(Richard Colwell) MENC Handbook of Musical Cognition

MENC Handbook of
Musical Cognition and

Development
Richard Colwell,
Editor
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

MENC Handbook of Musical Cognition
and Development
This page intentionally left blank
MENC HANDBOOK OF
MUSICAL COGNITION
AND DEVELOPMENT
Edited by
Richard Colwell
1
2006
1
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Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

MENC Handbook of musical cognition and development / edited by Richard Colwell.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13 978-0-19-518923-0; 978-0-19-530456-5 (pbk.)
ISBN 0-19-518923-X; 0-19-530456-X (pbk.)
1. MusicInstruction and study. I. Colwell, Richard.
II. Music Educators National Conference (U.S.)
MT1.M98736 2006
780'.71dc22 2005048092
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
Printed in the United States of America
on acid-free paper
Preface
The use of research findings is critical to the success of music teaching and
learning. There is probably no area of greater importance in the 21st century
than research involving music and its impact on the development and use
by the human brain. The popular press has reported partial findings of re-
search indicating the importance of music in human development. It is im-
portant that teachers and researchers have a full understanding of the find-
ings of valid studies in order that our knowledge not be misused. Andreas
Lehmann, a German scholar, assembled an outstanding team that wrote
chapters on our knowledge of perception and cognition for the New Hand-
book of Research on Music Teaching and Learning published by Oxford
University Press in 2002. In this text, we provide an up-date of that material
with the addition of a chapter on Music and Neuroscience by John W. Flohr
and Donald A. Hodges.
This up-date is the result of the efforts of Ms. Kim Robinson and Ms.
Eve Bachrach of Oxford University Press and Mike Blakeslee of the National
Association for Music EducationMENC, believers in the importance of
disseminating research findings to the profession. It is our hope that the
publication of separate, small, economical, books on specialized research
topics will make the material more accessible to users in a variety of fields.
Music cognition is a vital topic for scholars in medicine, psychology, in
educational psychology, and in music theory, as well as for music educators.
One will note that we have selected authors from all of these fields and
authors from continental Europe, Great Britain, Canada, and the United
States. It has been my pleasure to work through with them with the assis-
tance of Professor Lehmann issues of language, definitions, and concepts to
make the material clear to not only English speakers but those who use
English as a research tool. Accurate definitions apply to the topic of each
chapter although the authors have coordinated their writing to avoid dupli-
cation and to cover the material of music perception and cognition as suc-
cinctly as possible in only seven chapters. Although the chapters stand alone
vi PREFACE
as a research resource, they have also been organized to be read in the

normal textbook fashion, from the introduction to the end of chapter 7.
It has been my pleasure to work with not only the authors but with the
National Association for Music Education and Oxford University Press in
this exemplary cooperative project. As one who does not normally think
about how music works within the human, I have found these chapters
enlightening as Im sure will both sophisticated and those of us who are less
sophisticated in brain functioning and its responses.
Contents
Contributors ix
Introduction: Music Perception and Cognition 3

Andreas C. Lehmann
1 Music and Neuroscience 7

John W. Flohr and Donald A. Hodges
2 The Neurobiology of Music Cognition and Learning 40

Wilfried Gruhn and Frances Rauscher
3 Listening to Music 72
William Forde Thompson and E. Glenn Schellenberg
4 The Development of Musical Abilities 124

Heiner Gembris
5 A Comparative Review of Human Ability Theory: Context,

Structure, and Development 165
Bruce Torff
6 Making Music and Making Sense Through Music: Expressive

Performance and Communication 189
Reinhard Kopiez
7 Taking an Acquired Skills Perspective on Music Performance 225

Andreas C. Lehmann and Jane W. Davidson
Index 259
Contributors
jane w. davidson is professor of performance studies in the Department of

Music at the University of Sheffield and specializes in research on performance
skills acquisition, expression, and social dynamics. Her recent edited volume,
The Music Practitioner, explores the uses of research for the practicing musician.
A former editor of Psychology of Music, she is currently vice-president of the
European Society for the Cognitive Sciences of Music. She also holds a visiting
professorial post at the University of Western Australia. Besides her academic
career, as an ex-professional opera singer, she specializes in directing. She has
more than thirty productions in her repertoire, having worked on the wildly
contemporary (Death and the Madman, for Drama per musica in Portugal) to
the pastoral and lyrical, including Mozarts rarely performed Betulia Liberata.
Over the years, she has worked with the Hong Kong Cultural Centre, London
International Opera Festival, the Edinburgh Festival, Wigmore Hall, Extempo-
rary Dance Theatre, Theatre de Complicite, Opera North, and Drama per Mu-
sica on a range of music theatre projects.
john w. flohr received his doctorate in music education from the University
of Illinois-Urbana. He has performed as a professional musician and taught at
the college, public school, and preschool level. He is professor of music at Texas
Womans UniversityDenton, serves as current president of the Texas Music Ed-
ucators Conference, and recently was faculty fellow at the national Arts Eduction
Partnership. He specializes in early childhood music education and has authored
research papers, books, videos, audio recordings, and computer programs in
music and music education. His most recent book is Musical Lives of Young
Children.
heiner gembris holds a degree in music education from the Academy of Music
Detmold and in musicology from the Technische Universitat Berlin. He worked
as a music teacher in secondary public schools for several years. In 1985, he
earned his doctorate with a study on music listening and relaxation. After an
employment at the University of Augsburg, he was appointed professor for sys-
tematic musicology at the University of Munster (1991), and later at the Uni-
versity of Halle/Wittenberg (1998). Since 2001 he has been head of music edu-
ix
x CONTRIBUTORS
cation and Music Psychology at the University of Paderborn and has directed
the Institute for Research on Musical Ability (IBFM). Heiner Gembris has oc-
cupied numerous leading positions in scientific organisations and is member of
the scientific board of national and international journals. His main research
interests concern the effects of music listening, music preferences, and the nature
and development of music abilities across the lifespan. In 1998, he published a
textbook in German on musical talent and development (2nd edition 2002).
wilfried gruhn is professor emeritus of music education at the University of

Music (Musikhochschule), Freiburg, Germany. He served as chair of the Music
Education Department, and worked as co-editor of several German journals for
music education. His research areas include musicology, music education, and
psychology. He specialized in the neurobiology of music learning, perception,
and cognition and collaborates with neurologists in interdisciplinary projects.
Currently he is director of the Gordon-Institute for Early Childhood Music
Learning in Freiburg, Germany.
donald a. hodges is Covington Distinguished Professor of Music Education

and director of the Music Research Institute at the University of North Carolina
at Greensboro. He is contributing editor of the Handbook of Music Psychology
and the accompanying Multimedia Companion (CD-ROMs vols. 1 & 2). Recent
research includes a series of brain imaging studies of musicians.
reinhard kopiez has been professor of music psychology at the School of Mu-
sic and Drama in Hannover, Germany since 1998. He earned his PhD in 1990
from the Technical University of Berlin. After appointments as assistant professor
for musicology at the Technical University of Berlin and later for systematic
musicology at the school of music in Wuerzburg. Since 1998 he has been vice
president of the German Society for Music Psychology (DGM) and since 2002
its president. He is also a member of the executive council of the European
Society for the Cognitive Sciences of Music (ESCOM). Kopiez has written several
books and numerous chapters and articles for national and international
publications. His main areas of research interest are performance research,
rhythm perception, and music in everyday-life. Some recent publications include:
(1998) Fussball-Fangesaenge [Singing at soccer games], Wuerzburg: Koenigshau-
sen; (2003a) Intonation of harmonic intervals: adaptibility of expert musicians
to equal temperament and just intonation, Music Perception, 20(4), 383410;
(2003b) Tempo and loudness analysis of a continuous 28-hour performance of
Erik Saties composition Vexations, Journal of New Music Research, 32(3),
243258; (2003c) Stability of motor programs during a state of meditation:
electrocortical activity in a pianist playing Vexations by Erik Satie continuously
for 28 hours, Psychology of Music, 31(2), 173186.
andreas c. lehmann is currently professor of systematic musicology and music

psychology at the Hochschule fur Musik Wurzburg, Germany. He earned a de-
gree in music education and a Ph.D. in musicology, both from the Hochschule
fur Musik und Theater in Hannover, Germany, from 1998 to 2000 he worked
as a junior faculty (Wissenschaftlicher Assistent) with Heiner Gembris in the
musicology department at the Martin-Luther University in Halle. Between 1993
CONTRIBUTORS xi
and 1998 he was a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Psychology at the

Florida State University, Tallahassee, Florida, where he worked with K. Anders
Ericsson in the area of cognitive psychology. Andreas Lehmann received in 1997
a Young Researcher Merit Award from the European Society for the Cognitive
Sciences of Music (ESCOM), and he has co-edited a book on practice and pub-
lished a number of chapters and journal articles. Currently, Andreas Lehmann
is also associate editor of the journal Musicae Scientiae and vice-president of the
German music education research organization (AmpF). In his research, he is
mainly interested in studying the structure and acquisition of high levels of in-
strumental music performance skills such as those displayed by advanced music
students and professional performers. This research on practice and performance
has real-life applications for music education and is of theoretical importance
for many other domains of expertise.
frances rauscher is an associate professor in the Department of Psychology

at the University of Wisconsin Oshkosh. She holds degrees in cello performance
and experimental psychology. Her research focuses on the relationship between
music exposure and cognitive performance in adults, humans, and rats. She has
publications in music cognition, cognitive neuroscience, developmental psychol-
ogy, and social psychology, and has given presentations in North America, Eu-
rope, and Australia.
e. glenn schellenberg is a professor in the Department of Psychology at the

University of Toronto at Mississauga with a cross-appointment in the graduate
faculty in the Department of Human Development and Applied Psychology at
the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education at the University in Toronto. He
received his doctorate from Cornell University in 1994 in human experimental
psychology. His primary research area focuses on cognitive developmental issues
in the auditory domain with a special interest in music perception and cognition
particularly on reciprocal influences between basic psychological processes and
musical structure. He is also interested in the cognitive (nonmusical) conse-
quences of formal music lessons. Ongoing research projects are investigations of
how one becomes an enculturated listener, the development of childrens memory
for familiar songs, effects of aging and musical training on pitch perception,
developmental perspectives of absolute pitch, and the impact of music lessons
on cognitive development. His extensive record of publications not only in de-
velopmental and cognitive psychology but in social psychology has recently
earned him the Premiers Research Excellent Award for 20022007.
william forde thompson is director of the CCIT and a professor in the De-
partment of Psychology at the University of Toronto at Mississauga. He is also
an associate member of the Unit for the Study of Musical Skill and Development.
After receiving his doctorate in psychology from Queens University, he began
an exemplary career in music perception and cognition. He is an accomplished
composer, writing music for the theater that has been staged throughout Canada
and on CBS Radio. He is an officer in the Society for Music Perception and
Cognition and heads Experiment Creator, which tests and teaches concepts re-
lated to audio-visual content. His research interests are in decoding speech pros-
ody, acoustic cues and speech, visual influences on perception, and recognition
xii CONTRIBUTORS
of emotion in cross cultural situations. His most recent book is Music Thought
and Feeling: The Psychology of Music, Oxford University Press, 2006.
bruce torff is associate professor of curriculum and teaching at Hofstra Uni-

versity in Hempstead, New York. An educational psychologist, Torff has pub-
lished numerous books and articles on topics in cognitive-developmental
psychology, teacher education, and musical cognition. His books include Un-
derstanding and Teaching the Intuitive Mind and Multiple Intelligences and As-
sessment. Torff earned a doctorate and two masters degrees at Harvard Univer-
sity, where he worked with Howard Gardner and served as a project director at
Project Zero, Gardners research organization. Torff also held a postdoctoral
appointment at Yale University in collaboration with Robert J. Sternberg. Torff
is active as a leader of professional-development workshops for educators and
is also a jazz pianist and songwriter.
MENC Handbook of Musical Cognition
and Development
Introduction
Music Perception and Cognition
andreas c. lehmann
Research in perception and cognition in music has seen tremendous growth

over the last two decades (see Levitin, 1999). The reason for this expansion
is not that music research has emerged only recently as a new discipline;
instead, it appears that whoever had been interested in music years ago but
did not dare to do music research can now freely admit to his or her vice.
As a result, the field has become extremely diversified and includes psy-
chologists, sociologists, and anthropologists as well as AI researchers, phys-
iologists, and acousticians. Many of them are active musicians with varying
degrees of firsthand experience, while other scientists simply think that music
is a convenient domain for their purposes. There are also artists who use
their working environment to undertake new types of action research (see
J. W. Davidson, 2004, e.g., chapters 11 and 22). Common to all is the desire
to find out more about how our brain processes the auditory input we then
experience as music. Unfortunately, the issues that entice researchers are not
always identical to those that appeal to music educators, who, after suc-
cessful mastery of the scientific jargon, are often disappointed to discover
how difficult it is to apply the findings to the classroom. Admittedly, some
research done today might only prove its usefulness many years from now
in the context of future research.
In the wake of recent advances in neurobiology, trying to separate per-
ception and cognition has become less appropriate and useful. Where, for
example, does music cognition actually begin? Does it start in the cochlea
or right after the cochlea, or does it emerge out of the simultaneous firing
of neurons in different cortical areas? And how does our individual genetic
makeup influence music perception and cognition? Where do our memories
3
4 MUSICAL COGNITION AND DEVELOPMENT
and feelings enter into the perception and cognition game? As a result, and
in order to be of maximal use for music educators, here we did not adhere
to a strong division of perception and cognition but rather understood cog-
nition in its broader sense, namely, how it applies in the context of experi-
ence, training, development, and culture.
This book with its seven chapters does not purport to cover the whole
range of topics relevant to music perception and cognition. We have tried
to capitalize on emergent issues and research done since the publication of
the first Handbook (Colwell, 1992). In our experience, music educators as
a group are likely to look at the research presented in the following 7 chap-
ters. We should keep in mind, however, there is probably not the music
educator, as there is not the music psychologist. Any choice of issues dis-
cussed, references cited, or references omitted (due to space limitations) will
have to be the result of subjective decisions. A review of the literature is
never objective, because the writer has an agenda, which is to introduce a
personal view on a topic. With the help of the many reviewers who made
thoughtful suggestions to improve the draft chapters, the printed chapters
should now match the needs of aspiring or in-service music educators and
music education researchers.
The chapters follow a certain logic in that the first five chapters proceed
from the basic neurological and cognitive processes to a panoramic view of
musical development and the theories behind research on learning. The last
two chapters concentrate on music performance skills, musical expression,
and the audience. A chapter that was not originally part of the Musical
Cognition and Development part of the 2002 Handbook is the one by Flohr
and Hodges on Music and Neuroscience. Here the authors circumscribe the
research methods and results currently available in the area of neuroscience.
It is obvious that we are starting to better understand how music is processed
in the brain, and how nature and nurture interact. This chapter in fact pro-
vides the necessary backdrop to some of the others presented in this volume.
Wilfried Gruhn and Frances Rauscher introduce neuropsychological and
neurophysiological research as it relates to learning. They also introduce
some learning theories that essentially can be viewed as theories of cognition,
and they clarify one hotly debated topic in music education, namely, the
question of transfer of learning, which sometimes serves as a justification for
music education in schools. William Forde Thompson and E. Glenn Schel-
lenberg are experts in basic music cognition with all its developmental and
cultural implications. Their chapter abounds with pointers to current re-
search methodology and brings to our attention the processes in music per-
ception we often take for granted (e.g., melody perception, timbre, rhythm).
Heiner Gembris gives a more panoramic survey of topics and issues in de-
velopmental psychology. While emphasizing cognitive aspects, he also in-
corporates sociological and cultural aspects. This chapter is closely tailored
to the questions frequently asked by music educators. Bruce Torff comes
from the general area of educational psychology. His chapter places research
on music perception and cognition into the larger context of research on
INTRODUCTION 5
music learning and development with its changing epistemological facets.

