo Kubeo, um grupo que fala uma [WT] or Central/Middle Tukano, see Section 2.1);
lingua da famlia lingusticaTukano,ramo oriental,no Noroeste Amaznico.
Este estudo demonstra que os Kubeo apesar de compartilhar diversos ii. Kubeo has been relatively isolated, and for a considerable
elementos tradicionalmente associados rea lingustica e cultural do rio amount of time, compared to many of the other language
Uaups devem boa parte de suas propriedades culturais e lingusticas groups within the Vaups area, (see Section 2.2).
singulares a um conjunto complexo de acontecimentos histricos, os
quais so responsveis pela posio relativamente marginalizada dos iii. Kubeo has borrowed many linguistic traits and some
Kubeo com relao a lnguas aparentadas e pela forte influncia de structural proprieties from an Arawak language (which
grupos falantes de lnguas Arak. is likely to be very closely related to Baniwa and Tariana,
Palavras-chave: Kubeo; Tukano; Arawak;Vaups; Noroeste Amaznico; though it is impossible to say precisely which language it
contato lingustico; histria was; see Section 3).
In Section 1 I will try to characterize the Kubeo people from a cultural,

Introduction historical and social perspective, and compare them with neighboring
This work focuses on the relevance of historical interactions in the Tukano groups of the Vaups, with particular reference to the Kubeo
Upper Rio Negro region to the development of the Kubeo culture and language. Section 2 discusses the status of Kubeo with respect to other
language (of the East Tukano, henceforth [ET] family). Kubeo is unique Tukano languages; and Section 3 discusses the nature of contact between
within the region in many respects, while it also shares many of the Kubeo and Arawak languages in the past. Section 4 concludes this chapter.
general social, cultural, and linguistic elements that constitute the Vaups
linguistic and cultural area (an area that is also understood to include the This chapter is based largely on my own fieldwork among Kubeo speakers
Pira-Paran and Apaporis rivers). in Brazil and Colombia. Since 2008 I have traveled regularly to Kubeo
villages, spending from 6 to 12 weeks in the field every year. This work
There are many social, historical and cultural differences between the formed the basis of my PhD dissertation (focused on the phonology
Kubeo and other neighboring Tukano groups (cf. Section 1).The analysis and morphology of Kubeo; see Chacon 2012) and involved linguistic
of the Kubeo language in genetic and areal perspectives suggests the and cultural documentation and conservation initiatives. Data gathered
following conclusions: during these years include a 3000-word lexicon, twenty hours of texts
from a diverse set of genres (with five hours fully analyzed [transcribed,
404 405
translated and morphologically segmented]), and an extensive grammatical ultimately creates linguistic exogamy, multilingual societies and polylingual
database. Data were collected via interviews, elicitation, and in naturally individuals (Sorensen 1967). Because language and ethnicity tend to
occurring situations in distinct Kubeo villages, with about half the work correlate in the Vaups, Jackson (1983) used the term language group for the
conducted among the two Kubeo villages located in Brazil (Aa and primary social grouping in the region, which has also been referred to as
Querar). Native speakers were trained in language documentation and tribe (Goldman 1963) or exogamous group (C. Hugh-Jones 1979).
helped in collecting and analyzing the data; we also developed three
dictionary workshops.1 What is unique about the Kubeo is that several Kubeo sub-groups have
different historical origins, with separate descent ideologies; these form
1. The Kubeo speakers distinct exogamous groups (although something similar may also exist
The Kubeo are often seen geographically and figuratively as a marginalized among the Makuna, cf. Arhem 1981). The fact that the Kubeo-speaking
group in the Vaups. They are located in a border area between Tukano, exogamous groups prefer to intermarry with each other, despite the
Arawak, and Carib speaking groups, a transitional zone in the cultural fact that they speak the same language, also looks awkward from the
context of the Vaups (see their location in the upper left-hand part of perspective of Vaups linguistic exogamy.
the regional map at the beginning of this volume).
The Kubeo social system is also unusual because most ET groups in the
A typical ethnic group in the Vaups is defined by the composition of region are composed only of agnatic groups (sibs), while the Kubeo are
three basic elements: descent (involving hierarchically organized agnatic divided into potentially affinal groups (called phratries [in Goldman 1963
and patrilineal sibs with common mythological origin), language (a single and 2004] which in turn are made up of sibs).2 Hence the term Kubeo
language is inherited from ones father side, and is the representative language does not refer to the same type of social category as is represented by
of an ethnic group), and exogamy (every group must find marriage partners other ET and Arawak language groups in the Vaups (such as Tukano,
in another exogamous group, which claims a different ethnicity and likely Desano, Siriano; cf. Jackson 1983).3
speaks a distinct language) (cf. Chernela 1996; Jackson 1983; Sorensen
1967). These elements form the basis of the regional configuration that
2. It is important to highlight that although members of Kubeo phratries can
1. Data collection was supported by a variety of grants from different institutions: intermarry, they also often intermarry with members of other language groups.
ELF (2008), UnB LALI (2008), FUNAI CGEP and Museu do ndio (2009-2010), 3. It has been proposed that the Kubeo have a phratric system very similar to
ELDP SG00038 (2010-2011), NSF (Dissertation Improvement Grant) (2011 and neighboring Arawak groups, where phratries [are] territorially localized and often
2012). Further details about the fieldwork and documentation/conservation projects function as political units composed of allied sibs under the leadership of phratric
can be found in Chacon 2012. chiefs (Santos-Granero 2002:35, citing Hill 1996:143).
406 407
It is rather the Kubeo phratries that are more directly comparable to Language for the Kubeo is associated more with assimilation and
Vaups language groups, although the former seem to have less cohesion cohesion in the inter-sib, intra- and inter-phratric alliances than with
than the latter. In each phratry (Goldman 1963 and 2004 lists three, but social separation and segmentation, in contrast to other language groups
there are actually four in total4) there is a set of distinct sibs, who share in the Vaups. In more recent times, language has increased in political
common descent. For Goldman (2004:723), the phratries are the real importance, supporting the construction of supra-local alliances of
political bodies in Kubeo society, and although there is no centralized Kubeo-speaking people and playing a role in their growing interactions
power, what binds the sibs of a phratry together seems to be relations of with other indigenous groups and the national societies of Brazil and
ritual, kinship, social and economic cooperation, and solidarity among Colombia. Kubeo has even evolved as a kind of Lingua Franca in the
neighboring agnatic groups (although it is likely that inter-sib hierarchy Vaups area around the city of Mit (capital of the Department of Vaups,
and leadership was stronger in the past, cf. Goldman 2004). For their Colombia); a few small language groups, such as the Pisamira and the
part, inter-phratric relations are not characterized by descent ideologies, Yuruti, are gradually shifting to Kubeo.
and rely mostly on alliances created by marriage, geographic proximity,
shared ethnohistories, kinship, and a common language. There is evidence that many sibs and three Kubeo phratries used to speak
another language in the past, having shifted to Kubeo in more recent
With some exceptions, each phratry occupies a specific river section, times. According to different ethno-historical accounts (see Goldman
roughly as illustrated in Map 1 below. 2004:6470; and my fieldwork data), Kubeo society can be divided into
three categories with respect to the Kubeo language:
An original pre-Kubeo speaking group (the core sibs of Phratry-I);

A second group that originally spoke another language (very likely
an Arawak language), but who came to speak Kubeo long ago, in a
time referred to only in myths (the majority of Phratry-II sibs);
A third group that came to speak Kubeo in historical times (i.e.,
within a few generations, still in oral memory) (Phratry-III sibs and
Phratry-IV).
Map 1: Distribution of Kubeo Phratries (adapted from Hugh-Jones 1979:19) deity (inhabitants of Aai village in the Brazilian Vaups), who can intermarry with
any other Kubeo sib, although mythologically they are considered agnatically related
4.The fourth group is composed of a single sib only, the Yuriwawa people of the Yuri to the sibs from Phratry III (see below).
408 409
It is likely that the original inhabitants of the Cuduyari and Querari Phratry-III and IV, on the other hand, are of more recent integration
river areas were Arawak-speaking people and ancestors of the majority into the Kubeo phratric system. They are self-proclaimed invaders of the
of sibs in Phratry-II.5 Phratry-I sibs the original pre-Kubeo6 speakers Vaups territory, with origins in the Aiari river area. Their migration to
invaded the Vaups and Cuduyari river areas; until marriage relations led the Vaups from the Aiari seems to have been motivated by an intense
to solidarity and cooperation, war and displacements occurred between period of conflicts in the eighteenth century, when slave raids were
the invading groups and the original settlers from Phratry-II. intensified in the region (cf. Santos-Granero 2002:35; Wright 2005).
Their ancestors used to speak Inkacha, a language claimed to be similar to
It was probably during the time of this later, more peaceful relationship the Arawak language Baniwa-Kurripako. It is likely that the grandfathers
between Phratry-I and Phratry-II sibs that the Kubeo culture and language or great-grandfathers of the current oldest generation still spoke the
were formed from the Tukano and Arawak matrixes, yielding the cultural language, which indicates a rapid language shift (no more than within
hybridism mentioned by Goldman (2004) and Wright (no date). Intense three generations) after they settled in the Querari river area.
bilingualism between the speakers of an Arawak language and the pre-
Kubeo speakers must also have occurred in this period, when many Arawak Thus, it is likely that giving the short period since the integration
lexical and structural elements were incorporated into pre-Kubeo. of Phratry-III and IV the more significant formative processes that
produced the Kubeo language and culture occurred among Phratry-I and
Phratry-II sibs in pre-historic times. This scenario is also in accordance
with the mythical place of birth of each phratry: sibs from Phratry-I and
5. Ethnohistorically, sibs like the Biwa and Korwa (Phratry-II) are said to be the II have their mythological place of birth in iparari (the rapids of Santa
original inhabitants of the Querari river. Also, Koch-Grnberg noticed a higher Cruz de Wacurawa, in the Colombian Vaups) and Phratry-III and IV
frequency of toponyms of Arawak origin among the Kubeo than in other parts of the sibs have their place of origin in hpana (the rapids of Uapu, in the Aiari
Vaups that he had visited (cf. Koch-Grnberg 2005:476). Some of these names were river area), like the Baniwa and the Tariana (both Arawak).7
nativized by the Kubeo through calquing, folk etymology, or the addition of Kubeo
words, leading to the inference that some of the Kubeo-speaking groups used to speak
an Arawak language in the past (or at least that the Kubeo territory was previously
occupied by speakers of an Arawak language).
6.The use of a prefix pre- before the name of a given language is standard practice in 7. Hipa means rock in Baniwa. As place names, hpana and iparari were borrowed into
diachronic linguistics. In this paper pre-Kubeo refers to a historical stage in the Kubeo Kubeo. It is interesting that the Kubeo are one of the very few ET peoples on the
language that is hypothetically different from the current stage of the language, i.e. Vaups river that claim to have emerged in rapids other than those of Ipanor (on the
the historical variety of Kubeo prior to the intense influence from Arawak languages. lower Vaups river).
410 411
Many aspects of Kubeo culture exhibit a stronger mixing of Arawak The Kubeo have thus evolved from the integration of different exogamous
and Tukano elements than are found in other ET groups of the Vaups groups, resulting in an ethnic profile distinct from that of other groups in
(cf. Robin Wright [no date]; Goldman [2004]), and other local groups the Vaups. In some cases (in Phratries II, III and IV), certain groups that
also regard the Kubeo as ambiguous between Arawak and Tukano (cf. were integrated into Kubeo society maintained their status as separate
Hill 1993:154-156). A particularly relevant example of hybridism is the exogamous units, while other groups were fully incorporated into one
modification of Arawak deities, such as Kwai (in Phratry-I and II) and of the existing phratries (cf. Goldman 2004).
Yri (in Phratry-III and IV) (Dzuliferi in Baniwa mythology, cf. Wright
2009) with Tukano symbolism. Other examples include a mourning The semantic variation of names referring to the Kubeo and the lack of
ceremony involving masked chanters; the structural parallelism between more clear-cut ethnonyms (especially compared with typical language
Amru, the primordial feminine character for the Baniwa, and Yredo (in groups in the Vaups) is also revealing of the ethnic pluralism and varied
Phratry-I and II) or Huredanau (in Phratry-III); and the combination of political organization of Kubeo society. The term Kubeo is applied
the Anaconda Canoe motif with various Arawak features in the Kubeo by outsiders to the whole Kubeo-speaking population; the name may
creation narrative. From a linguistic perspective, while the fundamental derive from k-be-w (exist-neg-n.3an.sg)8 there is not (Koch-Grnberg
grammatical and lexical elements of Kubeo are characteristic of Tukano 2005) a phrase that the Kubeo may have often repeated to the violent
languages, the language has experienced strong Arawak influence in Portuguese traders. Another common ethnonym is pamiwa, which in
lexicon and grammar, indicating intense and prolonged contact between some contexts refers only to the sibs in Phratry-I,9 in others to all Kubeo-
a pre-Kubeo speaking population and a population that spoke an Arawak speaking peoples (those who speak pamie or pami kamu Kubeo language),
language (see Section 3). and can more generally refer to any indigenous (or non-White) person.
In addition to a strong Arawak influence, the formation of the Kubeo-

speaking groups probably involved the incorporation of other ethnic 8. Linguistic abbreviations used in this paper: 1first person, 3 third person, an
groups from the Vaups. It has been noted by Goldman (2004:72) that the animate, assum assumed evidential, conv converb, emph.foc emphatic focus, gen
up-river zone where the Kubeo live is historically a place where many genitive, hist.past historical past, in inanimate, inferr inferred evidential, interr
groups sought refuge in times of regional instability. Different Kubeo interrogative, loc locative, msc masculine, neg negation, obl oblique case, past
sub-groups may therefore have diverse origins, possibly involving other past tense, pl plural, rep reported evidential, sg singular, visual visual evidential.
ET groups from the Papuri river (Goldman 1963; 2004; Koch-Grnberg 9. Goldman (2004) has suggested that Hehenawa is the name for the entire Phratry-I.
2005:438; Lpez 2001), nomadic peoples (Nadahup, Kakua) (Goldman My impression is that this is not the case. What seems to be the case is that some
1963), and even Carib groups (cf. Koch-Grnberg 2005). groups within Phratry-I have the name Hehenawa added to their sib names, while
some other sibs of the same phratry do not have Hehenawa in their ethnonyms.
412 413
As this section conveys, the historical processes that formed the common 2.1. Genetic classification
culture and language shared by all Kubeo sibs were probably based on The classification of the Tukano family has been in debate since Waltz
relatively localized alliances (rather than those involving an entire tribe and Wheelers (1972) proposal of a third major branch Middle
or chiefdom), as acknowledged by Goldman (2004:73). The formation Tukano in addition to East Tukano and West Tukano (Mason 1950).10
of Kubeo society was thus a fragmented process, grounded in the social According to Waltz and Wheeler (1972:128), Kubeo displays lexical
networks linking different sibs, which allowed cultural and linguistic and phonological similarities to both East and West Tukano.11 The sound
traits to spread and converge. Perhaps we can understand the Kubeo to changes used to support a close relationship between Kubeo and WT
have formed a regional subsystem of their own within the larger,Vaups by Waltz and Wheeler (1972) are questionable in several ways, as I have
regional system. described in detail elsewhere (Chacon forthcoming).12 Most notably,
their reconstruction of Proto-Tukano voiced stops *b *d *g leads Waltz
In summary, relative marginalization with respect to other ET groups, and Wheeler to treat global innovations in the ET branch as retentions.13
strong Arawak influence, ethnic pluralism, and occupation of a refuge/ Chacon (forthcoming) argues that the correct reconstruction is that of
transitional zone in the Vaups all contributed to the evolution of the creaky voiced stops *p *t *k, which provides evidence for subgrouping
Kubeo language and culture, as can be clearly observed in the system Kubeo with East Tukano.
of phratries, the hybridism of Arawak and Tukano cosmologies, and in
linguistic features. The latter are the focus of the following sections.
10. Compare also Barnes (1999) proposed classification of Kubeo, Tanimuka, and
2. The Kubeo Language and the Tukano Family Retuar as a Central Tukano branch (equivalent to Waltz and Wheeler s [1972]
In this section, I demonstrate the genetic classification of Kubeo within Middle Tukano).
the East branch of the Tukano family. I also discuss the archaisms (words 11.This observation suggests that the concept of a Middle branch is theoretically
retained from an ancestral language) found in Kubeo and the independent misguided, since a language cannot inherit properties from different branches,
innovations that the language has undergone. These facts support the although they may be acquired via contact or retentions from the proto-language.
idea that Kubeo has been relatively isolated (culturally and historically) 12 Chacon (forthcoming) is a detailed comparative phonological study of the Tukano
from other ET languages for a considerable amount of time. family demonstrating that a proposal of a third, Middle branch is unmotivated. Kubeo,
Tanimuka, and Retuar (Letuama) are ET languages with a close genetic relationship

to languages such as Desano, Barasano, and Makuna.
13. In addition,Waltz and Wheeler (1972) can only present a parallel correspondence
between Kubeo and WT involving the alleged proto-sound *Y and a correspondence
involving *S, both problematic reconstructions.
414 415
The following charts illustrate the reconstruction of the creaky voiced Another important feature that differentiates ET languages (including
series with the reflexes of *p in word initial and medial position, as an Kubeo) from WT languages is the allophonic variation of voiced stops
example of the correspondences in question. The subgrouping yielded and nasal spreading rules. In ET languages, every voiced phoneme has a
by the reflexes of *p is supported by the correspondences for all other nasal allomorph in nasalized words (e.g., /b/ > [m]), and nasalization may
major consonants (for details see Chacon forthcoming). spread across morpheme boundaries when the morpheme to the right of
the nasalized morpheme has a voiced onset, but never if it has a voiceless
tanimuka kubeo desano tukano kotiria mahiki14 sekoya koreguaje siona P-T Gloss onset. See the examples below from Kubeo:
bia bia bia bia bia bia pia pia pia *pia CHILI
(1) a. d- bi [nm
i]
boi bo bore buti bota bo po po po *po WHITE go-3msc
He went.
Table 1. Reflexes of p, initial position
b. d- k=be [nk be]
tanimuka kubeo desano tukano Kotiria mahiki sekoya koreguaje siona P-T Gloss
go-nmz.prf.msc=cop.3an.sg
He has gone.
- yeba yeba yepa yapa yiha yeha yeha yiha *yipa LAND
b kb gb b kb gh kh kh kh *kpo EAR In WT languages, nasal spreading is licensed primarily by the presence

of a sonorant phoneme in the onset of the syllable to the right of a
Table 2. Reflexes of p, medial position nasalized syllable; nasal spreading occurs even across /h/, a voiceless but
sonorant phoneme (Cook and Criswell 1993; Johnson and Levinson
Reflexes of *p in word initial position show that all ET languages (non- 1990; Wheeler 1987).
shaded cells) changed *p > b.WT languages have more different reflexes,
while Siona retained *p. In word medial position, Kubeo,Tanimuka, and Finally, a further problem for Waltz and Wheelers (1972) classification is
Desano changed *p > b. Tukano and Wanano/Kotiria laryngealized the the importance given to lexicostatistical methods; i.e. counts of shared
preceding vowel *p > Vp. All WT languages merged *p with *p, and lexical items between languages. These counts cannot be used reliably to
later changed *p > h. demonstrate subgrouping, since they include shared retentions from the
proto-language (which may occur independently in multiple languages),
14. Also known as Orejn, a pejorative name. Ktiria is also known as Wanano.
416 417
rather than shared innovations, which are more likely to occur only once Methods
(Campbell 2004).15 Out of 375 words, I identified three sets of cognates: (i) cognates
between Kubeo and languages from both WT and ET branches; (ii)
cognates between Kubeo and at least one ET language only (i.e., no
2.2. Archaisms and independent innovations cognates in WT); and (iii) cognates between Kubeo and at least one
In this section, I will analyze phonological and lexical elements in Kubeo WT language only (i.e., no cognates in ET).
that reflect retentions of linguistic traits from Proto-Tukano or Proto- Words with no cognates between Kubeo and any other Tukano
East-Tukano, and independent innovations distinct from those in other language were also identified.
ET languages. The existence of these features supports the idea that the If a given gloss did not exhibit cognates between Kubeo and other
relative isolation of Kubeo blocked the diffusion of many areal features Tukano languages, cognates for the Kubeo term were searched for
into the language, and allowed Kubeo to keep its own innovations largely (across sources) under different meanings.16
to itself.
Results
Lexical elements Kubeo shares 36.8% cognates (~ 138 items) with languages from both
Waltz and Wheelers (1972) lexicostatistical study counted about 95% branches of the family, out of which 15% (22 words) had undergone
shared vocabulary between Kubeo and Siona (a WT language), the largest semantic shift in Kubeo;
lexical similarity shared between Kubeo and another Tukano language. 18.6% of words (~ 70 items) were identified as cognate between
This percentage seems quite high for languages so disparate in terms of Kubeo and at least one ET language (with no cognates in WT); of
grammar and phonology. In light of the flaws in their study, I conducted these 34% (24 words) had experienced semantic shift in Kubeo;
another study based on the more recent compilation of data in Huber 9.6% (~ 36 items) of words were identified as cognate between
and Reed (1992). The methods of analysis and results are summarized Kubeo and at least one WT language only (with no cognates in ET);
below (a more detailed report is in preparation): of these 22% (8 words) had undergone semantic shift in Kubeo;
16. For example, Kubeo moa fish is not cognate with wai fish in Tukano (which
15. Gomez-Imbert (1993) also provides a precise evaluation and list of flaws in Waltz is cognate across all other Tukano languages), but Kubeo moa does have cognates
and Wheelers (1972) study. meaning "a fish species" in other ET languages.
418 419
142 words in Kubeo (37.8% of the word list) have no known cognates Phonological elements
across the Tukano family.17 The following paragraphs describe phonological features related to
archaisms and independent innovations in Kubeo.
The percentage of shared vocabulary between Kubeo and ET languages i. In Kubeo there are fewer constraints on the combination
is overwhelming compared with the amount shared with WT languages. of V1V2 (i.e., two distinct vowels) within a syllable in
This fact, coupled with the demonstration of shared phonological comparison to other Tukano languages. For instance,Tukano
innovations in the previous section, should eliminate any doubts about (an ET language) does not allow vowel sequences such as i,
the genetic classification of Kubeo as an ET language. u, iu, ei, ae, and ao (Ramirez 1997:44), and all of these are
allowed in Kubeo. The constraints that do exist in Kubeo
Although a more detailed analysis must wait, some important points can on the combinations uo, i, u, o, ou, e, eu are also
be inferred from the present analysis: found in other Tukano languages, which suggests that these
i. Only about two-thirds of the Kubeo vocabulary is constraints are retained from Proto-Tukano.
identifiably cognate with other Tukano languages, indicating ii. Nasalization is a feature whose minimal domain in Kubeo
that independent lexical innovation in Kubeo is probably is the syllable, while in most ET languages it is the morpheme
very high; (Gomez-Imbert 2004; Kaye 1971; Ramirez 1997; Stenzel
ii. The percentage of cognates that have undergone semantic 2013). Hence it is possible to find in Kubeo a polysyllabic
change is relatively high, which also points to independent morpheme with nasalized and non-nasalized syllables, such
innovations in Kubeo. as the word bwya [mawa] bird species, while in other
iii. It is very likely that the great majority of the words ET languages this is not the case, since all morphemes are
shared between Kubeo and WT are retentions from Proto- entirely nasalized or non-nasalized. In WT it is also possible
Tukano, especially because most of these words are restricted to find words where one syllable is nasalized and the other
to basic vocabulary (mainly a few body parts, but also fire, is not, such as in /sese/ [sese] peccary in Koreguaje (Cook
smoke, only three verbs: drink, wash and dig). It would and Criswell 1993). Thus, one can conclude that Kubeo
be extremely controversial to claim that these words were inherited (from Proto-Tukano) the feature of the syllable
common innovations between Kubeo and WT. as the minimal domain of nasalization, while the other ET
languages innovated by expanding the domain of nasalization
17. The sum of the total percentages is equal to 102%, where 2% are cases where there to the entire morpheme.18
is a direct cognate in one branch of the family and an indirect cognate (with semantic
change) in another branch. 18. Given that Kubeo is closely related genetically to languages like Desano and
420 421
iii. Kubeo lacks aspiration of voiceless stops word- i. Converbs instead of Serialized Verbs: Most ET languages, as well as
internally, a common feature of all Tukano languages in the Tariana (Arawak; Aikhenvald 2003) and Hup (Nadahup; Epps 2008),19
Vaups (except for languages in the Pira-Paran and Apaporis exhibit serial verb constructions, by which a combination of different
areas); e.g. Tukano /peta/ [pehta] tocandira ant. sub-events are expressed as a single predicate, with only one inflectional
iv. Many sound changes occurred independently in marker in the head verb and only one subject. In Tukano languages, serial
Kubeo, most notably the following: verbs appear as a sequence of verbs in their bare stem form, followed by a
single inflected verb, which I analyze as the head.The following sentence
all spirant consonants changed to /h/ after *h merged with zero; from Tukano (Ramirez 1997:172) illustrates this type of construction:
glottal sounds * and *h merged with zero;
the phoneme /t/ (orthographically <>) was added to the consonant (2) pisna kaswa buii-p bupu mh peha eha-mi
inventory; cat rack top-loc jump go.up be.above go-present.
/j/ developed [] as an allophone (not clearly identifiable as a retention, visual.3msc
borrowing or independent innovation; see Chacon forthcoming); The cat jumped on top of the rack. (lit. The cat went and put
[r] and [d] developed an alternation across morpheme boundaries: himself above the rack by going up and jumping.)
[d] is the allophone of /d/ after front vowels, as in yahu-i=d (play-
nmz=cl.round) ball, and [r] is the allophone of /d/ elsewhere, as in The head verb in serial constructions often becomes grammaticalized
pamu=r (armadillo=cl.round) an armadillo. as a marker of aspect or mood. In other cases, a whole serialized verb
construction can be lexicalized.
Grammatical elements
Kubeo is the only language in the area that does not have such a
It is difficult to find grammatical traits that have no analogous elements
productive system of serialized verbs. Instead, it uses a special non-finite
in ET or unrelated neighboring languages. Nevertheless, the following
verb form that I call a converb, a term defined by Haspelmath (1995:3)
three elements are likely to represent such cases:
as a nonfinite verb form whose main function is to mark adverbial
subordination. Kubeo converbs code all the types of predicates coded
by serialized constructions in other Tukano languages, as the examples
below illustrate:
Barasano that also have the morpheme as the minimum domain for nasalization,
it is likely that this feature spread areally across different ET subgroups (Chacon
forthcoming). 19. See also the chapter by Gomez-Imbert and Ospina Bozzi in this volume
422 423
(3) a. krr-i ko-r nr dupi-aw=

ya [sequence] adverbs, as in (4a). When there are spatial adverbs, it usually means that
hole-loc enter-cnv go-cnv hide-3.in=rep the subject is at a given location or that the subject lives at a given
It (a living head) got hidden by going and entering into a hole. location, as in (4b) and (4c), respectively.

b. y ka-ri n-rebu [aspect] (4) a. k te-kema-ri kwai
I sleep-conv go-inferr.evid.1 exist do-cl.ii.asm.pst-intr Kuwai
I ended up falling asleep. Did Kwai exist?
c. hh-ri wai-ni t-w [lexicalized] b. hawe-i=ta k te-ame brasilia-re

cold-conv be.intense-conv fall-3.in already-loc=emph.foc he exist do-c.ii.3.msc Brasilia-obl
It is very, very cold! He has lived in Brasilia for a long time.
Since Siona (a WT language) also presents a construction that in terms c. hoe k-reha-kemaw no-re
of form and meaning is very similar to the serialized verbs from ET long.time exist-hst.pst-c.ii.asm there-obl
languages (Wheeler 1987:1689), it is likely that the replacement of the They lived there for a long time.
serialized verbs by a converb is an independent innovation in Kubeo.20
When combined with the causative suffix -wa, the form kwa have codes
ii. Copulas: Kubeo seems to be the sole ET language that retained the possession, as in the example below:
locative/existential copula k be at, exist as a productive root. This verb
can be translated as live, exist, or there is when there are no spatial (5) y kwa-w pka-ra ma-ra
I have-n.3an two-an.pl offspring-an.pl
I have two children.

20. The form of the converb suffix ri is very similar to that of ri participle in
In all ET languages with a cognate verb, only the form with the causative
Kubeo, though they are clearly distinct morphemes. Given that it is quite common
suffix indicating possession was retained, while the locative/existential
for a participle to evolve into a converb (Haspelmath 1995), this looks like a possible
meaning was encoded by another morpheme, e.g. ko to have in Tukano.
source of the converb in Kubeo, although the nasalization of the converb cannot be
straightforwardly explained. In that case, it is intriguing to consider the similarities to
Finally, Kubeo has retained the copula verb ba- to be, which is also
the case described by Epps (2009) concerning the development of the Hup converb.
found in Siona (Wheeler 1987) and Sekoya (Johnson and Levinson
424 425
1990:57), but not in ET languages. Furthermore, Kubeo has developed 3.1. Lexical borrowings
a paradigm of clitic copulas (=bu copula non-third person singular, =be The table below illustrates all known instances of lexical borrowing from
copula third person singular, and =ba interrogative copula) that also an Arawak language into Kubeo. Tariana and Baniwa data are included
seems to be unique among Tukano languages. A retained grammatical as examples of Arawak lexical forms.21 These words were systematically
element was thus adapted via independent innovation in Kubeo. checked against other Tukano languages to determine the direction of
borrowing.
3. Contact issues
Semantic field gloss kubeo baniwa tariana
Kubeo has borrowed many elements from Arawak, ranging from
Plants Uac (Tree sp.) awina awa awia
lexical items, to grammatical morphemes, to structural properties and
Inaj palm eidi wetiri wsiri
grammatical categories. Far from providing an exhaustive inventory,
Tree sp. ta tawi
this section presents an interpretation of the nature of different types of Chili sp. katutu katutu
borrowing and discusses the type of contact that existed between the Creator of the Iapirikuri iperikuli
Religion/
pre-Kubeo and the Arawak-speaking populations. universe (Phratry-III) kuwai master
Cosmology
Kwai of poison
Bilingualism and shift from an Arawak language have occurred at different (Phratry-I) and healer
points in the history of Kubeo. Nevertheless, following Thomason and
Creator of Yri dzuliferi
Kaufmans (1988:37-39) typology of contact-induced changes, the
humankind (Phratry-III) master of
nature of Arawak influence on Kubeo suggests that this took place via
Kwai shamanic skills
intense contact and bilingualism over a considerable period of time,
(Phratry-I) and power
rather than as a result of interference through imperfect learning of pre-
Kubeo by Arawak speakers. Also, from a comparative perspective, Arawak Creator of
Kri kaali
influence on Kubeo has involved more direct borrowing of lexical items agriculture
and grammatical morphemes, and less indirect diffusion of grammatical
structures and categories, than Aikhenvald (2002) reports for the Tukano-
21.Aikhenvald (2001) is the source of all Tariana words and glosses; Ramirez (2001) is
Tariana contact situation.
the source for most Baniwa words and glosses, except for the words in the Religion
and Cosmology categories, which were taken from Wright (2009).The orthography
used in each source has been preserved to the maximum extent, except for the palatal
affricate in Tariana, for which Aikhenvald used the IPA <t> symbol.
426 427
Although the list of lexical borrowings in Kubeo is not extensive (which

Semantic field gloss kubeo baniwa tariana
could be due to the preliminary nature of this study), it is definitely well
Animals Suribim (fish sp.) kuridi koi kulri
distributed in different semantic fields and related to different aspects of
Tucunar
(fish sp.) apa=bo dzapa y:pa Kubeo cultural life. This supports the idea that bilingualism existed for a
Wooly monkey kaparo kapao kparu considerable amount of time, while influence of an Arawak culture was
Jaguar yawi dzwi ywi pervasive in pre-Kubeo speakers social life.

Lizard sp. dpu dopo dpu
Toad sp. pturi-ko p:turi 3.2. Grammatical borrowing and structural interference
Boa yurema dzoema yulma The following paragraphs illustrate the borrowing of grammatical
Bird sp. hure-ko hli morphemes or categories.
Owl pupuri popoi ppuri
Bird sp. waiwaiyo wawyo i. The genitival enclitic =i: In Kubeo, the genitive clitic =i marks the
Bird sp. wayuwe wayue dependent noun in possessive constructions involving a third person
Cricket yru-ko dzio possessor, as in the phrase below:23
Social Affine of the chima tsimai
same sex
categories (6) =
i pak
White person
yaradawi yalana he=gen father
(non-Indian) 22
his father
Interjection:
Miscella- Amusement t
neous (Oh!)
It is also used in complements of prepositions:
Generic male ia atsia man tri man
vocative
Tree branch kawa kawana stick (7) maria=i yobo-i
Difficult mahio mahyuna mary=gen back-loc
Table 3. Lexical borrowing behind Mary / Marys back
22. This form may have been borrowed from Lingua Geral, where the word yara 23.This morpheme can attach to the possessor or the possessed noun, depending on
means owner, boss. which primary-stress syllable is the closest (cf. Chacon 2012).
428 429
Kubeo is the only Tukano language with such a possessive construction. Tariana (Aikhenvald 2003:206) has the form hane that for the distal
This morpheme was likely borrowed from an Arawak language. In demonstrative. Not only are the Kubeo and Tariana distal demonstratives
Tariana (Aikhenvald 2003) and Baniwa (Ramirez 2001) there is a prefix phonologically similar, but two facts support the identification of this
i- that marks the head noun in possessive constructions with a third demonstrative as a borrowing:
person possessor, as in the Baniwa example below:
i. The environment where [n] appears in ni distal
(8) pedoo i-kapi demonstrative is phonologically unexpected: since it
Peter indef.person-hand follows a nasalized /a/ it should have had the form [r] ([r]
Peters hand is the nasalized counterpart of [r], and [n] is the nasalized
counterpart of [d]. [r] and [r] occur after back vowels and [d]
The Baniwa i- prefix is analyzed as an indefinite person marker and [n] occur after front vowels).
(Aikhenvald 2003). Nevertheless, it is generally used to indicate third
person, according to the common overlap between third person and the ii.There are no cognates of ni distal demonstrative in Tukano
generic or non-person (cf. Benveniste 1976). languages. In Tukano and Makuna the forms ati this and adi
this, respectively, are for the proximal demonstrative; if Kubeo
Assuming Kubeo borrowed the prefix i-, it was borrowed only as the had a cognate of these forms, it would be expected to be *ari.
third-person possessor marker, since Kubeo lacks the complex cross-
referencing system of Arawak languages and already had a default generic iii. Restructuring of the Noun Classification System (NCS): Gomez-
possessive morpheme. Then, Kubeo must have reanalyzed the Arawak Imberts (1996) pioneering study of the Kubeo NCS clearly demonstrates
prefix to conform to its own morphophonological system (see Chacon how Kubeo speakers borrowed semantic categories involved in noun
2012 for a more in-depth discussion of possession in Kubeo). classification from an Arawak language. Gomez-Imbert (1996) shows
that animate nouns in Baniwa can be classified for shape, whereas in
ii. Demonstrative: Kubeo has apparently borrowed the distal most ET languages shape is a category of only inanimate nouns (Chacon
demonstrative from an Arawak language. The distal demonstrative in 2007; Gomez-Imbert 2007; Stenzel 2013). Kubeo and Wanano are the
Kubeo has the basic root form ni that, which can be inflected for sole Tukano languages that classify animate nouns (mainly fish, birds,
gender and number, e.g. that animate masculine or nina that and small mammals) according to two categories of shape, round =d
animate plural.
430 431
and oval =bo.24 Gomez-Imbert (1996:464) points out that Baniwa Although the primary social basis for these exchanges was probably
categorization in terms of animal shape would remain as a cognitive the exchange of women between pre-Kubeo-speaking phratries and
frame; and pre-existing Tukano categorization of inanimate entities in an Arawak-speaking phratry, the fusion of the Arawak and Tukano
terms of their shape would simply be generalized to animate entities. matrices to form the Kubeo culture and language has been complex
and diverse, probably far more so than it would be if it were limited to
Conclusion the conditions created by the typical child-mother relationship or to
The analysis of sound changes shared by Kubeo and other ET languages the elements present only in the cultural realm of women. In cultural
and the examination of lexicostatistical data demonstrate that Kubeo is terms, Arawak influence goes deep into the strongly patriarchal Tukano
an ET language, rather than a Central or Middle-Tukanoan language as culture, as Goldman (1963; 2004) often comments and as also noted by
argued by Waltz and Wheeler (1972). Wright (no date). In sociolinguistic terms, this influence implies that
bilingualism was not only predominant among women, but also in the
This paper has also shown that the language presents various linguistic entire Kubeo society. While this pattern is exactly what one finds today
archaisms and independent innovations. These, together with aspects in the multilingual Vaups, the Kubeo case calls for more detailed studies
of Kubeo social and cultural history, indicate that the Kubeo-speaking about the precise ways that bilingualism or plurilingualism have fostered
populations have been relatively more isolated from other groups than cultural and linguistic exchange in the area.
have their ET neighbors.
References
Finally, it was shown that Kubeo has borrowed various linguistic traits
from an Arawak language. Due to the nature and extent of the borrowings, Aikhenvald, Alexandra. 2001. Dicionrio Tariana-Portugus-Portugus-
Tariana. Boletim do Museu Paraense Emlio Goeldi: Srie Antropolgica
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24. My glosses are slightly modified from those in Gomez-Imberts (1996) paper. In
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Barnes, Janet. 1999. Tucano. The Languages of Amazonia, ed. R.M.W. ______. 2004. Cubeo Hehenawa Religious Thought. Metaphysics of
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A Sense of Space. Austin: University of Texas Press. and Ekkehard Knig, pp. 155. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.
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Epps, Patience. 2008. A Grammar of Hup. Berlin, New York: Mouton de
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de Educacin Departamental del Vaups y Unidad Tcnico Pedaggica. _____. No date. Book Review: Hehenawa Religious Thought, by Irving
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436 437
IV. hIsTorICal dynamICITy
Mythology, Shamanism and epidemic diseases:
a view from the upper rio negro region
Dominique Buchillet
IRD French Institute of Research for Development
Abstract: According to the ethnographic literature, South Amerindian

peoples conceive of diseases brought by contact with non-indigenous
peoples as resulting primarily from human sorcery (by village members,
foreign indigenous groups or non-indigenous peoples) or from the
attack of malevolent spirits, demons or gods. This paper explores the
variety of perceptions about smallpox, measles and malaria among
various indigenous groups (Desana, Tukano, Tariano and Baniwa) of the
upper Rio Negro region of the Brazilian Amazon. Drawing on data
from historical narratives, myths and shamanic lore, it shows how the
historical, socio-political and environmental contexts of emergence of
these three infectious diseases, their clinical manifestations, their natural
history and patterns of spatial and temporal diffusion, and their possible
mythology, shamanism and epidemic diseases: a view from the upper rio negro region dominique buchillet
resemblance to indigenous illnesses have contributed to the range of

indigenous perceptions related to them. Introduction1
Keywords: Epidemic diseases; historical narratives; shamanic lore; Epidemic diseases have exerted wide influence on human history
mythology - Upper Rio Negro region throughout the ages. Some have wrought havoc on affected lands, defeated
armies, disrupted cities, transformed state structures, accentuated political
Resumo: De acordo com a literatura etnogrfica, povos sul amerndios and social classes and/or exacerbated antagonisms. The great destruction
concebem doenas decorrentes de contato com povos no-indgenas they caused in Amerindian populations cleared the path for Western
basicamente como um resultado de feitiaria humana (de membros da conquest, expansion and colonisation of the New World. Some of these
prpria comunidade, outros grupos indgenas ou no-indgenas) ou diseases (smallpox, measles and influenza, in particular) are considered
de ataques de espritos, demnios ou deuses malevolentes. Esse artigo by scholars as major killers of indigenous peoples. Moreover, malaria, by
investiga um conjunto de percepes sobre varola, sarampo e malria its debilitating effects, makes the host more receptive to other diseases
de vrios grupos indgenas (Desana, Tukano, Tariano e Baniwa) da regio (Dobyns 1983:11-23). In this paper, I analyze the indigenous perceptions
do alto rio Negro na Amaznia brasileira. Com base em narrativas of smallpox, measles, and malaria which, according to historical records,
histricas, mitos e saber xamnico, mostra-se como o contexto histrico,
sociopoltico e enviromental de emergncia dessas trs doenas
infecciosas, suas manifestaes clnicas, sua histria natural, seus padres
de difuso espacial e temporal bem como suas possveis semelhanas a
doenas indgenas tm influenciado sua interpretao.
Palavras-chave: doenas infecciosas; narrativas histricas; saberes 1.The data on which this paper is based were collected in the upper Rio Negro
xamnicos; mitologia - regio do Alto Rio Negro region during the years 1980-1981 and 1984-2004. My fieldwork in 1980-1981
was financed by a doctoral grant from the French Foreign Office, and in 1984-
2004 by IRD (ex-ORSTOM, Research Institute for Development, France)
and the Brazilian CNPq (National Council for Scientific and Technological
Research) and carried out in various Brazilian universities and research institutes
(Museu Paraense Emlio Goeldi, University of Braslia, University of So Paulo
and Instituto Socioambiental). The author of this chapter is a member of the
UMR_190 Pathologies Virales Emergentes (Aix Marseille Universit, IRD
French Institute of Research for Development, EHESP French School of
Public Health, 13005, Marseille, France).
442 443
have had a deadly impact in the upper Rio Negro region, in the north- of spells), with whom I have carried out the main part of my fieldwork.
west of the Brazilian Amazon.2 I also refer to other groups (the Tukano4 of the same linguistic family
and the Arawak Tariano and Baniwa), using my own data5 and that drawn
According to ethnographic literature, South Amerindians conceive of from the ethnographic literature.
epidemic diseases as resulting primarily from human sorcery (by village
members, foreign indigenous groups or non-indigenous peoples) or /y/ is pronounced as [j] or [ia] as in IATA. The glottal fricative /h/ and the
from the attack of malevolent spirits, demons or ghosts. This article glottal stop indicated by an apostrophe // occur intervocalically, as in yoho
explores the variety of perceptions on epidemic diseases among various diarrhea and wi house, respectively. The vowels which precede a voiceless
indigenous groups of the upper Rio Negro region. By drawing on data consonant (p, t, k, s, h) have an aspired pronunciation as in dipari headwater or
from historical narratives, myths and shamanic lore, it shows how the api other which are respectively pronounced [dihpari] and [ahpi]. Nasalization
historical, socio-political and environmental contexts of emergence of is indicated with a tilde () above the vowel(s) affected. It affects the entire
these three infectious diseases, their clinical manifestations, their natural morpheme. The consonants /b/, /d/, /g/ and the approximant /y/ are affected
history and patterns of spatial and temporal diffusion and their possible by the nasalization: /b/ is pronounced [m], /d/ is pronounced [n], /y/ is
resemblance to indigenous illnesses have contributed to the range of pronounced [] (as in the Spanish maana) and /g/ is pronounced [] (as in
indigenous perceptions related to them. In this paper, I primarily use the the English tongue) when they occur before or after a nasal vowel. There is
data I have collected with various Desana shamans or kumua3 (or blowers also the acute accent () which indicates the tonic ascendant melody (see, for
example, di river). The orthography of Desana is currently under discussion
with the Indians. On Desana language, see Kaye (1970), Miller (1999) and
2. This article draws from Buchillet (1995, in French) on Desana shamanic Rocha (2012).
representations of epidemic diseases, but incorporates new data and adopts a 4. Other East Tukano groups who live in the upper Rio Negro region and
comparative perspective. in the Colombian Vaups include Tuyuka, Wanano/Kotiria, Karapan, Bar,
3. Plural form of kumu. The Desana language has twelve consonants (/p t k Barasana, Arapaso and Mirititapuyo.
b d g s h r w y /) and six vowels ([a e i i o u]). The consonants /p/, /t/, 5. I carried out the most part of my fieldwork on shamanism and traditional
/k/, /b/, /d/, and /s/ are pronounced as in English; /g/ in ga, ge, go or gu medicine with Desana kumua of various sibs living along the Tiqui, Umari,
is pronounced as in the English gas, get or guest, gossip and guttural but Cucura, and Urucu Rivers. In 1991, I had the opportunity to work briefly with
as ng [] when accompanied by a nasal vowel (as in the English tongue, see a Tukano kumu of the Tiqui and from 1999 to 2001 with two Tariano kumua of
below). The alveolar flap /r/ may be pronounced as [] or [l] according to the the sib Kabana-idakena-yanapere in Iauaret. I would like to express my profound
various dialects. The consonant /w/ is pronounced [v] when followed by the respect and admiration for the great knowledge of my informants as well as my
vowels /e/ or /i/ as in English the words veil and vigilance. The consonant gratitude for their patience in handing on their knowledge to me.
444 445
Desana Indians (or Imiko mas people of the Universe) are an East indirect contact with Western goods and diseases through trade exchanges
Tukano group who reside in the upper Rio Negro region (Brazil) and in with other indigenous groups who were already in contact with the
the Colombian Vaups6 with peoples of the same and different linguistic Portuguese, or through slave raids into their territory by Manao Indians
families (Arawak and Nadahup/Mak). Numbering approximately of the middle Rio Negro on behalf of Dutch colonizers. In 1740, an
1,460 individuals in Brazil, they live along the Vaups River, an affluent epidemic of smallpox ravaged the upper course of the Rio Negro, killing
of the upper Rio Negro, its tributaries the Tiqui and the Papuri numerous Indians (Rodrigues Ferreira 1885-1888). It probably reached
Rivers, and also along some of their navigable streams (Umari, Cucura remote parts of the region via contacts with infected Indians or through
and Castanha of the Tiqui and Urucu of the Papuri). East Tukano clothes and linens contaminated with pus or scabs.
peoples are subdivided into exogamous units with patrilineal affiliation,
differentiated by language, historical occupation of a specific territory, From 1749 to 1763, recurring epidemics of smallpox and measles
and a specialization in material culture. Desana peoples are related to the struck the upper Rio Negro region. The 1749 measles epidemic was so
other groups of the region through a complex system of matrimonial virulent that it was referred to as the sarampo grande [the great measles]
alliances and/or economic and ceremonial relations. Their subsistence is (Rodrigues Ferreira 1885-1888). From 1763 onwards, Portuguese
based on shifting cultivation of bitter manioc (Manihot esculenta Cranz) military expeditions began to relocate Indians into colonial settlements
combined with fishing, hunting, and gathering (of fruits and insects). established along the middle course of the Rio Negro, forcing them
to work in plantations and to collect wild products (drogas do serto).
Portuguese troops, travelers and scientists subsequently penetrated deep
1. The epidemiology of contact in the upper Rio Negro region
into the upper course of the river and its main tributaries. Their reports
The Indians of the upper Rio Negro region probably had their first
mentioned the devastating effects of recurring epidemics of smallpox and
contacts with the Portuguese during the 1730s when the government
measles in indigenous communities and colonial centers, which led the
of the former State of Maranho and Gro Par sent slaving expeditions
Indians to abandon them.They also cited the Indians fear of intermittent
(tropas de resgate) into the region to secure an Indian labour force.7 It
fevers that were plaguing the region. These fevers seemed to affect
is possible, however, that the Rio Negro Indians had already been in
indigenous and non-indigenous peoples indifferently. Characterized as
quartan, tertian, or pernicious,8 they were said to appear at the beginning
6. See the works of Reichel-Dolmatoff (1971; 1976; 1978; 1979a; 1979b; and
1989, etc.) on shamanism, cosmology, ritual, mythology, etc., among the Desana
Indians of the Colombian Vaups. 8. It is impossible to affirm that these fevers refer exclusively to malaria.Various
7. On the history of contact in the upper Rio Negro region see, for example, acute febrile diseases present similar clinical manifestations, at least initially.
Sweet (1974); and Wright (1981). Moreover, it was only at the end of the 19th century that the etiology of malaria
446 447
of the overflow of the river and to vary in severity (see, for example, measles, whooping cough, and malaria that struck the region every year.
Sampaio 1826; Rodrigues Ferreira 1885-1888; and Chaves 1886). In 1932, for example, a malaria outbreak killed 70 people of the village of
Taracu-Ponta (on the upper Rio Vaups), leading the survivors to desert
Throughout the nineteenth century, upper Rio Negro Indians continued it (Brzzi 1977). In March 1936, a measles epidemic caused the death
to provide forced labor for the building of colonial settlements, of 11 children of the mission boarding schools in Iauaret and Taracu
plantations, and the collection of forest products. Epidemics of smallpox, before spreading to the adjacent communities and killing 26 people in
measles, and of intermittent fevers devastated large parts of the region, less than one month (Blanco 1935-1936). From November 1942 to
causing the Indians to flee the colonial settlements, and resulting in more April 1943, an outbreak of malaria caused the death of 27 individuals
Portuguese-ordered slave raids in order to replenish their population. in Iauaret and adjacent communities. During the 1960s, the SUCAM
(Superintendence of Public Health Campaigns) carried out repeated
From 1872 to 1920, the rubber boom set up a new cycle in the labor campaigns to control malaria and considered the region to be free of it in
exploitation and decimation of the Indians. In October 1888, a virulent 1970. From 1974 onwards, however, malaria has made a comeback in the
smallpox epidemic struck Manaus, the capital of the Province of region. This resurgence is associated with the construction of the North
Amazonas, prompting the government to interrupt all communications Perimetral Road, the invasion of the region by gold miners coming
with the mission settlements of the Rio Negro and leading the Indians from malaria-endemic areas, the building or extension of airstrips, and
to desert them for fear of the disease. A month later, a measles outbreak the implementation of the Calha Norte Project, a military project of
swept various indigenous communities and, along with an epidemic of development and colonization. Since then, malaria has been an important
fevers of a bad character, caused a great number of victims. factor of indigenous morbidity and mortality.
From 1915 onwards, Catholic Salesian missionaries began to settle As it can be seen in this brief review, upper Rio Negro Indians have
mission centers along the middle and upper courses of the Rio Negro. had extended experience with smallpox, measles, and intermittent fevers
Their Chronicles abound in references to epidemics of influenza, (malaria?), with smallpox having made its last appearance in the region
in the early twentieth century.9 Whereas the post-contact origin of
smallpox and measles in the New World is well established, the pre-
or post-contact origin of malaria is still a matter of debate.10 In the
was discovered. However, it is now known that Plasmodium vivax causes benign
tertian malaria, P. malariae, quartan malaria, P. ovale, ovale tertian malaria, and
P. falciparum, malignant tertian malaria, also called before subtertian, aestivo- 9. Smallpox was declared eradicated from the world in 1980.
autumnal, tropical, or pernicious (Bruce-Chwatt 1980). 10. See, for example, Bruce-Chwatt 1965; Dunn 1965; and Wood 1975.
448 449
following pages, I review the natural history of these infectious diseases, diseases, requiring their viruses to be re-imported through contact with
which, I argue, has contributed to the indigenous understanding of their infected persons and/or their goods.
emergence and spread.
The case of malaria is different.The disease may present itself in an acute
or a chronic form. It is caused by a parasite of the genus Plasmodium,
which is transmitted through the bite of the Anopheles mosquito. Inter-
2. Natural history of smallpox, measles and malaria human contamination is impossible. Three of the four species of malarial
These three infectious diseases differ according to their patterns of parasites11 are present in the Brazilian Amazon: Plasmodium vivax, P.
transmission and propagation, and the modalities of perpetuation of their malariae and P. falciparum. P. vivax and P. falciparum have a variable period of
viruses or parasites. Smallpox is caused by an orthopoxvirus which is longevity (from two months to one year for P. falciparum and two to three
transmitted through infected droplets or via cloths and linens contaminated years for P. vivax). Moreover, the host remains infectious from 6 to 21
with pus or scabs (Hopkins 1983). Measles is caused by a paramyxovirus, days according to the parasite involved and the severity of the infestation
which is also transmitted via infected droplets and respiratory secretions (Gentilini 1993). In tropical America, the Anopheles mosquito darlingi
and, in addition, through ocular secretions. Face-to-face contact with an is the main vector of malaria parasites. It breeds in a variety of habitats
infected person and/or with infected clothes and linens (in the case of (excavations, canals, ground depressions, etc.) and in the vegetation of
smallpox) is necessary for the transmission of the disease. Both diseases riverbanks (Ferreira 1981).These characteristics explain why malaria may
are very contagious and a single case may engender an epidemic. As persist endemically in small populations. Focal outbreaks may occur when
they produce a lifelong immunity in their survivors, and there is no favoured by unusual rainfalls and climatic conditions which increase the
animal reservoir for their viruses, they depend on a certain number of breeding sources of disease vectors, population mobility from and within
persons to persist in an endemic form (200,000 to 300,000 people are malaria-endemic areas, ecological changes due to human activities (such
necessary, for example, for the endemicity of measles) in a given area. as road building, agriculture and irrigation works), or the establishment
Below this critical threshold, infection is extinct. The occurrence of an of new settlements and development projects in malaria-endemic areas.
epidemic thus depends on the reintroduction of the virus and of the
number of susceptible individuals in a given community or city (children
born after the last outbreak, unexposed immigrants, etc.). Consequently,
epidemics may explode every two years in big cities and four to five
years in small communities (Black et al. 1974). It is obvious that the small
size of indigenous communities and their geographic dispersion within 11. The four species of parasites responsible for malaria in humans are P. vivax,
the upper Rio Negro region did not allow the endemization of both P. malariae, P. ovale, and P. falciparum. P. ovale is present in Africa.
450 451
3. Indigenous representations of infectious diseases Illnesses (individual cases or epidemic outbreaks) attributed today to evil
Upper Rio Negro Indians have varied perceptions about the etiology spells (e.g. dohari and birari) have mythical origins; they are believed to
of the infectious diseases that have plagued them since the early phases result from the transgression of a social or cultural rule by primordial
of interethnic contact. While they link the emergence of smallpox and ancestors, from their out-of-context experimentation with spells to
measles with contact with non-indigenous peoples, they show some check their therapeutic or evil power or, additionally, from their revenge
divergences regarding the origin of malaria in the region as it is shown against enemies. Primordial ancestors were not themselves victims of the
below. They have various terms to refer to illness. Desana Indians, for afflictions they helped to create. Instead, these illnesses were inherited
example, distinguish between prri, doreri and bhari. Imiko prri illnesses by humanity. In fact, every illness has one or more specific myths which
of the universe (literally, pain of the universe) refers to those illnesses relate its creation in mythical times. This knowledge is traditionally
that just happen, which may appear at any time and affect everyone secret, being part of the training of the kumu. Ideally, each sib has specific
without any reason. Doreri (from dore to send, to give an order) refers knowledge in matters of therapeutic and evil spells, including the mythic
to illnesses attributed to the aggression of nature spirits or other humans. origin(s) of illnesses which are attributed today to the casting of evil
Illnesses due to nature spirits (wi yuki mas doreri, literally illnesses of spells (Buchillet 1990; 2004).
water and forest peoples) generally result from an error made by the
sick person (dietary transgression, overhunting, etc.). Sorcery, e.g. an Finally, bhari (transitory and contagious) refers to those illnesses that
act intended to cause harm to a person or a community, is usually the Indians associate with contact with non-indigenous peoples and goods
consequence of envy, jealousy, revenge for conflicts, anger, disrespect and which differ from indigenous illnesses by their virulence, contagious
of a knowledgeable man (a headman or a shaman, for example), etc. It nature, and sporadic character. According to Desana,Tukano,Tariano and
can be brought about through the use of poisonous substances (nima Baniwa peoples, smallpox (bisika, from the Portuguese bexiga, in Desana
tiri), the projection of a magical weapon (dart, thorn, cotton, tiny stone, and Tukano; ibichikan in Baniwa), measles (sarapo in Desana and Tukano,
etc.) into the victims body by a shaman-jaguar (ye whri), or though from the Portuguese sarampo), influenza (giripi, from the Portuguese gripe,
the casting of evil spells by a kumu (dohari). Kumu and ye also have the in Desana and Tukano; hftchi in Baniwa), whooping cough (wau in
capacity to cause an epidemic within a community (birari) (Buchillet Desana and Tukano, waaki wesi in Tariano, iitsipemi in Baniwa), chickenpox
1990; 2004). Illnesses due to the aggression of nature spirits or humans (diki smuri in Desana; karaka ibichikan in Baniwa) and diarrhea (yoho
are considered indigenous illnesses (dipari mahar doreri, literally illnesses in Desana and Tukano; iraithuli in Baniwa) belong to the category of
of the inhabitants of the river headwaters). illnesses of non-indigenous peoples (peamas bhari in Desana; ialanawi
idzmikathi in Baniwa). Epidemics attributed to collective sorcery (birari
452 453
in Desana) differ from those associated with interethnic contact by their that is, the capacity to produce manufactured items. Moreover, as he
contiguity, both spatial and temporal. While the first ones are localized, did not vacillate in taking the coca of immortality (also called coca of
affecting at the same time three or more persons of a given community, multiplication of people) from the coca gourd despite the threatening
the second ones spread from a starting point and gradually affect all presence of poisonous animals and insects on its margins, he also got the
communities along the same river (Buchillet 1995). capacity to change his skin,13 that is, the power to multiply and live for
a long time. This capacity of reproducibility is also attributed to non-
In contrast with the majority of indigenous illnesses, illnesses of non- indigenous goods and diseases (Buchillet 1995).
indigenous peoples are not attributed by Desana Indians to human
malevolence. As I have shown elsewhere (Buchillet 1995; 2004), they In a way similar to the origin of indigenous illnesses, various myths
are instead associated with certain characteristics (nature, form, smell, account for the origin into the indigenous world of illnesses brought by
reproducibility, etc.) of non-indigenous goods (manufactured items, food) interethnic contact.
that offend indigenous peoples. Moreover, they are seen as particularly
virulent and contagious. Their contagious nature recalls an ontological
3.1. Smallpox and measles
difference between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples which is
Smallpox and measles are acute eruptive diseases, their main characteristic
registered in the myth of the creation of the world and humanity. This
being the presence of a rash which colonizes the body in a few days.
myth is common to East Tukano groups and shared with some Tariano/
Various clinical forms have been described for smallpox, including the
Arawak groups, but with variation in details (names of mythic heroes or
confluent form in which lesions touching one another are separated by
places, etc.) according to the group or sib identity of the narrator.12 In a
areas of unaffected skin. In its early stage, the rash of smallpox may be
version of the myth collected among various Desana sibs, when Suribo
confused with that of rubella, measles, erythema multiform, etc. (Dixon
Gomi, who was to become the ancestor of non-indigenous peoples,
1962). Cutaneous manifestations of measles consist in the appearance of
seized without fear the gun offered by Boreka (the major Desana ancestor)
pink or red spots (erythemathous maculo-papules) from various millimeters
to the other ancestors of the humanity, he gained technological power
13. According to the Desana, to change his skin, like snakes do, is a symbol of
12. For the Desana, see, for example, Lana and Lana (1995); Fernandes and renewing, reproduction and longevity. Women naturally change their skin each
Fernandes (1996); and Galvo and Galvo (2004). For the Tukano, see Gentil month through menses. Men change their skin through rituals. This conception
(2000; 2005); Azevedo and Azevedo (2003); and Maia and Maia (2004); for the is shared with other indigenous groups of the Northwest Amazon (see, for
Tariano, see Barbosa and Garcia (2000); and Tariano (2002). example, Hugh-Jones (1979) for the Barasana Indians of the Colombian Vaups).
454 455
to one centimeter of diameter which are generalized on the patients skin. Moreover, the potential confusion, at least initially, between the rash
body. The rash may be itchy and becomes brownish before fading away. of smallpox and measles is well illustrated by the distinction made by a
Desana informant between two forms of measles: sarapo and sarapo iiri.
Desana myths link the exanthematic manifestations of these two diseases In some cases, the measles rash looks like that of smallpox. This is what
with glass beads, which were an important foreign exchange item he calls sarapo. Dark measles refers to the measles rash which resembles
between Indians and non-indigenous peoples during the early phases the bite of a pium, a tiny mosquito, e.g. the erythematous maculo-papular
of interethnic contact. In a myth collected in the sib Bitiri Niri (located rash which becomes brownish before fading away.
on the Urucu stream), the ancestor of non-indigenous peoples was
cooking colored beads in order to make collars. While he was removing Interestingly, the Arawak Tariano and Baniwa associate the measles rash
the cooking foam, it fell on the ground, and gave origin to the measles with the teeth of the manioc grater. According to a Desana informant
rash: the maculo-papules represent the cooking foam which goes out who learned the myth from a Baniwa, while the ancestor of non-
of the victims body in the form of beads. In a variant of the Desana indigenous peoples was cooking beads, the ancestor of Baniwa people
sib Khripor (located on the Tiqui River), the first non-indigenous (probably Yapirikuri) decided to fabricate a manioc grater.14 While he
women of the world exchanged bead collars with the first indigenous was inserting small sparkles of quartz stone into the grater board to
women. When the latter used them, however, the beads turned into the make its teeth, these turned into the measles rash. This is why Desana
maculo-papules characteristic of measles. Moreover, a myth collected kumua always recall the manioc grater in their therapeutic spells against
with a Tukano kumu of the Tiqui established a relation between the measles because it may add pathogenic elements to the disease process.
rash of smallpox and measles and the size of beads: small beads were Moreover, when the rash does not come out, they symbolically press, via
transformed into the maculo-papules of measles while big beads gave the therapeutic spell, the manioc grater on the patients skin to make the
origin to the rash of smallpox.The assimilation of the smallpox rash with rash come out. Finally, dreaming about colored beads and manioc graters
beads of big size demonstrates the accuracy of indigenous perception. In is a harbinger of a measles epidemic.
fact, the rash in smallpox usually evolves in four stages over four to five
days: first macule, then papule, then vesicle filled with a colorless fluid,
and, finally, pustule surrounded by an inflammatory halo (Gentilini 1993).
Big beads may thus refer to the halo surrounding the pustule, which gives 14. The manioc grater is made from a piece of wood of various trees of the
it the form of a big pustule (Buchillet 1995) or to the confluent form family Laureaceae (laurel tree, louro in Portuguese). While metal-covered graters
of smallpox in which, as mentioned above, lesions touching one another are common today, they were originally studded with small sharp quartz stones
(e.g. giving the aspect of big beads) are separated by areas of unaffected that served as grater teeth. Manioc graters are traditionally made by the Baniwa/
Arawak who trade them with the other peoples of the region.
456 457
The Tukano and Desana myths cited above make clear that the main back to attack them. In periods of measles epidemic, in order not to be
characteristic (the rash) of smallpox and measles came from non- contaminated, Indians use a defensive shamanic spell to symbolically hide
indigenous goods, especially bead collars. This association is also explicit their life (e.g. their soul) in the smell of an ox or a dog. The rationale
in a Desana account of the millenarian movements15 that took place behind this practice is that as these animals were domesticated in the
into the region from the mid-nineteenth to the early twentieth-century. past by non-indigenous peoples who are immune to measles, domestic
Maria, a young Desana girl, was said to have the power of vision and animals are also immune to this disease. Thus, by hiding ones soul into
cure. Non-indigenous peoples, who wanted to check her power, sent her the smell of a dog or an ox, one is not attacked by the disease.
a box full of jewels:
There were a lot of things: bead collars, ribbon, crowns, and 3.2. Malarial fevers
flags. They also put smallpox. When Maria received the box, Symptoms of malaria typically consist of a fever with a variable periodicity
she immediately knew that they had also sent her smallpox: and flu-like symptoms such as chills, headaches, muscle aches, and fatigue.
These doctors sent a disease to us. They sent us smallpox, Vomiting, diarrhea and abdominal discomfort are also reported.
she thought. She then prayed on water and poured the holy
water upon the box. Thinking that the disease was over, she Desana Indians attribute malarial fevers to various causes according to
opened the box. Unfortunately, through her prayer, smallpox their season of occurrence, periodicity, severity, extent (individual cases
had turned into measles (Wenceslau, Urucu River, 1992).16 or epidemic outbreak) and the place where the first symptoms appeared.
They may be conceived as illnesses of the universe or belong to the
Today, measles is said to reach the region through the smoke of industries, category of diseases due to human sorcery or to water spirits.The Desana
which thus serves as a vehicle of disease transmission. Desana informants distinguish two forms of malaria: nimakiri and nimakiri bigi old malaria,
have noted the cyclic nature of measles epidemics. According to them, the latter being more severe and with vomiting (falciparum malaria?).
measles rolls for a while over cities, taking strength, before coming Nimakiri (lit. that which contains a poison) is the name of the vegetal
poison used in hunting, the curare. Malaria is thus seen as a poisoning of
the person. Other groups of the upper Rio Negro region, such as the
Baniwa/Arawak, for example, also conceive malaria as a body poisoning
15. On millenarian movements in the Rio Negro, see Wright (1981; 1998); also (see Garnelo and Wright 2001; and Garnelo and Buchillet 2006).
Wright and Hill (1986).
16. My translation. From a myth I have collected in 1992 with Wenceslau, an old
kumu of the Urucu River. See also Galvo and Galvo (2004).
458 459
In a myth collected in various Desana sibs, S Gami was poisoned by 1. Ohoka mas frogs, umari fruits, and malaria
a curare arrow sent by Deyubari Gami who punished him for having Individual cases or epidemic outbreaks occurring during the blooming
destroyed part of humanity through a flood. Wishing to take his revenge period of the umarizeiro17 (November) and at the end of the umari fruit
before dying, S Gami flew to the periphery of the world (where the harvest (the second half of April) are associated with the ohoka mas frog
ancestors of non-indigenous peoples were living) where he vomited (not identified). According to a myth (collected in the sib Khripor,
malaria. When he fell dead onto the ground, his bones full of curare located on the Tiqui River), a Desana man who was living in the
exploded and contaminated the world with malaria. He fell near the underwater world with his wife, a frog-woman, died from malaria after
Hill of Malaria (Nimakiri suriru, in Colombia), where the ancestors of drinking the caapi18 of his parents- and brothers-in-law and touching
the present-day Barasana, Tatuyo, Kubeo and Karapan Indians (East the gourds they used to blow spells. Today, anyone may catch this form
Tukano linguistic family) were living. They wanted to keep his feathers, of malaria during these two periods. Called ohoka mas ya nimakiri (e.g.
bones, beak, crest, nails, tail, etc. to use during rituals and ceremonies. malaria of the ohoka mas frogs), it belongs to the category of illnesses of
However, Deyubari Gami took them back because of their poisonous the universe. In the past, kumua used to make a ceremony of protection
nature. According to another Desana myth, the shaman harpy-eagle before the blooming of the umarizeiro and at the end of the harvest of
Gaye was poisoned by a curare arrow sent by Imiko eki Bupu, Grand- its fruits. As I have shown elsewhere (Buchillet 1995), these two periods
Father Thunder, as retaliation for him having killed his sons. In order to correspond to the phases of transition between the wet and the dry
castigate humanity before his death, he also flew to the edge of the world seasons; to the time for gathering summer fishes (bohori wi) in the
where he vomited malaria. These two myths establish two important stagnant water of streams and for opening manioc fields, which creates
facts: the existence of malaria in the human world, and its similar effects artificial breeding habitats for the Anopheles mosquito.
on indigenous and non-indigenous peoples (a fact well established by
historical records, as seen above). On this endemic background, individual
2. Malaria pots, wet and dry seasons
cases or epidemic outbreaks may occur, which the Desana attribute to
According to Desana Indians, the rocks of the rapids enclose pots which
various causes. As the following discussion shows, these explanations are
contain the malarial poison. These pots are natural holes in the rocks
shared in part by other indigenous groups of the region.
which kumua perceive as malaria pots (nimakiri sorori). They are said to
have existed since the creation of the world, and different myths account
17. Poraqueiba sericea Thul.