The contextualist perspective presented by Torff is today an accepted and
important position for music education. Reinhard Kopiez reviews the area
of performance research in which great progress has been made internation-
ally. Most interestingly, researchers are no longer interested solely in motor
programming and internal clocks (although these topics are still under scru-
tiny) but also interested in knowing how we communicate and understand
musical expression. As a trained musicologist, the author is able to bring
modern research into contact with its historical roots. Jane W. Davidson and
I sum up some of the research in skill acquisition, which stresses the envi-
ronmental aspects of music learning, especially in learning to play an instru-
ment. In some ways, this chapter acts as a counterweight to the chapter by
Gruhn and Rauscher, which emphasizes the hardware aspects of musical
learning.
For those readers looking for an update in one of the areas mentioned
earlier, each chapter should provide a suitable point of entry. For the novice
reader the chapters offer a thorough introduction into the topics of music
psychology that are relevant to music educators.
REFERENCES
Levitin, D. (1999). [Review of the book The psychology of music (2nd ed.),
edited by Diana Deutsch]. Music Perception, 16, 495505.
Colwell, R., & Richardson, C. (Eds.) (2002). The new handbook of research on
music teaching and learning. New York: Oxford University Press.
Davidson, J. W. (Ed.) 2004. The music practitioner: Research for the music per-
former, teacher and listener. Aldershot, UK: Ashgate.
Music and Neuroscience
1
john w. flohr
donald a. hodges
Relationships among the brain, music, and musical abilities are of interest
to musicians, psychologists, and neuroscientists. The purpose of this chapter
is to provide a detailed and critical overview of the neuroscientific research
dealing with music and music education. Unfortunately, a direct translation
from neuroscience research into music education at this time is very prob-
lematic. Although our understanding of brain and behavior has increased at
an exponential rate over the past 10 years, theories of brain functioning and
our understanding of the neurobiological forces that shape musical behavior
are still in their infancy. The focus will be on ideas helpful to music education
from what is known about music and the brain. The chapter is organized
into three sections.
1. Strategies for conducting neuromusical research. A review of the meth-

odological approaches to conducting neuroscientific research in music. The
neuroscience tools reviewed in this section have in many ways revolution-
ized our ability to examine both the function and structure of the brain.
(For a more complete review, see Hodges, 1996b.)
2. Overall development. A review of findings relating to overall development,
selected topics, and theories and theoretical areas.
3. Future directions. A generalized summary of findings and recommenda-
tions and considerations for future research directions.
Strategies for Conducting Neuromusical Research
How does one go about studying the phenomenon of music in the brain?
The brains immense complexity, in combination with the subtleties and in-
7
tricacies of human musical behavior, means that conducting neuromusical

research is difficult at best. Although there have been tremendous advance-
ments in research tools, no single strategy is able to provide comprehensive
answers. Rather, information from every approach possible must be com-
bined to create a more complete understanding. The purpose of this section
is to review current strategies, giving for each a rationale for its appropri-
ateness and a critique of its strengths and weaknesses. Only minimal atten-
tion is paid to results, as that information is covered more thoroughly in the
section on findings.
Throughout this chapter the reader should keep in mind two points. First,
the brain is only part of a much larger system that includes the central
nervous system (brain and spinal cord) and peripheral nerves (afferent nerve
fibers and their receptors, which send messages to the brain, and efferent
nerve fibers and their muscles and glands, which take messages from the
brain). In addition, the brain regulates the release of hormones into the
bloodstream, so that, in effect, the brain extends throughout the body.
The second point has to do with mind-brain disagreements. Are the mind
and brain one and the same, or are mind and brain separate entities? Un-
tangling such a Gordian knot is beyond the scope of this chapter. Some
researchers work from a more purely neurological viewpoint, concerned
mainly with physiological processes. Others work from a more cognitive or
mental approach. The reader should be aware that modern cognitive neu-
roscience is beginning to bridge this gap. The concept of psychoneuroim-
munology is one that recognizes interconnections among the mind, brain,
and body. Music, of course, is a phenomenon that arises out of interactions
among all three.
This section is based on six categories: animal research, fetal and infant
research, research on brain-damaged individuals, hemispheric asymmetry re-
search, brain imaging research, neuromotor research, and affective research.
These categories are based on a combination of methodologies and subject
groupings. They appear to fit most closely with the way the literature is
organized and reported. From animals we can learn about antecedents to
human musical behavior. From infants we can learn about the brains wiring
for music, relatively independent of the influence of experience. Studying
brain-damaged individuals provides the opportunity to isolate areas of the
brain involved in musical processing. Hemispheric asymmetry research seeks
to reveal how the brain is organized. Brain imaging research provides a
window into the working brain. Neuromotor research is concerned with
how the brain monitors both expressive (i.e., musical performance) and re-
ceptive (i.e., music listening) experiences. Finally, affective research looks
into the brains involvement in emotional responses to music.
Animal Research
Although studying animals may seem like an unusual place to begin, this
has been a standard approach in psychology (e.g., Pavlovs dog) and contin-
MUSIC AND NEUROSCIENCE 9
ues in cognitive neuroscience. Investigating the ways animals process sounds

gives neuroscientists useful information about human sound processing.
Most animals have devices for detecting, analyzing, and responding to
sounds. Once a sound has been detected, the animal analyzes it for mean-
ing, and this meaning shapes behavior. A housecat demonstrates this when
it comes running into the kitchen at the sound of the can opener. When
humans listen to music, the process is similar in that we analyze the sound
for meaning and that meaning shapes our responses.
Significant insights into human musicality can be gained particularly by
investigating sound-making and responding behaviors in such species as
birds, whales, dolphins, monkeys, and apes (DAmato, 1988; Geissman,
2000; Marler, 2000; Payne, 2000; Warren, 1993; Whaling, 2000). Sight (e.g.,
seen in displays of aggression or mating behavior) or smell (e.g., marking
territory) are ways animals can communicate. But sound has certain advan-
tages in that it can travel long distances rapidly, operate during day or night,
and encode complex and changing messages (Slater, 2000). Therefore, many
species have developed sophisticated sound-making behaviors (not only vo-
calizations but also other noises, such as chest-thumping among gorillas).
To assume that animal sounds have nothing to do with human music would
be to ignore a significant amount of information and would be counter to
linkages found in other types of behavior (e.g., language and social organi-
zation).
The opposite is equally true; one cannot automatically assume that there
is a direct correlation between animal sounds and human music. Thus, one
of the first issues to be dealt with is whether or not animals actually create
music. This is a difficult question and one that may elude a definitive answer.
It is tempting to anthropomorphize animal sounds; after all, we call it bird-
song because that is what it sounds like to us. But is it music to the animals?
Certainly most animal sounds have to do with territoriality, courtship and
mating rituals, and signaling (e.g., alarm calls) (Brody, 1991). Slater (2000)
remarks that with more than 4,000 species of songbirds alone, and all the
varied forms and patterns of their songs, it would not be difficult to find
many seemingly musical characteristics embedded in their songs, but that
this would most likely be coincidental. Even where birdsongs are more com-
plex, varied, or elaborate than is strictly necessary for biological function,
they may be so to achieve distinctiveness. If the point of sound-making is to
communicate, it will do no good if the message is lost in a sonic environment
rife with many voices. In a cacophonous habitat where many sounds are
competing for airspace, distinctiveness is an advantage. Krauses (1987)
niche hypothesis is that each species produces sounds that occupy a partic-
ular bandwidth in the overall acoustic spectrum, along with unique rhythm
patterns, tonal qualities, and so on. This ensures that the message will not
get lost among all the other sounds. Having said that, however, does not
preclude an animal deriving pleasure from the act of making sounds. Until
we can gain access to their inner worlds, the most we can do is speculate.
In the meantime, this research strategy informs two concerns of music
psychologists: What are the evolutionary antecedents of human musicality?

What extra cognitive structures and processes do humans possess beyond
those of other animals that allow for the degree of musicality expressed in
all cultures? In the first instance, the sounds of nature (what Krause [1987]
terms biophony) most likely exerted strong influences on early hominid
sound-making. It would be quite natural for us to mimic the sounds around
us. Of course, with our sophisticated brains, it would not take long for us
to move beyond mere mimicry to elaboration, extension, synthesis, and
eventually the creation of novel sounds. In time, we would develop our own
niche in the biophony. This line of research is important in developing a
theory of an evolutionary basis for music (Hodges 1989, 1996a, 2000; Wal-
lin, Merker, & Brown, 2000).
The second concern feeds more directly into the larger question of neu-
romusicology. For example, animals rely on absolute frequency analysis
(DAmato, 1988) rather than on relative pitch as we do (Trehub, Bull, &
Thorpe, 1984). Thus, while various animals can be trained to choose be-
tween two songs, they fail miserably if those songs are transposed. By con-
trast, our adult musicality is possible, in large part, because we deal with
pitch relationships. Yankee Doodle, for instance, is recognizable to us at
any pitch center.
There are other cognitive limitations among animals as well. For example,
musical forms ranging from simple verse-chorus alternations to lengthy sym-
phonic movements are possible because of our ability to retain musical in-
formation for long periods of time. Yet dolphins represent the best animals
can do, and they can only recognize the second A section of a simple ABA
form if each section is no more than 2 seconds long (Warren, 1993). Once
again, however, it must be recognized that testing animals on their capacity
for processing human music seems patently unfair. Nevertheless, this line of
research does provide evidence of some of the neural mechanisms humans
possess that allow for our musicality.
Fetal and Infant Research

In order to understand how the brain is predisposed to music, it would be
ideal to look at the brain in a pure state, that is, without the influence of
the environment. Since this is impossible, studying fetal and infant responses
to music allows us to approach a pure state with minimal environmental
influence. The limitations and difficulties of using babies as subjects seem
apparent, but there is much useful information to be gained from this ap-
proach. A growing body of literature is focusing on fetal responses to music
because in the last trimester before birth, the fetus is capable of responding
to sounds in the womb. Researchers can gauge fetal responses by monitoring
heart rate and through bodily movements (Abrams & Gerhardt, 1997; De-
liege & Sloboda, 1996; Flohr, 2004a).
Almost immediately after birth, babies can orient toward sounds and
soon after that can pick out the sounds of the mothers voice (Trehub, Schel-
lenberg, & Hill, 1997; Trehub & Trainor, 1993). A significant amount of
the interactions between a newborn and its caretakers is based on two-way
sound manipulations. The caretakers sing lullabies and talk baby talk,
and there are musical crib mobiles and toys. Motherese, a term psychol-
ogists have coined to refer to the type of baby talk typically spoken to
infants, emphasizes pitch, timbre, dynamic inflections, and rhythm patterns
in order to convey meaning (Dissayanake, 2000). Clearly, the baby cannot
interpret the meaning of words but does learn to interpret the emotional
content. Likewise, the baby learns early on to communicate by manipulating
the same sonic elements to express mood states such as hunger, pain, fear,
happiness, love, and so on. From this line of research, it is clear that infant
musical behaviors are exhibited primarily because of inherited mechanisms
(Imberty, 2000; Trehub, 2004). While learning takes place from the outset,
babies do not need systematic, formal instruction in order to respond to
music, speech, and other sounds.
Research on Brain-Damaged Individuals

Another approach that has a long history in neuroscience is to look at in-
dividuals who suffer from some form of brain damage, either from trauma,
genetic defect, or aging. Studying persons who have suffered a tumor, stroke,
or lesion indicates that some individuals suffer from aphasia (loss of lan-
guage) but not amusia (loss of music) or vice versa. This lends support to
the notion that music and language are dissociated; that is, that music and
language are represented, at least to a large degree, by separate neural sys-
tems (Hodges, 1996b; Marin & Perry, 1999). Both are umbrella terms, in
that there are many different forms of aphasia (e.g., loss of speech, compre-
hension, or the ability to read or write) and amusia (e.g., loss of ability to
track pitch, or rhythm, or timbre or loss of familiar tune recognition). Be-
cause of the complexity and modularity of both systems, it is also possible
that many brain regions are implicated in both language and music (Falk,
2000). (For more details on modularity see hereafter.)
A common research paradigm is to ask brain-damaged subjects to do a
variety of music-related tasks. Their inability to do a task successfully (when
compared to a person with an undamaged brain) is then linked to anatom-
ical lesion sites. Several notes of caution must be inserted. First, a damaged
brain is different from a normal brain, and the assumption that it is oper-
ating like the normal brain with the exception of the damaged portion is
not necessarily warranted. Second, for older studies in the literature, ana-
tomical lesion sites are not given very precisely; sometimes reports are as
vague as damage on the left side. Third, the case with music is somewhat
different from the case with language. While one can reasonably assume that
an adult has language competency, adult musical skills may vary all the way
from minimal (even including tone deafness) to highly professional. Thus,
if, for example, a brain-damaged person cannot do a given musical task

such as match pitches, recognize familiar tunes, or read musiccare must
be taken to determine whether he or she had such skills prior to the trauma.
(For a detailed review of the effects of brain damage on musical behaviors,
see Hodges [1996b, pp. 212216].)
A second class of subjects is those with inherited cognitive limitations.
Musical savants are cognitively impaired but capable of amazing musical
feats (Miller, 1989). Individuals with Williams syndrome often have cogni-
tive peaks and valleys, and music appears to be something many of
them can do quite well (Levitin & Bellugi, 1998). Musical behaviors are
only possible in such individuals because of the presence of specific neural
structures. Williams syndrome, in particular, is a fertile area for research in
that it may ultimately be possible to link research on genetics (Williams
syndrome results from a microdeletion on chromosome 7) with neuroscien-
tific and behavioral data. In contrast, some individuals may be born with
musical limitations (e.g., deficits in pitch or rhythm processing) in what Per-
etz (2001) calls congenital amusia.
A third class of subjects involves those suffering from cognitive dementias
due to aging (especially Alzheimers). Individuals with prior musical back-
grounds may retain procedural skills (e.g., singing or playing an instrument)
in spite of declining linguistic fluency (Crystal, Grober, & Masur, 1989). In
at least one case, an Alzheimers patient was able to sing the words to fa-
miliar songs even though she could no longer communicate via language
(Johnson & Ulatowska, 1995). Interestingly, music (among other things) is
being recommended to elders as a means of staving off the ravages of Al-
zheimers (Golden, 1994). The presence of musical skills, in the absence of
linguistic and other skills, once again denotes neural structures devoted to
musical processing.
Hemispheric Asymmetry Research

Hemispheric asymmetry, sometimes referred to as cerebral dominance, is
concerned with possible differences between the two hemispheres, both in
type of processing (e.g., sequential versus holistic) or in responsibility (i.e.,
which side is more responsible for particular tasks). Although a variety of
strategies can be employedmost notably studying brain damaged individ-
uals (discussed previously) and brain imaging (discussed subsequently)the
focus of this brief discussion will be on dichotic listening tasks.
Dichotic listening tasks have been widely used as a means of comparing
one side of the brains performance with the other. Basically, the technique
is to present conflicting signals to the right and left ears via headphones.
Approximately 70% of the fibers in the auditory pathway are contralateral,
meaning that they go from the inner ear to the auditory cortex in the op-
posite hemisphere. Thus, although both sides receive all the information
from each ear, signals from the right ear are more strongly represented in
the left hemisphere, and vice versa (Kimura, 1961; Robinson & Solomon,
1974). Contralateral response times are faster than ipsilateral (from one in-
ner ear to the auditory cortex on the same side) (Majkowski, Bochenek,
Bochenek, Knapik-Fijalkowska, & Kopec, 1971) and can occlude impulses
arriving along ipsilateral pathways (Kimura, 1967). In a typical experiment,
subjects might hear a nonsense syllable such as bleh in the right ear and
teh in the left ear (stimuli must be nonsensical, as real words would be
immediately recognized). They are then presented with four foils and asked
to identify the one they heard. Over a number of trials, consistency in pick-
ing out the right ear signal would indicate processing dominance by the left
hemisphere and vice versa.
A major limitation of this technique for music research is that the stimuli
can be no longer than 2 seconds. If they are longer, the brain can go back
and forth, picking up enough information from each ear to make recognition
of both stimuli possible. Obviously, only limited musical meaning can be
found in 2-second fragments. Also, stimulus variables (the type of sound/
music being used), task variables (whether subjects are asked to make global
or local decisions), and subject variables (amount of training, gender, hand-
edness, etc.) can make dramatic differences in the results. Sergent was highly
critical of this line of research and felt that all such data could be discarded
(Sergent, 1993; for an extended review of this literature and discussion, see
Hodges [1996b, pp. 222232]).
For a period of time, primarily during the 1970s, much was made of
music being in the right side of the brain. This oversimplification has since
been modified. Music is not in the right side of the brain alone; both sides
are involved. In fact, sophisticated musical processing most likely involves
the front-back, top-bottom, and left and right sides of the brain in widely
distributed but locally specialized neural networks. Furthermore, selectively
changing the focus of attention radically alters brain activation patterns (Pla-
tel et al., 1997). Further implications of this line of research are discussed
subsequently.
Brain Imaging Research

Modern neuroscientists have a broad range of highly sophisticated research
tools at their disposal. These include electroencephalography (EEG), event-
related potentials (ERP) derived from EEG, magnetoencephalography
(MEG), superconducting quantum interference device (SQUID), magnetic
resonance imaging (MRI), functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI),
positron emission tomography (PET), and transcranial magnetic stimulation
(TMS, discussed in the section on neuromotor responses). Space does not
allow for much more than a brief description of each of these technologies
(see figure 1.1). Because of limited access to equipment, costs involved, and
related issues, typical neuroimaging experiments are conducted with a very
small number of subjects.
Reaction Time
3
Brain
2 ERP. EEG
PET
Map 1
Log Size (mm)
Column 0
Functional MRI
Layer -1
Neuron Light Microscopy