18. Made from the hallucinogenic vine Banisteriopsis caapi.
460 461
for their origin. For example, when the bones of S Gami exploded, they Although malaria pots have been closed by kumua, epidemics may occur
contaminated the world with the malarial poison. Kumua gathered the today during the wet and dry seasons. During the summer, according to
malarial poison disseminated into the upper Rio Negro and put it into the Desana, the sun beats on the pots, causing their content to ferment.
the pots. However, as the pots remained open, malaria epidemics were At the beginning of the high water season, they are continuously washed
frequent in the region, as seen above. Later, kumua invented the means to through the water flow and recede. They may explode, consequently
close the pots, putting an end to the recurring epidemics related to them. releasing the malarial poison into the river. Called malaria of the river
(m nimakiri) or malaria of the rapids (tmuri nimakiri), this form of
The existence of malaria pots in the rocky rapids and the presence of malaria belongs to the category of illnesses of the universe. It can affect
malaria in the entire upper Rio Negro region are recognized by other every person living near the rapids during this season. On the other hand,
indigenous groups. According to a Baniwa/Arawak myth which also epidemics occurring in summer are attributed to specialized sorcery.
gives the origin of the timb (a fish poison), for example, the mythic Through a lightning bolt or an evil spell, the ye or the kumu may open
hero Kunferi (Yapirikulis father-in-law) was killed by the harpy-eagle the pots, releasing the malarial poison into the river. Individual cases or
Kamthawa as a revenge for the death of a member of Yapirikulis family.19 epidemic outbreaks occurring in summer in the proximity of rapids may
His body was broken to pieces, which were then scattered in various be associated with this cause.
parts of the Vaups River, south of the Baniwa territory, where they
eroded the stones, giving origin to the so-called malaria pots. However, The danger represented by the damaging or opening of malaria pots
a shaman of the Vaups opened the pots to avenge the murder of his explains why upper Rio Negro Indians fear the destruction of the rocks
son by non-indigenous peoples, in this way disseminating the malaria of rapids. For example, they attribute the 1932 epidemic of malaria in
disease in the upper Rio Negro region (see Garnelo and Wright 2001; Taracu-Ponta to the fact that missionaries had taken stones from the
and Garnelo and Buchillet 2006). One Tariano/Arawak informant also Cassava Rapids (Brzzi 1977). In fact, all pots of malaria are tied together
referred to these malaria pots, adding that their content is the drink of by a kind of invisible thread. Thus, the damaging or opening of one
fish and water spirits. That is why their closure by kumua put an end to of them leads to the damaging or opening of the others. This linkage
the recurring epidemics of this form of malaria and also to the fish in explains the occurrence of malaria epidemics in various parts of the
the region, which are said to be scarcer today than they were in the past. upper Rio Negro region at the same time. Furthermore, each pot is tied
via an invisible thread to Imiko eki Bupu who, for mythological reasons,
is considered by the Desana and other East Tukano Indians to be the
father of sorcery (Buchillet 2004). Thus, when a kumu wants to provoke
an epidemic, he invokes Imiko eki Bupu, who then sends a lightning bolt
19. See Wright (1998), Wright ed. (1999); and Garnelo ed. (2001).
462 463
against one pot, provoking its explosion and the consequent release of 5. Malaria and places
the malarial poison into the river. Some places in the upper Rio Negro region are known as malaria-
endemic areas for mythological reasons. In a Tariano myth (that I
3. Malaria pots and mosquitoes collected in the sib Kabana-idakena-yanapere in Iauaret) which presents
Malaria pots are also the habitat of malaria mosquitoes (nimakiri mirea some similarities with the Desana myth of Gaye, the eagle Pisiri was killed
in Desana), which are said to be different from the mosquitoes living in by an arrow poisoned with curare sent by an ancestor of the Arapaso
the proximity of households. These mosquitoes are under the control Indians (an East Tukano group). Before dying, Pisiri intended to poison
of kumua who, at their will, may send them to bite people and, in this the world with malaria. He fell to his death in the Solimes headwaters
way, propagate malaria. The role played by malaria mosquitoes in the where the ancestors of the Tikuna and other indigenous peoples were
transmission of the disease is, however, secondary. When one lives near living. These wanted to use his feathers, bones, beak, crest, nails, tail, etc.,
the rapids, drinking water or taking a bath in the river contaminated by during their ceremonies and rituals but the Arapaso ancestor took them
the malarial poison is sufficient to catch the disease (Buchillet 1995). back because of their poisonous nature. He then put Pisiris remains into
a box that he sent, through the power of his thought, to the headwaters
of the Xi River where it still is.20 That is why, according to Tariano
4. Malaria, water spirits, gold and precious gems informants, malaria is endemic in this place. Anyone going there may be
As some upper Rio Negro Indians put it, holes in the rocks of rapids its victim. Likewise, anyone who goes to the Hill of Malaria where Gaye
also contain gold and precious gems. As they belong to water spirits, in died without a shamanic defensive spell against malaria may fall victim
the past nobody dared to touch them, fearing the retaliation of the water to the disease. Only those peoples who permanently live in the places in
spirits through a malaria epidemic. According to Desana informants, question and are used to it are not affected by this disease. The Desana
Manuel Albuquerque (known as Manduca in the upper Rio Negro Indians call these groups Nimakiri Mas People of Malaria. Other places
region), a Director of Indians of the former SPI (Service of Protection in the upper Rio Negro region are also known by Indians as malaria-
of Indians), famous for the abuse of authority and the bad treatment he endemic areas, likewise for mythological reasons.
inflicted upon indigenous peoples of the region, stole gold and precious
gems from a rapid, causing a virulent malaria epidemic. Interestingly,
upper Rio Negro Indians attribute the high incidence of malaria among
Yanomami Indians of the Rio Negro and Roraima to the dynamiting of
the river rocks and stones by gold miners.
20. See also Barbosa and Garcia (2000).
464 465
Conclusion recognized characteristics of illnesses of non-indigenous peoples include

Of the three infectious diseases which, according to historical records, their severity (they are often fatal) and high contagiousness. In some
have had a deadly impact in the upper Rio Negro region since the early cases, indigenous etiological conceptions evolve according to the phases
phases of contact with non-indigenous peoples, the Desana Indians only (e.g. indirect, direct, intermittent, and permanent) of contact with non-
recognize the post-contact origin of smallpox and measles. Malaria, for indigenous peoples (Yanomami;Yora;Yaminahua).21
which a pre- or post-European contact origin into the New World is still a
matter of debate, is considered an indigenous disease. Some characteristics This paper shows a certain degree of homogeneity in the representations
of its natural history, such as its endemic or epidemic potential, vectorial of diseases among the various indigenous groups of the upper Rio
transmission, chronicity, seasonal fluctuations, links with the environment, Negro, in particular, the mythic origin(s) of the diseases which have
and absence of pathological selectivity (e.g. it affected Indians and non- afflicted them since the creation of humanity (including illnesses of non-
indigenous peoples indifferently, in contrast with smallpox and measles indigenous peoples) and which are seen as by-products of the actions of
which mainly afflicted indigenous peoples), have certainly contributed primordial ancestors; the perception of their virulence and contagious
to this etiological conception (Buchillet 1995). character as primary characteristics of illnesses of non-indigenous
peoples; the association of smallpox and measles with interethnic contact
Ethnographic references to South Amerindian conceptions of diseases and, also, the existence of malaria pots in the rocky rapids of the region
brought by interethnic contact are relatively scarce. Variously labeled and the danger associated with their damaging or opening. Important
(epidemics,diseases of White (or civilized) peoples,infectious diseases, discrepancies exist, however, regarding the mechanisms of production
contact diseases, non-indigenous diseases, exotic (or epidemic) of smallpox and measles and the etiological conception of malaria. The
diseases, White man illnesses), they seem to be mainly conceived as Desana and Tukano (East Tukano linguistic family), for example, created
resulting from human sorcery (Xingu Indians; Marubo; Kaiapo) or from myths to explain how smallpox and measles were the involuntary by-
the attack of malevolent spirits (Yanomami;Warao), demons (Matsigenka)
and/or cardinal gods (Warao). Human sorcery may be attributed to village
members (Xingu Indians), foreign indigenous groups or non-indigenous 21. On Yanomami, see Albert (1988); on Matsigenka, see Shepard (1999); also
peoples (Marubo; Yanomami; Guaj; Kaiapo). Spirits and demons may Rosengren (2002); on Yora and Yaminahua, see Shepard (1999); on Warao, see
attack on their own or through their manipulation by shamans, local and Wilbert J. (1996); also Wilbert W. (1987); on Guaj, see Cormier (2003); on
foreigners (Yanomami;Warao).Wind (Warao; Guaj), smoke (Yanomami; Baniwa, see Garnelo and Wright (2001); also Garnelo and Buchillet (2006); on
Kogi;Yora;Yaminahua) or a foul vapor falling from the sky (Matsigenka) Xingu Indians, see Heckenberger (2001); on Kaiapo, see Verswijver (1992); on
is seen as a pathogen or as a vehicle of disease transmission. Commonly Marubo, see Montagner-Melatti (1985).
466 467
products of the fabrication by the ancestors of non-indigenous peoples of the ocean, far from indigenous peoples. In contrast, according to the
of glass bead collars (an important foreign exchange item during the early Baniwa/Arawak conception, the ancestors of non-indigenous peoples
phases of interethnic contact) which turned lethal only to indigenous were created by Yapirikuli from the larva coming out of the rotten body
peoples. Although the Baniwa and Tariano (Arawak linguistic family) of Olimali whom he killed for impregnating his wife. Non-indigenous
also associate these two infectious diseases with the effects of interethnic peoples are also considered potential brothers-in-law and classified by
contact, they nevertheless attribute them, through the recourse of myth, Baniwa people among their aggressive relatives (Garnelo and Buchillet
to the teeth of the manioc graters which are produced by indigenous 2006).This may explain why, differently from the East Tukano perspective,
peoples (e.g. by the Baniwa Indians). The same apparent contradiction illnesses of non-indigenous peoples do not constitute a distinct class of
regards the origin of malaria in the upper Rio Negro region which, illnesses among the Baniwa. In any case, the data analyzed in this paper
although considered by Baniwa Indians to be a non-indigenous illness, substantiate the remarkable insights of upper Rio Negro Indians into the
is said to originate from the smashed body of a Baniwa cultural hero. natural history of the three infectious diseases which have plagued them
In fact, these apparent discrepancies in the Baniwa representations of since the early phases of contact with non-indigenous peoples.
infectious diseases and with East Tukano indigenous perceptions may
be related to the origin and place allocated to non-indigenous peoples
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
in the indigenous world. According to the various East Tukano versions
I want to thank here the two reviewers for their critical lecture and
of the myth of creation of the world and humanity,22 the ancestors of
comments on the first drafts of this paper and MJ Robert for her revision
humanity shared the same history until their emergence on land on the
of the English writing.
Ipanore beach (located on the middle Vaups River) where the Creator
whose identity differs according to the group identity of the narrator
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Hopkins, Donald R. 1983. Princes and Peasants: Smallpox in History. _____. 1979b. Some Source Material on Desana Shamanic Initiation.
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Texas. (Studies in the Languages of Colombia 6).
472 473
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Herbalists. Social Science and Medicine, vol. 25, no. 10:1139-46.
Wood, Corinne S. 1975. New Evidence for a Late Introduction of Malaria Resumo: Os diversos grupos exogmicos atualmente referidos
into the New World. Current Anthropology, vol. 16, no. 1:93-104. como etnias que formam o sistema social do rio Uaups (noroeste da
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of the Upper Rio Negro Valley. PhD. dissertation, Stanford University. dispostos ao longo de uma srie hierrquica que corresponde ordem
de surgimento de seus ancestrais nos tempos mticos. A inexistncia
_____. 1998. Cosmos, Self and History in Baniwa Religion: For Those
Unborn. Austin: University of Texas Press. de conhecimento genealgico profundo paradoxal, tendo em vista
tratarem-se de sociedades em que o pertencimento a cls patrilineares
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Ethnohistory vol. 33, no. 1:31-54.
julho/2006.
474
hierarquia e histria: NOTAS SOBRE A DESCENDNCIA ENTRE OS TARIANO DO RIO UAUPS GERALDO ANDRELLO
depende essencialmente da descendncia. Este artigo tem por objetivo allowed them to individualize a greater number of ancestors through
discutir um caso aparentemente anmalo, que se refere a um cl tariano, os successive generations; and b) their occupation, for many generations,
Koivathe, cuja memria genealgica apresenta uma surpreendente lista de of a territory also claimed by other groups. I show that emphasis on
14 geraes ascendentes em geral, os cls do Uaups no contabilizam the language of descendence is an open variable, which in this case is
mais do que quatro ou cinco. A especificidade dos Koivathe est associada simultaneously associated with the performative nature of the Vaups
a dois fatores: a) por um lado sua incorporao dos nomes dos brancos, social hierarchies and to the priviledged position of this clan in their
que, em combinao aos seus nomes tradicionais, veio a permitir a relations with colonizers since the eighteenth century.
individualizao de um maior nmero de antepassados que se sucederam Keywords: descendence; genealogical memory; myths and history;
no tempo; e, b) sua insero h muitas geraes em um territrio tambm hierarchy; northwest Amazon
reivindicado por outros grupos. Busco mostrar que a nfase no idioma
da descendncia uma possibilidade em aberto, e que nesse caso associa-
se simultaneamente ao carter performtico das hierarquias sociais do Introduo
Uaups e posio de destaque que esse cl assumiu no relacionamento A populao atual dos Tariano, grupo arawak habitante do rio Uaups,
com os colonizadores desde o sculo XVIII. estimada em cerca de 1.300 indivduos2. Suas comunidades esto
Palavras-Chave: descendncia; memoria genealgica; mito e histria; distribudas ao longo do mdio e alto curso desse rio em trs distintos
hierarquia; noroeste amaznico ncleos de concentrao. O primeiro e mais importante deles formado
pelas comunidades situadas no povoado de Iauaret e em suas imediaes,
Abstract. The diverse exogamous groups currently referred to as incluindo trs comunidades situadas no rio Papuri, afluente da margem
ethnic groups that form the Vaups social system (in the northwest direita do rio Uaups. Este povoado se originou a partir da concentrao
Amazon) are composed of variable numbers of patrilineal clans, organized demogrfica promovida ali atravs de uma misso salesiana, fundada em
hierarchically according to the order in which each ancestor appeared in 1927. Na dcada de 70, famlias pertencentes a vrios grupos indgenas
mythological times. The absence of profound genealogical knowledge is dos rios Uaups e Papuri passaram a fixar residncia permanente em
paradoxal, being that societies with patrilineal clan membership depend torno da misso, motivadas pelo fechamento dos internatos mantidos
on descendence. This article discusses the apparently anomalous case pelos salesianos por vrias geraes. Alm de servios de educao,
of the Tariana clan Koivathe, whose genealogical memory goes back a
surprising fourteen generations, whereas in general,Vaups clans can trace
back no further than four or five. The uniqueness of the Koivathe can be 2. Alm desses, h um nmero desconhecido de famlias que hoje vivem na
attributed to two factors: a) on the one hand, to their incorporation of cidade de So Gabriel da Cachoeira e em outras comunidades ou centros
white-people names, which in combination with traditional names has urbanos do Rio Negro, como Santa Isabel e Barcelos.
476 477
nesse povoado que as famlias indgenas de uma extensa zona da bacia do perifricos e das imediaes do ncleo central para o povoado. Para se
Uaups buscam assistncia sade, trabalho remunerado e acesso a bens ter uma idia dessa proporo, basta mencionar que dos 900 Tariano
industrializados. Quatro comunidades tariano correspondem aos bairros hoje residentes em Iauaret, menos da metade so membros das antigas
mais antigos de Iauaret (So Miguel, Dom Bosco, Santa Maria e So comunidades que a se encontravam antes do incio do processo de
Pedro). Tanto nessas comunidades como em outras que formam hoje concentrao populacional no povoado que se iniciou ao final dos anos
o povoado (Cruzeiro, Dom Pedro Massa, Domingos Svio, So Jos e 70. Os Tariano dessas antigas comunidades, elas prprias constitudas em
Aparecida), os Tariano convivem com outras etnias pertencentes famlia funo da chegada dos missionrios em 1927, somam uma populao
lingistica Tukano Oriental (Tukano, Desana, Piratapuyo/Waikhana, que no ultrapassa hoje o patamar de 400 pessoas.
Wanano/Kotiria, Arapaso, Kubeo e outras). Outras seis comunidades
tariano esto localizadas a pouqussima distncia de Iauaret (Japur, A dinmica espacial das comunidades tariano , portanto, determinada por
Aracap e Sabi, margem direita do rio Papuri muito prximas sua uma articulao complexa de fatores: importante, em primeiro lugar,
foz, e Campo Alto, Itaiau e Miriti, localizadas s margens do rio Uaups, considerar seus relatos acerca de sua prpria origem ao norte, na bacia do
a primeira abaixo de Iauaret e as duas ltimas acima). rio Iana, e seu deslocamento para vrias partes do Uaups, bem como a
implantao da misso salesiana em Iauaret e seus desdobramentos mais
Os outros dois ncleos tariano esto separados do primeiro por recentes, que, no bojo das mudanas verificadas nas ltimas dcadas, veio
comunidades tukano, arapaso e piratapuyo, estando um localizado no promovendo a concentrao dos Tariano em seu ncleo de povoamento
alto curso do Uaups e outro no mdio curso desse rio. Ou seja, h mais importante. Embora mais de dois teros de sua populao localize-
um ncleo situado a montante do ncleo central de Iauaret, formado se hoje no povoado de Iauaret, os ncleos tariano do alto e do mdio
por duas comunidades (Santa Rosa e Periquito), e outro a jusante, Uaups ainda mantm-se como tais, seja pela permanncia de parte de
formado por quatro comunidades (Ipanor, Urubuquara, Pinu-Pinu seus moradores nesses locais, seja pelo reconhecimento partilhado entre
e Nova Esperana). Em termos populacionais, a grande maioria da os diferentes cls de que cada qual possui seu prprio lugar.
populao tariano (900 indivduos) se concentra em nove bairros do
povoado de Iauaret3. Metade desse total corresponde a pessoas que, nas Os Tariano subdividem-se, aparentemente, em 24 cls, e apontam a
ltimas dcadas, vm se transferindo das comunidades dos dois ncleos existncia no passado de outros sete atualmente extintos. O nmero total
de 31 cls nem sempre alcanado das listas fornecidas pelas pessoas, e
ningum parece se importar em apontar exatamente o nmero total de
3. O povoado como um todo possui uma populao permanente de cerca de sub-grupos que constituem a chamada etnia tariana. Ou seja, h muita
2.800 pessoas (para um perfil detalhado da composio tnico-demogrfica de variao nesse tipo de informao e opto aqui por fornecer a lista mais
Iauaret, ver Andrello 2006, cap. 3).
478 479
extensa que pude obter4. No obstante, nota-se uma coerncia geral 1. Cls tariano: hierarquia e localizao
nas diversas verses, que se refere, sobretudo, aos trs blocos distintos A tabela abaixo fornece uma relao de todos os cls Tariano, apontando
nos quais a totalidade dos cls est distribuda e que no apresentam sua localizao espacial. Obs.: Os sombreados da tabela prestam-se
correspondncia com a distribuio espacial das comunidades acima unicamente a marcar os cls extintos.
indicada. A diferenciao sequencial em blocos corresponde, de fato, a
Primeiro Grupo - Perisi localizao
uma ordem hierrquica, marcada pela posio de destaque ocupada por (Enu Pukurana ou
Filhos do Trovo)
determinados cls em seu interior, sobretudo aquelas que se referem Kameda Iauaret e imediaes
cabea e ao rabo, como se costuma apontar, isto , s posies mais Uhuiaka Kasi Numda
Uhuiaka Uhuiaka Seri
proeminentes e aquelas menos valorizadas. Esta ordem baseada na Kuenaka
Adaruna
sequncia mtica do surgimento dos cls, tal como ocorre nos outros Kameua
grupos do Uaups j h tempo descritos (Goldman 1979 [1963]; C. Kali
Uhui
Hugh-Jones 1979; rhem 1981; Jackson 1983). Veremos, no entanto, Psi Sawi
que o caso tariano, alm de apresentar outras caractersticas comuns aos Kuisivada Kabana
Uhua Dakeno
demais grupos do Uaups, como descendncia patrilinear e exogamia segundo Grupo - Koivathe Ncleo original
lingustica, apresenta caractersticas prprias, especialmente no que diz Koivathe Iauaret e imediaes
Kuenaka Daksami Mdio rio Uaups
respeito a uma maior elaborao genealgica. Tal particularidade, como Pukuta ?
pretendo mostrar, associa-se a sua trajetria histrica peculiar, qual Samida Iauaret e imediaes
Sahami
seja, a de se tratar de um grupo arawak estabelecido em um territrio Yuwi Mdio rio Uaups
majoritariamente tukano, e que mais cedo do que estes teria estabelecido Pukudana Kawaiaca Iauaret e imediaes
Sami
relaes com os colonizadores que adentraram o Uaups a partir do final Han-Huhada Sarape
do sculo XVIII. Kui
Kali-Dseri
Makua Alto rio Uaups
Talhakana Mdio rio Uaups
terceiro Grupo - kayaroa ncleo original

Paipherinseri
4. Para um quadro relativamente diferente, ver Barbosa (Kedali) e Garcia (Kali) Kumadeni Mdio Uaups
Kuena Yawialipe Iauaret e imediaes
(2000), autores tariano de um dos volumes da coleo Narradores Indgenas do Hewli
Rio Negro (organizado por D. Buchillet). Nesse texto aparece uma lista de 26 Malid
Haiku Sacali
cls, ainda que no agrupados em conjuntos hierrquico. Para um quadro mais Koea
Mamialikuna Alto Uaups
prximo ao aqui descrito, ver Bruzzi da Silva (1977).
480 481
O primeiro bloco da tabela acima designado pelo termo Perisi, uma velhos (paiphe), os que vieram a aparecer ao longo da trajetria em
categoria que se aplica de modo mais generalizado a filhos primognitos direo ao Uaups so os mais novos (noeri). De uma maneira geral,
ou a cls que ocupam a posio hierrquica superior em seus respectivos a alocao dessas unidades em trs sries hierarquizadas amplamente
conjuntos. Outra expresso empregada para essa srie Ennu Pukurana, reconhecida pelo conjunto dos Tariano. Ainda que possa haver variaes
filhos do trovo. Trata-se da expresso original, na prpria lngua na sequncia exata dos nomes em cada uma das sries de acordo com
tariano, da designao correntemente usada no Uaups para designar o a posio do informante nesse esquema, a ordem hierrquica mais geral
conjunto dos Tariano. Nessa forma de uso mais restrita, a expresso se no objeto de polmicas entre pessoas pertencentes a cls de diferentes
presta a marcar a posio hierrquica superior desse conjunto de cls. sries. Ainda que diferentes informantes apresentem os dados com maior
Logo abaixo dele, encontramos uma segunda srie composta por treze ou menor grau de detalhamento, no parece haver controvrsia quanto
unidades, designada em seu conjunto pelo nome do cl que encabea a classificao das pessoas como pertencentes primeira, segunda ou
lista, Koivathe.Trata-se de um termo para o qual os Tariano no fornecem terceira srie de cls, bem como sobre a alocao dos cls em cada uma
traduo, afirmando ser propriamente um nome. Esses Koivathe so, em delas5. Alm da posio hierrquica, ou, alis, como marca de sua posio
geral, considerados o segundo grupo dos Tariano, ou os mais novos. hierrquica, os conjuntos de cls possuem nomes, cantos, histrias, e, no
Ao final da sequncia, encontramos uma terceira srie de sete cls, passado, objetos e adornos cerimoniais especficos, que constituam um
designada corriqueiramente pelo nome Kayaroa, termo da lngua tukano patrimnio distintivo.
cuja traduo periquito. Na prpria lngua tariano, eles so designados
paradoxalmente pelo termo Paipherinseri, os irmos mais velhos, muito A composio interna em cls hierarquizados explica-se em grande
embora sejam os mais novos, pois so considerados servidores dos cls medida pela prpria dinmica social que teve lugar ao longo de seu
do segundo grupo, os Koivathe. Esta designao, tacitamente aceita como deslocamento histrico da bacia do Iana do Uaups. Neste processo,
incorreta, mas corrente, relaciona-se ao evento mtico de seu surgimento, possvel que grupos menores tenham sido incorporados em posies
quando relutaram em ser referidos como mais novos. Os nomes hierrquicas inferiores, como seria o caso de vrios dos cls classificados
especficos de cada um dos cls que aparecem nessa lista so tambm como Kayaroa, em particular o ltimo da lista, os Mamialikune6 H
nomes pessoais ou apelidos dos Tariano, para a maioria dos quais no h
traduo conhecida.
5. Esse esquema geral dos trs grupos foi fornecido por informantes pertencentes
A ordem em que os cls encontram-se dispostos na tabela corresponde, aos cls mais altos dos dois primeiros blocos. Informantes pertencentes a cls do
de acordo com a narrativa mtica da origem dos Tariano, sequncia terceiro bloco confirmam os atributos gerais de tal estrutura.
do surgimento de seus ancestrais. Aqueles que primeiro surgiram na 6. Para este grupo, todas as verses disponveis da narrativa mtica tariano so
cachoeira de Uapu, no alto rio Iana, so considerados irmos mais unnimes em apontar sua origem e incorporao j no Uaups: Vocs so
482 483
tambm informaes que sugerem que os Koivathe teriam sido o os primeiros salesianos aportaram para tratar da implantao da futura
primeiro grupo tariano a estabelecer aliana com os Tukano, talvez por misso. Como veremos abaixo, era tambm a essas malocas que outros
haverem sido os primeiros a alcanar Iauaret. brancos que j vinham desde o sculo XVIII transitando pelo Uaups se
dirigiam para tratar de outros assuntos.
Fatores como esses incorporao e liderana sobre outros cls e alianas
estratgicas bem cedo estabelecidas com os grupos tukano orientais 2. Os Koivathe no contexto das alianas com os colonizadores
parecem ter desempenhado um peso decisivo na integrao dos Koivathe Segundo o Cnego Andr Fernandes de Souza (1848), vigrio de So
dinmica de exogamia lingustica que caracteriza o sistema social do Gabriel da Cachoeira, cidade localizada no rio Negro abaixo da foz do
Uaups. Isso responde em parte pela proeminncia que este cl viria a Uaups, pelos ltimos anos do sculo XVIII, em 1793, um principal
ganhar nesse rio, mesmo situando-se em um nvel hierrquico secundrio Tariano chamado Calisto haveria convencido seus parentes e outros
no conjunto dos cls tariano. Alm disso, ao contrrio dos cls da Tukano e Piratapuyo a formarem um aldeamento no mdio Uaups,
primeira srie, os Koivathe lograram manter ao longo da colonizao uma situado logo acima das cachoeiras de Ipanor. Esta povoao foi ento
estabilidade territorial notvel, constituindo junto com outros cls que os reconhecida pelo Cnego como uma misso, que ainda lhe daria o nome
acompanhavam como servidores o bloco historicamente mais numeroso de So Calisto Papa. Por trs anos seguidos, este religioso haveria feito
entre os Tariano. Desse modo, a feio que hoje assumem os Tariano visitas anuais ao lugar, tendo orientado a construo de uma igreja e
como grupo social diferenciado reflete um modo muito especfico de distribudo sacramentos fartamente. Em sua ltima visita haveriam
atualizao dos elementos bsicos da organizao social das sociedades sido 669 batizados. De suas palavras, depreende-se que os ndios eram
indgenas rionegrinas descendncia patrilinear, hierarquia, exogamia orientados a descer o rio para lhe buscar, provavelmente na povoao de
no curso de uma trajetria histrica peculiar. So Joaquim na foz do Uaups ou mesmo em So Gabriel da Cachoeira
e que, avidamente, buscavam o batismo para seus filhos. O nome do lugar
O respeito de que gozam os Koivathe associa-se, sem dvida, ao fato de e o de seu principal era o mesmo: Calisto.
serem o nico grupo tariano considerado chefe nesse caso, chefes
do segundo grupo que se mantm concentrado no lugar onde se O nome Calisto reaparece em outras fontes do sculo XIX, sempre
localizavam as malocas de seus antepassados, hoje as comunidades de So associado aos Tariano. Por ocasio da criao da Diretoria de ndios da
Pedro e Santa Maria em Iauaret. Foi ali, nas antigas malocas Koivathe, que Provncia, a meados do sculo XIX. Jesuno Cordeiro, o primeiro Diretor
de ndios do Uaups nesse perodo, faz meno a um tuxua (chefe)7
gente?, haveria perguntado Koivathe aos Mamialikune.Vendo que sim, os teria
levado para dentro da maloca em que os Tariano encontravam-se reunidos na 7. Alguns passaram a ser nomeados por Diretores de ndios no sculo XIX e
Ilha de Arum, alto Uaups, e lhes indicado um lugar atrs dos chefes. depois pelo SPI no sculo XX atravs de cartas-patente.
484 485
tariano chamado Calisto Antonio entre os escolhidos a serem enviados [1926]); Ermano Stradelli 1964 [1900]). O nome Calisto , com efeito,
a Manaus para receber patente em 1848. Assim como um pequeno transmitido ao longo de vrias geraes da genealogia Koivathe sob a
grupo de tuxuas nomeados no Uaups nesse perodo, Calisto Antonio forma Calitro, como o demonstra o diagrama sinttico em seguida.
parecia colaborar com as autoridades locais na obteno de trabalhadores
indgenas e na formao de povoaes ao longo do Uaups. Alguns anos Genealogia Koivathe
1. Gerao Koivathe [liderou a migrao ao Uaups

mais tarde, Alfred Wallace aponta seu encontro com um Tariano que se era casado com mulher Baniwa]
regogizava em exibir o nome Calisto (Tenreiro Aranha 1906-1907; Wallace 2. Kuenaka [a partir desta gerao, os Koivathe j
se casam com mulheres Wanano]
1992 [1853]). Se ao final do sculo XVIII o Tariano Calisto encontrava- 3. Kali Calitro [liderou a sada dos Koivathe da
serra do Jurupari; seria o Calisto
misso de So Calixto, 1793 (?)]
se em uma povoao logo acima das cachoeiras, o Calisto de meados do
sculo XIX era o chefe de uma grande povoao tariano localizada em 4. Kuenaka Kali Calitro [sem descendentes]
Iauaret. Com 263 moradores, era a maior concentrao populacional

5. Manuera Kuenaka
do Uaups no ano de 1852 (cf. Tenreiro Aranha 1906-1907:61). Duas [teria morrido e deixado a lide-
rana do sib ao irmo]
Calitro Kali
[disputa entre primognito e caula,
dcadas mais tarde, o viajante francs Henri Coudreau informa que at ciso do sib]
6. Kuenaka Calitro [primeiro Koivathe a se casar com uma

o ano de 1852 os Tariano tinham apenas um tuxua, que exercia uma mulher Pira-Tapuia]
Nanaio Silva [primeiro branco que

autoridade absoluta sobre a tribo (Coudreau 1889, tomo II:162). J por 7. Kuenaka Manuera andou pelo Uaups
e levou Nanaio a
ocasio de sua viagem ao Uaups, ao final dos anos de 1870, eram dois Tarum-Mirim]
os tuxuas tariano, um deles em Ipanor, outro em Iauaret. Este ltimo 8. Kuenaka Kuenaka Kali Kuenaka Manuera [j vivem no iga-
parece ser o Calisto com quem Wallace se encontrou, justamente em

Manuera Koivathe rap Epsa-yaa]
Iauaret. quela altura, ainda segundo Coudreau, Iauaret seria o grande 9. Kuenaka Kui Tumu
centro dos Uaups, uma hegemonia que ainda persistia no momento de 10. Manuera
Kuenaka
Kali Kuenaka
Susui
[moram nas duas
malocas de Iaua-
sua visita regio.Vale dizer que Uaups era o termo usado para referir-
ret]
se a todos os grupos indgenas do rio homnimo. 11. Kuenaka

Nicolau
Kali
Jos Calisto
Kuenaka
Leopoldino
Sami Uhui
Famlia Lana
Famlia
Manuel Antonio Aguiar Jos Bibiano de Jesus
Os relatos de Stradelli e Brando de Amorim confirmam igualmente a 12. Kuenaka Kali Calisto
Kali
Arajo
Kuenaka
existncia da rivalidade entre os tuxuas tariano de Ipanor e Iauaret,
13.
apresentando uma maior preciso no registro de seus nomes: em Ipanor, 14. [os homens das 13. e 14. geraes vivem em Iauaret; alguns dos mais
tratava-se de Casimiro, narrador de um dos mitos coletados por Brando velhos j possuem netos]
de Amorim, portador do nome tariano Kuenaka; em Iauaret, tratava-se

291
de Calisto, portador do nome tariano Kali (Brando de Amorim 1984 Figura 1. Genealogia Koivathe
486 487
De acordo com os informantes do cl Koivathe, a primeira gerao na a uma combinao indita at ento: Kuenaka Calitro. Aqui o nome
genealogia acima a do ancestral tambm chamado Koivathe, que guiou tradicional de primognito, Kuenaka, combina-se ao primeiro nome
vrios grupos tariano na migrao do Iana ao Uaups. Nas segunda e adquirido entre os brancos. Kuenaka Calitro veio tambm a ter apenas
terceira geraes aparecem, em primeiro lugar, Kuenaka, e, em seguida, um filho, que, em nova inverso, se chamaria Kuenaka Manuera. A partir
Kali. Este ltimo j leva como complemento a seu nome cerimonial da esta linha de descendncia se multiplica em trs linhas colaterais, cada
um novo nome, Calitro, que, segundo os homens do cl Koivathe que uma delas se originando de cada um dos trs filhos que teve Kuenaka
detalharam esta genealogia, teria sido atribudo por um padre que andou Manuera. Os nomes dos trs filhos de Kuenaka Manuera apresentam
no Uaups muito tempo antes dos salesianos. Parece plausvel afirmar novas combinaes: o primognito recebe o mesmo nome do pai, mas
que este padre tenha sido o vigrio de So Gabriel das ltimas dcadas do o segundo e terceiro filhos vm a se chamar respectivamente Kuenaka
sculo XVIII acima citado, pois se consideramos que Kali Calitro situa-se Kali e Kuenaka Manuera Koivathe. A partir da nona gerao, novos nomes
a dez geraes acima da atual teremos aproximadamente um intervalo aparecem. Kui, Tumu (9 gerao), Sami e Uhui (11 gerao), so outros
temporal de dois sculos. Mas esta afirmao faz sentido sobretudo tendo nomes tariano que passam a ser empregados com o crescimento do cl,
em vista o prprio nome atribudo pelo Cnego Fernandes de Souza e que se associam, por sua vez, a novos nomes cristos que puderam
quela povoao tariano ento constituda no Uaups e a seu principal: ser incorporados mais recentemente, como Nicolau e Leopoldino (11
So Calisto e Calisto. O nome Calisto haveria sido, segundo os Koivathe, gerao, ambos combinados ao nome Kuenaka).
um nome de batismo associado pelo vigrio ao nome cerimonial Kali.
Em seu prprio linguajar, o nome passaria a ser transmitido como Essas combinaes de nomes, bem como as inverses a que do margem,
Calitro, como um complemento, ou suplemento, a Kali. A partir da o que parece permitir aos Koivathe a construo de uma genealogia to
quinta gerao, verifica-se uma outra combinao, na qual o nome extensa, facilitando a memorizao de um grande nmero de antepassados
tariano Kuenaka associa-se a um outro neologismo, Manuera, isto , ao e, assim, o registro de vrios eventos significativos de sua histria coletiva.
nome cristo Manuel. As guerras que fizeram contra os Wanano e os Arara, os diversos stios
onde estabeleceram suas malocas, a distribuio dos lugares para os cls
Ou seja, nas duas primeiras geraes aparecem exclusivamente nomes a eles subordinados, o incio dos casamentos com mulheres Wanano,
cerimoniais, como Koivathe e Kuenaka. A partir dai, os nomes tradicionais Piratapuyo e Tukano, a chegada dos brancos a Iauaret, o casamento da
tariano combinam-se aos novos nomes portugueses. Manuera, Manuel, filha do tuxua Kuenaka Calitro com um branco que a levou a Manaus, a
e Calitro, Calisto, passam assim a corresponder a complementos dos morte desse branco pelo filho do tuxua, sua priso e retorno a Iauaret,
nomes Kuenaka e Kali respectivamente, sendo Kuenaka o nome dos a obteno de patentes e fardas com o Servio de Proteo aos ndios
primognitos e Kali o do segundo filho nas geraes sucessivas. O Calitro (SPI), as visitas dos chefes tariano a Manaus, e, por fim, as relaes com
Kali da quinta gerao veio a ter apenas um filho, cujo nome corresponde patres no perodo da borracha e a chegada dos missionrios salesianos
488 489
tudo isso contado com base na genealogia. E de maneira notvel, vrias brancos aos nomes tradicionais viria a constituir um quadro de referncias
dessas informaes coincidem perfeitamente com o que lemos tambm extremamente apto ao registro de sua histria coletiva ps-colonial.
na documentao histrica referente a Iauaret no comeo do sculo
XX (ver McGovern 1927:122-123; Nimuendaju 1982 [1927]; Lopes de Iniciando sua genealogia a partir do antepassado que os guiou ao Uaups,
Souza 1959:118). os Koivathe buscam fundamentar sua histria a partir de sua conexo a
uma saga mtica ancestral. Porm, tal como notou Christine Hugh-Jones
Os Koivathe de hoje no apontam que seus antepassados tenham se fixado (1979:38-40), os cls do Uaups no dispem em geral de conhecimento
permanentemente na povoao de So Calisto, e sequer relatam a sua genealgico suficiente que lhes permita operar automaticamente uma
fundao e existncia como aldeamento missionrio. Ainda que algumas ligao entre seus relatos histricos e o passado mtico. Segundo a autora,
fontes histricas dem conta de que tenha se tratado de uma misso, o estoque de nomes disponveis aos cls de tal maneira limitado no
para os Tariano o que parece ter ficado particularmente registrado foi o caso Koivathe h trs nomes principais, Kuenaka, Kali e Kui, e outros trs,
nome que ali obtiveram atravs do batismo cristo. a recorrncia do Tumu, Sami e Uhui, destinados aos membros da linha de descendncia
nome Calisto entre a terceira e a sexta gerao (com um ressurgimento em posio hierrquica mais inferior que sua alternncia nas geraes
na 12) de sua genealogia que confirma, a meu ver, a ligao dos Tariano sucessivas inibiria a acumulao de conhecimento genealgico8. Apesar
de Iauaret povoao de So Calisto. A mobilidade e a proeminncia disso, haveria uma clara convico de que h uma genealogia, que se articula
dos Koivathe entre Iauaret e o mdio curso do rio Uaups parece, com ao longo do tempo com sries de irmos dando margem formao de
efeito, ter sido relativamente intensa desde o perodo colonial, e talvez linhas de descendncia ordenadas entre si de acordo com o princpio
muito antes disso. , assim, possvel sugerir que o principal Calisto do da hierarquia. A inexistncia de uma maior nfase no conhecimento
ano de 1793 tenha sido um importante chefe tariano de Iauaret, com genealgico soaria algo paradoxal do ponto de vista da autora, tendo
influncia poltica suficiente para promover a concentrao de vrios em vista tratarem-se de sociedades nas quais o pertencimento a cls
grupos na misso de So Calisto rio abaixo. patrilineares depende essencialmente da descendncia. Nessa linha, a
autora sustenta que a relao entre o presente e o passado no Uaups
3. Histria e nomes garantida via nominao. Em suas palavras, a nominao
A partir da discusso acima, penso ter ficado claro que os nomes
constituem elemento central na narrativa genealgica Koivathe. O
conhecimento genealgico demonstrado hoje pelos Koivathe 8. Algo semelhante se passa entre os Yanomami, entre os quais a existncia de
especialmente significativo, indicando que a combinao dos nomes dos linhagens veio a ser refutada por Albert (1985:117), entre outros motivos, pela
limitao do conhecimento genealgico gerada pelo interdito que envolve o
nome dos mortos.
490 491
[ . . . ] serves to keep the stock of patrilineal names which Se o relato histrico Koivathe nos informa a respeito da obteno dos
existed in the beginning in circulation, so that, ideally nomes dos brancos, a saga mtica de seus ancestrais que d origem
speaking, each alternate generation consists of the very same aos nomes tradicionais. Dessa maneira, articulao entre os diferentes
names and the very same souls. Thus the bonds between tipos de nomes, que se expressa em sua combinao em sequncia
father and son, having a firmer physiological base, are eroded Kali Calitro, Kuenaka Manuera corresponderia uma combinao
by time while names which are consciously and ritually anloga entre o mito e a histria. Esta ltima vem precisamente se situar
bestowed transcend time. (C. Hugh-Jones 1979:164) como um prolongamento da narrativa mtica, quando os Tariano, j
estabelecidos em seu territrio no Uaups, passam a se relacionar com
surpreendente, em princpio, que a genealogia Koivathe apresente o outros grupos para obter mulheres, e ento crescer por novos meios
registro de treze geraes acima da atual, pois se trata de uma profundidade as relaes sexuais que substituem as transformaes dos seres mticos
temporal muito alm das quatro ou cinco geraes ascendentes usualmente que do origem aos nomes. tambm atravs de sua narrativa mtica
verificadas entre os cls do Uaups. Parece-me, portanto, plausvel sugerir que podemos compreender seu sistema onomstico, composto por um
que entre cls de alta posio hierrquica os laos geracionais revestem-se conjunto de nomes ancestrais que correspondem poro da pessoa que
de maior importncia. Nesses casos, a continuidade social vem a ser realada geralmente qualificamos como alma.
precisamente atravs de um esforo de registrar genealogias mais profundas.
Mas tambm nesses casos, os nomes so fundamentais, no obstante o alto O relato Koivathe a respeito da migrao tariano para o Uaups consiste,
grau de repetio que se verifica longo das sucessivas geraes. Nesse sentido, com efeito, na parte final de um extenso mito de origem, no qual so
podemos dizer que a combinao de nomes indgenas e civilizados viria inicialmente narradas as tentativas de Trovo Ennu, o av do universo
a facilitar a individualizao de um maior nmero de antepassados que de fazer surgir o mundo atual e a humanidade. A partir de seus prprios
se sucederam no tempo, bem como o realce de sua continuidade como adornos corporais, o demiurgo propicia o aparecimento de uma gente-
grupo social detentor de prerrogativas distintivas. Assim, a associao dos pedra, espritos animais prototpicos, detentores de grandes poderes e
nomes tradicionais aos nomes historicamente incorporados dos brancos ndole incerta. Os Tariano iro se originar dos trs ossos que restaram de
viria a constituir um meio a mais atravs do qual os Koivathe buscaram um desses seres, que foi morto e devorado por uma gente-ona que, nesse
marcar sua posio poltica de destaque. Parece se tratar de uma nova tempo primordial, j habitou a Cachoeira de Iauaret9. A transformao
estratgia, ensaiada nesse campo evanescente que a hierarquia no Uaups
lembremos pois o diagnstico de Goldman (1979 [1963]:99) acerca dessa 9. Desse mito provm toda a toponmia da Cachoeira de Iauaret, a grande
instituio entre os Kubeo, grupo tukano do alto Uaups: um esqueleto cachoeira das onas situada onde o Uaups recebe as guas de seu importante
aristocrtico envolvido por um ethos igualitrio. afluente Papuri. Para uma exposio detalhada dessa histria, bem como do
processo recente que levou ao registro dessa localidade como patrimnio
492 493
desses trs ossos em trs irmos ancestrais corresponde a um extenso ancestrais. Ela o faz ao juntar uma poro de seu prprio leite no preparo
processo no qual intervm outras personagens mticas, e que ao final do cigarro. O leite da primeira mulher, uma vez associado ao tabaco, o
leva aniquilao da gente-ona. O essencial desse processo que os trs que propicia que a essncia vital dos trs ancestrais venha a dar origem aos
ossos, atirados ao cu por Caba Grande, um dos animais convocados para Tariano. essa substncia imaterial que, dizem os Koivathe, continua a ser
o festim canibal, fazem cair no Uaups o sangue de Trovo, a partir do transmitida atravs das geraes junto com os nomes Kuenaka, Kali e Kui.
qual se inicia a transformao-aparecimento dos primeiros Tariano. Seu
crescimento corresponde passagem por diferentes formas, de peixes A nominao de uma criana evoca o episdio mtico. Assim que atinge
a grilos e, finalmente, aquisio do aspecto humano propriamente a idade de sete ou oito anos, um parente agntico da segunda gerao
dito, marcada na narrativa pela obteno de seus nomes: Kuenaka, Kali ascendente benze a criana, tambm fazendo uso de um cigarro e do suco
e Kui, precisamente os trs principais nomes cerimoniais at o presente adocicado da fruta abi. A encantao proferida de maneira silenciosa,
transmitido entre os Koivathe atravs das geraes10. medida que se sopra o cigarro em suas pontas. Frases so retiradas da
prpria narrativa mtica, assim como outras so acrescentadas no momento
Esse mito trata ainda da subida espiritual dos trs irmos casa celeste de em que as baforadas so dirigidas criana, em uma operao idntica
Trovo, onde sua essncia vital ir passar a um cigarro cuja fumaa, ao ser quela descrita para os Desana do Uaups (Buchillet 1992)11. Do ponto
soprada sobre um lago, vai dar origem aos Tariano. Desse lago celeste, essa
mesma essncia vital ser transportada s guas do rio Iana, no patamar
terrestre, atravs de uma zarabatana de quartzo. Dessas guas, os primeiros
Tariano sairo terra por meio de um grande orifcio existente em uma 11. Segue um exemplo desse tipo de encantao, em traduo livre:
laje de pedra na cachoeira de Uapu. Dali, como seres humanos quase Este meu filho tenha o nome Sami
completos, iniciaram a jornada do Iana em direo ao Uaups. Nanaio, a Que seja filho do Diro
primeira mulher criada por Trovo, quem se encarrega da operao de Eu substituo, que seja Sami
transformar e transportar sucessivamente a fora de vida dos trs irmos Este filho Tariano
Na casa de surgimento do incio j havia este Tariano
Nesta casa aqui embaixo
Aqui embaixo,Yawteni
imaterial pelo IPHAN (Instituto do Patrimnio Histrico e Artstico Nacional), Este Sami, este Diro
ver Andrello (2012). Ele cantou seus cantos
10. Para uma discusso mais detalhada sobre esse mito, bem como sobre as verses Sua carne substitua deste
igualmente narradas pelos Tukano e Desana, ver Andrello (2012). Filho Bay, filho kum, assim ficar este meu filho
494 495
de vista tariano, a fumaa de tabaco empregada na nominao possui as os grupos J, tal como notou S. Hugh-Jones (2002). Entre estes ltimos,
mesmas qualidades daquelas que figuram no mito. O mito descreve o indivduos que possuem o mesmo nome esto em posies estruturais
processo de surgimento dos primeiros Tariano, a encantao reencena tais equivalentes, isto , os nomes referem-se a posies sociais fixas atravs
procedimentos propiciando um novo Tariano, isto dotando a criana de das quais as pessoas circulam no tempo.
uma qualidade especfica, a de filho do sangue do Trovo. L, Nanaio
que se incumbe da operao, aqui, so os xams do grupo agntico; l, De acordo com Lea (1992), entre os Mebengokre (J do norte) uma
o seu leite, aqui, o suco de abi. Em ambos os casos, a mesma vida que pessoa recebe geralmente entre seis a quinze nomes, alguns de seu
anima os Tariano. Esse o modo pelo qual os nomes conectam o presente prprio grupo de descendncia matrilinear, outros do grupo de seu
ao passado ancestral. pai. Cada combinao particular de nomes permite simultaneamente
individualizao e perpetuao da pessoa social de um antepassado
Como os nomes so poucos, vrias pessoas recebem o mesmo nome, epnimo. Assim, os elementos no perecveis dos ancestrais seus nomes
ainda que se afirme que os nomes devem circular em geraes alternadas. e prerrogativas so permanentemente separados, re-combinados
Nesse caso, uma pessoa recebe idealmente o nome do av. Mas preciso e distribudos entre os vivos. Mas deve-se salientar tambm que, ao
sublinhar que no se trata de reencarnao, pois ao receber um nome contrrio dos grupos do Uaups, a nominao entre os J se d entre
uma criana no se torna o antepassado que antes recebera o mesmo vivos, o que instaura uma relao especfica entre nominador (MB, p.
nome. Aparentemente, a relao de substituio, como certas frases ex.) e nominando (ZS). H centenas de nomes (belos e comuns), que so
da encantao de nominao parecem indicar. Alm disso, como vimos parte do patrimnio imaterial das matri-casas, consideradas pela autora
na genealogia Koivathe, muito comum que vrios indivduos portem como grupos de descendncia unilineares. Sua transmisso o que
um mesmo nome simultaneamente, sem que haja entre eles uma ligao comanda a atividade cerimonial (Lea 1992:148). A figura sugerida por
particular. Essa uma diferena importante entre os grupos do Uaups e Lea a de uma corrida de basto, pois o que importa sobretudo que
os nomes sejam mantidos em movimento, por assim dizer. Essa a fonte
da continuidade social entre os Mebengokre.
Nele eu ponho uma alma em substituio Dito isto, o que me parece importante salientar que a incorporao
Eu substituo histrica de novos nomes pelos Tariano veio a ser possvel precisamente
Ele ser o substituto de seu av porque, no Uaups, os nomes no respondem exclusivamente a
E ser como eu era necessidades classificatrias. Como tambm notou S. Hugh-Jones, seria
Acolhedor das pessoas a propriedade e a transmisso das essncias veiculadas pelos nomes que
Vai cuidar de participar dos cantos este meu filho torna os grupos do Uaups patrilineares, e no qualquer outro princpio
496 497
abstrato e a priori de descendncia. Isto , ainda que seja o nome que faa A partir dessa matriz, Stephen Hugh-Jones (2002), em anlise que integrou
de uma pessoa membro de um grupo agntico especfico, ele diz respeito tambm dados sobre a constituio da pessoa, mostrou que entre os grupos
antes de tudo vitalidade que vai permitir o desenvolvimento de certas do Uaups a nominao combina elementos de endonmia e exonmia.
capacidades ao longo da vida. Assim, h nomes apropriados a xams, Se, por um lado, os nomes cerimonias so transmitidos no interior dos
cantores ou chefes, o que define sua distribuio entre filhos primognitos cls agnticos, os apelidos de uso vocativo usual e cotidiano so, via de
e caulas. Ainda que a aplicao desta regra no seja rigorosa, a associao regra, atribudos entre cunhados, pertencentes necessariamente a grupos
dos nomes a capacidades especficas muito frequentemente sublinhada distintos os nomes rituais no se prestam a esse tipo de uso. De acordo
pelas pessoas ainda hoje. com Hugh-Jones, essa dinmica seria coerente com uma teoria local da
concepo, segundo a qual carne e ossos, formados pelo sangue materno
Dessa maneira, devemos, a meu ver, tomar a incorporao dos nomes e pelo smen paterno, correspondem respectivamente a uma vitalidade
dos brancos pelos Koivathe luz de uma dialtica entre endonmia e exterior e um esprito interior. Mas pude perceber que apelidos podem
exonmia que opera, segundo Stephen Hugh-Jones (2002), entre os tambm ser atribudos pelas esposas potenciais, e segundo vrias pessoas
grupos do Uaups. Esses termos foram sugeridos por Eduardo Viveiros seriam aqueles que pegam mesmo. Nesse caso, o carter exterior das
de Castro (1986) em seu estudo sobre os Arawet, e definem distintas esposas no interior do grupo parece lhes atribuir um poder especfico, o
maneiras de obteno de nomes. No caso dos sistemas endonmicos, os de inventar aquelas formas em geral jocosas pelas quais pessoas e grupos
nomes so transmitidos internamente, como ocorreria entre os grupos J passam a ser corriqueiramente referidos. Ou seja, possuem a primazia
e Tukano Orientais, ao passo que nos sistemas exonmicos, os nomes so nesse sistema secundrio de nominao que constituem os apelidos12.
obtidos atravs de Outros, como os seres da natureza, espritos predadores
ou inimigos, como ocorreria entre os Tupi-Guarani e os grupos Assim como os apelidos dados pelas mulheres, os nomes trazidos pelos
guianenses. No caso desses ltimos, sugere o autor, a onomstica possuiria brancos vieram tambm a se associar a esse aspecto exonmico da
como fonte o extra-social, de maneira que os nomes responderiam a nominao no Uaups. O exemplo mais claro apontado por Stephen
uma funo essencialmente individualizadora. Em comparao com os
sistemas de nominao endonmicos, esses sistemas exonmicos, tambm
qualificados como canibais, estariam a enfatizar a aquisio de novos
nomes e a renomeao, mostrando abertura histrica. Os primeiros, ao 12. O termo tukano, com o qual a maior das etnias do Uaups veio a ser
contrrio, estariam a enfatizar coisas como conservao, transmisso e conhecida, uma apelido atribudo queles que de fato se auto-designam como
continuidade com o passado mtico (Viveiros de Castro 1986:388). Yep-masa, gente-terra. Esse apelido foi aplicado a eles pelas mulheres desana,
suas esposas preferenciais. Segundo elas, os Yep-masa lembram o hbito da ave
tucano de andar o tempo todo em bandos.
498 499
Hugh-Jones (2002:53-55) foram os nomes adotados pelos lderes dos concluso