-2
Dendrite -3
Synapse
-4
Electron Microscopy
-3 -2 -1 0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
Millisecond Second Minute Hour Day
Log Time (sec)
Figure 1.1. Schematic illustration of the spatial (vertical axis) and temporal (horizontal axis)
resolution of techniques used to study brain function in humans. The hazy edges of each
box suggest that these are approximations and that these techniques may not be limited to
these boundaries in the future. This figure emphasizes the different spatial and temporal
characteristics of methods used to study the neurobiology of behaviors, none of which alone
is sufficient to understand the neural basis of a behavior or its development. (From Janowsky
& Carper in Sameroff & Haith, eds., 1996.)
EEG and ERP. Due to neural activity, the brain constantly produces a small
amount of electrical current that can be measured; EEG measures the
summed activity of millions of brain cells under electrodes placed in various
places around the skull (Gur & Gur, 1994). Data are interpreted in terms
of frequency (Hz), amplitude (microvolts), form, and distribution (some-
times converted into a brain map). Most often reported are frequency com-
ponents, including delta (0.54.0 Hz), theta (4.58.0 Hz), alpha (8.512.0
Hz), and beta waves (12.532.0 Hz). Electroencephalography has been used
for some time to study different levels of arousal and is now being employed
to study cognitive processes in general and music processing specifically (Al-
tenmuller, 1993; Barber, 1999; Faita & Besson, 1994).
While EEG tracks the brains electrical activity over time, ERP examines
the brains immediate response to a stimulus in millisecond (ms) intervals.
A computer averages EEG readings following multiple presentations of a
stimulus. This allows extraneous aspects of the EEG to be canceled out,
while electrical activity occurring in time-locked response to the stimulus is
revealed (Brown, Marsh, & Ponsford, 1985). Data are evaluated for direc-
tional changes in the wave pattern (either positive or negative), intensity level
(amplitude), and latency (time lapse). A P300 wave indicates a positive wave
whose maximum amplitude occurred approximately 300 ms after the stim-
ulus, while a N400 wave is a negative wave form occurring approximately
400 ms after the stimulus. The P300 has been more frequently studied in
relation to music. It is hypothesized to be an indicator of working mem-
ory, comparing incoming stimuli to stored memories, and has been linked
to the detection of musical events (Cohen & Erez, 1991; Frisina, Walton, &
Crummer, 1988; Hantz & Crummer, 1988; Paller, McCarthy, & Wood,
1992; Paulus, 1988; Schwent, Snyder, & Hillyard, 1976).
MEG and SQUID. The brains electrical activity produces a magnetic field
that can be measured just outside the skull through MEG, giving location
information about neural activity. SQUID provides refined spatial informa-
tion, in millimeters, and precise temporal resolution, in milliseconds (Hari,
1990). This approach has been used in only a few studies related to music
(Kaufmann, Curtis, Wang, & Williamson, 1991; Williamson & Kaufmann,
1988).
MRI and fMRI. MRI provides very precise information about anatomical
structures under the skin but does not provide information about function
(Ackerman, 1992). It has been used to show structural features of musicians
brains (Amunts et al., 1997; Pantev et al., 1998; Schlaug, Jancke, Huang,
& Steinmetz, 1994, 1995). A newer development, fMRI does provide data
about both location and function. Currently, there is considerable interest
in finding a way to use fMRI to study music. The difficulty is that both MRI
and fMRI are very noisy environments for the subjects. The cameras motion
within the scanner generates rhythmical noise that competes with musical
perception. While it is possible to extract speech or other nonmusical sounds
from the ambient noise, it is not so easily done with music. Regular head-
phones cannot be used, because of the strong magnet. Researchers are at-
tempting to deliver musical stimuli through pneumatic tubes or to develop
better antinoise cancellation devices. A recently developed technique causes
the cameras to pause for up to 10 seconds, which allows stimuli to be pre-
sented during the resulting silent period; staggering the camera start time
allows for full acquisition of the hemodynamic response. If these problems
are solved, fMRI should prove to be a very valuable approach for studying
music cognition.
PET. In PET, radioactively tagged oxygen, water, or glucose is inhaled or

injected into the bloodstream; PET scans then detect brain metabolism or
regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) while the subject engages in an assigned
task (Raichle, 1994). By means of paired-image subtraction (subtracting the
activations of one task from another), areas of the brain most active during
a specific task are identified (Posner & Raichle, 1994). Areas of deactivation
(i.e., less active than during rest) also provide useful information. Because
PET provides information about function but not location, it is mapped onto
MRI data. The combination of the two tells neuroscientists what is going
on where. PET is a powerful technique that is revealing important infor-
mation about music processing (Fox et al., 1995; Parsons, Fox, & Hodges,
1998; Zatorre, 1994; Zatorre, Evans, & Myer, 1994).
Taken collectively, these various brain imaging techniques are opening up
new understandings about the brain in general and about music cognition spe-
cifically. The most rapid advancements are being made in this field, and music
psychologists, music educators, and music therapists should be aware of find-
ings as they are reported (see Avanzini et al., 2003, Avanzini, Lopez, Koelsch,
& Majno, 2005, and Zatorre & Peretz, 2001, for recent compilations).
Neuromotor Research
Musical responses are both expressive (i.e., performing) and receptive (i.e.,
listening). Musical performance activates motor control areas in the brain
to such a high degree that musicians may be considered small-muscle athletes
(Wilson, 1986). A PET study of eight professional pianists confirmed this as
motor systems in the brain were strongly activated during performance (Fox
et al., 1995; Parsons, 2001). Transcranial magnetic stimulation (TMS), a
technique for mapping neuromotor pathways, was used with 15 subjects to
show that the motor cortex controlling the fingers increased in response to
piano exercises, both actual and imagined (Pascual-Leone et al., 1995). Re-
searchers used magnetic source imaging to compare 9 string players with 6
nonmusicians; the main finding was that the string players had greater neu-
ronal activity and a larger area in the right primary somatosensory cortex
that controls the fingers of the left hand than controls (Elbert, Pantev, Wien-
bruch, Rockstrub, & Taub, 1995). These effects were greater for those who
started playing at a young age.
Highly precise and rhythmically coordinated movements are critical for
musical performance, and investigators are beginning to identify timing
mechanisms in the brain (Freund & Hefter, 1990; Miller, Thaut, & Aunon,
1995; Moore, 1992; Wilson, 1991, 1998). A related issue is focal dystonia,
a neuromotor problem in which the brain and hands (or other body parts,
such as mouth structures used in embouchure formation) fail to communi-
cate properly (Wilson, 1988, 1992; Wilson & Roehmann, 1992). Several
concert pianists have had major careers curtailed by a focal dystonia in one
hand. Highly practiced movements seem to be most affected, while other
uses of the hand remain functional.
In the receptive mode, Thaut and colleagues have produced an impressive
body of work on how Parkinsonian and stroke patients can regain motor
function (e.g., walking or grasping) through rhythmic entrainment (McIn-
tosh, Thaut, & Rice, 1996; Thaut, Brown, Benjamin, & Cooke, 1995;
Thaut, McIntosh, Prassas, & Rice, 1993). Rhythmic timing embedded in
music serves as a cue to motor system timing mechanisms in the brain.
Affective Research
Data-gathering techniques for studying affective responses to music fall into
three categories: verbal reports, behavioral observations, and physiological
responses (Abeles & Chung, 1996). In terms of finding out the brains role
in emotional responses to music, current strategies are quite limited. Re-
cently, PET scans of 10 amateur musicians indicated that different brain
regions were activated in response to positive and negative music listening
experiences (Blood, Zatorre, Bermudez, & Evans, 1999). Another avenue of
approach is found in biochemical analyses of blood samples (for a review
see Bartlett, 1996). Music can elicit changes in such biochemicals as endor-
phins, cortisol, adrenocorticotropic hormone (ACTH), interleukin-1, and se-
cretory immunoglobin A. The brain-music-biochemical relationship is not
yet well understood but does hold some promise. In particular, studies in
psychoneuroimmunology are being used in music medicine to document the
physiological effects (e.g., changes in blood chemistry) that music has on the
body (Pratt & Spingte, 1996; Reilly, 1999; Spingte & Droh, 1992). Fear
and anxiety can be reduced in many clinical situations through the use of
music.
Each of these research strategies has advantages and disadvantages. It is
important to integrate findings from the various approaches into a more
coherent whole. Where data from different techniques are in disagreement,
efforts must be undertaken to resolve discrepancies. Wherever possible, it
would be helpful to attack the same problem with more than one strategy.
Particularly in the area of neuroimaging, it is important to keep up with
new technologies and possibilities (e.g., with development of better sound
delivery systems in fMRI).
Overall Development
To what extent do genes specify the intricate working of the human brain?
To what extent are the intricate workings of the brain acquired as a result
of experiences? New advances in neuroscience have addressed the ancient
nature versus nurture debate. In general, neuroscience research has shown
that neither nature nor nurture alone determines brain development. Human
brains at the prenatal stages are already interacting with the environment
(Standley, 1998). The brain appears to be more plastic and malleable during
the first decade of life than in adulthood. According to Thatcher studies have
shown that 40% of short-term and 70% of long-term connections in the
brain are influenced by heredity. Therefore, 30% to 60% of the brains con-
nections come from environmental influences or an interaction of heredity
and environmental influences (Thatcher, 1998). Nelson and Bloom (1997)
cite numerous demonstrations that show how positive or negative early ex-
periences can alter both the structure and function of the brain. It is also
important to remember that a childs brain is not the same as an adult brain.
There is agreement that during the first decade of life a child typically has
up to twice as much neural activity and connections as an adult (Bates, Thal,
& Janowsky, 1992; Chugani, 1998; Chugani, Phelps, & Mazziotta, 1987).
The brain makes connections during the prenatal period and throughout life
(Gopnik, Meltzoff, & Kuhl, 1999; Janowsky & Carper, 1996). Some con-
nections are found to be predetermined genetically, and others develop from
environmental influences (Cossu, Faienza, & Capone, 1994; Drayna, et al.,
2001; Flohr, 2004a; Ibatoullina, Vardaris, & Thompson, 1994; Schlaug, et
al., 2004; van Baal, de Geus, & Boomsma, 1998), Ibatoullina, Vardaris, &
Thompson, 1994; van Baal, de Geus, & Boomsma, 1998).
Children as young as 1 day old are able to make cognitive choices about
their environment (Atkins & Flohr, 2000; Flohr, Atkins, Bower, & Aldridge,
2000; Woodward, Fresen, Harrison, & Coley, 1996). There are clear addi-
tive and regressive events in brain development. As shown in figure 1.2, a
child at birth may have the largest number of neurons that she or he will
ever have. After the age of 2 years, the number of neurons remains nearly
the same until 65 years of age. Synapses, the connection between neurons,
form in the brain and change as the child develops. (For an explanation
directed to educators see Sylwester, 1995.) During early childhood the per-
cent of adult cortical levels of myelin and glia are increasing and may be
150
Percent of Adult Cortical Levels
100
50 Neurons
Synapses
Metabolism
Myelin
Glia
0
Gestation Birth 2 4 6 8 10 12
Age in Years
Figure 1.2. Approximation of the time course of additive and regressive events in brain de-
velopment. (From Janowsky & Carper in Sameroff & Haith, eds., 1996.)
influenced by the environment. Myelination of the nerve axons increases the

efficiency of neural transmission. The glial cell is a major cell type in the
brain that nourishes neurons. Interestingly, a study of Einsteins brain
showed his brain had significantly more glial cells than the brain of the
average human (Diamond, Scheibel, Murphy, & Harvey, 1985). There are
several glia subtypes, but there is not yet enough information to consider an
active role for the glial cells in behavioral development (Janowsky & Carper,
1996). Note also that figure 1.2 illustrates a decrease in the level of synapses
between the approximate ages of 2 and 8 years. This decrease, theorized to
be a type of synaptic pruning, may occur because networks atrophy over
time because of unused or less used connections. Brains do not make more
connections and stop. It appears the brain makes more connections than it
needs and then deletes unused or less used connections by the process of
synaptic pruning. Also, what is learned imposes restrictions on what can be
learned. Although there is much growth and activity during the young years,
there is evidence that there is room for change in the later years, and recent
research indicates that the adult brain is able to produce new cells (e.g., in
the hippocampus of adult humans) (Eriksson et al., 1998; Gibbs, 1998; Nel-
son & Bloom, 1997). The complex interaction of innate abilities and envi-
ronment will continue to be a viable mode of research. The complexity of
the interaction between innate abilities and environment may also depend
on the variability inherent in individual differences (Barber, McKenzie, &
Helme, 1997). Possible individual differences include emotional traits, tem-
perament, and cognitive and intellectual propensities.
Four concepts central to brain development are addressed in this section:
critical periods, optimal periods, windows of opportunity, and plasticity.
Critical period refers to the idea that there are time frames in which there
will be no development or stunted development if certain stimulation is not
present. The brain may be open to experience of a particular kind only
during narrow periods of time. Missing a critical period in learning would
be as if you were playing the solo triangle part in a symphony and didnt
play your quarter note after the 30 measures rest. You missed your chance
and the triangle is no longer needed or useful. There are many examples
from animals in which experience must be timed very precisely to have an
impact. A classic research example investigated the vision of 23 kittens (Hu-
bel & Wiesel, 1970). Nobel Prizewinners Hubel and Wiesel covered one
eye of newborn kittens. The kittens grew up with only one eye in use. A few
months later the covered eye was opened, but it was in effect not connected
to the brain. What makes this a critical period is the finding that if the
cats are later given visual stimulation, they are unable to use the stimulation
to see. When deprived of visual stimulation in the covered eye until after the
critical period, the part of their brain dealing with optical sensory data does
not develop. One way of looking at critical periods is to imagine a sort of
biological clock that only works during a certain period of development. An
alternate view may be that experience has changed the brain so that the
animal or person perceives and interprets the world in a different way. The
experiences influence neural wiring, and the neural wiring has an effect on
recognition or interpretation of new sensory data. It is presently unknown
if the critical period is due to biological clock mechanisms, the brain struc-
tures that have developed, or an interaction of the two. There may be critical
periods in musical development, and the search for these periods provides a
fertile ground for research.
Authors often write about optimal periods as if they were critical periods,
although presently there are no identified critical periods in musical devel-
opment. An optimal period is used to refer to those periods in which devel-
opment will be faster or easier. For example, it is easier to learn to sing in
tune during the ages of 36 years than at 2528 years of age. It may also
be easier or more efficient to learn the language of classical, jazz, or any
style of music before the age of 6. The period in all these cases is optimal
rather than critical. There is no evidence to support the notion that a child
cannot learn to sing if she or he does not have music experiences before, for
example, 6 years of age.
There are indications of possible critical periods in music. For example,
the music educator Gordon advanced the idea of developmental music ap-
titude (Gordon, 1979, 1990). He has found that childrens scores on mea-
sures of musical aptitude do not change significantly after the age of ap-
proximately 9 years. A few studies indicate optimal periods and point
toward possible critical periods for music training. A group of adults with
a history of violin training and a group of adults without violin training had
their brains mapped using MEG (Elbert et al., 1995). The area of the so-
matosensory cortex representing the fingers of the left fingering hand was
larger than that in the contralateral hemisphere representing the right bow
hand and also larger than the corresponding area in nonmusicians. This
finding was consistent with reports of adult human amputees (Nelson &
Bloom, 1997). A possible critical period was indicated by a trend for the
effect to be larger for individuals who had begun music training before the
age of 10. Another optimal period and possible critical period was seen in
a study of violin training, where in a sample of 60 musicians and nonmu-
sicians, those who started training before the age of 7 years exhibited in-
creased corpus callosum size (Schlaug, Janke, Huang, Steiger, & Steinmetz,
1995).
Windows of opportunity refers to the idea that there are general time
frames in which optimal or critical development will take place. The fact
that writers often do not specify the window of opportunity as critical or
optimal leads to much confusion. It is important to underline the difference
between optimal and critical periods when talking about windows of op-
portunity for brain development. For example, it is an overstatement of
neuroscientific research to say that there is a window of opportunity for
music during the ages of 37 years and if a parent does not give the child a
chance during those ages, the child will not be musical. Bruer writes: For
most learning, particularly learning culturally transmitted skills and knowl-
edge such as reading, mathematics, and music, the windows of experience-

dependent opportunity never close (1999, p. 187). On the other hand, there
are indications of how early experience changes the way the brain works.
Language research demonstrates how the 6-month to 12-month window of
development is important and is an optimal period for sound organization
(Gopnik et al., 1999, p. 108). One study of 18 very young babies showed
no brain activity differences while listening to native language and foreign
language sounds. After a few months native and foreign language stimuli
produced a difference in left hemisphere activity (Cheour et al., 1998). The
finding may mean that changes in the way a baby hears the sound produce
changes in the brain. Are music sounds in general and music sounds of the
culture processed in the same way as language sounds during the second 6
months of life? If so, that period in an infants life would be an optimal
window of opportunity that may help children learn music faster or more
efficiently than music education later in life.
Work with older populations has shown that there are further chances
for the brain to adapt or rewire itself. It is prudent to question the simplistic
view that the brain becomes increasingly difficult to modify beyond early
childhood. Much brain development occurs in early childhood, but the brain
is far from completed even at the end of adolescence. After accidental brain
damage, for example, the brain may reassign function from the damaged
part of the brain to an uninjured area (Thulborn, Carpenter, & Just, 1999).
This idea of how the physical structure of the brain changes as a result of
experience is referred to as brain plasticity (Caine & Caine, 1994). Plastic-
ity refers to the notion that the brain is very adaptable, fluid, or plastic in
the way in which it can adapt. Involvement in music may help keep the
brain fluid, or more fluid, as opposed to no musical involvement throughout
the human lifespan. A study of 678 nuns has indicated that rich experiences,
including music, in older age will help keep the brain pliable and adaptable
(Snowdon, 1997, 2001). The study with nuns suggests that the adult brain
can reorganize in response to positive experiences in the environment as well
as negative experiences in the case of injury.
Theories and Theoretical Frameworks
A theory, or at least a conjecture of what may happen when an idea is