movimentos messinicos que emergiram na regio no sculo XIX. O discurso genealgico produzido hoje pelos Koivathe parece responder
Assim, muitos foram os Cristos que lideraram esses movimentos, s suas necessidades polticas. Ao longo de um perodo significativo da
assim como vrios deles adotaram o prprio nome do santo ao qual colonizao, eles foram apontados por vrios cronistas com os chefes
recomendavam reverncia. o caso do Tariano Calisto, o principal da dos Uaups termo pelo qual eram referidos todos os grupos indgenas
povoao de So Calisto do sculo XVIII, muito embora nesse caso desse rio. Um celeiro de chefes, nas palavras de Coudreau, com os quais
se trate de um chefe poltico e no de um profeta. A incorporao de patres e missionrios vinham negociar (gente, na forma de braos ou
nomes, e a profundidade do conhecimento genealgico que podem almas). Sua proeminncia sobre outros grupos passava, assim, tambm
virtualmente promover, corresponderia, portanto, a uma possibilidade por um certa vantagem quanto s relaes com os brancos, de quem
em aberto no Uaups. No obstante, notvel que na extensa literatura almejaram as armas, as patentes e as mercadorias, mas, sobretudo, os nomes,
etnogrfica do noroeste amaznico o nico outro caso documentado que, assim, como os seus prprios, foram tomados como catalisadores de
de uma genealogia to profunda como a dos Koivathe encontre-se entre capacidades subjetivas especficas.
os Yukuna do rio Caquet, um grupo igualmente arawak e em relaes
permanente com outros grupos tukano orientais. Tambm neste caso, se O efeito individualizador que resulta da combinao dos nomes novos
trata de uma genealogia com 14 geraes, que permite queles de detm e antigos vem a constituir mais um item de incremento do patrimnio
esse conhecimento elencar vrios episdios relevantes para a histria imaterial de um cl: o conhecimento genealgico. Esse conhecimento
social (ver van der Hammen 1992: cap.1) este caso, no entanto no no constitui bem de valor (ou escasso) somente por efetuar de modo
apresenta aparentemente a mesma complexidade ao nvel da onomstica. mais explcito a ligao do presente com o passado mtico, mas, sobretudo,
porque pontua de maneira eficaz os feitos dos antigos chefes Koivathe e
A meu ver, esse no um detalhe fortuito, pois parece indicar que o seu papel de destaque no mbito das relaes com os brancos.
conhecimento genealgico consiste em recurso poltico estratgico em
um ambiente social marcado por relaes sociais de carter competitivo. O ponto que a noo de descendncia, nesse caso, consiste em um
Isto , se a descendncia e as genealogias nesse contexto no se prestam construto ideolgico de inegvel valor (tal como considera Lea para os
definio de ordens de segmentao abrangentes e formao de grupos Mebengokre), pois trata-se de um idioma atravs do qual relaes de
corporados, no deixam de fornecer um idioma que, por vezes, pode vir hierarquia entre grupos podem ser manejadas. Assim, a associao dos
a informar pleitos por status e prestgio. nomes tradicionais aos nomes historicamente incorporados dos brancos
viria a constituir um meio a mais atravs do qual os Koivathe buscaram
marcar sua posio de chefes, combinando criativamente elementos de
endonmia e de exonmia, ou, em outros termos, do mito e da histria.
500 501
Com efeito, as relaes agnticas entre cls de um mesmo grupo, bem irmos ancestrais dos Tariano. Como dizem, o canto do dabucuri que
como as relaes prototpicas de afinidade entre cls de grupos distintos, alguns grupos ainda usam foram entoados primeiramente por nossos avs.
so estabelecidas por meio das narrativas mticas, determinando de Por esse motivo, avaliam plenamente legtimo obt-los novamente junto
modo geral relaes hierrquicas internas e relaes de aliana externas. a seus cunhados. notvel, portanto, que se no passado seus antepassados
Pode-se dizer que na articulao desses dois contextos relacionais voltavam-se para a obteno dos nomes dos brancos como meio de
que a esfera poltica se constitui. Mas, apesar de instaurada nos mitos de validar sua posio de liderana, atualmente os Koivathe queiram, para os
origem, a afirmao da posio de um grupo especfico nesse mbito mesmos fins, reaver a parte esquecida de um conhecimento tradicional.
depende tambm de iniciativas e empenho pessoais, em particular por Tal questo, formulada assim de modo diacrnico, leva a pensar acerca
parte daqueles homens frente de grandes grupos locais. Esses homens da dialtica local entre transmisso e circulao no Uaups, em outros
precisam contar com apoio de parentes agnticos prximos, e, no termos j evocada acima na discusso sobre a relao entre endonmia e
passado, controlar um conjunto de itens de riqueza, tais como adornos exonmia. Ao tratar da transmisso (interna) de nomes paralelamente
e instrumentos cerimoniais. Quanto aos itens de riqueza imaterial, atribuio (externa) de apelidos, bem como da analogia desse dispositivo
como nomes, cantos, encantaes e histrias de origem e crescimento, contribuio respectiva dos sexos na concepo o esprito interior
constituem ainda no presente objetos extremamente valorizados. Como associado ao smen e aos ossos masculinos e a vitalidade associada ao
se referem a conhecimento, vrios desses itens caram em desuso ao longo sangue feminino Stephen Hugh-Jones j apontava para a dimenso
da histria, fato que as pessoas em geral atribuem ao papel desempenhado sincrnica dessa dinmica. Ao faz-lo, colocava em relevo aquilo que
pelos missionrios salesianos. Hoje em dia, alguns homens Koivathe vm por definio deve circular entre os grupos do Uaups: mulheres. Vale
se mobilizando no sentido de restaurar certas prticas rituais baseadas apontar, que, aparentemente, por ser o que por excelncia circula, as
em conhecimentos desse tipo, como um meio de reafirmar, em uma mulheres detm o poder de fazer igualmente circular aquilo que por
situao de concentrao demogrfica crescente, suas prerrogativas como excelncia transmitido, isto , nomes. Mas este atributo no diz respeito
os moradores tradicionais de Iauaret. somente aos apelidos que elas fazem aderir a pessoas e coletivos de modo
to definitivo.
Algumas dessas atividades se seguiram ao processo de reconhecimento
da Cachoeira das Onas como patrimnio cultural imaterial por um Refiro-me especificamente ao modo pelo qual nomes de outros grupos
rgo oficial do governo brasileiro (ver Andrello 2012, cf. nota 4), como podiam ser apropriados. Uma das formas dessa apropriao tambm passava
a repatriao de ornamentos, a reconstruo de uma maloca, o registro pelas mulheres. Como relatou um homem desana, uma esposa poderia ter
de cantos e narrativas. Foi nesse contexto, que passaram a negociar juntos relaes sexuais extra-conjugais fora do grupo de seu marido, engravidar,
a seus cunhados Wanano o repasse de antigos cantos de uso ritual, ainda e, assim, obter para o filho o nome do amante, em geral procurado por
rememorados por estes mas cuja origem os Koivathe reputam aos trs seus conhecimentos. Uma mulher que, por algum motivo, desejasse ter
502 503
um filho de outro homem que no o marido, buscaria preferencialmente Referncias

os chefes, os bay (cantores) ou os kumu (xams). O filho dessa relao,
uma vez adotado no grupo do marido, poderia, se tambm benzido Albert, Bruce. 1985. Temps du sang, temps des cendres: reprsentations
pelo pai verdadeiro, vir a possuir dois nomes. Atravs desse mecanismo, de la maladie, systme rituel et espace politique chez les Yanomami du
sud-est (Amazonie brsilienne). Tese de doutorado, Nanterre: Universit
um cl poderia vir a obter parte do poder e do conhecimento de outro. de Paris X.
O nome que vinha de fora era ento adaptado lngua do grupo do
Andrello, Geraldo. 2006. Cidade do ndio: transformaes e cotidiano
pai adotivo coisa que tambm os Tariano promoveram com os nomes em Iauaret. So Paulo: Editora UNESP/ISA/NUTI.
portugueses Calisto e Manuel, transformados que foram em Calitro e
. 2012. Histrias Tukano e Tariano. Poltica e ritual no rio Uaups.
Manuera. Com o novo nome, a criana, como novo membro do grupo Revista de Antropologia 55 (1): 291-330.
do pai adotivo, lhe agregava algo do grupo do pai verdadeiro. Exemplo
desse tipo refere-se ao caso de um grupo desana do rio Tiqui cujo rhem, Kaj. 1981. Makuna Social Organization. A study in descent,
alliance and the formation of corporate groups in the north-western
detentor dos cantos, no tendo filhos e j estando muito velho, chegou a Amazon. Stockholm: Almqvist and Wiksell International.
um ponto que j no podia ter relaes sexuais com a esposa. A mulher
Barbosa (Kedali), Manuel Marcos e Adriano Manuel Garcia (Kali). 2000.
veio ento a ter um filho de um cantor de outro grupo, o que permitiu Upperi kalisi. Histrias de antigamente. Histrias dos antigos Taliaseri-
a esses Desana voltar a ter um bay aps alguns anos. Evidencia-se assim Phukurana, intrpretes: Pedro Garcia (Pukutha) e Benjamin Garcia
uma associao entre o nome, a essncia ou princpio vital e o prprio (Kali); organizao e notas etnogrficas: Dominique Buchillet. Iauaret,
So Gabriel da Cachoeira: UNIRVA/FOIRN.
smen dos homens de um cl. Mas fica igualmente evidente que esse
aspecto imaterial do patrimnio de um cl pode ser suplementado pela Brando de Amorim, Antonio. 1984 [1926]. Lendas em Nheengatu e em
Portugus. Manaus: Associao Comercial do Amazonas.
aquisio de qualidades do mesmo tipo entre outros grupos.
Bruzzi Alves da Silva, Alcionlio. 1977. A Civilizao Indgena do Uaups.
Roma: LAS (2a. Edio).
A apropriao de nomes de branco pelos Tariano j ao final do sculo
XVIII no seria, assim, algo to inusitado no Uaups. Podemos aventar Buchillet, Dominique. 1992. Nobody is there to Hear. Desana Therapeutic
que a aquisio crescente de nomes e outros itens oriundos do mundo dos Incantations. Portals of Power. Shamanism in South America. eds. G. Baer and
J.E. Langdon, pp. 211-23. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press.
brancos ao longo da histria viria a representar uma variante externalizada
desses processos de apropriao. Isto , uma espcie de transposio para a Coudreau, Henri. 1889. La France quinoxiale. Voyage travers les
Guyanes et lAmazonie. Paris: Challamel Aine. 2 Vols.
arena poltica ampliada de um tipo de ao social caracterstica das esferas
de atuao feminina. Fernandes de Souza, Cnego Andr. 1848. Noticias Geographicas da
Capitania do Rio Negro no Grande Rio Amazonas. Jornal do IHGB,
Tomo X, 4o Trimestre de 1848.
504 505
Goldman, Irving. 1979 [1963]. The Cubeo Indians of the Northwest Van der Hammen, Maria Clara. 1992. El Manejo del Mondo. Santaf de
Amazon. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Bogot: Fundacin Tropembos.
Hill, Jonathan. 1983.Wakuenai Society: a Processual-Structural Analysis of Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo. 1986. Arawet: os deuses canibais. Rio de
Indigenous Cultural Life in the Upper Rio Negro Region of Venezuela. Janeiro: Jorge Zahar Editor/ANPOCS.
Tese de Doutorado, University of Indiana.
Wallace, Alfred. 1992 [1853]. Una Narracin de Viajes por el Amazonas
Hugh-Jones, Christine. 1979. From the Milk River: Spatial and Temporal y el Rio Negro. Coleo Monumenta Amaznica. Iquitos/Lima: IIAP
Processes in North-west Amazonia. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Hugh-Jones, Stephen. 2002. Nomes Secretos e Riqueza Visvel:

Nominao no Noroeste Amaznico. Mana 8, no. 2:45-68.
Jackson, Jean. 1983. The Fish People. Linguistic exogamy and Tukanoan
identity in northwest Amazonia. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Lea,Vanessa. 1992. Mebengokre (Kayap) onomastics: a facet of houses as

total social facts in Central Brazil. Mana 27, no. 1:129-153.
Lopes de Souza, Boanerges. 1959. Do Rio Negro ao Orenoco (A Terra

O Homem). Rio de Janeiro: Conselho Nacional de Proteo aos ndios,
Publicao 111.
McGovern,William. 1927. Jungle Paths and Inca Ruins. London: Grosset

& Dunlap Publishers.
Nimuendaju, Curt. 1982 [1927]. Reconhecimento dos rios Iana, Ayari e

Uaups. Curt Nimuendaju.Textos indigenistas, org. C. de Arajo Moreira
Neto, pp. 123-191. So Paulo: Edies Loyola.
Stradelli, Ermano. 1964 [1900]. Leggende dei Taria. La Leggenda del

Jurupary e outras lendas amaznicas. So Paulo: Instituto Cultural talo-
Brasileiro.
Tenreiro Aranha, Bento de Figueiredo. 1906-1907. As exploraes e os

exploradores do rio Uaups. Archivo de Amazonas. Revista destinada
a vulgarisao de documentos geographicos e historicos do Estado do
Amazonas. Manaus, vols. I e II, nos. 2 a 6.
506 507
apuntes para una historia de los protestantes
y su actuacin entre los pueblos mak del alto
ro negro-vaups
Gabriel Cabrera Becerra

Universidad Nacional de Colombia - Sede Medelln
Resumen: Este captulo reconstruye la presencia protestante en la

regin del Alto Ro Negro durante la segunda mitad del siglo XX. La
historiografa tradicional asocia las misiones catlicas con la construccin
de fronteras y poco lugar se otorga en estos procesos a las misiones
protestantes. Basado en fuentes primarias, este estudio describe y
analiza la presencia, mtodos y relaciones de dos organizaciones de
origen norteamericano, el Instituto Lingstico de Verano y la Misin
Nuevas Tribus, cuyos trabajos se enfocan en las poblaciones aisladas de
la Amazonia. Para comprender el alcance de sus trabajos se siguen con
detalle las labores adelantadas entre los pueblos de tradicin nmada de
la regin, conocidos como Mak.
Palabras clave: Protestantes; Alto Ro Negro; Mak; Instituto
Lingustico de Verano; Misin Nuevas Tribus
apuntes para una historia de los protestantes y su gabriel cabrera becerra
actuacin entre los pueblos mak del alto ro negro-vaups
Abstract: This chapter reconstructs the Protestant presence in the de la penetracin de la frontera por la conquista espiritual.
region of the Upper Rio Negro region in the second half of the 20th Abanderado de un pensamiento sin lmites, esto es, de un
century. The traditional historiography associates the Catholic missions cristianismo universal que hacia a todos hombres iguales
with the construction of borders and does not take into account the alcanz los ms apartados rincones de la tierra; la frontera
role that contemporary Protestants have had in these processes. Based fue su vocacin. Bisagra entre dos culturas predic la humani
on primary sources, the study focuses on describing and analyzing the generis unitas como nadie lo haba hecho hasta la explosin
presence, methods and relations of two organizations of North American misionera del siglo XVI. Pero la arrolladora dialctica de
origin, the Summer Institute of Linguistics and the New Tribes Mission, la frontera se puso en mocin: modificador y allanador de
whose works focuses on the isolated peoples of Amazonia.To understand barreras con su ideologa salvtica nadie como el sinti en su
the scope of the Protestant works the study follows closely the works propia carne el rigor la prepotencia de la frontera cultural:
advanced between the peoples of nomadic tradition in the region, often millares de ellos fueron torturados, mutilados, descuartizados,
called the Mak. crucificados y decapitados (Lison 1994:95).
Keywords: Protestant; Upper Rio Negro; Mak; Summer Institute of
Linguistics; New Tribes Mission Un grueso de estudios sobre misiones, algunos de los cuales incluimos
en la bibliografa se ocupa del perodo colonial, y tangencialmente del
siglo XIX enfatizando el papel de los misioneros catlicos como agentes
INTRODUCCIN
de cambio cultural. Excepcin, son los trabajos sobre catlicos en la zona
Para referirse al proceso de cambio cultural; fruto de la interaccin entre
del Vaups de Colombia y Brasil (Cabrera 2002; 2009; 2010; Chernela
los pueblos indgenas y sectores diversos de poblacin fornea, las ciencias
1998) y sobre los protestantes (Wright 1999; 2002; Cabrera 2007). Pero
sociales han acuado diversos trminos como: aculturacin (Redfiel et
cabe preguntarse Qu papel han jugado los protestantes en el proceso de
al. 1936), deculturacin (Calle 1989; Moreno 1997), friccin intertnica
cambio cultural entre los pueblos de tradicin nmada o Mak del Alto
(Cardoso 2007), transfiguracin tnica (Ribeiro 1971), transculturacin
Ro Negro-Vaups?1
(Ortiz 2002), mestizaje (Gruzinski 2000). En dicho proceso uno de los
mayores protagonistas han sido los misioneros sobre los que Carmelo
Lisn puntualiza:
Nadie como l ha gozado y sufrido, durante centurias, la

1. La Comisara Especial del Vaups fundada en 1910 cubra tres de los
experiencia bivalente de la frontera, de su impenetrabilidad
departamentos actuales en Colombia: Guaina segregado en 1963, Guaviare
lingstica y cultural y nadie como l ha sido agente y testigo
segregado en 1977 y Vaups que conserva el nombre original.
510 511
Los pueblos Mak tienen una reconocida proximidad lingstica presencia de nuevas enfermedades, todas ellas derivadas de la
tempranamente definida como la familia lingstica Mak-Puinave relacin con los sectores diversos de la sociedad mayor.Y en
(Rivet y Tastevin 1920) que actualmente est en discusin, formulndose otras, como una opcin interna derivada de la historia propia
la existencia de un conjunto integrado por el Hup,Yuhup, Dw y Nadb del pueblo o de las relaciones con otros pueblos indgenas
denominado Nadahup y distante del Puinave (Epps 2008) o tambin que son sus vecinos territoriales.
llamado Mak oriental diferente al Mak occidental integrado por el
Kakua y Nukak (Martins 2005). Dos organizaciones tienen su mira sobre estos pueblos: el Instituto
Lingstico de Verano ILV2 cuyo nfasis son las lenguas amenazadas y la
1. LOS PROTESTANTES Misin Nuevas Tribus - MNT3 cuyo nfasis son los grupos aislados.
La presencia protestante en Colombia, Per, Ecuador y Venezuela se
remonta a las luchas de independencia (Cabrera 2007:17-32) con un Una de las zonas en las que an hoy se dan procesos de contacto es la
crecimiento desde la segunda mitad del siglo XX que aumenta la disputa zona del Alto Ro Negro-Vaups, en ella hay dos conjuntos sociales, los
del monopolio del mbito religioso con la iglesia catlica (Bastian 1997). grupos sedentarios asentados cerca de los cursos de agua y los grupos
Para el ao 2002 la Cooperacin Misionera Iberoamericana COMIBAM de tradicin nmada o Mak que tradicionalmente han ocupado las
registra 199 organizaciones en los seis pases de la cuenca amaznica reas interfluviales (Ramos et al. 1980:135-141). Los primeros incluyen
que tienen por objeto adelantar sus trabajos entre tribus indgenas y/o cerca de 20 etnias de filiacin Tukano oriental y al menos 6 de filiacin
indgenas no alcanzados, circunstancia que constituye la incorporacin Arawak. En el segundo conjunto se incluyen 6 etnias: Nukak, Kakua o
de nuevos espacios y poblaciones (Cabrera 2007:212-219). Los indgenas Bara, Hup/Hupda,Yuhup, Dw o Kama y Nadb (Mahecha et al. 1996-
no alcanzados o pueblos aislados como categora son la manera como 1997; Cabrera et al. 1999:29-57; Mahecha et al. 2000).
frecuentemente se nombran en la literatura y que segn Cabrera (2007:59):
puede referirse a la totalidad de un pueblo o un segmento

del mismo que se mantiene lejos del contacto algunos
consideran que incluso desde pocas coloniales con los
diversos sectores de la sociedad mayoritaria en un pas o de 2. El Instituto Lingstico de Verano (Summer Institute of Linguistics) fundado
algn pueblo vecino. En algunas ocasiones el aislamiento es en 1934 por William Cameron Townsend (1896-1982) tiene hoy su sede
una opcin asumida por el pueblo o un segmento para huir principal en Dallas, Texas.
de las presiones como la esclavitud, invasin del territorio, o 3. La Misin Nuevas Tribus (New Tribes Mission) fundada en 1942 por Paul
William Fleming (1910-1950) tiene hoy su sede principal en Sanford, Florida.
512 513
El carcter nmade estos grupos puede sugerir que se mantuvieron 2. LAS MISIONES PROTESTANTES EN EL SIGLO XX
al margen de la relacin con diversos sectores de las sociedades La presencia de protestantes en el Vaups colombiano se remonta a los
coloniales del pasado o las nacionales de Colombia y Brasil (Vase el trabajos entre los Cubeo iniciados por los esposos Wesley en 1940 y que se
mapa de distribucin tnica en el Vaups). Sin embargo, sabemos que prolongaron hasta 1954 como miembros de la World Wide Evangelization
tempranamente algunos individuos de filiacin Mak fueron capturados Crusade (Bucana 1995:115). En Brasil los primeros trabajos protestantes
como esclavos en el ltimo cuarto del siglo XVIII (Wright 1991), o se remontan al ao 1943, momento en el que un reporte del Servio de
reducidos en dos de las misiones capuchinas o franciscanas de la segunda Proteo aos Indios menciona que estaba:
mitad del siglo XIX (Cabrera 2002:101-110) y que durante la primera
mitad del siglo XX, algunos de sus miembros fueron reclutados por sus funcionado regularmente el colegio de rgimen interno
vecinos sedentarios para trabajar junto a los blancos en la recoleccin de de esa misin [en Iuacab, debajo de Santa Isabel] bajo la
caucho (Ramos et al. 1980:140). direccin del Seor W. A. Ross. Con ocasin de nuestro paso,
los indiecillos estaban de vacaciones. Djonos el referido
director pretender instalar otro colegio en el ro Isana y, si el
servicio de indios lo permitiese, l penetrara el ro Cauburis
con intencin de entrar en contacto con los ariscos macs
de aquel ro. Le hicimos sentir el peligro a que se expona al
mismo tiempo que le explicamos que estamos en la fase de
enamoramiento con aquellos indios, razn por la cual con
cualquier intromisin podra perderse nuestros trabajos4.
El espectro de los protestantes fue amplindose, un funcionario del SPI

anotaba que operaban: La Misin de Nuevas Tribus de Brasil, Misin de
la Amazonia Occidental, Misin Sociedad Evangelizadora Bautista Bid-
4. Museu do ndio. Servio de Proteo aos ndios. Documentos avulsos. 1914-1967.

Rollo 31, Planilla 384. Fragmento del Informe presentado por el Jefe de la
Inspeccin Regional Alberto Pizarro Jacobina en 1943.
514 515
misin, y Cruzada de Evangelizacin Mundial. De esas, las dos primeras preparar la anexin de Amrica Latina a los Estados Unidos al facilitar
poseen autorizacin de la Direccin del S.P.I. para actuar en la regin la invasin del capital y frenar el avance del comunismo; como tambin
amaznica, mientras que las otras dos operan clandestinamente, una vez por ocultar su proselitismo religioso (Matallana 1976; Carrera 1988; Stoll
que no existe en esta Inspectoria cualquier documento que les permita 1984; 1988). A estas se sumaron cuestionamientos sobre la calidad de los
el acceso a las reservas indgenas5. estudios lingsticos que segn Pardo (1992:1) intentan anlisis discursivos
sin tener siquiera claras estructuras fontico-fonolgicas de las lenguas6.
Estas criticas tuvieron una replica institucional (Osorio 1981), y pese a los
3. EL INSTITUTO LINGSTICO DE VERANO - ILV
cuestionamientos el ILV continu sin mayores inconvenientes en Colombia
El ILV adelant trabajos con 18 grupos tnicos, 12 de de filiacin Tukano
hasta el ao 2002 momento en que consideraron terminadas sus labores.
Oriental en Colombia y cuatro de filiacin Mak. En reas prximas
trabaj con los Piapoco y Yukunas de filiacin Arawak: y los Guayabero
En Brasil el ILV - hoy Sociedad Internacional de Lingstica - hace
de filiacin Guahibo. Los primeros comparten algunos rasgos con los
presencia desde 1956 cuando invitados por el antroplogo Darcy Ribeiro
Tukano Oriental. Un total de 62 misioneros trabaj hasta el ao 2000,
iniciaron trabajos; para 1967 estudiaban 40 lenguas indgenas y hoy 37,
38 eran mujeres y 24 hombres, habiendo 23 parejas de esposos. El ILV en
de las cuales 33 son amaznicas (Franchetto 2002:179-180). En 1969
Colombia luego Asociacin Instituto Lingstico de Verano comenz
operaban en el ro Nhamund, en el ro Andir, tributario del bajo
trabajos bajo convenio firmado el 5 de mayo de 1962 con el gobierno
amazonas; en los ros Canuma, Marmelos, Ipisunay Maici, tributarios
del Presidente Alberto Lleras Camargo. Entre el ao 1962 y el 2000, la
del Madeira; en el Cururu, tributario del Tapajos, en el ro Purus y
organizacin trabaj con 44 grupos indgenas en Colombia, 21 de los
sus tributarios Iua y Cunha, y en el Uneuixi, bajo ro Negro. Consta
cuales viven en la Amazonia (Cabrera 2007:171-177).
registro de 26 integrantes de equipos, siendo 1 canadiense, 6 ingleses y 19
norteamericanos7. En la Tabla 1 se ofrece una estadstica del ILV y en el
El ILV fue objeto criticas en los aos setenta (Friedemann 1975:26-29),
Mapa 2 y tabla 2 una ubicacin de sus trabajos en Suramrica.
muchas de ellas bajo la llamada teora de la conspiracin o valorndolo
como una avanzada del imperialismo norteamericano que persegua
6. Instituto Caro y Cuervo. Acta no. 23 del 16 de septiembre de 1985 del
Comit Nacional de Lingstica Aborigen recuerda que se discuti la calidad de
los trabajos del ILV cuando se preparaba la obra Lenguas indgenas de Colombia.
5. Museu do ndio. Servio de Proteo aos ndios. Documentos avulsos. 1914-1967. Una visin descriptiva. Dos especialistas Jon Landaburu y Carlos Patio Roselli
Rollo 31, Planilla 384. Oficio no. 449 IR1. Confidencial del 21 de octubre de sealaron que algunos de los trabajos del ILV si eran de calidad cientfica.
1959 de Manoel Moreira de Araujo Jefe de la IR1 del SPI al Coronel Jos Luis 7. Museu do ndio. Servio de Proteo aos ndios. Documentos avulsos. 1914-1967.
Guedes Director del S.P.I. en Rio de Janeiro. Rollo 31, Planilla 384. Relatrio datado a 31 de maro de 1969, do Chefe
516 517
8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15
tpicos 1972 1976 1977 1981 1986 1988 2002 2008
Pases donde acta 22 -- -- 48 40 -- 55 --

Miembros de la
organizacin a nivel 2700 -- -- -- 4000 6000 5000 6000
mundial
Idiomas con que

trabaja en el 500 -- -- -- 900 1000 -- 2550
mundo
Idiomas con
que trabaja en 34 37 30 -- -- -- -- --
Colombia
Idiomas con que -- -- -- 44 -- -- 37 --

trabaja en Brasil
Pases de origen 40 60
de sus integrantes
Tabla 1. Estadstica del Instituto Lingstico de Verano.
da 1 Delegacia Regional da FUNAI, Jos Alves Calvacanti, sobre a viagem a

Belm e Manaus realizada no perodo de 20 a 30 de maro de 1969, p. 17.
8. Ministerio de Gobierno. Divisin Operativa de Asuntos Indgenas, 1972: 2.
9. Instituto Lingstico de Verano, 1977.
10. Instituto Lingstico de Verano, 1978. Magalhes1981: 753.
11. Osorio 1981: v. Magalhes 1981: 753.
12. Intituto Lingstico (SIL), 1986: 1
13. Stoll 1988: 151.
14. SIL Internacional, Annual Report, 2002. Franchetto 2002: 165-182.
15. SIL Internacional, Annual Report, 2008.
Mapa 2. El Instituto Linguistico de Verano en Suramrica
518 519
16 17
boLVIA BRASIL COLOMBIA eCUADOR PER boLVIA BRASIL COLOMBIA eCUADOR PER
N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo N Pueblo N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo N Pueblo
1 Araona 1964 8 Apala* 28 Achagua 1981 73 Cayapa 82 Achuar 56 Siriano 1975
Mojeo 1956 Asurin do
2 (Ignaciano) 9 Xingu ** 29 Awa 1968 74 Cofn 83 Aguaruna 57 Taiwano 1965
3 Chcobo 1955 10 Canela** 30 Barasana 1965 75 Colorado 84 Amarakaeri 58 Tanimuka 1982
4 Chipava 1956 11 Cinta-Larga** 31 Camsa 1964 76 Huaorani 85 Amuesxha 59 Tatuyo 1969
5 Sirion 1956 12 Deni** 32 Carapana 1967 77 Quichua 86 Arabela 60 Tukano 1963
6 Ese ejja 1961 13 Fulni** 33 Cubeo 1963 78 Shuar 87 Bora 61 Tunebo 1964
7 Tacana 1956 14 Hupda** 34 Cuiba 1965 79 Secoya 88 Cashibo 62 Tuyuca 1970
15 Juma** 35 Damana - 80 Syona 89 Cocama 63 Uitoto- 1966
meneca
16 Kaapor* 36 Desano 1966 81 Zparo 90 Culina 64 Waimasa 1966
17 Kaingng* 37 Embera*** - 91 Chayahuita 65 Wanano 1963
18 Kamayur** 38 Guahibo 1963 92 Huambisa 66 Wayu 1964
19 Karaj* 39 Guambiano 1965 93 Jebero 67 Yukpa(yuko) -
Kapiruna do Guyabero 1964 Machi-
20 Amap** 40 94 guenga 68 Yukuna 1963
21 Karitiana** 41 Inga 1968 95 Orejon 69 Yurut 1973
22 Kuikuro** 42 Jitnu 1982 96 Quechua 70 chimila 1986
23 Maxakal* 43 Jupda 1990* 1970 97 Shipibo Ika-arhuaco
71 1992* 1968
24 Munduruk* 44 Kakua 1966 98 Ticuna
25 Paumari* 45 Kogui 1965 99 Yagua 72 Wiwa- 1968
26 Xokleng** 46 Koreguaje 1969 100 Yaminahua arsario
27 Yuhup** 47 Letuama 1982 1997*
48 Macaguan 1982
Tabla 2. Pueblos indgenas con los que ha trabajado el Instituto Lingstico de
49 Macuna
1997*
1970
50 Muinane 1964 Verano en Suramrica y ao aproximado en que se iniciaron sus trabajos
1997*
51 Paz 1987* 1964
52 Piapoco 1966
53 Piratapuyo 1970
54 Sliba 1972
55 Siona 1960 *Indica programas completados que requieren visitas eventuales para
1987*
apoyar las tareas de educacin.
** Indica que el programa fue suspendido.
16. www.sil.org/americas/brasil *** Se refiere a tres reas de trabajo Embera del norte en 1970, Embera
17. Asociacin Instituto Lingstico de Verano, 2000 katio en 1966 y Embera tad en 1991
520 521
El ILV estableci convenios con el Museu Nacional do Ro de Janeiro

etnia inicio de misioneros y grados perodo de localizacin informantes
(1959) para recoleccin de materiales, con la Fundao Nacional do Indio trabajos acadmicos trabajo del ILV
o FUNAI (1973) para alfabetizacin y con la Universidade Estadual de Guayabero Mar - 1965 - Jonh Waller y 1965-1977 Mocuare
Adreana Waller 1974-1985 (ro
Campinas (1978) para la formacin de lingistas brasileos (Magalhes
- Jack Keels, BA 1989-2000 Guaviare)
1981:755-772). Estos convenios crearon polmicas que no abordamos (fallecido) y Carol
aqu. En la Tabla 3 se relacionan los trabajos y personal del ILV en Keels BA
- Victor Kondo y
Colombia y Brasil.
Riena Kondo
20 21 Hup* Ago - 1970 - Barbara J. Moore, 1970-1976 Ros - Juan
etnia 18 inicio de 19 misioneros y grados perodo de localizacin informantes
trabajos acadmicos trabajo del ILV 1990** BA, RN; 1970-1975 Papur y - Cristina
- Shirley Slack, BA 1988-1989 Tiqui - - Lina
Kakua Jul - 1966 - Marilyn Esther 1966-2000 Wacar - Vicente
- Timm Erickson, MA 1988-1989 Vaups
Cathcart, BA, MRE 1966-2000 (a 30 kms Lpez 22
- Catherine
- Lois Ann Lowers, de Mit)- - Emilio
Erickson, BA
RN, BA Vaups Lpez L
(fallecida)
- Elena
Lpez de Makuna Abr - 1970 Geoffrey R. 1970-1993 Cao
Gallego 1997** Smotherman, Comea,
- Samuel BS y Josephine Ro
Lpez P. Smotherman, BS Piraparan
- Vaups
Karapana May - 1967 Ronald G. 1967-2000 Cao T - Manuel
Metzger, BS, MA y (afluente Valencia Nadb 1966 Joe Boot y Lillian 1966-? Samiiy Txaah
Lois Metzger, BA del Vaups) - Francisco Boot 1975-1995
1975
- Vaups Valencia Helen Weir 23 1996-2011
1996
Kubeo Ago - 1965 J. K. Salser, BA y 1963-1977 Timb (ro - Pedro Lpez Rodolfo Senn y
Geneva Salser, BA 1984-1986 Vaups - Lilia Lpez Beatrice Senn
Judy Ferguson, BA 1980-1999 abajo de Piapoko Mar - 1966 Timothy Sudo, 1966-1972 Cao Cedro,
Mit) - MA y Muriel Sudo 1976-1988 Vichada
Nancy L. Morse, Vaups
BA, MA James W. Klumpp,
BA y Deloris
Desano Jul - 1963 James S. Miller, BA 1965-2000 San Luis, - Mand
Klumpp, BA
y Marion Miller Cao Birari Lpez
(fallecida)
RN, BS (afluente - Toms
del Papur)
- Vaups
522 523
etnia inicio de misioneros y grados perodo de localizacin informantes etnia inicio de misioneros y grados perodo de localizacin informantes
trabajos acadmicos trabajo del ILV trabajos acadmicos trabajo del ILV
Piratapuyo Jul - 1970 - James Klumpp, 1971-1973 Bajo ro - Firmiano Tanimuka 1982 Clayton Strom, 1982-2000
BA y Deloris 1986-2000 Papur - Prada BA, MA y Beverly
Klumpp, BA, Vaups - Eduardo Strom BSN
(fallecida) Violenta
- Nathan Waltz, - Gregorio Tatuyo Mar-1969 - David W. 1969-1986 Cao
BA, MA y Carolyn Ramrez Whisler, BS y 1995-2000 Utuya
Waltz, BA - Agueda Janice Whisler (afluente
Prada de - Mark Bostrom, del ro
Restrepo BS, MA y Paula Piraparan)
- Mara Bostrom, BS, MA - Vaups
Snchez
Tukano Jul-1963 - Betty B. Welch, 1963-2000 Acaricuara - Nasaria
- Celestina
BA, MA (ro Paca) Cordero
Prada
- Birdie G. West, - Vaups - Teodora
Balbina
BA, MA Forero
- Mara
- Porfrio
Prada
Neira
- Arsenio
- Berta
Andrades
Cordero
Siriano 1975 - Beverly A. 1975-1999 San Pablo, - Joaquina
Brandrup, BS 1985-1994 Cao Chagres
- Linda Criswell, 1975-1977 Giva, - Lucina
MA ro Paca - Gonzlez
- Christine Nagler, Vaups - Argelia
BA Neira
- Joaqun
Restrepo
Taiwano Sep - 1965 - Richard Smith, 1965-1975 Cao Tat Antonio
-Eduria BA y Connie 1977-2000 (afluente Tuyuka Feb-1970 - Janeth D. Barnes, 1970-2000 Los ngeles, Graciliano
Smith, BA del BA, MA 1970-1972 ro Papur Yepes
(Barasano
- Wendell H. Jones, Piraparan) - Sheryl Silzer, BA (abajo de
del sur) BA y Paula Jones, - Vaups Acaricuara)
BS - Vaups
524 525
etnia inicio de misioneros y grados perodo de 4. LOS PROTESTANTES ENTRE LOS PUEBLOS MAK
localizacin informantes
trabajos acadmicos trabajo del ILV Ocupndome del caso de los pueblos Mak, sobre los cuales poseo una
Waimasa- Feb-1966 - Joel A. Stolte, 1966-2000 Cao - Feliciano mejor documentacin y conocimiento de primera mano, podemos sealar
Bar BA, M. Div, ThM 1999-2000 Colorado - Miguel
(barasano
y Nancy Stolte, (afluente
que entre los Kakua o Bara asentados en Wacar (Vaups colombiano)
del norte) - Antonio
RN del los trabajos del ILV se remontan a Julio de 1966. Marilyn E. Cathcart
- Mark Bostrom, Piraparan) y Lois A. Lowers trabajaron ininterrumpidamente hasta el ao 2000. El
BS, MA y Paula - Vaups
ILV apoy a varios Kakua para obtener su certificado de primaria y
Bostrom, BS, MA
algunos siguieron sus estudios de bachillerato, y segn un informe de la
Wanano Ene-1964 - Nathan E. Waltz, 1964-2000 Yapita- - Jos
BA, MA y Carolyn Vaups Daro
Asociacin Instituto Lingstico de Verano (2000:92) gracias al nfasis
Waltz, BA - Vicente en alfabetizacin aproximadamente 15% de este grupo pequeo puede
Mosquera leer y escribir su lengua. Adicionalmente:
- Amrico
Valencia
- Candi llevaron a algunos de ellos a Lomalinda [base en el
Melo Departamento del Meta] para tener su propio cursillo
Yukuna Jul-1963 Stanley Schauer, 1963-2000 Mirit (ro - Pedro especial de agropecuaria, el cual consista en capacitacin de
BA y Junia Mirit- Matap varias reas: desarrollo de abonos; la siembra de cacao, frijoles
Schauner, RN Paran) - - Jos
Amazonas Matap
y maz; el manejo de aves y conejos y la construccin de
- Arcadio
Yukuna
- Quehuaji
Yukuna
Yuhup 1975 Daniel Jore y

Cheryl Jore 24
18. Asociacin Instituto Lingstico de Verano, 2000.
Yurut 1973 Rodney A. Kinch, 1973-2000 Consuelo - Mario 19. Divisin operativa de Asuntos Indgenas, Ministerio de Gobierno, 1972.
BS, MA y Pamela (cabecera Rodrguez 20. Instituto Lingstico de Verano, 1977, Instituto Lingstico de Verano. 1978.
Kinch, BA del ro - Jess 21. Instituto Lingstico de Verano, 1974, Tomo 1. Instituto Lingstico de
Paca) - Acua
Vaups
Verano, 1976, Tomo 2. Kinch, Rodney A. 1977.
22. Cathcart et al. 1992: ii. Cathcart y Levinsohn. 1976: 33.
Tabla 3. Pueblos indgenas con los que ha trabajado el Instituto Lingstico de 23. Weir 1984: 19.
Verano en alto Ro Negro-Vaups. 24. Lopes y Parker 1999: 324.
526 527
gallineros y conejeras. Tambin recibieron entrenamiento en Yavaret y Par-Cachoeira. Poco tiempo despus el Estado brasileo
la comunidad para poner en prctica lo que aprendieron en suspendi sus trabajos y los miembros de la organizacin en Colombia
el cursillo. Los lingistas proveyeron los conejos y tambin intentaron atraer a los indgenas Hupda del lado brasileo para que
gallinas para mejorar la raza. Para ayudarles a llevar su mercado cruzaran la frontera.
y los enfermos a Mit, se don un motor fuera de borda y
algunos de los seores kakua recibieron entrenamiento en A mediados de 1970 Brbara Moore y Shirley Slack buscaron ubicar a
mantenerlo y repararlo (Asociacin Instituto Lingstico de los Hupda, tras un intento fallido ellas fueron acogidas por los Tukano de
Verano 2000:94). la aldea Pocawa, lugar ubicado sobre el ro Papur arriba de Montfort.
Los Tukano les construyeron una vivienda, a unos 8 kilmetros de un
Se produjeron una serie de cinco cartillas diseadas para ensear a los asentamiento Hupda y con el tiempo estos se acercaron y hablaron su
indgenas kakuas a leer en su propio idioma. La[s] pueden usar tanto idioma sin vergenza ante ellas si un Tucano no estaba presente; sin
adultos como nios, y se puede ensear no slo en el saln de clase, sino embargo, la distancia hacia las visitas espordicas, y la casa se quem en
tambin individualmente por estudiantes avanzados en la casa (Cathcart 1972. Poco tiempo despus, una pareja Hupda fue a Lomalinda por cerca
et al 1992: i). Sin embargo, el uso generalizado de estos materiales no de dos meses circunstancia que permiti el estudio intenso de la lengua.
se ha conseguido pues slo los emplean indgenas involucrados en las En 1973 Shirley Slack se caso y viaj a Panam, quedando sola Brbara, y
traducciones bblicas; pese a la clausura de actividades, en el ao 2004 en 1976 se traslad a Brasil para continuar con los trabajos de los que se
los trabajos seguan con la terminacin de la traduccin del Nuevo conocen dos resultados (Moore y Franklin 1979; Moore 1976). En 1988
Testamento; e igualmente una de las consecuencias del trabajo del Instituto con la fundacin de una comunidad en el ro Tiqui los esposos Erickson
Lingstico de Verano parece ser el hecho de que con el aislamiento del se ubicaron all. Pero la movilidad de los Hupda los llevo a abandonar
asentamiento de Wacar hoy los jvenes son monolinges en su lengua, sus trabajos en 1989, dejando slo una obra (Erickson y Erickson 1993).
en tanto que las viejas generaciones eran bilinges en Cubeo y Wanano/
Kotiria y otros pocos en Desano y Siriano (Bolaos 2010:8, 11). Recientemente, cuatro misioneros (Marcelo Carvalho, Cludia Carvalho
y otros dos misioneros de nombres Adilson y Cntia) miembros de A
El ILV entre los Hupda, comenz trabajos en 1970. Los misioneros Misso de Evangelizao Mundial, o AMEM en Brasil o de la International
que trabajaban en Colombia hicieron una visita a un grupo que viva Worldwide Evangelization for Christ o WEC25 adelantan trabajos con los
en Nenoya en Brasil, y en 1974, tres miembros de este grupo fueron
trasladados hasta Lomalinda para realizar trabajos lingsticos. En 1976
los misioneros manifestaron su inters por los Hupda trasladndose hasta 25. http://www.amem.org.br consultada en julio de 2007 anota que la WEC
International naci en frica en 1913 con Charles T. Studd. Hoy son ms de
528 529
Hupda. Igualmente, Mrcio e Isaura, misioneros de la Iglesia Presbiteriana iglesia de indgenas arawak (Baniwa, Curripaco y Bar) en So Gabriel
de Brasil, se trasladaron a fines del ao 2005 para continuar sus trabajos da Cachoeira donde apoya la produccin de material de enseanza
all (Brasil Presbiteriano 2005:18). religiosa26.
Entre los Yuhup, los esposos Jore del ILV hicieron los primeros estudios en Recientemente estos misioneros han publicado un diccionario de la
el Ro Ira en 1975. Estos trabajos duraron cuatro meses, producindose lengua yuhup (Silva y Silva 2012).
un primer material (Jore y Jore 1980). Ms de diez aos despus, en
1986, Dalva de Vigna y Aurise Brando, misioneras de la Associao En cuanto a los Nadb y pese a que misioneros de origen norteamericano
Lingstica Evanglica Missionria ALEM, empezaron a trabajar con los y brasilero intentaron hacer contacto con ellos antes de 1960, los
Yuhup (Lopes 1995; Lopes y Parker 1999; Del Vigna 1991). La ALEM indgenas les hurtaron e inutilizaron utensilios y herramientas (Schultz
surgi en 1982 como Asociao Brasileira de Treinamento Lingstico con el 1959:110). La presencia del ILV entre los Nadb se remonta a 1966
apoyo del ILV (Instituto Lingstico SIL 1986:11). Hoy slo Brando cuando los esposos Boot comenzaron trabajos que pronto abandonaron
contina sus trabajos desde la localidad de So Jos do Apaporis cerca del por problemas de salud. En 1974 una lingista de origen irlands llamada
asentamiento fronterizo de Vila Betancourt sobre el ro Apaporis, y visita Helen Weir del ILV retom los trabajos hasta el ao 1995 (Romcy
peridicamente otros asentamientos (Pozzobon 1998:154). Desde el ao 2010:21; Senn et al. s.f.), produciendo su tesis de maestra y otros textos
2006 Ccio Silva y Elisngela Silva, miembros de la Iglesia Presbiteriana de (Weir 1984; 1986; 1990; 1994).
Brasil, trabajan con los Yuhup en un programa de educacin intercultural
bilinge en el ro Tiqui que cubre cinco escuelas en siete comunidades, Entre los Dw Valteir Martins y su esposa Silvana llegaron a trabajar en su
simultneamente Ccio es pastor y acta como asesor religioso en una calidad de miembros de la Associao Lingstica Evanglica Missionria
o Alem en diciembre de 1984 e hicieron estudios de fonologa y gramtica
de la lengua intentando que los indgenas negociaran directamente el cipo
y la piaava que extraan del bosque directamente con los compradores
2000 misioneros trabajando en ms de 70 pases en los cinco continentes. Lleg en Manaos. En 1991 llegaron Elias Coelho Assis y Lenita de Paula Assis
a Brasil en 1957 a travs de un matrimonio de misioneros canadienses. Luego para reemplazar a los primeros que fueron a estudiar su maestra en la
de establecerse en el norte de Minas Gerais, para 1973 bajo el liderazgo de Universidad Federal de Santa Catarina. Los Assis comenzaron un proceso
Robert Harvey se plante la evangelizacin de los pueblos no alcanzados y de alfabetizacin primero en daw y despus en portugus. En 1995 llegaron
la implantacin de iglesias entre ellos. Tienen 5 escuelas de entrenamiento
misionero y 16 bases de envo en todo el mundo donde reclutan nacionales
para la misin. 26. Ccio Silva comunicacin personal, noviembre 20 de 2010.
530 531
otros dos misioneros Rozani Mendes y luego Lusineide Maria de Moura 28