applied to a situation, usually drives research. Neuroscience research is not
different in this sense, although neuroscientists are not at a stage of precisely
unified theories of music and the brain. There are several current theories
that warrant attention. Students and scientists are able to use the experi-
mental theories in their own research by testing a theory in new situations
or previously studied situations. Various models of brain function and ar-
chitecture have been proposed over the past century. (For an educators view
of several theories see Sylwester [1995, pp. 1424, 3946]. For models of
brain functioning see Hodges [1996b, pp. 201205].) An examination of
current theories and studies that support them reveals that while some em-
phasize brain structure, others emphasize function. Many of these theories
will undoubtedly be proven incorrect with time, some may be combined with
others or new theories, many will be modified, and a few may even stand
the test of time. The following theories have been selected from among many
in the field because each has possible application to music education. (The
theories and theoretical areas are presented in alphabetical order of key-
word.)
Developmental Shifts
The theory concerning development shift refers to the idea that at certain
times of significant changes, shifts, or brain spurts, occur in brain devel-
opment (Epstein, 1978, 1986). These changes are thought to be part of the
human biological development program. The shifts can be modified by the
environment but are part of a normal developmental sequence. The notion
finds its roots in cognitive theory (e.g., Piaget, 1950), and the neurological
basis for at least one developmental shift from the ages of 5 to 7 has been
related to cognitive theory. Sameroff and Haith compiled several articles that
point to the efficacy of the idea that a childs brain chemistry and electrical
activity inherently change in significant ways between the ages of 5 and 7
(Janowsky & Carper, 1996). Flohr and Miller (1993, 1995) lend support to
this idea in relation to music with a series of EEG studies with 13 young
children. One finding was that children at age 7 exhibited significant EEG
brain alpha activity differences in response to contrasting styles of music
that were not present when the same children were 5 years of age. Music
by Vivaldi stimulated different brain responses from the children from Irish
folk song music while the children listened to the music and tapped rhythm
sticks. These differences occurred in the motor strip and the temporal areas.
The differences lend support to the idea of a developmental shift in music
processing. Barber et al. (1997) also found brain activity differences in re-
sponse to different styles of music. Subjects in their study were 21 adult
musicians and 25 nonmusicians.
Future research investigating the theory of developmental shift will prob-
ably have much to say to music educators and educators in general. For
example, when are the neurological attributes of a child best able to process
sounds from music or language? Are most 7-year-old children ready (in the
neurological sense) for abstract symbols in music, or is it more appropriate
at an earlier or later age? Developmental research since Zimmermans pio-
neering cognitive research (1971) has affected music education. Develop-
mental shift and development research are fertile fields for music educa-
tion and neurological researchers to collaborate in.
Expert or Habituation
Another theory, expert or habituation (or even efficiency) theory,
seeks to explain observed decreases in brain activity during certain tasks.
One might expect to observe an increase in thinking brain activity of a
subject during a cognitive task. The opposite phenomenon has been found;
experts and students after training show decreases in brain activity as op-
posed to novices engaged in the same cognitive task. Some studies have
supported the idea that less energy or brain electrical activity may be used
to perform a task in an experts brain than in a novices brain (Languis &
Miller, 1992; Miller & Flohr, 1995). The idea is that the brain of a novice
learner is less efficient and expends more energy when confronted with a
challenging task than the brain of an expert learner (Jensen, 1998). Thus,
music instruction should enable children to expend less energy during mu-
sical tasks.
There is, however, an alternative idea of why the decreases in activity are
observed. Petsche and colleagues suggested that the reduced temporal lobe
activity in the beta frequency bands of 75 healthy college students was re-
lated to habituation from listening to music (Petsche, Lindner, Rappelsberger,
& Gruber, 1988). It can be posited that the subjects developed a habituated
type of cortical activity in their listening to music after they were involved
in a period of music training. Habituation in an expert musician can also
be thought of as the musician going on automatic pilot while performing
the music. She or he has learned the piece so well that the motor systems
and cerebellum take over the performance, and other areas in the cerebral
cortex are deactivated, thereby producing less electrical or chemical activity.
Parsons and colleagues have found a similar result in their PET scan studies
with musicians (Parsons, 2000, 2001; Parsons et al., 1998). Cerebral blood
flow in a musicians frontal cortex decreased as the musician performed
music on a keyboard as opposed to rest. The reduction in PET scan activity
may lend support to the idea that the expert (or a person with training) uses
less energy in a well-learned task. However, the expert performer also ex-
hibits greater activation in other areas during performance, and the current
data do not show if there is less energy expended in the motor cortex among
expert performers, which is what the expert theory would predict. The iden-
tified decreases in the research are clearly linked to expert musicians and
students involved in music instruction. Future research will help determine
the mechanisms involved.
Emotion or Affective Response

Research combining affective response and music may provide theories and
research findings that explain aspects of cognition. Emotions in general (or,
more broadly, affective responses) are difficult to study, and much less emo-
tion research has been done than cognition research. Nevertheless, progress
is being made in the understanding of relationships between emotion and

musical behavior (Juslin & Sloboda, 2001). The emotional import of music
experience is a strong component of music and music instruction (Leonhard
& House, 1972). Reimer reminds us that [t]eaching and learning music,
then, have been understood to be valuable because they improve peoples
abilities to gain meaningful, gratifying musical experiences (1999, p. 37).
Neuroscientists today have learned much about the organizing and struc-
turing processes of neural connections and emotional response systems that
influence higher thought processes (see Krumhansl, 2002 for a review). The
way in which cognition is affected may occur through a complex web of
processing among cortical and subcortical brain structures, neurochemicals
and hormones, and through communication between central nervous system
processing and the peripheral systems (including the autonomic nervous sys-
tem and the somatic system). A significant area of progress is in the brains
effect on the body and emotions through the release of hormones, the area
of neurochemistry (Panksepp, 1998; see also the discussion of affective re-
search earlier).
Investigators used PET to examine cerebral blood flow (CBF) changes
related to affective responses to music (Blood et al., 1999). Ten participants
were scanned while listening to six versions of a novel musical passage vary-
ing systematically in degree of dissonance; CBF was observed in paralimbic
and neocortical regions as a function of dissonance and of perceived pleas-
antness/unpleasantness of the music. The authors suggest that music may
recruit neural mechanisms similar to those previously associated with pleas-
ant/unpleasant emotional states but different from those underlying other
components of music perception and emotions such as fear.
Modularity and Connectionism

Many theories have elements of modularity or connectionism. The theory
of modules in neuropsychological research refers to the idea that processes
relating to music or language, for example, are carried out in distinct brain
structures. Extreme modular theory would argue that these regions or mod-
ules are largely autonomous. On the other hand, connectionism is a theo-
retical approach that takes a holistic view of the brain, arguing that the
brain functions as a whole and that a part of the brain can be recruited for
multiple tasks. Either viewpoint in its extreme form may fail to explain
research results, and these two theories may not be mutually exclusive.
Current neuroimaging data suggest that the neural mechanisms support-
ing music are distributed throughout the brain (Parsons, 2000; Parsons &
Fox, 1997). The modular idea is combined with a connection idea of
interplay among modules. A module of music engages several different brain
areas in a coordinated activity and is composed of submodules (e.g., musical
syntax operators, timbre operators, and rhythm operators). (For further ex-
planation of modular theory see Restak [1994] and Sylwester [1995].) The
submodules are distributed in various regions throughout the brain. At this

point of the theory, each submodule appears to be a specialized piece of
neural machinery. For a music task, such as playing a C major scale on the
piano, the musical brain would have to integrate several submodules in a
coordinated activity. There may be modules or supermodules or mechanisms
that coordinate among different modules.
Research findings about hemispheric differences and localization can be
explained with modular theory in the sense that modular theory regards
different submodules each to be a specialized piece of neural machinery. For
example, there is a neural network for language and another for music; in
each case the neural networks link together locally specialized modules.
These modules are largely autonomous, each doing its own work, although
it is possible that some modules may be recruited for differing tasks (e.g.,
prosody for language and certain musical functions may be subserved by the
same systems). Increasing evidence is pointing to modularity in music pro-
cessing, and the data support what is already known about language (Par-
sons et al., 1998). In addition, anatomical variances are a consideration in
modular theory. Perhaps music training affects the actual size of brain areas
that are important modules in music-making. For example, the left planum
temporale is larger among musicians with absolute pitch, musicians who
started serious study before the age of 7, and those with Williams syndrome
(Levitin & Bellugi, 1998; Schlaug et al., 1995). Extensive musical experi-
ences may cause an enlargement of the corpus callosum (Lee, Chen &
Schlaug, 2003; Schlaug et al., 1995) and of the cerebellum (Hutchinson et
al., 2003), as well as increased gray matter (Gaser & Schlaug, 2003; Sluming
et al., 2002).
In his work on the effect of music on spatial reasoning, Parsons found
that the cerebellum is activated in a coordinated effort with areas of the
cortex in music activity (Parsons & Fox, 1997). Hetland (2000b) has used
the term rhythm theory to describe Parsonss module theory of music and
spatial tasks. The rhythmic elements of music (hence rhythm theory) oper-
ating in the cerebellum coordinated with areas in the cortex may be respon-
sible for increasing ability to perform spatial-temporal mental rotation tasks.
The rhythm theory is a module theory in the way that it explains how
different areas of the brain work together.
Altenmuller and others attempted to demonstrate changes in cortical ac-
tivity patterns with 9 participants (average age 13.8 years) after a 5-week
period of music training (Altenmuller, Gruhn, Parlitz, & Kahrs, 1996). The
results suggested that musical training produced certain cortical brain activ-
ity patterns in different areas of the brain and that these activity patterns
may depend on the applied teaching strategies. Flohr, Persellin, and Miller
(1996) also reported EEG activity changes in different areas of the brain
after a 7-week period with 22 preschool children (average age 5.25 years)
receiving music instruction versus children receiving regular classroom in-
struction. The module theory supports the results of both studies in that
different areas of the brain containing submodules operate in a coordinated
activity. However, in the second study by Flohr and others, results showed
an increase in some areas of the brain in contrast to a decrease in other
areas. The module theory does not specify whether the submodules produce
increased or decreased electrical activity. In addition, an increase in one mod-
ule along with a decrease in another part of the brain may represent the way
the brain relegates processing resources.
The term coherence may be viewed within the modular theory, al-
though coherence has been used to support connectionism. Connectionist
models postulate that cognition occurs through a network of linked nodes.
The nodes integrate activation through their excitatory and inhibitory links
(Carpenter, Akira, & Just, 1995, p. 92). Coherence reflects the number and
strength of coordination between different brain locations. Some authors
believe that coherence demonstrates evidence of anatomical connections and
information exchange between two brain locations (Fein, Raz, & Merrin,
1988). Brain imaging studies have shown a relationship between music lis-
tening or music instruction and increased coherence activities in children
(deBeus, 1999; Malyarenko et al., 1996; Sarnthein et al., 1997).
Coherence studies lend support to the idea that music instruction for
children at an early age will promote more profuse and efficient connections.
For example, Malyrenko et al. (1996) found that an exposure to music of
1 hour per day over a 6 month period had an effect on the brain electrical
activity in a sample of 43 4-year-old preschool children. Brain bioelectric
activity parameters indicated that listening to music resulted in an enhance-
ment of the coherence function. DeBeus (1999) ran a coherence analysis on
20 preschool childrens EEG data. In a baseline, resting condition and while
listening to music, deBeus found increased connectivity for a music-training
group versus a no-music-training group. Coherence patterns differentiated
children with and without music training during a resting condition, and
showed patterns similar to those identified by other researchers comparing
trained to untrained musicians. The listening-to-music condition identified
connections that included a topographical pattern of auditory analysis, in-
creased working memory activity, increased activity among musically sen-
sitive areas, and increased activity between hemispheres. Two limiting points
about coherence are important to note. First, coherence values are not well
accepted by all neuroscientists; second, skilled performers in comparison
with low-level performers in other fields (e.g., a high-level chess player with
a nonchess player, a high-level mathematician with a mathematically un-
skilled person) would presumably show differences.
Multiple Intelligences
In Frames of Mind (1985) and later in Intelligence Reframed (1999), Gard-
ner describes the concept of multiple intelligences. Performing, listening to
music, improvising, or composing music may require the use of at least eight
intelligences. The eight types of intelligence used in music activities may
include: music; visual-spatial (in the sense that instruments, e.g., cello, per-
cussion, or piano, have a visual-spatial element); bodily kinesthetic (the way
in which fine and gross movement functions in the perception of musical
motion and is used in performing music); interpersonal (e.g., conductor and
orchestral member); intrapersonal (e.g., expression of feelings through mu-
sic); language, as in singing; spiritual (e.g., in performance of sacred music,
deriving spiritual meaning and interpretation in music); and logical-
mathematical (e.g., rhythm durations). Neurological research has indicated
that many parts of the brain are utilized as children are engaged in music-
making activities. The multiple intelligences idea may help explain why other
types of intelligence are apparently affected by music instruction. The theory
that several kinds of thinking are required to learn and make music has been
called a near transfer theory (Hetland, 2000a). The quality of music in-
struction (Elliott, 1995) or combination of activities used in music instruc-
tion could help facilitate the transfer. One should not expect transfer from
music to other skills unless significant learning has occurred in music. The
idea of multiple intelligences and near transfer may help explain the ways
brain activity is affected by music instruction (Flohr, Miller, & deBeus,
2000).
Trion Theory
Shaw (2000) proposed a trion cortical model for the coding of certain
aspects of musical structure and perception and defines the trion model as
a highly structured mathematical realization of the Mountcastle organiza-
tion principle in which the cortical column is the basic neural network of
the cortex and is comprised of sub-unit minicolumns, our idealized trions
(p. 229; for more information on this theory see Leng & Shaw, 1991, 2000).
The cortex is to a large extent organized into a vertical column of neurons.
Shaw proposed that when the brain patterns predicted by his theoretical
model were mapped onto pitches and instruments, recognizable human
styles of music were found. Shaws trion model provided a theoretical back-
ground for the much-publicized and controversial Mozart effect studies
(Rauscher, Shaw, & Ky, 1993; Rauscher, Shaw, Ky, & Wright, 1994). This
trion theory suggests that the musical and spatial processing areas of the
brain are in some way shared, proximal, or overlapping. Thus, the relation-
ship of music and spatial processing are linked by neurological connections
in the cortex. Shaw and others write that a prewired neural connection is
suggested because of the short-term effect of music instruction on spatial
abilities (Graziano, Peterson, & Shaw, 1999).
Any theory including the trion theory is difficult to test with current brain
imaging techniques. However, an EEG study and a study outlining a new
method of analysis for EEG data have been used to empirically test the trion
theory (Sarnthein et al., 1997; Bodner et al., 1999). In the EEG study a carry
over of brain activity from listening to music to a spatial test was observed
in 3 of 7 subjects. The lack of effect in the other 4 subjects was perhaps due
to individual differences, problems in application of the theory, the lack of
a general effect, or other unknown causes. Comparing and combining trion
theory with other theories will be an interesting area for future research.
Neural Networks and Wiring

The concept of neural networks and wiring of the brain has appeared in our
recent popular press, and there is a notion or theory that music (or other
environmental experiences) rewires the neural networks of the brain. The
idea is that babies are born with a basic wiring of neural networks. As
the child interacts with the environment, the brain builds new connections
between existing networks. The number of connections increase, and the
way the data are transferred is also changed. As a child grows, connections
are made and changed (see figure 1.2). One notion is that music and music
instruction may affect the way, number, and quality of connections that are
being made during development. The idea that the environmentand music
can be part of the environmentinteracts with heredity and influences the
amount and quality of neural connections is not controversial. One research
problem is that our knowledge does not include the extent to which music
affects the connections.
Theories taken as a whole are not necessarily mutually exclusive and may
in combination explain many of the effects of music on brain activity, mu-
sical development, and general development. One or two theories (e.g., mod-
ular and affective response) may prove to be useful in combination with
another theory or prove the other theory to be incorrect.
General Findings
1. Human development hinges on the interplay between nature and nurture.