indicadores 1969 1988 1990 1991 1992 1993 1996 2000 2003 2011
quienes incorporaron la msica en medio de un proceso educativo no
formal. En 1999 se construy una escuela con ayuda de la alcalda y en A nivel mundial
2001 una iglesia. En el ao 2002 Elias y Lenita se retiraron para Manaos Pases donde acta -- 19 23 23 23 27 -- -- 29 27
y desde all asesoraron proyectos de los Daw, Rozani continuo viviendo Miembros -- -- 2845 2932 3026 3083 -- -- 3200 1527
en So Gabriel da Cachoeira desde donde continua los trabajos con los Iglesias establecidas -- -- -- -- 660 -- -- -- 800 --
Dw (Assis et al 2012:343-345). En Brasil
29
Miembros 31 -- 181 -- -- -- 305 465 208 --
5. LA MISIN NUEVAS TRIBUS - MNT Pueblos indgenas -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 40 30
--
La MNT lleg a mediados de la dcada del cuarenta a Colombia, pero se Pueblos con Nuevo -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 26 --
oficializ en 1967. Su representante ms conocida, Sophie Mller, avanz Testamento
Pueblos con partes
en la conversin de ms de ocho etnias con auxilio de varios indgenas de la Biblia
-- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 13 --
y trabajo tambin en Brasil desde 1951 (Cabrera 2007) ella no slo Pueblos con iglesias -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 15 --
ocasion inquietud entre los funcionarios del Servio de Proteo aos ndios
que se quejaban entonces de la divisin que su presencia ocasionaba Tabla 4. Estadstica de la Misin Nuevas Tribus27
entre los indgenas sino que se comportaba como una lder mesinica de
atributos peculiares (sobreviviente al envenenamiento y con una precaria
alimentacin) que impona una severa disciplina a sus seguidores con su
peridica congregacin en las llamadas conferencias y que le propona
una separacin liberadora de la opresin del mundo blanco (Wright
1999:177, 203; Wright 2002). En el Alto Ro Negro-Vaups esta misin
ha trabajado con ocho etnias y dos ms en zonas prximas (Piapoco y
Puinave). Un total de 53 misioneros ha trabajado en la zona, 25 mujeres 27. www.ntm.org consultada en 2006.
y 28 hombres, siendo 20 parejas de esposos. En la Tabla 4 se ofrece una 28. www.ntm.org consultada en 2011.
estadstica de la MNT y en el Mapa 3 y la Tabla 5 una ubicacin de sus 29. Museu do ndio. SPI Rollo 31, Planilla 384. Relatrio datado a 31 de
trabajos en Suramrica. maro de 1969, do chefe da 1 Delegacia Regional da FUNAI, Jos Alves
Calvacanti, sobre a viagem a Belm e Manaus realizada no perodo de 20 a 30
de maro de 1969, p. 17.
30. www.ntmb.org consultada en 2011.
532 533
indicadores 1969 1988 1990 1991 1992 1993 1996 2000 2003 2011
En Colombia
Miembros -- -- 9 -- -- -- 30 -- -- --
Pueblos indgenas -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 9 --
Pueblos con Nuevo 2 31 -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- --
Testamento
Pueblos con partes -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 9 --
de la Biblia
Pueblos con iglesias -- -- -- -- -- -- -- -- 8 --
31. El Nuevo Testamento de nuestro seor y salvador Jesucristo en Puinave (con

ayuda para pastores), 1964, Traducido por Sofa Muller. El Nuevo Testamento
de nuestro seor y salvador Jesucristo en Curripaco (con ayuda para pastores),
1959, Traducido por Sofa Muller. Mapa 3. La Misin Nuevas Tribus en Suramrica
534 535
boLVIA BRASIL COLOMBIA paraguay brasil venezuela
N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo Ao N Pueblo Ao

40 Pankarar
1 Araona 1963 10 Apinay 49 Cubeo 1960 58 Ache Pankararu
32 41 (sin obreros) Guahibo
2 Ayoreo 1948 11 Arara Kurripaco Ayoreo 1958
42 Patax 61 Hoti 1969
33
3 Chimane 1950 12 Asheninka 50 Guahibo 43 Satar-Maw 62 Maco 1992

4 Ese Ejja 13 Baniwa 51 Guanano 44 Tapirap 63 Panare
34 Tabla 5. Pueblos indgenas
1974
5 Quechua 14 Canamari 52 Guayabero 45 Timbira 64 Piaroa 1949
35
con los que ha trabajado
Simba
36 46 Waipi 65 Yabarana 195037
6 15 Cinta-Larga 53 Nukak 1971 39 NuevasTribus en Suramrica
38 47 Yanomami Yanomami 1948
7 Trinitario 16 Culina 1967 54 Miraa
48 Zor 66 Yekuana 195840 y ao aproximado en que se
8 Weenayek 17 Deni 55 Piapoco Pum
9 Yura 1950 18 Fulni 56 Puinave 41 1950 karia iniciaron sus trabajos
Yuqui 19 Galibi 57 Tikuna
20 Marworno
21 Gavio
22 Guarani
Hixkaryana 32. Casalegno 1992: 104, cf Wilbert y Karin 1989: 2-3.
23 (sin obreros)
Javea
33. Keogh 1995: 48.
24
25 Ka'apor 34. Henley 1982:24-25, citado en Keogh 1995: p. 407.
(Urubu)
26 Kachinawa 35. Overing y Kaplan 1988: 323.
(sin obreros)
27 Karaj 36. http://www.ntm.org/macu.html anota The work was opened up by
28 Kariri-Xoc Francis Ragbir, Wayne Selby, Dan Germann, and others in 1971.
29 Kaingang
30 Katukina 37. Giordani 1994, citada en Keogh 1995: 410.
31 Krah 38. Brown Gold septiembre de 1993, p. 8 citado en Gallois, y Benzi, 1999: 91.
32 Krikati
33 Kuripako 39. Johnston 1985: 107.
34 Nadeb 42 1975 40. Guss 1994: 35.
35 Manchineri
36 Mayoruna 41. http://www.ntm.org/puinave.html anota que para 1996 The work was
37 Marubo opened up by curipacos, then Sophie Muller in 1950.
38 Maxacali 42. http://www.ntm.ort/org/maku-nad.html anota que para 1996 The work
43
Matis
39 Pacaas Novos 1956 was opened by Ken Frost in 1975...The aproximate number of professing
believers is 5.
43. http://www.ntm.org, reportado el 3 de mayo de 2005.
536 537
En 1959 Clemence Smith, Clia Smith y Myrtle Rehn, todos etnia inicio de misioneros perodo de
estadounidenses, trabajaban entre los indios Baniwa de la regin del ro trabajos trabajo
1971 Kenneth Wayne Conduff (fallecido) y Jan Elien
Isana44. Para 1969 la MNT opera en los ros Demen, Padauar, Totovi,
Conduff
Uneuixi e Isana, tributarios del ro Negro, y en el ro Itu, tributario del Richard H. Hess y Margaret R. Surdy Hess
Solimes. Se mantienen todava, sin registro en la Delegacia Regional Jos Andrs Jimnez Sierra y Lisa Jimnez Actualmente
y, lo que parece, sin la necesaria autorizacin, misin en el ro Iaco, Nukak50 Luis E. Trujillo y Elizabeth Trujillo
tributario del Alto Purus, Estado de Acre, y una base de penetracin Israel Guatero Galeano
Pedro Snchez M
en la ciudad de Eirunep, alto Juru, Estado del Amazonas. Para todas
Charles William Foster Actualmente
estas actividades estn registrados 31 misioneros, 1 japons, 2 ingleses,
Fernando Buitrago
6 canadienses, 9 brasileos y 13 norteamericanos45. En la Tabla 64 1949 Sophie Mller
presentamos los equipos de trabajo de la MNT. Nheengatu Alysson Reis y Miri Reis Actualmente
Marlon Luz y Rosianni Luz Actualmente
Piapoco Paul Rasmussen y Pamela Rasmussen
46 Eugene Dolash y Judy Dolash
etnia inicio de misioneros perodo de Wayne Gibson y Patsy Gibson
trabajos trabajo Actualmente
Sarah Keckler 1950 Lawrence Richardson y Sara Richardson
Guayabero Loraine Blair Puinave Timothy Cain y Bonnie Cain
Lind Drake y Carol Drake Robert van Allen y Linda van Allen
194547/195148 Sophie Mller (fallecida) 1984 Barry Spor y Denise Spor 1984-2011
Wanano
Paul Sheibe 1957 - ? Drio Drake y Carol Drake
Fred Boley 1957 - ?
Tabla 6. Pueblos indgenas con los que ha trabajado la Misin Nuevas
Henry Loewen
Tribus en Alto Ro Negro-Vaups.
Aparecida Ferreira Actualmente
Benjamin Hill y Jayne Hill Actualmente
Kurripako/
Baniwa Crcia Brito Actualmente
Jeconias Souto y Anaildes Souto Actualmente
Sergio Rodrigues y Resemeir Rodrigues Actualmente
Zenilson Bezerra y Rita Bezerra Actualmente
44. Museu do ndio, Servio de Proteo aos ndios, Documentos avulsos,
Marcelo da Silva y Rute da Silva Actualmente
Nadeb49 1975
1914-1967, Rollo 31, Planilla 384, Oficio no. 449 IR1. Confidencial del 21
Ken Frost
de octubre de 1959 de Manoel Moreira de Araujo Jefe de la IR1 del SPI al
Coronel Jos Luis Guedes Director del S.P.I. en Rio de Janeiro.
538 539
La MNT trabaj con Ken Frost entre los Nadb en 1975, pero a partir Rodolfo Senn, miembros del ILV. Los esposos Senn hablan fluidamente el
de 1994 los trabajos se interrumpieron y para abril de 1996 momento nadb, al igual que el espaol, portugus, alemn e ingles, y sus tres hijos
en que reinician no se haba establecido ninguna iglesia entre ellos, hablan fluidamente el nadb y regularmente las dos segundas lenguas
aunque ya se mencionaba que haba 5 indgenas conversos. Los Nadb (Vianna 2007). Unos aos despus haban traducido al nadb ms de la
ocupan hoy dos aldeas, el Roado en el ro Uneiuxi con 150 habitantes mitad del Nuevo Testamento.
fundada hacia 1957 o 1958 (Romcy 2010:26) y otra en el ro Japur con
200 habitantes. Al primer asentamiento lleg en 1996 el matrimonio Los Nadb del Roado pertenecen a una iglesia establecida all que realiza
de la suiza Beatrice Senn y el argentino de ascendencia suizo-alemana cultos en la lengua nativa tres o cuatro veces por semana a los que pueden
o no asistir los misioneros. En estos cultos se ora y lee la Biblia en nadb
y se cantan himnos a Jess con melodas tradicionales. En los cultos el
cacique Joaquim y su ayudante Eduardo lideran la actividad. La presencia
de Eduardo no es gratuita, segn se menciona l es hermano de una
mujer llamada Socorro quien hacia el ao 2000 y tras un embarazo que
45. Museo do Indio, Servio de Proteo aos ndios, Documentos avulsos, 1914- fue acompaado de un cncer y luego de largo procedimiento curativo,
1967, Rollo 31, Planilla 384. Relatrio datado a 31 de maro de 1969, do Chefe sobrevivi y pese a que la opinin mdica le manifest que no podra
da 1 Delegacia Regional da FUNAI, Jos Alves Calvacanti, sobre a viagem a concebir, esto sucedi. Estando Socorro en el hospital sinti la presencia
Belm e Manaus realizada no perodo de 20 a 30 de maro de 1969, p. 17. de alguien que le hablo en nadb y que interpret como Jess, dicho
46. Asociacin Nuevas Tribus de Colombia, Informe de actividades enero evento, su supervivencia y su nuevo embarazo llevaron a una paulatina
marzo 1986, enero marzo 1989, abril junio 1989. www.mntb.org.br conversin de los restantes miembros de la aldea (Vianna 2007).
consultada el 28 de marzo de 2011.
47. Cabrera 2007: 109 anota que ocho meses despus de su arribo a Colombia La MNT entre los Nukak de Colombia, adelant un primer acercamiento
ya estaba entre los Kurripaco. en 1966 en cabeza de Sophie Mller (Foto 1), aunque los trabajos
48. Museu de astronomia e cincias afines, Arquivo do Conselho de Fiscalizao formales comenzaron en 1971 con Francis Ragbir, Wayne Selby y Dan
das Expedies Artsticas e Cientificas no Brasil, Carta de Carl Taylor representate Germann. El magazn Brown Gold menciona as las motivaciones del
da Misso das Novas Tribus no Brasil a Flexa Ribeiro Presidente do Conselho contacto: Dios nos orden contactar a los primitivos indios mac de
de Fiscalizao de Expedices Artsticas e Cientficas. Misso das Novas Tribus Colombia... Como no conocamos el carcter de estos indios, nuestros
no Brasil, CFE T 2378, 1961, fls 094-095. hombres decidieron construir su casa en medio de un lago en el rea
49. Vase la nota 42 arriba. de contacto (Lewis 1998:133-134). Oficialmente los trabajos con los
50. Vase la nota 36 arriba. Nukak fueron conocidos hasta 1974 (Cabrera 2007:143).
540 541
El contacto cara a cara con los Nukak fue el da 7 de octubre de 1980 y 6. CMO TRABAJAN LAS MISIONES
en 1983 dos de los misioneros pasaron por primera vez la noche en un El ILV como la MNT son misiones de fe, cuyo carcter es doctrinal
campamento en el interior de la selva51. En 1981 haban consolidado y proselitista sin vnculo con iglesia particular alguna (Rohr 1992:107,
su base Laguna Larga en la regin nororiental del territorio Nukak, Drumond 2004:48). Ambas entidades han sido objetos de crticas, como
prxima al ro Guaviare, tambin llamada Charco caimn y ms de simpata de algunos actores o sectores polticos en Colombia y Brasil
tardamente Laguna Pavn I; oficialmente desde 1982 la MNT reportaba (Drumond 2004:77, ILV 1981:1). Sus miembros entablan relaciones e
a la Direccin General de Asuntos Indgenas sus contactos refirindose intentan establecerse en un lugar con el menor factor de perturbacin
a la tribu mku y slo desde 1987 a los Nukak-Mak (Cabrera et al. posible, una vez all trabajan por largos perodos haciendo un fuerte
1999:76). En un informe de 1982 anotaban que estaban preparando una nfasis en el aprendizaje de la lengua y con el transcurrir del tiempo
pista de aterrizaje52, y llegado el segundo trimestre de 1985 mencionan consiguen cercana con algunos miembros del grupo entre quienes
que trabajaban en una nueva sede llamada Laguna Pavn II en el interior formaran los futuros pastores. En la zona ambas entidades trabajaron con
del territorio Nukak53. All permanecieron hasta junio de 1996 momento cuatro etnias en comn (Guayabero, Piapoco, Nadb y Wanano). Al final
en que abandonan definitivamente esta sede. de los aos sesenta las labores del ILV eran descritas por Silverwood-Cope
(1990:25) as:
Finalmente, cabe mencionar que un efecto de la presencia protestante de
la Misin Nuevas Tribus en la regin fue el renacer de los movimientos Un equipo haba comenzado con una comunidad indgena
mesinicos que ya haban tenido un lugar durante la segunda mitad del analfabeta y culturalmente aislada; despus de estos aos,
siglo XIX (Wright 2002). En 1950 un indgena Baniwa que se deca estaban listos para comenzar a ensear los indios a leer y
discpulo de Sophie Mller bautizaba sus seguidores en las aguas del escribir en su propia lengua y tambin haban iniciado la
ro, y los hacia beber la sangre de Cristo, prometindoles una vida traduccin del evangelio de San Marcos. Otro equipo
mejor. Seguido de numerosos creyentes alcanz hasta la boca del Isana, comenz con los indios que lean y escriban en espaol
destruyendo en el camino todas las capillas catlicas que encontr. por cuenta de la educacin en la misin catlica, trece
Alarmados, los habitantes del Ro Negro recurrieron a las autoridades, aos despus, haban analizado la lengua, reducindola a
un grupo del SPI apres el Cristo. Su grupo se desband sin resistencia su escritura y volviendo los indios capacitados para leer el
(Galvo 1970 -1971: 99). Nuevo Testamento en su lengua indgena.
51. Iglesia Cristiana Nuevos Horizontes, Por qu lloran los nukak, Video, 1998.
52.Asociacin Nuevas Tribus de Colombia, Informe de actividades febrero abril, 1982.
53.Asociacin Nuevas Tribus de Colombia,Informe de actividades marzo mayo, 1985
542 543
El propsito evangelizador de estas dos organizaciones se acompaa de la Los misioneros de la MNT manifiestaban verbalmente que no buscaban
prestacin de servicios en salud54, alfabetizacin, as como de programas sedentarizar a los Nukak. Sin embargo, un documento temprano suscrito
de desarrollo o apoyo socioeconmico. La salud fue mencionada por por sus directores revela que esta s es una de sus metas, la comunicacin
los Nukak como motivo para visitar la sede misionera. En la zona de dirigida a la Direccin General de Asuntos Indgenas de Colombia
su influencia se adelantaron vacunaciones contra diversas enfermedades en junio de 1970 seala: 3. CULTURA: fijamos la gente nmada y
contribuyendo a la reduccin de la mortalidad infantil y de adultos seminmada en sitios favorables o en fincas para elevar su nivel de vida.
circunstancia que se refleja claramente en las cifras de hurfanos, Se les ensea a respetar las leyes y dems deberes cvicos para con la
nacimientos, decesos y adultos mayores entre agosto de 1991 y marzo de sociedad, la patria y la familia.56
1995; entre los grupos bajo la influencia de la misin las cifras fueron (7
hurfanos, 33 nacimientos y 1 deceso, as como presencia de 3 adultos Un anlisis detallado de la movilidad57 en tres sectores (bosque, base de
mayores de 50 aos) y entre los grupos distantes (25 hurfanos, 28 la misin de protestante y zona colonizada o ocupada por poblacin no
nacimientos y 8 decesos, as como presencia de 1 adulto mayor de 50 indgena) de los grupos Nukak revela la manera como la misin era un
aos) (Franky et al. 2000:333-340). Por supuesto la perseverancia de sus lugar de atraccin. Hacia marzo de 1995 si bien no haba ningn grupo
miembros y la logstica son un componente en estos logros, la existencia asentado, ya haba una construccin rstica en la que paulatinamente
de la pista de aterrizaje hecha con apoyo de los Nukak, el contar con una o dos parejas Nukak muy cercanas a los misioneros se alojaban por
pilotos propios, con radio y viviendas con energa solar y gas, as como el breves periodos. Pero el sitio tambin tena problemas, los recursos en
eventual apoyo de cooperantes permiten su sostenimiento55. el sector estaban sobreexplotados. Igualmente, y pese a que hacia el
sector de la misin convergan varios grupos locales Nukak, quienes
54. Sobre la Misin Nuevas Tribus entre los Nukak el mdico Werner Diehl
anotaba que no contaban con microscopio para analizar las muestras de gota condiciones de salud delicadas que requeran tratamiento especializado. Aunque
gruesa ni para anlisis coprolgicos. Adems, no estaban capacitados para no en todas las bases de trabajo se hacen pistas de aterrizaje, pues entre los
administrar ciertos tratamientos como lquidos parenterales, o para contrarrestar Puinave la proximidad del ro Inrida obvi este tipo de base.
las reacciones negativas de algunos medicamentos. Adicionalmente, slo algunos 56. AGN, Repblica, Mininterior, Caja 216, Carpeta 2012, fl 12.
de los miembros del equipo de misioneros entre los Nukak tomaron el curso 57. Con fines descriptivos agrupamos en dos sectores los grupos locales:
de primeros auxilios e inyectologa ofrecido por la Cruz Roja Colombiana. En occidental (A, B, E, H, I y K) y oriental (C, D, F, G, J, L, y M). Los primeros
el caso del ILV slo cinco integrantes en los equipos Barasano Norte, Barasano enfrentaban una prdida territorial mayor as como un contacto permanente
Sur, Kakua, Desano y Yukuna tenan grado en enfermera. con los colonos. Los segundos sostenan espordicos contactos con los colonos
55. La pista permiti la evacuacin en varias ocasiones de indgenas Nukak en pues los asentamientos de estos ltimos se encuentran sobre los caos o la
544 545
mantenan actitudes tradicionales de todos los grupos como el recelo y La MNT fue objeto de polmicas fuertes desde 1994 y se vieron forzadas
el no cruce de la mirada, el no acercarse a otros campamentos guardando debido a discusiones sobre la legalidad de su pista como a la tensin
una distancia prudente, el hacer visitas slo de noche y llevar la pintura derivada del programa de erradicacin de cultivos y el conflicto armado
facial, no observamos la celebracin de rituales de encuentro o entiwat, en la regin a dejar su sede en el nororiente del territorio Nukak a
circunstancia contraria a lo que suceda en el sector occidental en donde mediados de 1996. Sus miembros los mismos de antes se convirtieron
los miembros de diversos grupos los celebraban para formalizar la llegada en una organizacin nacional llamada Iglesia Cristiana Nuevos Horizontes
de un grupo local visitante a su territorio y como mecanismo para en 1994, definida como no denominacional. [agregando que] Nuestros
resolver los conflictos o mediar en ellos (Cabrera et al. 1999:136 y ss). misioneros son enviados por una variedad de iglesias. Somos cristianos
Los datos sealan que: Los grupos locales del sector occidental y los del evanglicos conservadores, no somos carismticos ni ecumnicos. Los
oriental realizaron un 58.70% y un 59.49% de sus desplazamientos en misioneros decidieron sostener personal en San Jos del Guaviare e
el bosque, respectivamente. Los grupos del sector occidental llevaron a intermitentemente en Tomachipn, un casero en el sector suroriental
cabo un 40.64% de sus movimientos en las reas colonizadas, mientras del territorio Nukak, hacia donde establecieron un nuevo sitio en el
que los del sector oriental slo realizaron all un 7.59% del total de sus interior a unas horas de camino que atraj o fue seguido por varios
desplazamientos (Cabrera et al. 1999:109). La presencia de los Nukak grupos Nukak para solventar el proceso de desplazamiento forzado de
en los sectores colonizados por mestizos viene aumentando de manera los Nukak iniciado en el 2002 por la presencia de grupos armados de
gradual desde 1991 siendo generalizada tras el abandono de la sede izquierda y derecha en la regin (Cabrera 2007). Los misioneros han
misionera. En cuanto a los desplazamientos a la misin de protestante, producido nuevos materiales hasta ahora (Iglesia Cristiana Nuevos
los grupos locales del sector occidental realizaron un 0.64% de sus Horizontes 2005; Conduff 2006). Israel Gualteros, un misionero con
movimientos hacia este lugar (slo individuos o grupos domsticos plena competencia lingstica recuerda:
realizaron este viaje); los grupos locales del sector oriental realizaron un
32.91% del total de sus desplazamientos hacia la Misin (Cabrera et al. Lo ms difcil que tuve que enfrentar en mis primeros aos en
1999:109). la obra misionera tena que ver con mi sustento econmico
y con el aprendizaje del idioma nukak. Y es que vivir en
la selva, donde para recibir el mercado, salir o entrar a la
tribu y construir una casa, hay que pagar un costoso vuelo de
avioneta; lo pone a uno a pensar mucho. Con el aprendizaje
margen del ro Guaviare, y debido a que el plano de inundacin de este ro es me enfrent a un idioma tonal, un idioma que para m era un
grande e impide su masiva ocupacin slo estacionalmente eran visitados por gran desafo. Precisamente en el entrenamiento misionero
los Nukak. el tono idiomtico fue lo ms difcil para m. Tambin fue
546 547
frustrante atender a algunos enfermos Nukak que eran ya Entre los Hot la movilidad por el bosque incorpor como una de sus
nuestros amigos y venan muy graves. Verlos morir sin poder motivaciones, la bsqueda de atencin mdica incluso de grupos lejanos
hablarles del Seor por no manejar suficientemente el idioma, y a la base (Zent y Zent 2007:83). Adicionalmente, uno de los efectos
luego ver a la cara a sus hijos, esposa y familiares desconsolados positivos de la atencin mdica y de la vacunacin a la poblacin infantil
me provocaba sentimientos de culpa por no poder evitar esas fue la disminucin la mortalidad infantil y de adultos (Zent y Zent
muertes. Esas frustraciones me hacan querer salir corriendo 2007:119). Aunque la MNT ha vivido tempranas polmicas en Venezuela
para no tener que enfrentar esas situaciones, sin embargo, (Cabrera 2007:21-22), la polmica ha revivido bajo la presidencia de
en todos estos 15 aos en la obra Nukak me mantuvo la Hugo Chvez y la organizacin se vio forzada ha abandonar sus sedes; la
conviccin de que era la voluntad de Dios tenerme sirviendo sede de los Hot, es ocupada hoy por una pequea escuadra militar.Y se
en Su obra. Aun en la preocupacin econmica Dios siempre sigue actualmente un proceso legal para definir o no la permanencia de
supli lo necesario. Durante el aprendizaje del idioma, a veces esta organizacin en Venezuela.
pensaba que no iba a poder dominar los tonos y las vocales
nazalizadas, senta que tena que orar y orar y orar y v que el Ms all de la evangelizacin de ambas organizaciones, cabe destacar su
Seor me fue ayudando y que su mano me ha respaldado.58 propsito de transformacin material mediante la capacitacin en el campo
agropecuario y su anhelo integracionista que para la MNT se expresa en su
La actuacin de la MNT entre los Hot de Venezuela amplia la programa de trabajo citado por Cabrera (2007:138-139) as:
comprensin de sus trabajos. En 1969 y contando con la gua de indgenas
vecinos Piaroa contactaron los Hot. Al ao siguiente la misin construy Nos gustara ver a las tribus en Colombia, con quienes
una base en el rea y se estableci desde entonces contacto permanente. estamos trabajando, integrados a la vida nacional de su pas
En el lugar permanecan de manera continua 2 a 4 familias y desde en un nivel respetable. No queremos dejarlos como estn,
sus inicios se prestaba atencin en salud, siendo esta la nica fuente de intentando aislarlos del resto de la nacin. Pero tampoco
acceso continuo. Desde mediados de los aos noventa la misin imparta queremos verlos llegar a ser pobres y mendigos dentro de
enseanza en lecto-escritura en la lengua de los Hot a la poblacin una Colombia desarrollando [sic]. Creemos que nuestros
mayor de 7 aos y hoy el grueso de ellos son alfabetos en su propia esfuerzos deben ir dirigidos a una meta para ver a los
lengua (Zent y Zent 2007:82). indgenas en la vida nacional de Colombia como ciudadanos
respetables, quienes no tengan vergenza de ser indgenas
(MNT 1974).
58. Plegable de la Iglesia Cristiana Nuevos Horizontes. Cursivas nuestras.
548 549
La segunda mitad del siglo XX, es el momento en que bajo la actuacin

tpico nuevas tribus instituto lingstico de verano
protestante se presenta el mayor cambio. Segn Jackson (1984) elementos
como el desprecio por las costumbres, el impacto ecolgico y el riesgo Fundador
Paul William Fleming William Cameron Townsend
(1910-1950) (1896-1982)
epidemiolgico, as como su nfasis en la poblacin menor y su educacin
Lugar y ao de Sulphur Springs (Arkansas) - 1942 Michawana (Michigan) - 1934
son elementos caractersticos del trabajo de los catlicos; los protestantes fundacin
Sede principal
ILV y MNT en cambio no pretenden concentrar poblacin y actual Sanford - Florida Dallas - Texas
ms bien enfatizan su trabajo con adultos formando catequistas con mbito Grupos aislados Lenguas amenazadas
Formacin del Inicialmente ILV,
un fuerte aprendizaje de la lengua que les permite introducir drsticas personal actualmente propia Instituto Lingstico de Verano (1938)
transformaciones en el universo simblico nativo, ofrecindoles adems Traduccin bblica Inicialmente asesora del ILV, Wycliffe Bible translations (1934)
actualmente propia
una visin sesgada del mundo exterior. En la Tabla 7 se comparan al ILV Logstica Servicol de Colombia Jungle Aviation and Radios Service - Jaars
(1947)
y la MNT, las Fotos 2 y 3 son sus fundadores. Financiacin Iglesias y particulares Wycliffe Associates (1960) e iglesias y
particulares
Ingreso en
Colombia 1945 1962
Reconocimiento Resolucin Ejecutiva N 1785 Convenio del 5 de mayo de 1962
legal en Colombia de 1967
Nombre actual en Iglesia Cristiana Nuevos Asociatin Instituto Lingstico

Colombia Horizontes - 1944 de Verano - 2002
Ingreso en Brasil 1944 1956

Reconocimiento
legal en Brasil 1953 1959
Nombre actual Misso novas Tribus Brasil -
en Brasil MNTB Sociedad Internacional de Lingstica - SIL
Tabla 7. Misiones de origen norteamericano en el Alto Ro Negro59
59. Cabrera 2007: 57 y 177.
550 551
7. LA RELACIN ENTRE EL ILV Y LA MNT

Ninguno de los documentos consultados del ILV o la MNT revela
vnculos; empero, en el archivo de la oficina de lenguas indgenas del
Instituto Caro y Cuervo en Bogot, hay una trascripcin de fragmentos
de correspondencia de miembros de las dos organizaciones. Los apartes
corresponden a cartas escritas por los esposos Klumpp misioneros del
Foto 1. Sophie Mller. La ms reconocida
ILV entre los Piapoco dirigidas a miembros de la MNT. El 3 de junio
misionera de Nuevas Tribus que muri en
de 1981 mencionan que llegaron para dividirse el trabajo relacionado con
1995, tomada de Johnston, 1985: 163.
esta etnia y en carta del 28 de julio del mismo ao indican la traduccin
idiomtica (responsabilidad nuestra) ms la educacin sistemtica de la
doctrina cristiana (responsabilidad de Uds.) son las herramientas que el
Espritu Santo utilizar60. La relacin no se limitaba al trabajo lingstico,
involucra tambin la estrategia para introducir los valores religiosos en la
que el miedo ocupa un lugar de importancia frente a las prcticas propias;
la carta del 28 de julio anota: los advertimos que temamos que los
Foto 2. Paul William Fleming (1910-1950)
demonios (los llamado wawasimi en esa ocasin) fueran a penetrar en los
fundador de la MNT, tomada de Johnston,
nios pequeos a quienes se les estaba enseando a bailar en esa forma.
1985: 50.
No fue muy antropolgico, pero lo nico en que pensamos eran las almas
de esos nios y de nuestros propios hijos quienes en ese tiempo todava
no haban recibido a Cristo. Este fue el fin de los bailes en Cao Cedro,
antes de que empezaran61.
60. Instituto Caro y Cuervo, Oficina de lenguas indgenas.Utilicen las tinieblas.

Fragmentos de correspondencia de lingistas del Instituto Lingstico de Verano
a misioneros de Nuevas Tribus. Presentacin de Federico Marulanda Lugones,
Foto 3. William Cameron Townsend (1896-
Traduccin de Antich E. Lavilla.
1982) fundador del ILV, tomada de Osorio,
61. Instituto Caro y Cuervo, Oficina de lenguas indgenas.Utilicen las tinieblas.
1981: 5.
Fragmentos de correspondencia de lingistas del Instituto Lingstico de Verano
552 553
En una carta del 23 de marzo de 1982 los miembros del ILV escriban como el que Henry Loewen de la MNT presenta para los Baniwa en la
as a los de MNT: En Cao Cedro vendemos la Vida de Cristo por radio Transmundial los sbados en la regin63.
15 pesos. De esta suma remitimos 10 pesos a la N.Y.I. Bible Society
[Sociedad Bblica Internacional de Nueva York]. Si el avin de Uds. viene De un estimado de 400 pueblos indgenas en la Amazonia (Mller
a recoger el encargo aqu (LML) [Lomalinda] les cobraremos 10 pesos 1998:121), al menos 170 de ellos es decir el 43% se han visto afectados por
de manera que les quedarn a Uds. 5 pesos por volumen para contribuir las acciones del ILV o la MNT (Cabrera 2007:176); en apariencia y dado
en los costos de flete. Si tienen alguna pregunta hganoslo saber. Ah, si, la el uso de las lenguas indgenas para sus propsitos parecieran revalorar
otra posibilidad seria que nosotros llevramos el encargo hasta Barranco el mundo indgena pero en verdad persiguen la transformacin plena y
Minas. En ese caso les cobraremos 15 pesos por volumen62. profunda de sus patrones de vida al intervenir en la vida econmica, los
procesos de educacin y la atencin en salud, fracturando la cohesin
social, la membresa y los lazos de solidaridad colectiva que caracterizan
CONSIDERACIONES FINALES la vida indgena (Rohr 1992:105).
Analizar la globalidad del efecto que sobre las etnias del Alto Ro Negro
han tenido las misiones es complejo pues los contextos son variables. El Hasta donde y de que manera el universo simblico o creer de estos
ILV como la MNT tienen estrategias similares con apoyo logstico areo pueblos ha sido transformado o corresponde a plenitud con el modelo
y respuestas similares para salvar los obstculos que surgen a sus labores que las misiones pretendieron imponer? Responder esta inquietud rebasa
como el trabajo exterior con personal indgena que se trasladan fuera de nuestro propsito y contestarla implica una estrategia que aborde los
sus territorios o el envo de textos y programas de radio grabados con textos religiosos propiamente dichos64, sus usos y las prcticas indgenas
estos sujetos a sus comunidades como entre los Barasano del norte por en los diversos grupos. Sabemos de las divisiones entre creyentes y no
los esposos Stolte del ILV (Jaars s.f) o la emisin de programas radiales creyentes que produjeron disputas e incluso alteraron el patrn de alianza
matrimonial y se extendieron al orden social como en la aldea Santa Ana
del bajo ro Isana donde sibs diferentes se identificaron como grupo
a misioneros de Nuevas Tribus. Presentacin de Federico Marulanda Lugones.

Traduccin de Antich E. Lavilla, S.f. p. 2. 63. www.mntb.org.br consultada el 28 de marzo de 2011.
62. Instituto Caro y Cuervo, Oficina de lenguas indgenas.Utilicen las tinieblas. 64. La Sociedad Bblica Internacional ha publicado el Nuevo Testamento en
Fragmentos de correspondencia de lingistas del Instituto Lingstico de Verano Wanano (1982), Desano (1984), Kubeo 2 ed (1984), Piapoko (1986), Siriano
a misioneros de Nuevas Tribus. Presentacin de Federico Marulanda Lugones, (1998), Kurripako (1994); el Instituto Lingstico de Verano en Karapana (1992);
Traduccin de Antich E. Lavilla, S.f. p. 5. la Liga Bblica en Kakua (2004) y la World Bible Translator en Tuyuka (2004).
554 555
de Sofa y otro como grupo de los padres (Wright 1999:195, 203, REFERENCIAS BIBLIOGRFICAS
Cabrera 2007:120-121). Empero, como lo recuerda Oliveira (2010:52)
citando a Barth, en una situacin de pluralismo cultural la relacin Asociacin Instituto Lingstico de Verano. 2000. Resumen de la labor del
AILV bajo el convenio con el gobierno colombiano (1962-2000). Bogot.
entre los diversos actores apunta a que se termine absorbiendo algo de
ellos (para apropirselo y utilizarlo de modo muy diverso e incluso con Asociacin Nuevas Tribus de Colombia. Informes de actividades
trimestrales. 1982 1993.
sentidos distintos a los establecidos en el contexto original).
Assis, Lenita de Paula; Rozani Mendes; y Daurineia Pereira da Gama,
Escola indgena waru, Educao escolar indgena do Rio Negro 1998-
Aunque varios de los pueblos indgenas tenan contactos con diversos 2001. Relatos de experincias e lies aprendidas, Flora Dias Cabalzar
sectores de la sociedad nacional bajo las actividades de la evangelizacin (org.), So Paulo, Instituto Socioambiental, Federao das Organizaes
catlica o da las economas extractivas desde el siglo XIX. Los misioneros Indgenas do Rio Negro, 2012, pp. 342-345.
protestantes se constituyeron en nuevos agentes de cambio cultural al Bastian, Jean-Pierre. 1997. La mutacin religiosa de Amrica Latina,
ubicarse cerca de los indgenas y aprender sus lenguas. En lo que se Mxico, Fondo de Cultura Econmica.
refiere a los Mak las evidencias apuntan a que tanto catlicos como Bolaos Quinez, Katherine Elizabeth. 2010. Kakua Phonology: First
protestantes han buscado su sedentarizacin. Sin embargo, los Mak ms Approach. Master of Arts. The University of Texas at Austin.
que los otros grupos han sostenido una pequea autonoma que va en
Brasil Presbiteriano. No. 614. Noviembre de 2005.
camino de perderse con el paso del tiempo si contina la evangelizacin
as como la atencin en salud o la alfabetizacin de sus jvenes bajo Bucana, Juana B. de. 1995. La iglesia evanglica en Colombia. Una
historia. Bogot. Buena Semilla.
esquemas impuestos y ajenos a la especificidad de su modo de vida.
Cuatro de las categoras de las ciencias sociales referidas al comienzo Cabrera Becerra, Gabriel. 2002. La Iglesia en la frontera: misiones catlicas
en el Vaups 1850 -1950. Bogot. Instituto Amaznico de Investigaciones
(aculturacin, transculturacin, friccin intertnica y mestizaje) explicitan imani, Universidad Nacional de Colombia Sede Leticia.
que el cambio cultural es un fenmeno de doble va; conocer cmo la
actuacin protestante ha afectado la vida de los pueblos indgenas en el _________. 2007. Las Nuevas Tribus y los indgenas de la Amazonia.
Historia de una presencia protestante, Bogot, Litocamargo.
Alto Ro Negro debera ser objeto de ms investigacin. Su abordaje
debe considerar la particularidad de experiencias y contextos de cada _________. 2009. La construccin del campo religioso en el Alto Ro
Negro-Vaups, 1850-1950. Prcticas, territorios y representaciones en
etnia, la incidencia intergrupal e intragrupal sobre las relaciones entre Colombia 1849-1960, ed. Diana Luz Ceballos Gmez, pp. 149-172.
vecinos y un aspecto que tratndose de la doble va que supone el cambio Medelln. Universidad Nacional de Colombia Sede Medelln.
cultural, saber si hay tambin cambios entre los misioneros.
_________. 2010. El Geral y la colonizacin en el Alto Ro Negro-
Vaups. Perspectivas antropolgicas sobre la Amazonia contempornea,
556 557
comps. Margarita Chaves Chamorro y Carlos Luis del Cairo Silva, pp. Casas, Justo. 1999. Evangelio y colonizacin. Bogot. Ecoe Ediciones.
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auThor InformaTIon
Autores
Geraldo Andrello
andrello@ufscar.br
Geraldo Andrello mestre e doutor em Antropologia pela Universidade
Estadual de Campinas (UNICAMP) e autor de Cidade do ndio.
Transformaes e cotidiano em Iauaret, pela Editora da UNESP/ISA/
NuTI. Atualmente professor de Antropologia do Depto de Cincias
Sociais e do Programa de Ps-Graduao em Antropologia Social da
Universidade Federal de So Carlos (UFSCar).
Dominique Buchillet
dominique.buchillet@gmail.com
(Aix Marseille Univ, IRD French Institute of Research for Development,
EHESP French School of Public Health, UMR_D 190 Emergence des
Pathologies Virales ).
Dominique Buchillet, PhD, is a medical anthropologist at the French
Institut de Recherche pour le Dveloppement. During the years 1980-
2004, she has done extensive fieldwork on shamanism, epidemics, and
indigenous health among Desana and Tariano peoples in the upper
Rio Negro region. She has published on shamanism, indigenous
representations of health and illness, epidemics, mythology, interethnic
contact and indigenous rights. She is the author of the Bibliogrfica
Crtica da Sade Indgena no Brasil 1840-2006 [Critical Bibliography
on Indigenous Health in Brazil, 1840-2006] published in 2007 by Abya
Yala. Since 2005, she has been conducting investigations on the history
of epidemics and traditional medicines in Southeast Asia. Her more
571
recent publications bear on the evolution of ideas on infectious diseases Thiago Costa Chacon
in Chinese medicine (in French) and on the history of the epidemics thiago_chacon@hotmail.com
of dengue (1872), bubonic plague (1895), and cerebrospinal meningitis Thiago Costa Chacon is a Brazilian linguist, PhD graduate from the
(1932) in Macau (South China) (in English). University of Hawaii at Manoa. He has worked with Tukanoan languages
in Brazil and Colombia since his undergraduate years. His research
interests include linguistic anthropology, language documentation
Aloisio Cabalzar and revitalization, typology, historical linguistics and ethnology. He is
cabalzar@socioambiental.org currently a post-doctoral fellow at the University of California at Santa
Aloisio Cabalzar antroplogo formado na Universidade de So Paulo, Barbara and works as a consultant for the Ministry of Culture of Brazil
com pesquisa entre os povos Tukano Orientais desde 1991. Trabalha no in the Inventrio Nacional da Diversidade Lingustica.
Programa Rio Negro do Instituto Socioambiental desde 1996.
Janet M. Chernela
Gabriel Cabrera Becerra chernela@gmail.com
gacabe@yahoo.com Janet M. Chernela is a Professor of Anthropology at the University of
Gabriel Cabrera Becerra es Profesor Auxiliar del Departamento de Maryland and Professor Emerita of Florida International University.
Historia y candidato a Doctor en Historia de la Universidad Nacional After receiving her PhD from Columbia University in 1983, she served as
de Colombia Sede Medelln. Su inters se centra en el Noroeste research faculty of the Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amaznia (INPA)
amaznico y especialmente en la etnografa e historia de los pueblos in Manaus. She has worked among indigenous peoples of the Amazon
de tradicin nmada o mak. Ha publicado Viviendo en el bosque, un basin for over three decades. Her research interests include indigenous
siglo de investigaciones entre los mak del Noroeste amaznico (editor, rights, local knowledge, and language. Her principal publications include
2010); Las Nuevas Tribus y los indgenas de la Amazonia. Historia de una a book, The Wanano Indians of the Brazilian Amazon: A Sense of Space
presencia protestante (2007); La Iglesia en la frontera: misiones catlicas (1993, 1996) and a recent trilogy on language and gender in the Upper
en el Vaups 1850-1950 (2002); Los Nukak: nmadas de la amazonia Rio Negro: Talking Community in the Northwest Amazon (American
colombiana (1999, en coautora con Carlos E. Franky y Dany Mahecha). Anthropologist, 2003); The Second World of Wanano Women: Truth,
Lies and Back-Talk in the Brazilian Northwest Amazon (Journal of
Linguistic Anthropology, 2011); and Mascarading the Voice: Texts of
Self in the Brazilian Northwest Amazon (Journal of Anthropological
Research, 2012). She is the founder of AMARN/Numia Kura, one of
572 573
the oldest ongoing indigenous associations in Brazil, and a member of Carlos Eduardo Franky
the Conselho Cientfico do Boletim do Museu Paraense Emlio Goeldi. cefranky@yahoo.com
Carlos Eduardo Franky es profesor del Instituto Amaznico de
Investigaciones (Imani), de la Universidad Nacional deColombia. Es
Patience Epps
antroplogo y Magister en Estudios Amaznicos de la Universidad
pattieepps@austin.utexas.edu
Nacional de Colombia, y Ph.D. de la Universidad de Wageningen. Sus
Patience Epps is an Associate Professor in the Department of Linguistics
investigaciones y actividades docentes se han centrado en la etnologa
at the University of Texas at Austin. She received her Ph.D. in Linguistic
del Noroeste Amaznico, en temas como el manejo del medio, la
Anthropology in 2005 from the University of Virginia and the Max
territorialidad, la etnohistoria, la etnicidad y el cambio socio-cultural,
Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology in Leipzig. Her research
en especial con los Nkak y con grupos Tucano oriental. Ha asesorado
focuses on Hup and other languages of the Nadahup (Mak) family; she
organizaciones indgenas y entidades estatales en asuntos como el
has conducted fieldwork on Hup since 2000. More generally, her work
ordenamiento territorial, la etnoeducacin y la atencin a indgenas en
involves descriptive and documentary research on indigenous Amazonian
desplazamiento forzado. Entre sus ltimas publicaciones estn su tesis
languages, linguistic typology, language contact and language change,
doctoral titulada Acompaarnos contentos con la familia, Unidad,
and Amazonian prehistory. Her publications include the monograph A
diferencia y conflicto entre los Nkak (Amazonia colombiana) (2011) y
Grammar of Hup (2008, Mouton de Gruyter).
Pueblos de tradicin nmada de la Amazonia y la Orinoquia.Aprendizajes
y proyecciones para afrontar el futuro, coeditado con Dany Mahecha y
Simeon Floyd Mara Colino (2010).
Simeon.Floyd@mpi.nl
Simeon Floyd finished his PhD in linguistic anthropology at the
University of Texas at Austin in 2010 and is currently staff member in Elsa Gomez-Imbert
the Language and Cognition Department at the Max Planck Institute gomezimb@univ-tlse2.fr
for Psycholinguistics, Nijmegen. His research concerns South American Elsa Gomez-Imbert is Research Director at the Institut Franais dEtudes
indigenous cultures and languages, including Quechua and Chapalaa Andines, Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique & Ministre des
(Barbacoan) in Ecuador and Nheengat (Tupi-Guaran) in Brazil, with Affaires Etrangres, France. She has done fieldwork in the Vaups area in
focus on descriptive linguistics, multimodality, language usage in social the northwest Amazon, essentially in the Piraparan basin in Colombia.
interaction, and social categorization. Her main research has been on East Tukano languages, mainly Tatuyo
and Barasana. Her current interests include phonology, grammatical
categories, and anthropological linguistics.
574 575
Aimee Hosemann futuro. Memorias de un encuentro (2010) coeditado con Carlos Franky
password@siu.edu y Mara Colino; y Los Nkak, el ltimo pueblo de tradicin nmada
Aimee Hosemann is a doctoral candidate at Southern Illinois University contactado oficialmente en Colombia (2011), en coautora con Carlos
Carbondale. Her research interests include bi-/multilingualism, especially Franky. Adems, se ha desempeado como investigadora, docente y
in educational settings, in the United States; aesthetic expression among asesora en temas de ecologa humana, educacin intercultural y gnero.
indigenous groups of the Northwest Amazon; and language-identity Actualmente es docente de la Universidad Nacional de Colombia Sede
relationships in both geographic contexts. Her primary research involves Amazonia.
young school children in a Spanish-English bilingual education program.
Her interests in womens songs in the Upper Rio Negro allow her to
Melissa Santana de Oliveira
explore the multimodal expressive capabilities of music and language,
melzita.oliveira@gmail.com
and of the effects of sharing across groups.
Possui graduao em Cincias Sociais pela Universidade Federal de
Santa Catarina (2002) e mestrado em Antropologia Social pela mesma
stephen hugh-jones universidade (2004). Tem experincia na rea de Antropologia, com
sh116@hermes.cam.ac.uk nfase em Etnologia Indgena. Atuou por quatro anos junto aos Guarani
Stephen Hugh-Jones received his PhD in anthropology from Cambridge de Mbiguau, SC, com quem desenvolveu sua dissertao de mestrado
University (UK), and is a professor and fellow at Kings College of the sobre infncia Guarani. Atuou entre 2005 e 2011 no Programa Rio
same institution. He is the author of The Palm and the Pleiades, the Negro, Instituto Socioambiental, contribuindo para o desenvolvimento
classic work on the initiation rites and cosmology of East Tukano peoples de projetos de educao e manejo ambiental entre os Tukano do Rio
of the Vaups, which is based on extensive fieldwork conducted in the Tiqui, afluente do Uaups,TI Alto Rio Negro, So Gabriel da Cachoeira,
late 1960s among the Barasana of the Colombian Piraparan. Since Amazonas. Atualmente discente do curso de Doutorado do Programa
then, he has continued to work in the region, writing on topics such as de Ps Graduao em Antropologia Social da Universidade Federal de
architecture, social organization, rituals, and shamanism. Santa Catarina.
Dany Mahecha Ana Mara Ospina Bozzi

dmahecharu@unal.edu.co amospinab@unal.edu.co
Dany Mahecha es antroploga, Magister en Estudios Amaznicos y Es profesora asociada en el Departamento de Lingstica de la Universidad
estudiante del Doctorado en Letras de Vrije Universiteit de Amsterdam Nacional de Colombia, Bogot. Obtuvo su doctorado en Lingstica de
(Pases Bajos). Es autora y editora de varios artculos y textos sobre los la Universidad de Paris 7, Denis Diderot, Paris, Francia en 2002. Sus
pueblos Nkak, Yujup y Macuna de la Amazonia colombiana. Entre las reas de inters y desempeo son teora y anlisis lingstico, descripcin
ltimas publicaciones se destacan: Pueblos de tradicin nmada de la de lenguas indgenas (con particular inters en el tema de expresin
Amazonia y la Orinoqua, aprendizajes y proyecciones para afrontar el lingstica de nociones espaciales), tipologa, etnolingstica, educacin
576 577
indgena. Desarrolla investigaciones sobre la lengua yuhup de la familia
Mak-puinave en Colombia desde 1993. Algunas de sus publicaciones
recientes son: Localizacin esttica y prefijos locativos en yuhup en:
Expresin de nociones espaciales en lenguas amaznicas, Ospina
(compiladora, en prensa); Yuhup en: Dictionnaire de Langues (2011,
Bonvini, E. et al. (eds) Presses Universitaires de France); Chez les Yuhup,
nomades de Colombie en: Linguistique de terrain sur langues en danger
(2010, Grinevald, Colette & Bert, Michel (eds.) Locuteurs et linguistes.
Faits de Langues. Revue de Linguistique # 35-36) y Localizacin esttica
en yuhup en:Viviendo en el bosque. Un siglo de investigaciones sobre los
mak del Noroeste amaznico. (2010, Cabrera, Gabriel (ed.) Facultad de
Ciencias Humanas y Econmicas, Universidad Nacional de Colombia -
sede Medelln).
Digital edition available on the website of the Programa de Ps-
Graduao em Antropologia Social, Museu Nacional / UFRJ
Kristine Stenzel www.museunacional.ufrj.br/ppgas
kris.stenzel@gmail.com
Kristine Stenzel lives and works in Brazil where she is a Professor in
the Department of Linguistics at the Federal University of Rio de
Janeiro (UFRJ). She received her Ph.D. in Linguistics in 2004 from the
University of Colorado and did post-doctoral work from 2005-2007 at
the Museu Nacional /UFRJ. Her research focuses on the description,
documentation and analysis of Amazonian languages, in particular Kotiria
(Wanano) and Waikhana (Piratapuyo), languages of the East Tukano
language family. Her broader interests also include issues in linguistic
typology, language contact and change, particularly within the context
578 579

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1

7.031.3(811) EPPS, Patience (coord); STENZEL, Kristine.

579p. il. color

Lidia Lucia Zelesco CRB-7 / 3401

Map - Upper Rio Negro Region 10

I. Culture and society

3. The Serpent, the Pleiades, and the One-legged Hunter:

4. Organizao socioespacial e predomnios lingusticos no

5. Recolectando en el cielo: Elementos del manejo Nikak del

II. Discourse and language ideology

8. Semantic transparency and cultural calquing in the Author Information 569

III. Grammar and language relationship

10. Contact and innovation in Vaups possession-marking

11. Kubeo: Linguistic and cultural interactions in the Upper

IV. Historical dynamicity

13. Hierarquia e histria: Notas sobre a descendncia entre os

1. Work on this volume was supported by National Science Foundation

3. Convergence and negotiating diversity

_____. 2007. Semantics and pragmatics of grammatical relations in the

Wright, Robin M. 1992. Histria indgena do noroeste da amaznia:

_____. 2005. Histria indgena e do indigenismo no Alto Rio Negro.

Zucchi, Alberta. 2002 A new model for northern Arawak expansion.

I. CulTure and soCIeTy

Abstract: In this chapter I suggest that the relatively uniform style of

self-decoration in Melanesia as a theoretical counterpoint, I argue that Introduction

8. I observed one occasion on which Yurupar instruments were exchanged

5. Hair and Teeth

objects. Alongside knowledge of people and their relations, knowledge of Conclusion

References DAlleva, Anne. 2001. Captivation, representation, and the limits of

Turner,Terence. 1969. Tchikrin: a Central Brazilian tribe and its symbolic

. 1991.We are parrots,twins are birds: Play of tropes as operational

. 1995. Social body and embodied subject: Bodiliness, subjectivity

Viveiros de Castro, Eduardo. 1998. Cosmological deixis and Amerindian

we observe that many of the astronomical themes encountered in the Introduction1

3. Star-lore of the Upper Rio Negro Arawaks

Among a number of Central Arawak and Carib groups, according to Jara

Tastevin, Constant. 2008 [1925].A lenda de Boiau na Amaznia.Tastevin

Vidal, S.M. 2000. Kuw Duwkalumi: The Arawak Sacred Routes of

von Hildebrand, Martin. 1987. Datos etnogrficos sobre la astronomia

Resumo: Esse ensaio enfoca as relaes intercomunitrias na regio

Agradeo a contribuies, no muito recentes, de Cristiane Lasmar, Flora

3. As fronteiras atuais, junto com polticas de educao, sade e sociais

Para os povos TUKANO, observa-se ambientes sociais mais abertos ao

peixe, maior concentrao populacional e proximidade entre os grupos

No processo de ocupao do mdio Tiqui, a populao desana se

ocorre com os NADAHUP) realizaram em algum momento o ritual

entre os Tukano e Desana do mdio Tiqui, o que viabiliza formas de

No grfico 3, dos casamentos desana, o que mais chama a ateno a

A relao dos Tukano com os Desana j mais equilibrada, sendo

Os dados relativos aos casamentos tuyuka (Grfico 4) mostram uma maior

Esses dados se referem a casamentos atuais ou mais recentes dos Tuyuka,

6.2. CASAMENTOS RIO ABAIXO E RIO ACIMA

Finalizando, possvel postular que trs fatores so cruciais: alianas,

REFERNCIAS . 2000. Cartas do Serto. De Curt Nimuendaj para Carlos Estevo

Nimuendaj, Curt. 1950. Reconhecimento dos rios Iana, Ayar e

4. rhem (1981:315-319) presenta una sntesis de un debate ms amplio, de

5. Arrabidea chica (Bignoniaceae)

. 2007. Nukak: Ethnoarchaeology of an Amazonian People. Walnut

Pozzobon Jorge. 1992. Parent et Dmographie chez les Indiens Maku.