Recent brain research challenges old assumptions about talent and innate
abilitythat the genes humans are born with determine how the brain
develops. In general, neuroscience research has shown that nature or nur-
ture alone do not determine brain development. The complex interaction
among innate abilities, environment, and the variability inherent in indi-
vidual differences influences brain development. Although there is much
growth and activity during the young years, there is evidence that there is
room for change in the brain during the later years.
2. Early care and nurture have a decisive, long-lasting impact on how people
develop, their ability to learn, and their capacity to regulate their own
emotions (Flohr, Miller, & Persellin, 1999). Children as young as 1 day
old are able to make cognitive choices about their environment, including
musical choices.
3. Experience changes the physiological structure and operation of our
brains. Music and music instruction have an effect on brain activity.
Studies using various brain imaging techniques have documented some

of these changes as well as differences between trained and untrained
musicians.
4. There is fertile ground for research in the several theories of brain function
and structure. These theories need to be tested, modified, and combined
with research and new techniques of imaging the human brain. Students
and scientists may use brain theories in their research by testing a theory
in new situations or previously studied situations.
5. The human brain has a remarkable capacity to change, but timing is often
important and at some points crucial. Windows of opportunity are either
optimal windows or critical windows. Extant research has not yet deter-
mined critical windows of opportunity for music education (Flohr, 2004b).
6. Improved technology will permit further investigation of the influence of
music on the brain. A clearer understanding of how music and music-
related tasks are manifested in the activity of the brain is an initial step in
developing better instructional strategies for music education.
7. For a period of time, beginning in the 1970s, much has been made of
music being in the right side of the brain. This oversimplification has been
modified. Music is not in the right side of the brain alone; both sides are
involved. In fact, sophisticated musical processing most likely involves the
front-back, top-bottom, and left and right sides of the brain in widely
distributed but locally specialized neural networks.
8. It is important to keep results of recent brain research in perspective. Neu-
roscience findings can be overstated (Bruer, 1999). On the other hand, it
is easy to discount neuroscience findings because of problems with the use
of new technology, difficulties interpreting data, and unproven brain the-
ory. The neuroscience technologies are complicated and in evolution. Re-
searchers and consumers of research need familiarity with the limits of
each technique to properly assess validity of research.
9. It is important not to overstate and emphasize the nonmusical outcomes
of the influence of music on brain development. For example, if a small
number of studies are used to emphasize a possible link between music
study and mathematical skill, it becomes easy to interpret the goal of music
study as the production of good mathematicians. There are clear and
meaningful musical outcomes of music education (Leonhard & House,
1972). The expressive import of music does not need a nonmusical out-
come to justify music education.
Future Directions
Future directions for neuroscience and music research probably will and
should include the following:
1. Development and validation of theories of music learning and brain de-

velopment supported by neuroscientific research; for example, one re-
search problem is that our knowledge does not include the extent to
which music affects the brain connections.
2. Increased infant research; studying fetal and infant responses to music
allows us to study the human brain with the least possible effect of prior
environmental influence.
3. Music and neuroscience research may reveal activities that will help chil-
dren develop musical skills more efficiently and effectively. Families and
parents will be given information on specific enjoyable, interactive music
strategies.
4. More projects dealing with the relation of music to emotion and tem-
perament.
5. Continuing focus on music cognition. How does the human brain or-
ganize musical sounds into meaningful experiences? What are the devel-
opmental sequences in music cognition? Is music cognition completely
autonomous, or are there relationships among various intelligences?
6. Increased use of more than one type of brain imaging to test theories
through improvements in brain imaging technology and neurochemistry
(Nakamura et al., 1999).
7. Increased collaboration between cognitive neuroscientists, neurobiolo-
gists, philosophers, and musicians; there is an increasing interest among
neuroscientists in the study of music and the brain. Neuroscientists are
interested in using music as a way in which other brain activity may be
studied as well as examining music by itself. For example, music is dif-
ferent from language and can be used as a contrast in experiments de-
signed to investigate brain activity and language (Besson, 2000).
8. Continued movement toward research with greater external validity; for
example, focus on musical stimuli and musically valid tasks.
9. Better education of the general public and music education profession so
that patience is developed for basic research and sophisticated findings
are not reduced to promotional sound bites.
10. Music educators and philosophers may bring to future neuroscience re-
search the appreciation for the fluidity, creative constructs, and context-
specificity of music. Music is more than sonorous stimuli; it is connected
to cognitive, affective, kinesthetic, and social processes of each individual.
STUDY QUESTIONS
1. In what ways does neuroscience research influence your thoughts on
the nature versus nurture debate?
2. Identify and discuss the differences between optimal and critical pe-
riods. In what ways are the two terms misused?
3. List and discuss three important summary statements from the chapter.
Do you agree or disagree with those statements? Why?
4. Compare and contrast two theories or theoretical frameworks.
5. Describe two brain imaging techniques and discuss their strengths and
weaknesses in imaging brain activity.
6. Compare and contrast animal and human research.
7. Briefly outline and describe brain development from infancy through
adulthood, noting landmarks on the way. Where do most of these landmarks
seem to occur?
8. In what ways might musical experiences change the brain?
9. How can studying cognitively impaired individuals lead to insights

into musical behaviors of those who have not suffered cognitive impairment?
10. What evidence can be given to support the notion that all human
beings are born (or not born) with a musical brain?
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The Neurobiology of Music
Cognition and Learning
2
wilfried gruhn
frances rauscher
Music Learning and Cognition
The 20th century has provided a wealth of important data about cognition
and learning. However, with the cognitive revolution in developmental psy-
chology and the rise in Piagetian theory, the emphasis shifted from learning
to thinking. Consequently, substantial knowledge about the development of
childrens thinking at different ages has been collected since then, but not as
much knowledge has been provided about how children learn. This move-
ment away from studying childrens learning reflected more than a shift in
interest; it rather reflected an assumption that cognitive development and
learning are different processes. However, learning and cognition are two
sides of the same coin. What one knows is largely based upon what one has
learned, and learning, of course, generates knowledge. Therefore, any theory
of cognitive development that has little to say about learning provides a
limited perspective of development.
Over the past decades, the emergence of interdisciplinary studies in cog-
nitive neuroscience produced evidence of neural correlates for cognition and
learning. To the same degree neuroscientific research has extended our un-
derstanding of the basic structures of cognition and learning. This chapter
reviews current research on the neural mechanisms of music learning and
cognition. We will also refer the reader to relevant chapters elsewhere in this
text for a greater degree of technical detail.
A brief survey of the literature on learning and cognition shall provide
the framework for our particular neurobiological perspective. Four different
approaches to investigating learning are reviewed: behaviorism (Watson
40
NEUROBIOLOGY OF MUSIC COGNITION AND LEARNING 41
1913), constructivsm (Piaget 1947) sociohistorical theory (Vygotsky 1962),

and connectionism (McClelland 1995).
Behaviorism
The behaviorists viewed developmental changes in behavior as relying on
several basic principles of learning, particularly classical conditioning (Pav-
lov, 1927) and operant conditioning (Skinner, 1953), as initially demon-
strated by animal experiments. For example, Ivan Pavlovs experiments with
dogs revealed that a neutral stimulus (a bell) begins to elicit a response
(salivation) after being repeatedly paired with another stimulus (food) that
already elicits that response. A stimulusresponse chain (S R) can be
strengthened by repetition and reinforcement, and the response will gradu-
ally generalize. Learning, according to the behaviorists, occurs when a be-
havioral change can be linked to a stimulus presumed to have caused that
change and can thus be objectively measured. However, the behaviorists
failed to do justice to the organization of human behavior and the complex
inner processes that are responsible for generating it. For example, although
the neuronal activity of learning in the human brain cannot be observed
directly, it clearly plays a major role in behavior. From a behaviorist point
of view, however, the mind remains a black box about which one can
only speculate and which therefore cannot contribute very much to the sci-
entific study of behavior. Any introspection into the processes of learning
was seen by the behaviorists as neither reliable nor relevant to the under-
standing of behavioral processes. This limitation in the behaviorist view,
along with the emergence of computer science, encouraged investigators to
attempt to describe the cognitive processes that are necessary to generate
and control complex human behavior. This event became known as the
cognitive revolution.
Cognitive Psychology
The cognitive revolution represented a qualitative shift from an emphasis on
behavior toward an emphasis on understanding the inner processes involved
in cognition and intellectual growth. The constructivist perspective empha-
sizes the active role of the child in constructing advanced forms of cognition
that transcend less adequate earlier forms (Baldwin, 1894/1968). Construc-
tivists believe that one should begin the study of childrens cognitive devel-
opment by exploring the foundational concepts with which children come
equipped at birth and then go on to document any change that may take
place in these concepts with age. Jean Piaget was perhaps the most influential
developmental psychologist to carefully observe childrens development.
Based on his own observations of his three young children, Piaget built a
cognitive theory of the awakening of intelligence in children. According to
Piaget, children progress through a series of five universal stages of devel-
opment, which are characterized by sensori-motor intelligence, preoper-

ational and symbolic thinking, intuitive thought, concrete operations,
and formal operations (1947, 1959). As they progress through these
stages, children develop cognitive schemas through interaction with the en-
vironment and other persons. The forms of these schemas are different at
different stages of their development, and it is this difference that gives the
thought of young children its unique character. Piaget hypothesized that the
progression of humans through the four developmental stages is biologically
determined. In any given stage, new experiences are assimilated to the
existing set of schemata. Transition from one form of thought to the next
is driven by accommodation, a process by which existing schemata are
broken down and then reorganized into new and more adaptive patterns, in
turn leading to a highly differentiated cognitive structure. This model was
expanded, elaborated, and modified by others (Aebli, 1980/1981; Case,
1972; Pascual-Leone & Smith, 1969). Thus the term mental representation
became a key signature of the cognitive revolution. Piagets theory was ap-
plied to musical development by Pflederer Zimmerman (1984; Pflederer Zim-
merman & Webster, 1983) and to music learning (slightly modified) by Bam-
berger (1991).
Piaget and successors to his theory have expanded our understanding of
development by revealing substantial domain-specific cognitive capabilities
that children possess from early in life. These theorists emphasize that learn-
ing at all ages involves an active interchange between structures in the mind
and information from the environment. Mental structures are joined with
processes, such as assimilation and accommodation, to actively contribute
to cognitive development.
Sociohistorical Theory
Contextual models, sometimes called systems views, emphasize that the
transformation from infant to adult takes place via a complex, multidirec-
tional system of influences (Gottlieb, 1991). These theorists are concerned
with understanding how the broad range of biological, physical, and soci-
ocultural settings affect learning and development. For example, Lev S. Vy-
gotskys sociohistorical theory from the 1930s stresses the importance of
cultural tools, symbols, and ways of thinking that the child acquires from
more knowledgeable members of the community (1934/1962). Development
is viewed as a dynamic, never-ending transaction that involves continuing,
reciprocal exchanges: People and settings transform the child, who in turn
affects the people and settings that surround him or her, which further re-
shape the child, in an endless progression. According to the sociohistorical
view, knowledge does not originate in the environment alone (as the behav-
iorists claimed) or in the interaction between the individual and the envi-
ronment (as the constructivists maintained). Rather, knowledge originates in
the social, linguistic, and material history of the individuals culture and its
tools, concepts, and symbol systems. Childrens participation in cultural ac-

tivities with the guidance of others allows them to internalize their com-
munitys tools for thinking. Thus efforts to understand individual cognitive
development and learning must consider the social roots of both the tools
for thinking that children are learning to use and the social interactions that
guide children in use of these tools. Vygotskys concept of the zone of prox-
imal development posits that development proceeds through childrens par-
ticipation in activities slightly beyond their competence with the assistance
of adults or more skilled children. These ideas were expanded by other Soviet
researchers, most notably Luria (1961) and Leontev (1981). The translation
of Vygotskys work into English marked the beginning of widespread use of
Vygotskian ideas in the United States and Western Europe.
Connectionism
Connectionism offers a fresh perspective to the understanding of learning
by focusing research on the microstructure of cognition. Connectionist the-
ory is extremely rich in terms of its implications for brain development.
Highly sophisticated brain-imaging techniques, such as electro- and
magneto-encephalography (EEG and EMG), event-related potential (ERP),
magnetic resonance imaging (MRI), computer tomography (CT), and posi-
tron emission tomography (PET), permit a new view of the active brain. The
topography of brain areas involved in aural perception and learning has been
elaborated and transcribed into brain maps. The study of highly complex
network structures and interconnections has laid the foundation for a con-
nectionist model of parallel distributed processing (PDP) (Rumelhart &
McClelland, 1986). The theory behind PDP is bound to the hypothesis of
the modularity of mind (Fodor, 1983). Here the input systems refer to dif-
ferent brain areas that are highly specialized in processing particular prop-
erties of the incoming auditory stimulation, such as pitch, loudness, location
of the sound source, melodic contour, and so forth. The possibility of exactly
measuring the neural activation, the intensity and distribution of activation
patterns, and the localization and lateralization of domain-specific process-
ing tasks across the cortex have enabled new avenues for the investigation
of the physiological foundations of music cognition and music learning
(Hodges, 1996).
Along with the development and implementation of the imaging tech-
niques, computer models of artificial neural networks have been devel-
oped to investigate strategies in problem-solving and decision-making pro-
cesses (Fiske, 1993; Griffith & Todd, 1999; Todd & Loy, 1991). The
connectionist approach can be seen as a neurally inspired model of infor-
mation processing, in which groupings of neurons are interconnected in in-
put layers (by which signals enter the system), output layers (which represent
the outcome of the network), and hidden layers (which compute the more
complex nonlinear relationships within the network). (For a more detailed
introduction to connectionist ideas, see Bechtel & Abrahamsen, 1991; Ellis

& Humphreys, 1999.) Thus connectionist modeling can provide a functional
understanding of the sequential structure of decision-making processes that
are performed by an activation of units (nodes) at an input layer, their
gradual selection from a hidden layer, which corresponds to their semantic
or syntactic weight, and finally their progression to an output layer. Cog-
nition here is the result of a process of propagation and back-propagation
within different layers of selection. Learning describes the tracing of paths
and connections in that neural network.
In light of the neurobiological exploration of brain activities involved in
music cognition and learning, mental representation has become a crucial
component of learning. If neural networks function as the neural correlate
for musical representations, then learning must be related to physiological
conditions in the brain, that is, to the activity of neurons, to the connectivity
among neurons, cell assemblies, and brain areas, and to the neuronal plas-
ticity of the brainespecially the establishment, growth, and progressive
differentiation of genuine musical representations with respect to their
power, localization, and extension in both hemispheres (Zatorve & Peretz,
2001; Peretz & Zatorre, 2003; Avanzini et al., 2003).
Neurobiological Foundations of Cognition and Learning
Cognition can be seen as the result of a pattern-matching process by which

mental representations are activated through perceived stimuli. The term
mental representation covers a broad array of meanings and is often used
synonymously with mental models (Johnson-Laird, 1983), scripts (Schank
& Abelson, 1977), frames (Minsky, 1980), schemas (Aebli, 1980/1981; Pia-
get, 1959) or neural networks (Todd & Loy, 1991). In addition to the debate
on the meaning of mental representations, there is also a debate on the
nature of mental representations. In one view, representations are seen as
veridical images that are stored in the mind and can be retrieved from it;
that is, they are depictive in nature (Kosslyn, 1994), whereas another per-
spective holds that representations result from formal processes and accu-
mulated experiences that are propositional in nature (Pylyshyn, 1973). In
music, the depictive representation of a chord, for example, is reflected by
the representation of the position of fingers on a keyboard or the picture of
the notation, whereas propositional representation results from knowledge
in terms of statements about that chord as a sum of many experiences.
In this section, we will only refer to the neuronal cortical substrates of
musical representations which are defined as the neuronal networks that are
involved in cortical activations caused by the processing of music (reading,
writing, listening, performing, conducting, learning, memorizing etc.). Meth-
odologically, four strategies are commonly employed to investigate the learn-
ing brain: (1) the observation of persons with brain lesions that cause par-
ticular deficits; (2) animal experiments that study neuronal brain reactions;
(3) the measurement of infants information processing, especially sensory
and auditory temporal processing; and (4) the implementation of brain-
imaging techniques for a clear and precise identification and localization of
changes in brain activation.
Neurons are highly specialized to respond to particular qualities of stim-
uli, for example, to a section of a band of frequencies (pitch), to a movement
of sounds up and down (direction), to the intensity of sound (loudness), and
so forth. Neurons of a particular brain area represent different features.
Unfortunately, little research exists on the auditory sensory mapping of the
associative cortex. In cognition, distributed processing of sensory informa-
tion must be coordinated for the creation of what is eventually perceived by
the conscious mind. As M. E. Martinez (1999) has put it:
The human mind is not a video camera. We do not process and store count-
less sensory bits; rather, we construct our inner and outer worlds according
to the organizing principle of meaning. The fact that knowledge can be rep-
resented in different ways implies that knowledge is not a sensory transcrip-
tion of the external world into the inner world of the mind. (p. 21)
Single cortical neurons with similar interests tend to be vertically ar-

rayed in cortical columns like thin cylinders (Calvin, 1996). The best-known
columns are the visual cortexs orientation columns, but little is known about
aural orientation columns and representations. The data available, however,
suggest the existence of complex musical structures that are processed in
distributed areas and are connected in coherent networks or cell assemblies.
What we perceive as music originates from distributed processing but com-
bines into one conscious feature that forms a robust mental representation.
Experimental programs have demonstrated that formal training and in-
formal experience in varied environmental situations cause measurable
changes in the neurochemistry and even in the neuroanatomy of the brain
(Black & Greenough, 1998). Even the cortical maps of adult primates can
be radically altered through environmental input (Kempermann et al., 1997).
This neuronal plasticity is crucial for the neurobiology of learning. As Ra-
mon y Cajal stressed at the end of the 19th century, learning is deeply in-
volved in, if not biologically based upon, the formation of new synaptic
connections. Since Donald O. Hebb (1949) theorized that chemical changes
in a cells dendrites increase the likelihood that it will activate neighboring
cells, remarkable empirical progress has been made in the investigation of
synaptic connectivity and its impact on the electrochemical transmission be-
tween neurons. This basic concept of a cooperative set of modifiable con-
nections as the basis of learning and memory, along with the Hebb synapse,
continues to have substantial influence on neural network theory (Black &
Greenough, 1998, p. 56).
If learning is associated with synaptic growth, the investigation of the
formation of synaptic contacts in the human cerebral cortex becomes enor-
mously important. It has been documented for animal and human brains
that the synaptic densitythe number of synapses per neuron or per unit
volume of cortical tissuechanges over life spans and defines the limits of
the processing capacity (Huttenlocher, 1979, 1984). In human beings, syn-
aptogenesis takes place prenatally and in early infancy. By the age of 1 year
it reaches a plateau stage, followed by a progressive synapse decline, which
happens most rapidly during preschool years (Huttenlocher, 1984). How-
ever, there are regional differences in synaptogenesis in human brains. Hut-
tenlocher (Huttenlocher & Dabholkar, 1997) compared the development in
two cortical areas: the auditory and prefrontal cortex. He found that syn-
aptic density increases more rapidly in the auditory cortex (maximum at age
3 months) than in middle frontal gyrus (peak after age 15 months). Here
synaptic growth occurs concurrently with growth of dendrites and axons
and with myelination of the subcortical white matter. The following phase
of synapse elimination also starts earlier in the auditory cortex, where it
reaches a mature level by age 12 years, than in the prefrontal cortex (Hut-
tenlocher & Dabholkar, 1997). The exuberant overproduction of neuronal
connections during infancy may be seen as an anatomical substrate for neu-
ral plasticity (Huttenlocher, 1990) that has a tremendous impact on the
unique structure of early learning. The discovery of an inverted u-shaped
structure in brain development is confirmed by the development of glucose
metabolism. Cerebral glucose consumption rises from birth until about 4
years of age, maintains from 4 to about 910 years, and then gradually
declines (Chugani, 1998). These findings have important implications for
our understanding of brain plasticity and critical periods for learning.
Neuroscientists at Geneva University (Muller, Toni, & Buchs, 2000) have
investigated the chemical changes that influence synaptic strength. The re-
searchers stimulated rat brain slices to produce long-term potentiation (LTP).
If a receiving neuron has been activated, the incoming neurotransmitter in-
duces LTP by flooding calcium ions into the spine. An hour after treatment,
20% of the synapses had developed double spines, forming a second spine
adjacent to the active one. Muller concludes that LTP triggers a duplication
of the active synapse (Barinaga, 1999, p. 1661). Presumably this causes an
increase in synaptic strength.
The neurobiological foundations for learning are derived from studies
that suggest that experience or learning induces changes in the brain that
relate to cortical thickness (Diamond et al., 1964), the size of cell bodies
(Diamond, 1967), the size of synaptic contact areas (West & Greenough,
1972), an increase in dendritic spines (Globus et al., 1973), a parallel in-
crease in the number of synapses per neuron (Turner & Greenough, 1985),
the thickness of the corpus callosum (Schlaug, Jancke, Huang, Stalger, &
Steinmetz, 1995), an increase in hippocampal neurons (Kempermann et al.,
1997), the size of the left planum temporale (Pantev et al., 1998), and the
doubling of spines through LTP (Muller et al., 2000). These research findings
relate either to the growth of number or size of new synaptic connections
by formal training or enriched environmental experience or to the growth
of stronger and bigger already-existing synapses. In any case, the evidence

of neurochemical and neuroanatomical plasticity is basic for the neurobiol-
ogy of learning, that is, for the formation and modification of mental rep-
resentations. In particular for young children, it is evidentdespite Bruers
reluctance (see Discussions and Conclusions)that early music training
leads to an expansion of the representation of sound in the auditory cortex
(Rauschecker, 1999).
For cognition and learning experiments, the localization of task-specific
cortical areas has been empirically investigated (see Brain Research on Mu-
sic Cognition and Learning, p. 51). Even the specialization within the au-
ditory cortex has been clarified by its subdivision into four distinct territories
(Gaschler-Markefski, Baumgart, Tempelmann, Woldorff, & Scheich, 1998).
The contribution of different cortical areas to music processing still remains
a major focus of research in neuroscience. From patients with surgical lesions
we know about different strategies of musical-information processing. They
demonstrate, for example, that a right temporal cortectomy impairs the use
of both contour and interval information, whereas a left temporal cortec-
tomy interferes with interval information only (Liegeois-Chauvel, Peretz, Ba-
bai, Leguitton, & Chauvel, 1998). In general, the acquisition of implicit
knowledge through neuronal self-organization that results from mere ex-
posure to music (Peretz, Gaudreau, & Bonnel, 1998) should not be under-
estimated, as Tillmann, Bharucha, and Bigand have shown by experiments
that dealt with tone, chord, and key relationships, including memory judg-
ments, and expectancies (2000). Furthermore, the learning context plays an
important role in memory retrieval, especially for infants who displayed a
7-day retention only when the music played during the retention test
matched the training music (Fagen et al., 1997). However, all that knowledge
about functional cortical areas cannot suffice as the only explanation for the
neurobiological processes involved in music learning. In this section, learning
is, therefore, exclusively defined as the process of incrementally developing
and altering the structure of mental representations.
Following the experimental brain studies on learning primarily conducted
with animals, researchers have recently conducted EEG studies on music
learning of children (aged 1214) and adults (aged 1739) (Altenmuller &
Gruhn, 1997; Altenmuller, Gruhn, Parlitz, & Liebert, 2000; Gruhn, 1997;
Gruhn, Altenmuller, & Babler, 1997; Liebert, 2000). These studies reveal
that significant changes in auditory activation patterns and neural networks
are induced by different types of learning according to declarative and pro-
cedural leading strategies that correspond to formal instruction and informal
musical exposure. Subjects who received informal instruction by singing and
playing supported the efficiency of the phonological loop at the aural-oral
level and, by this, developed procedural knowledge. This learning strategy
evidenced increased activation patterns at the right frontal and bilateral par-
ieto-occipital lobes, which may be ascribed to a global way of processing
through the integration of visuo-spatial associations). However, music proc-
essing of subjects who received formal verbal instruction evidenced an in-
creased activation of left fronto-temporal brain regions, which might refer

to a more local strategy (Altenmuller & Gruhn, 1997).
In another long-term learning experiment, subjects displayed different ac-
tivation patterns depending upon how successfully they performed a task.
Those who succeeded in the task, regardless of the type of learning (declar-
ative versus procedural), demonstrated a shift to the right fronto-temporal
lobes, whereas brain activation in those subjects who did not succeed fo-
cused in the left fronto-temporal regions. Therefore, it appears that a simple
right-left dichotomy with music in the right hemisphere is an over-
simplification. Any music processing involves both hemispheres equally but
in an asymmetric specialization that depends upon many intra- and inter-
personal factors. Perhaps different types of processing (global versus local
processing; Peretz, 1990; see Brain Research on Music Cognition and
Learning, p. 51) produce a lateralization effect because different cognitive
strategies are applied individually.
Brain activation patterns can also differentiate long-term from short-term
learning. In a short-term ear-training experiment (Liebert et al., 1999), re-
searchers found an overall increase of brain activation, whereas experiments
with long-term learning demonstrated a general decrease of brain activation.
Furthermore, the two methodical strategies caused different patterns of cor-
tical networks. During the processing of the musical task, only procedural
learners developed significant changes in their activation patterns (Liebert,
2001).
These findings suggest that learning causes a change in the reorganization
of cortical networks and therefore affects the structure of the mental rep-
resentation, which may be called formal (Bamberger, 1991; Gruhn, 1998).
Formal representations produce a more distributed, widely spread neuronal
network and may therefore need only a reduced cortical brain potential,
presumably due to the involvement of subcortical regions in the represen-
tation of genuine musical qualities. (This must be shown by functional fMRI
studies.) There is good reason to assume that, biologically, learning is ac-
complished by a move from one type of cortical representation (which might
be called figural, according to Bamberger, 1991) to a different type of cor-
tical representation that involves subcortical layers. The essence of this
model is based upon different encodings of the processing and storing of
musical information and knowledge. Learning, therefore, effects the trans-
formation from cortical to integral cortical-subcortical representations.
In instrumental training, motor skills and auditory skills collaborate. The
activation of representation in one area is linked to that of a corresponding
area that is not directly stimulated. This process has been described as coac-
tivation. Bangert, (Bangert & Altenmuller, 2003) demonstrated that subjects
exhibit a slight coactivation of the sensorimotor cortex in a passive auditory
task even 20 minutes after a keyboard-training session. Likewise, fronto-
temporal regions were activated in pianists during a mute motor task. This
clearly suggests that cortical activation patterns, even during a strictly lim-
ited task, display a widely distributed network far beyond a simple image
of the involved activity. Learning, in a neurobiological sense, is due to the

establishment of those networks.
Neurobiological Research on Music and Learning
Overview
A comprehensive review of brain development is beyond the scope of this
chapter. However, M. H. Johnson (1998) has identified four factors that we
believe are important to any understanding of the neurobiology of music
learning and cognition.
First, there are neural structures in the brain that are common to both
humans and other mammals, both primate and nonprimate. Differences be-
tween humans and other animals primarily concern the extent of the cerebral
cortex. Subcortical structures, such as the hippocampus and cerebellum, are
structurally similar across mammalian species.
Second, the cerebral cortex, hippocampus, and cerebellum continue to
develop throughout childhood. Although the vast majority of neurons are
present at birth (Rakic, 1995), synapses, dendrites, and fiber bundles con-
tinue to develop postnatally, perhaps as a function of experience. Myelin,
the fatty sheath that surrounds neuronal pathways (and is thought to in-
crease the efficiency of information transmission), also increases dramatically
after birth. The immaturity of the human brain at birth may explain some
of the limitations on learning and cognition present in infants and children.
Similarly, the dynamic postnatal development of the cortex allows more in-
tentional, purposeful behavior.
Third, different areas of the cerebral cortex develop at different rates. For
example, Conels (1939/1967) study of cortical development in the human
infant led him to conclude that the cortex develops in an inside-out fash-
ion, with outer brain layers developing in advance of inner layers. Differ-
ential development between cortical regions (i.e., visual cortex and frontal
cortex) has also been documented (Huttenlocher, 1990). These patterns of
development may influence information processing.
Finally, studies on cortical plasticity suggest that cortical specialization is
heavily influenced by experience. Although primary cortices are genetically
predetermined, there is a high degree of modulation with respect to the
extension and connectivity of functional brain areas according to experience
and learning. Therefore, brain plasticity can be seen as fundamental for the
development of mental representations.
Empirical Methods
The recent explosion of knowledge of brain development makes the task of
relating it to cognitive changes considerably more viable. Consequently, ef-
forts to correlate neural changes to cognitive changes have increased dra-

matically over the past two decades. However, because a multitude of neu-
roanatomical variables change over the first decade of life, it is unwise to
make causal inferences that regard the relationship between changes in spe-
cific brain areas to specific cognitive changes. Evidence of temporal corre-
lation can, however, be supported by empirical methods. A variety of tech-
niques are now available to developmentalists interested in the biological
basis of cognitive development. Some of these methods, such as PET, require
the injection of a radioactive dye and are therefore of limited use for studying
the cognitive functioning of healthy children and adults. Others, such as
EEG, ERP, and functional MRI (fMRI), are currently being employed. These
imaging techniques are described by Hodges and Flohr in this volume
(chap. 1).
While the new functional brain-imaging techniques promise to provide
researchers with important information that regards the relationship of brain
structure and function to learning and cognition, somewhat similar questions
can be explored through the use of animals as subjects. Research on animals
(mostly rodents) has contributed a great deal to our understanding of the
relation between brain and behavior. The field of molecular genetics, for
example, has opened up new possibilities for investigating this relationship.
In particular, mice that undergo lesions in the alpha-calcium-calmodulin ki-
nase II gene are unable to perform certain learning tasks in adulthood (Silva,
Paylor, Wehner, & Tonegawa, 1992). These types of techniques, in which
certain genes from the genome of an animal are either removed or lesioned,
permit the investigator to answer questions that regard genetic contributions
to learning and behavior and are particularly well suited when applied to
established animal models of development.
Further insight into the relations between brain and behavior can be
found in studies in which the brain is removed in order to examine it at the
cellular level. For example, studies that used this technique suggest that rats
reared in an enriched environment after weaning show a wealth of en-
during neurobiological and behavioral changes. Rats raised with stimulus
objects such as running wheels, rubber tubes, nibble bars, and such in their
cages show morphological and biochemical alterations in cortical and hip-
pocampal formation and perform better on learning and memory-dependent
tasks than animals raised in normal laboratory conditions (see Renner &
Rosenzweig, 1987, for review). Similar effects have been found for rats
raised in socially enriched conditions, in which animals are housed with
several siblings rather than in pairs or isolation (Pacteau, Einon, & Sindon,
1989). Furthermore, recent research has demonstrated that rats exposed to
complex music learned a spatial maze faster and with fewer errors than rats
exposed to minimalist music, white noise, or silence (Rauscher, Robinson,
& Jens, 1998), results that appear to be a function of increased hippocampal
dendritic density in the animals exposed to the complex music (Rauscher &
Koch, 2000). A follow-up study explored the molecular mechanisms under-
lying these auditory enrichment effects (Li, Cai, Ying, Gomez-Pinila, Cooper,
& Rauscher, 2004). Rats exposed to complex music performed better in a

spatial maze than rats exposed to silence. The music exposure also enhanced
BDNF and its effectors on synaptic plasticity and learning, synapsin I and
CREB, in the rat hippocampus. The results show that music exposure pref-
erentially affected molecular systems related to synaptic plasticity. Music
may therefore play an important role for improving cognitive abilities by
modulating synaptic plasticity.
Marker tasks, behavioral tasks that have been linked to particular brain
regions by neuroimaging studies, provide another useful approach to un-
derstanding brain development and learning. By testing individuals of vary-
ing ages with different versions of these tasks researchers can relate levels of
task performance to the functional development of different brain regions.
A number of marker tasks have recently been developed for the functioning
of structures involved in oculomotor control and visual attention shifts
(M. H. Johnson, 1998).
Brain Research on Music Cognition and Learning

There may be no other area of music psychology that has seen as much
recent advancement as research on music-induced plasticity of the brain. For
example, Gottfried Schlaug and his colleagues found that a small neural
structure in the cerebral cortex that processes sound signals, the planum
temporale, was larger in the left hemisphere and smaller in the right in the
brains of musicians than of nonmusicians (Schlaug, Jancke, Huang, & Stein-
metz, 1994), an effect that was later found to be due to musicians who
possessed perfect pitch and who began their musical training before the age
of 7 (Schlaug et al., 1995). Schlaug and his colleagues also reported that
musicians, particularly those who had begun their training before age 7, had
thicker corpus callosi (the band of nerve tissue that connects the left and
right hemispheres) than nonmusicians (Schlaug et al., 1994).
Other correlational studies also suggest that instrumental instruction af-
fects brain development. Elbert, Pantev, Wienbruch, Rockstroh, and Taub
(1995) asked string players and nonmusicians to move the fingers of their
left hands while magnetoencephalography (MEG) measurements were taken.
The researchers found that magnetic response from the right primary so-
matosensory cortexa brain region that controls the left-hand fingerswas
larger for the string players than it was for the nonmusicians. Furthermore,
the magnitude of the response was related to the age at which the string
players began instruction, with those who began lessons earlier evidencing
the largest response. Finally, a recent paper by Pantev and his colleagues
reported that auditory cortical representation was 25% larger in musicians
than in nonmusicians, regardless of the instrument played and the presence
of perfect pitch (Pantev et al., 1998). The younger the instrumental training
began, the larger the cortical reorganization. Effects were found for subjects
who began to practice before age 9. To help determine whether musical
practice or heredity is responsible for brain attributes related to musical skill,

researchers using MEG measured violinists and trumpeters cortical repre-
sentations for violin and trumpet tones compared to sine wave tones (Pantev,
Roberts, Schulz, Engelien, & Ross, 2001). The researchers found enhanced
representations for timbres associated with the instrument of training, with
trumpeters showing enhancement for trumpet tones and violinists showing
enhancement for violin tones. These data suggest that cortical representa-
tions for musical timbre are use-dependent rather than coded genetically.
Many studies have compared cortical processing of aural imagery tasks
with perception tasks (Reisberg, 1992; Zatorre & Halpern, 1993; Zatorre,
Halpern, et al., 1996). Zatorre and Halpern (1993) hypothesized that similar
neuronal mechanisms may underlie both imaginal and perceptual processing.
A PET study demonstrated that although many of the same regions appear
to be involved in imagined and perceived tonal-pattern processing, two in-
ferior frontopolar regions showed significant increase of blood flow only for
the imagery task (Zatorre et al., 1996). This may refer to different aspects
of the generation of auditory information from memory. However, in an
experiment on the effects of unilateral temporal-lobe excision on perception
and imagery Zatorre and Halpern (1993) found that patients with right
temporal-lobe excision showed a significant decrease in both perceptual and
imagery tasks. The interaction of aural imagery and music perception plays
an important role in music learning because aural imagery depends on
already-established mental representations that are a prerequisite for any
type of discrimination learning.
Correspondingly, different processing strategies influence lateralization ef-
fects and particular musical properties call for different activation areas. In
a study with unilateral brain-damaged patients, Peretz (1990) found two
types of musical-information processing that she called local and global
processing. If, on the one hand, the processing is interval-based, focusing on
local properties as single tones and distances, the left hemisphere is domi-
nant; if, on the other hand, the processing is contour-based, focusing on the
more global aspects of a tune, then the right hemisphere is dominant. Similar
results support these findings. In an EEG study, Breitling, Guenther, and
Rondot (1987) found different bilateral involvement for different stimulus
conditions (single tone, scale, melody). Only in the melody condition (global
processing) was the right hemisphere more activated.
In general, it can be stated that lateralization effects mirror the asym-
metric specialization of brain functions, depending on acoustic aspects of
stimuli as well as individual cognitive processing strategies.
Discussion and Conclusions

Until recently, the majority of the research on the neurobiology of learning
in general and music learning in particular was descriptive and focused
mainly on cerebral localization of function. (See Hodges and Flohr in this
text, chapter 1 for a review of these studies.) However, neuropsychologists

are now beginning to approach music learning from a more cognitive or
information-processing position. Simply knowing that left unilateral ne-
glect follows posterior right hemisphere lesions does not tell us anything
about the specific mechanism(s) responsible, nor how these mechanisms op-
erate to produce the symptom. Thus the goal today is to identify the partic-
ular processes that are enhanced, maintained, or disrupted after intervention
or cerebral damage and determine how these processes relate to specific
neural substrates or neural systems.
The purpose of the research cited earlier was to discover how develop-
mental processes affect brain and cognition, particularly in the early years.
These studies suggest that early instrumental instruction may actually phys-
ically shape and mold the young brain. However, Bruer (1999) cautions us
against drawing excessive conclusions from these data. Although there may
indeed exist a relationship between music cognition and brain development,
our knowledge of this relationship is far from complete, and alternative
explanations for the data should be considered. For example, Elbert et al.s
(1995) research with string players measured the brains response to an over-
learned skillfingering a keyboard. It stands to reason that any overlearned
motor activity, for example, typing, would produce similar brain reorgani-
zation. This study, therefore, was not directly about music. Furthermore,
although Schlaug, Jancke, Huang, and Steinmetz (1994, 1995) and Pantey,
Oostenveld, Engellen, Ross, Roberts, and Hokes (1998) findings suggest
that early music engagement affects the brains pitch/auditory processing
regions, it is not clear that the age at which subjects began instruction, rather
than how long they had been playing, produced the effects. In other words,
the larger brain response may be the result of longer time on task, rather
than age of task onset.
It is also not clear in these studies whether the morphological effects were
caused by the music instruction. Studies that compare musicians to non-
musicians are correlational, not causal. They therefore do not address
whether differences in brain structure between these two groups of subjects
are a function of the music exposure or of inborn atypicalities in the brains
of musicians that may attract them to music making in the first place.
Clearly, longitudinal causal studies are needed to investigate the maturation
of cognitive abilities and brain regions before and during early versus later
onset music instruction. It is important to note that no scientific studies have
directly investigated the effects of music instruction on the adult brain. We
must be careful not to ignore the fact that brain development continues until
death.
Transfer Effects
According to conventional opinion, music has an effect on cognitive achieve-

ment. Therefore, experimental findings that actually confirm transfer effects
would have an important impact on educational policies with respect to

school music curriculum. Consequently, there is an increasing interest in
inquiries on whether music can really improve the mind (Overy, 1998). Thus
several longitudinal observations of schoolchildren who received extra music
lessons within their regular school curriculum were performed in Europe
(Bastian, 2000; Spychiger, 1995). Here effects of music on social behavior
and school achievement appeared.
In an experimental memory study, Chan, Ho, and Cheung (1998) found
that music training improved verbal memory because verbal memory is me-
diated mainly by the left temporal lobe, which is larger in musicians than in
nonmusicians. Although Chan used subjects from Hong Kong whose native
language was tonal (a language in which verbal memory includes pitch mem-
ory), the greater effect on verbal than on visual memory tasks in musicians
possibly indicates a general transfer effect.
Just recently, a meta-analysis of studies on the relationship between music
and academic achievement (Winner & Hetland, 2000) has examined the
outcome of studies on music and reading skills, music and mathematics, and
music and spatial-temporal reasoning. Twenty-four correlational studies and
six experimental studies on the impact of music on the development of read-
ing skills were examined (Butzlaff, 2000). Whereas correlational studies
showed that students who studied music scored significantly higher on stan-
dardized reading tests, there was no reliable effect supported by the exper-
imental studies. With respect to an impact of music instruction on mathe-
matics, a total of 25 correlational and experimental studies were examined.
The analysis revealed a small but evident association between music and
mathematics achievement: Individuals who voluntarily chose to study music
privately and those who were exposed to a music curriculum in school pro-
duced higher mathematical scores than those who did not (Vaughn, 2000).
However, a positive relationship is not sufficient to establish a causal link.
Furthermore, listening to background music had no notable effect.
The explosion of studies that explore the transfer of musical processing
to spatial processing compels us to examine these data from a neurophy-
siological perspective. Two lines of behavioral research have been pursued:
the effects of listening to music on adult spatial abilities and the effects of
instrumental instruction on childrens spatial abilities. Two recent meta-
analyses (Hetland, 2000a, 2000b) have examined the studies relevant to
these inquiries. The first analysis explored the so-called Mozart effect, the
finding that college students who listened to 10 minutes of Mozarts piano
sonata K. 448 scored higher on spatial-temporal tasks than students who
listened to taped relaxation instructions or silence (Rauscher, Shaw, & Ky,
1993). Hetlands (2000b) meta-analysis of 36 studies that involved approx-
imately 2,500 subjects revealed a moderate, robust effect that is limited,
however, to a specific type of spatial task that requires mental rotation in
the absence of a physical model (p. 33). Despite Hetlands conclusion, it
must be noted that attempts to reproduce Rauscher, Shaw, and Kys (1993)
findings have been inconsistent. For example, in a series of experiments de-
signed to replicate the Mozart effect through use of the same musical com-
position as well as similar control conditions and dependent measures, Steele
and his colleagues achieved negative results (e.g., Steele et al., 1999).
There is also a growing body of evidence implicating the role of arousal
in the Mozart effect. Schellenberg and his colleagues found that changes in
arousal, induced by listening to music, mediated performance on a spatial-
temporal task (Nantais & Schellenberg, 1999: Thompson, Schellenberg, &
Husain, 2001: Husain, Thompson, & Schellenberg, 2002). This research
suggests that the Mozart effect may be due to differences in arousal, rather
than to Mozart in particular or music in general.
McKelvie and Low (2002) were the first to investigate the Mozart effect
in children. Twelve-year-old children listened to either a Mozart sonata or
to popular music by the band Aqua. There were no differences in the chil-
drens spatial scores as a function of the music condition. A study with 10
11-year-old children, however, did find a Mozart effect (Ivanov & Geake,
2003). Children who listened to either Mozart or Bach scored significantly
higher on a spatial-temporal task than children who sat in silence. The high-
est scores were achieved by the children who had studied a musical instru-
ment.
A second meta-analytic review, also undertaken by Hetland (2000a), ex-
amined studies on the effects of instrumental instruction on childrens spatial
abilities (see, for example, Rauscher et al., 1997). Figure 2.1 portrays the
effect for kindergarten children. The results of this analysis revealed an over-
Figure 2.1. Spatial-temporal scores of kindergarten children

(School District of Kettle Moraine) before and after music or
no training: correct joins/minute.
all effect size of r .37, an effect that was deemed remarkably consistent
and could be generalized to similar populations of preschool- and
elementary-school-aged children, while they are engaged in similar kinds of
active music programs, with or without keyboard instruments, taught in
groups or individual lessons. The effect cannot be explained away by a Haw-
thorne effect, nonequivalence of experimental groups, experimenter bias, or
study quality. It is a solid finding (Hetland, 2000a, pp. 4142).
We will not attempt to undertake a critical analysis of these studies, but
instead, as per the focus of this chapter, we will comment on their possible
neurophysiological implications. The motivation for research on the transfer
of music listening or instruction to spatial task performance came from a
neural connectionist model of the mammalian brain proposed by Xiaodan
Leng and Gordon Shaw (Leng & Shaw, 1991). Based on Mountcastles co-
lumnar principle of cortex, the model proposed that families of neural net-
works respond to and compare spatial features of objects. By mathematically
deriving their firing probabilities the researchers determined that the net-
works evolved according to symmetries modified by Hebb learning rules.
These neural network patterns (lasting tens of seconds over large cortical
areas) corresponded to spatial-temporal task performance (requiring the
transformation of mental images over time). Leng and Shaw therefore pre-
dicted that certain musical forms and instruction might stimulate these firing
patterns, thereby enhancing spatial-temporal performance.
Although it is impossible to prove a neural model of brain function,
Leng and Shaws (1991) hypothesis is supported by data. For example, Al-
zheimer patients who listened to the Mozart sonata or silence demonstrated
improved spatial-temporal performance following Mozart (J. K. Johnson,
Cotman, Tasaki, & Shaw, 1998; J. K. Johnson, Shaw, Vuong, Vuong, &
Cotman, 1999). Neuroscientists have investigated the effect through the use
of EEG and fMRI. EEGs of subjects who performed a spatial-temporal task
after listening to the Mozart sonata revealed a carryover effect in parietal
and frontal cortex; no carryover was found when reading a story was sub-
stituted for the task (Sarnthein et al., 1997). EEGs of epilepsy patients, some
comatose, showed decreased seizure activity during exposure to the sonata
rather than silence or control music (Hughes, Daaboul, Fino, & Shaw, 1998;
Hughes, Fino, & Melyn, 1999). The compositions differentially activated
the prefrontal, occipital, and cerebellar regionsall regions associated with
spatial-temporal reasoning. These findings, although specific to music listen-
ing, may also have neurophysiological implications for the effects of music
instruction on certain spatial abilities.
An additional study utilized DC potential and ERP (Trimmel, Goger, &
Geiss-Granadia, 2003). A measure of electrical activity, DC potential is con-
sidered to reflect ongoing cortical activation at the level of the neuron. ERP,
on the other hand, measures electrical activity as a function of a stimulus
event (such as performing a spatial-temporal task). It is considered to be a
measure of cognitive activity. Subjects listened to either a composition by
Mozart, Albinoni, Schubert, or brown noise. After each condition they per-
formed either a spatial-temporal task or a memory task. Behavioral depend-

ent measures included preference for the musical selections as well as mood,
alertness, and excitation. Results indicated that participants preferred all
musical conditions more than brown noise. There were no differences be-
tween the musical compositions for mood, alertness, and excitation, which
all registered higher than brown noise. However, the DC potentials for sub-
jects listening to the Mozart condition were more positive than for those
listening to the other musical compositions or brown noise, which did not
differ from each other. This finding suggests enhanced cortical activation
during listening to Mozart and not during listening to Albinoni, Schubert,
or brown noise. The ERPs for the spatial-temporal task showed shorter la-
tencies after listening to the Mozart sonata. There were no latency or am-
plitude differences for the memory task. The authors suggest that this finding
indicates faster cognitive processing for spatial-temporal tasks following lis-
tening to Mozart.
Parsons, Hodges, and Fox (1998) have proposed an alternative theory.
These researchers suggest that the rhythmic elements of music, processed in
the cerebellum, are responsible for the enhancement of spatial tasks (such
as mental rotation tasks) that also require cerebellar function. A recent ex-
periment by Parsons and his colleagues (cited in Hetland, 2000a) supports
this hypothesis. Subjects performed two spatial-temporal tasks following one
of five conditions: auditory exposure to rhythm without melody (a popular
song bass line), auditory exposure to melody without rhythm (a melody
presented in a steady beat), visual exposure to rhythm (a pulsating square
on a computer screen), auditory exposure to a continuous tone, or silence.
Enhanced performance of the spatial-temporal tasks was found following
only the auditory and visual rhythmic conditions. This suggests that the
enhancement of spatial-temporal tasks is due to rhythm, regardless of the
modality of presentation.
Other explanations for these transfer effects can be found in the cognitive
literature. For example, Rauscher (1999) has proposed that several of the
elements of music cognition described by Serafine (1988)temporal succes-
sion and simultaneity, nontemporal closure, transformation, and abstrac-
tionmay be musically analogous to the cognitive processes required to
solve certain visuo-spatial tasks. Perhaps some of the skills involved in learn-
ing music transfer to the performance of particular spatial skills.
The importance of studying the transfer of musical learning to spatial
learning becomes evident when one considers the overall significance of spa-
tial abilities to cognitive function. High levels of spatial ability have fre-
quently been linked to creativity, not only in the arts but in science and
mathematics as well (Shepard, 1978; West, 1991). Physicists (Albert Ein-
stein, James Clerk Maxwell, Michael Faraday, and Hermann von Helm-
holtz), inventors (such as Nikola Tesla and James Watt), and other scientists
displayed high levels of spatial abilities and reported that these abilities
played an important role in their most creative accomplishments. In psy-
chology, Shepard (1978) has given particularly lucid accounts of the role of
spatial imagery in his own thinking. Involuntary dream images were the
source of many of his most creative and influential contributions, including
the idea for his research on mental rotation, the first method of nonmetric
multidimensional scaling, and the computer algorithm that underlies addi-
tive nonhierarchical cluster analysis. Given the prominent role of spatial
abilities both in models of human abilities and in models of cognition, stud-
ies that demonstrate that music instruction may influence spatial reasoning
have important educational implications. However, due to the fact that there
is as yet no commonly accepted theoretical approach that adequately ac-
counts for these transfer effects, we recommend discretion in both the in-
terpretation of research results and their application.
Music Learning by Individuals With Brain Disorders
Patients With Mental Disorders

The study of brain-damaged populations has always been a major area of
research for investigating cognitive functioning of the human brain. Unfor-
tunately, results of studies of brain-damaged patients are neither consistent
nor easy to interpret, because the loss of a particular ability may not nec-
essarily be attributed to a damaged brain area or specific module of infor-
mation processing. Rather, loss of ability may instead be due to an interrup-
tion of important connections between collaborating cell assemblies.
However, the effect on musical skills can be observed in musicians with brain
injuries who suffer from music alexia and agraphia (Brust, 1980). Namely,
developmental musical dyslexia in children who have difficulties reading mu-
sic has been studied (N. Gordon, 2000; Overy, 2003), just as general dys-
lexia, which has significant effects on childrens musical abilities to recognize
musical tone sequences and differentiate tone colors and sound intensities
(Kurth & Heinrichs, 1976). Therefore, investigations of the development of
musical abilities in populations with brain disorders, as well as those with
genetic abnormalities, offer valuable research. In particular, individuals with
Williams syndrome, Downs syndrome, Alzheimers and Huntingtons dis-
ease, and musicogenic epilepsy are rather informative with respect to par-
ticular musical abilities.
There is an extended body of research that investigated Alzheimers dis-
ease and its impact on musical abilities. It is well documented that previously
acquired musical skills (e.g., singing and playing an instrument) remain ac-
cessible despite otherwise severe cognitive impairment. A case study of an
82-year-old musician reports relatively spared anterograde and retrograde
procedural memory for music making (Crystal, Grober, & Masur, 1989).
Similarly, J. Johnson and Ulatowska (1995) studied the progression of de-
terioration of Alzheimers patients in music and language. They found that
song texts in connection with the tunes persisted while speech was pro-
foundly disturbed. This supports Gardners (1983/1985) theory of unique

multiple intelligences, that is, that music as a manifestation of intelligence
constitutes a faculty per se and is to a large degree uncorrelated with other
cognitive abilities.
A notable affinity for music is documented for children with Downs and
Williams syndromes. Quantitative studies of brain morphology demonstrate
a distinctive dysmorphology unlike that of other forms of mental retardation
(Lenhoff et al., 1997). A highly selective effect of brain development appears
to accompany Williams syndrome, a neurodevelopmental disorder, which
causes substantial deficits in cognitive domains but preserves skills in social
domains, language and music (Levitin et al., 2003; Levitin et al., 2004).
Patients demonstrate a reduced cerebral size and a significant increase of
neocerebellar vermal lobules, whereas individuals with Downs syndrome
evidence a reduction in both cerebellar components (Jernigan & Bellugi,
1990; Levitin & Bellugi, 1998). These individuals often possess relatively
intact verbal working memory but are more impaired in spatial working
memory (Levitin & Bellugi, 1995, p. 375). Therefore, they demonstrate de-
ficient spatial coordination on the motoric level but perform general musical
tasks sufficiently. Moreover, subjects with Williams syndrome have a striking
independence of rhythmic abilities and show a propensity for creative rhyth-
mic productions. The obvious evidence for this quality is called rhythmicity
or rhythmic musicality by Levitin and Bellugi (1998). Although children with
Williams syndrome fail in Piagetian conservation tasks, they demonstrate a
clear conservation of musical time and rhythm. This may be linked with a
general predominance of local over global processing strategies, especially
in the processing of visual stimuli (Bellugi, Lai, & Wang, 1997). In a rhythm
repetition task, children with Williams syndrome often do not repeat cor-
rectly the global structure but use local variations for creative completions
(Levitin & Bellugi, 1998). A similar affinity for music and musical rhythm
is reported for children with Downs syndrome. In a comparative study with
other mentally challenged and normal children, children with Downs syn-
drome exhibited the same level of rhythm discrimination as normal children
but did differ from other mentally challenged children (Stratford & Ching,
1983).
These findings with subjects with Downs and Williams syndrome suggest
that musical abilities and other cognitive functioning may develop indepen-
dently, perhaps due to neuroanatomical differences in the brain disorders of
these patients. This suggests that music may not only serve a therapeutic
goal, especially in Alzheimers patients (Aldridge, 1994; Glynn, 1992; Lord
& Garner, 1993), but it may also serve as a special tool for learning due to
the evident interaction between rhythmicity and brain function (Thaut, Ken-
yon, et al., 1999) as well as movement and vocal sound production (Gruhn,
2001). This explanation also relates to the striking effect of music on the
motor control of patients with Parkinsons disease. Also, researchers have
shown that patients with Huntingtons disease could significantly modulate
their gait velocity during self-paced and rhythmic metronome cueing, but
velocity adaptations did not fit with an exact synchronization of steps and
metric impulses (Thaut, Miltner, et al., 1999). Effects are also reported from
patients with epilepsy where brain-wave abnormalities occur during music-
induced seizures (Critchley, 1977). Just recently, fewer clinical seizures and
fewer generalized bilateral spike and wave complexes were reported from a
patient with Lennox-Gastaut syndrome after regular exposure to Mozarts
piano sonata K. 448 (Hughes et al., 1999).
Deaf Children With Cochlear Implants
During the last two decades, advanced technology has been applied to the
treatment of deaf (or severely hearing-impaired) children who still have an
active hearing nerve. An artificial cochlea can be implanted to stimulate the
hair cells of the cochlea by electrodes that are activated through electric
impulses from an outside microphone. Cochlear implant (CI) surgeries have
become routine in Europe, Australia, and the United States since the 1980s,
and younger and younger prelingually deaf children can be treated. The most
appropriate time window for an efficient surgery is between age 2 and 4,
that is, before the development of prosody has already been stabilized. Al-
though there is only limited access to music transmitted by the available
technology of today (Fujita & Ito, 1999), new generations of speech pro-
cessors (such as Nucleus, Clarion, and Med-el) have expanded the range of
formats by developing different strategies through use of either time reso-
lution (CIS continuous interleaved sampling strategy), spectral peak res-
olution (SPEAK strategy), or a combined strategy (ACE advanced com-
bined encoder).
In recent times, increasing research efforts have been directed towards the
processing of nonspeech sounds, namely pitch, rhythm, melodies, and tim-
bres in CI users (Gfeller et al. 1997; Pijl, 1997; Fujita & Ito, 1999; Abdi et
al. 2001; Gfeller et al., 2002; Stordahl, 2002; Koelsch et al., 2004). The
general findings are that rhythm is more easily and more successfully per-
ceived than melodies, especially if they are presented without rhythm and
verbal cues. Pitch perception, however, can be improved by training and the
application of new processors that use spatial and temporal patterns of stim-
ulation. In general, the appraisal of music tends to be much lower than in
normal listeners (McDermott, 2004).
Up to now, little has been known about the cortical development of CI
patients after they recover auditory cortex areas. These areas, like the visual
cortices of children born blind, are underdeveloped and utilized by other
sensory representations. Perception of different sounds evoked through elec-
trical stimulation must be learned with respect to sound discrimination and
the gradual attribution of meaning to discern ible sounds. A clear under-
standing of the neurobiological development of mental representation can
facilitate this learning process, the goal of which relates to speech acquisi-
tion. As we know from neurolinguistics, even the semantics of a language

are carried out through sequential structures in time. Therefore, music, es-
pecially rhythm patterns, may function as a cortex trainer for CI patients to
gain or regain perceptive and expressive competence. Only EEG measure-
ments (because MEG and MRI cannot be applied to the highly sensitive
cochlear electrodes) can demonstrate whether sound stimulation actually ar-
rives at the brain stem and how auditory and associative cortices develop
during listening training and sound exposure. The aforementioned interac-
tion of movement and brain function (Thaut, Kenyon, et al., 1999) plays an
important role in the learning process here, because the motor system re-
sponds so sensitively to the auditory priming and, vice versa, rhythmic au-
ditory stimulation corresponds with motor activation.
Applications to Music Education
Results from brain research and neurobiological findings alone can hardly
lead to immediate applications and recommendations for music education.
These data cannot be directly transferred to educational practice because
scientific descriptions are essentially different from educational prescriptions.
Empirical data are based upon objective facts and verifiable procedures; sci-
entific research is committed to objectivity, reliability, and validity. Judg-
ments in education, however, are value judgments to a large degree. Nor-
mative decisions on values can never be deduced objectively from empirical
descriptions. As Gardner (1999) puts it: We could know what every neuron
does and we would not be one step closer to knowing how to educate our
children, because the chasm between is and ought is unbridgeable
(pp. 60, 79).
Mental representation has become the key notion of the cognitive revo-
lution during the decade of the brain (Gardner, 1999). Therefore, one pos-
sible application to music education may involve the fostering of mental
representations (see chap. 7 by Andreas C. Lehmann and Jane W. Davidson
in this volume). As already mentioned, education is based on decisions that
are grounded in value judgments that deal with the what and why of
teaching, but findings in neurobiology may indicate new ways of how to
teach. Teaching interacts with the disposition and potential of each individ-
ual. Although neurobiological findings cannot tell us why to teach music of
a particular culture and what to select from the broad variety of musical
traditions, empirical findings can advise us on how and when to teach so
that mind, memory, perception, and cognition can be developed most effec-
tively. This has established the new discipline of neurodidactics (Preisser,
1998) which provides a new foundation for viewing the learning processes
in accordance with the state of brain development. If we know about electro-
chemical and hormonal processes that enhance synaptic strength and facil-
itate long-term representation that can be re-activated at any time, methods
and teaching strategies (that is didactics) as well as the organization of en-

vironmental sets for teaching and learning, curriculum development and
school policies can be related to the developmental state of the brain and its
neurobiological conditions. From that perspective, the neurobiology of cog-
nition and learning allows us to draw the following tentative conclusions:
1. Learning is the process by which one develops and incrementally differ-

entiates mental representations. Therefore, music learning focuses on the
development of genuine musical representations that are characterized by
different forms of encoding.
2. Procedural knowledge (knowing how) is more appropriate in music cog-
nition than formal declarative knowledge (knowing about). Immanent mu-
sical properties (pulse, meter, tonality, intervals, motifs, contours, etc.) are
represented by neuronal connections that can only be recognized when
activated through aural stimulation. Conversely, these musical entities can
only be articulated in singing or playing if developed as mental represen-
tations. Conscious activation may be called audiation (Gordon, 1980/
1997). It takes place when neuronal representations are activated in think-
ing, listening, or music making.
3. This calls for the idea of teaching music musically (Gruhn, 1997; Swan-
wick, 1999), that is, advancing those teaching strategies and learning
modes that promote the development of genuine musical representations
by priming an aural-oral loop.
4. There is some evidence that music learning may transfer to other areas of
learning (e.g., spatial learning). The possible mechanisms of this transfer,
either cognitive or neurophysiological, are still unknown. Much more
work is needed before applications to educational practice can be derived
from these studies.
5. The same caution should also be applied to studies on the lateralization
effects in music. Music is processed in both hemispheres, but there exists
an asymmetric predominance that depends on the applied cognitive strat-
egy (global versus local; verbal versus procedural). Therefore, music teach-
ing and learning should take into consideration that different strategies
engage different brain areas. The more interconnected these areas are, the
more stable the developed representations will become.
6. Research on individuals with mental disorders has clearly demonstrated
that musical abilities develop independently of other domains of cognition.
Therefore, these studies suggest that each person forms his or her individ-
ual intelligence profile. Music education should take advantage of the in-
dividuals potential within the musical domain rather than hoping for pos-
sible extramusical transfer effects. Music education must develop the
individuals unique musical aptitude to its highest possible level.
Further research questions that regard the development of appropriate

methods for teaching and learning remain, listed in the study questions at
the end of this chapter.
The ongoing progress in brain research has spawned the investigation of
many aspects of music learning in a more sophisticated way than was ever
thought possible. In neurosciences music in particular has become a prom-

inent example of neuroplasticity. This research may in the long run open
new insights into the learning and understanding of music, with far-reaching
applications for music education.
STUDY QUESTIONS
1. How do motor and aural activities interact in music learning pro-
cesses?
2. What role does memory play in formal representation?
3. What are the neuronal correlates of different types of representation
(figural versus formal)?
4. What are the effects of declarative and procedural strategies on the
neuroplasticity evoked by long-term training?
5. What kind of subcortical activations are involved in music processing?
6. How do cortical and subcortical representations interact in music
learning?
7. Do culture-specific types of brain processing exist and consequently
are there different strategies for the development of mental representations?
Then, what would be the best ways of teaching music within and between
cultures?
8. What are the near effects of music making on cognitive development
and achievement?
9. What are the effects of listening to music on children and adults cog-
nition? Do the data justify educational applications?
10. What are the effects of music instruction on cognition? What mech-
anisms might account for these transfer effects?
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Listening to Music
3
william forde thompson
e. glenn schellenberg
Studies of music perception and cognition adopt a variety of theoretical

viewpoints and use a diverse range of methods and analytic approaches. A
survey of recent articles reveals a richly interdisciplinary field, comprising
studies that range from psychophysical investigations of isolated tones to
examinations of long musical segments in tonal, atonal, and non-Western
styles. Although cognition is often distinguished from perception, the dis-
tinction is somewhat artificial and we will not delimit our discussion in this
manner. Some perceptual phenomena, such as visual illusions, are relatively
impervious to learning (e.g., knowledge of the illusion does not make it
disappear), but most perceptual tasks elicit knowledge structures to some
extent. The terms perception and cognition represent different points on a
continuum of research on mental processing, ranging from studies of auto-
matic processes that depend little on experience, to studies of processes that
depend critically on learning and knowledge.
Research measures also vary widely. They include results of neuroimaging
techniques, responses to music by special populations (e.g., brain-damaged
patients, individuals with Williams syndrome), aesthetic judgments, mea-
surements taken from music performances, infants responses to musical
stimuli, and subjective ratings of musical stimuli obtained from musically
trained or untrained adults and children. Consequently, a vast and confusing
body of data has been accumulated that has yet to be embedded within a
widely accepted framework for understanding music cognition. The devel-
opment of such a framework has been hampered by differences in opinion
on at least three issues of substance: (1) the relative contributions of innate
structures and exposure to music, (2) the most appropriate level at which
to investigate and explain music cognition, and (3) the kinds of stimuli and
72
LISTENING TO MUSIC 73
methods that are most appropriate for studying relevant cognitive processes
and mechanisms.
Perhaps the most contentious issue in the psychology of music concerns
the relative role of innate structures and learning in musical experience.
Some educators and researchers take a dim view of nativist constructs such
as musical talent (Howe, Davidson, & Sloboda, 1998), and assume a prom-
inent role of learning, education, and enculturation. To support their posi-
tion, they point to patterns of within-group similarities and between-group
dissimilarities across different musical cultures and historic periods (e.g.,
Walker, 1996). By contrast, others argue that although such instances of
learning are conspicuous, they are nevertheless constrained by under-
lying cognitive principles. Three classes of evidence point to the importance
of innate cognitive endowments. First, competence in many domains is
achieved early and rapidly, despite large differences in experience. Second,
competence is often domain specific, implicating specialized cognitive mod-
ules (Fodor, 1983). Third, there is often a marked disparity between models
of environmental influences and the mental representations acquired by
learners, which implies that information processing is constrained by cog-
nitive biases and perceptual predispositions, and assimilated into pre-existing
knowledge structures.
A second issue concerns the most appropriate level at which to investigate
and explain psychological phenomena related to music. Are listening, per-
forming, and composing music best understood in terms of neurons and
networks, or in terms of mental schemata and prototypes? Studies directed
at different analytic levels often pose different questions, use different meth-
ods, and promote different theories. Reductionism holds that explanations
based on psychological constructs such as schemata and prototypes are re-
duciblewith the help of yet-to-be-discovered bridging lawsto neurolog-
ical events in the brain. In this view, theories of cognition should be reducible
to neural models. The opposing position, argued by Fodor (1983), is that
psychological explanations are not always reducible to neural states, or that
they may be realized in multiple configurations. It would therefore be im-
possible to identify systematic bridging laws that connect psychological
states (e.g., beliefs, desires) to specific brain states. Rather, psychology would
need to construct its own autonomous generalizations using a specialized
language of thought. In this view, theories of music cognition can be de-
veloped somewhat independently of advances in neuroscience. One danger
with this strategy is that when psychological principles are not linked to
plausible physiological mechanisms, it can be difficult to evaluate their va-
lidity.
A third area of disagreement involves balancing concerns for experimen-
tal control with concerns for ecological validity. Recent collaborations be-
tween a well-known composer and a group of empirical psychologists illus-
trate the potential relevance of perceptual and cognitive data for
composition (McAdams, 2004a, 2004b; Reynolds, 2004), but it is not ob-
vious that all psychological studies involving musical materials are highly
relevant to musical experiences. Can studies using stimuli comprised of a

few pure tones tell us about the cognitive processes that are activated when
one listens to a symphony played by an orchestra? Can the responses of
Western listeners to Western music provide insight into cognitive mecha-
nisms that operate independently of cultural knowledge?
In general, concerns about the use of artificial (non-musical) stimuli versus
real pieces of music are empirical questions about whether a psychological
process, mechanism, or neural resource generalizes to a wider range of stim-
uli than those used in a particular experiment. In cases where general au-
ditory or cognitive mechanisms are at issue, concerns about ecological or
cross-cultural validity may be unnecessary. For example, the neural resources
involved in segregating multiple auditory sources (i.e., in auditory stream
segregation) are almost certainly the same when listening to non-musical
tone sequences, Western music, non-Western music, speech signals, and en-
vironmental sounds (Bregman, 1990).
It is also likely that the mechanisms engaged to process pitch contour
(upward, downward, or lateral pitch movement) for short sequences of pure
tones are the same as those engaged for long musical phrases. Such mech-
anisms are also likely to be involved in the processing of speech intonation.
Dissanayake (2000) argues that music and speech intonation share a com-
mon ancestry as temporal-spatial patterns of emotional communication,
which are particularly adaptive for promoting attachment between mothers
and infants. If so, then the same neural resources may be responsible for
processing contour in music and in speech (Patel, Peretz, Tramo, & Lab-
reque, 1998; Patel, Foxton & Griffiths, in press; Thompson, Schellenberg,
& Husain, 2004).
Some auditory processes are automatically invoked for all possible acous-
tic stimuli, including music, and therefore operate regardless of the style of
the music or the cultural context in which music is heard. Many researchers,
especially those with a strong background in cognition, are interested in
precisely these basic processes. Because research on general auditory mech-
anisms and their connection to musical experience requires careful experi-
mental control, the use of naturalized music-listening conditions is not
always advantageous. Naturalized conditions introduce uncontrolled influ-
ences (and, consequently, variance in the data) related to personal, social,
cultural, or historical knowledge, which can mask or distort the cognitive
processes under investigation.
In other caseswhen cognitive processes depend on musical contextit
is necessary to use more naturalized conditions. For example, the expressive
use of timing and loudness in music performance depends not only on local
features (intervallic patterns, phrasing), but also on knowledge of harmony
and key (Thompson & Cuddy, 1997), on composer-specific aspects of ex-
pression (Thompson, 1989), and on goals related to adjudication criteria
(Thompson, Diamond, & Balkwill, 1998). Furthering our understanding of
such issues requires an examination of actual music performances. Thus,
despite thoughtful critiques of studies involving artificial stimuli and simple
tone patterns (e.g., Serafine, 1988), a complete understanding of music cog-

nition requires the convergence of data obtained using varying approaches
and methods. Attempts to restrict the field to particular types of stimuli or
experimental approaches will only delay progress in this regard.
In this chapter, we describe a sample of current discussions, debates, and
empirical evidence in music cognition. Issues are not resolved quickly, and
many that were raised by pioneers in the field continue to dominate. Certain
shifts in focus have occurred over the past decade, however. First, there is a
renewed interest in studies of brain function, following developments in neu-
roimaging techniques, advances in neural network modeling, and insights
gained from studies of brain-damaged patients (see also chapter by Gruhn
& Rauscher, this volume). A second shift has been to study listeners per-
ception of emotions expressed by music (see also chapter by Kopiez, this
volume), mirroring attempts by researchers in cognition and neuroscience to
understand the role of emotion in memory, reasoning, and problem solving.
Third, there has been widespread effort to evaluate the psychological validity
of influential theories that attempt to unify research on music and psychol-
ogy within a single framework (e.g., Generative Theory of Tonal Music,
Implication-Realization Model). Fourth, following a neo-Darwinian move-
ment across a number of fields, there has been a renewed interest in
evolutionary perspectives on music (e.g., Wallin, Merker & Brown, 2000).
Examination of all of these issues would require considerably more than a
single chapter, so we have limited our discussion to a sample of the issues
that currently motivate the field.
Fundamentals of Pitch Perception and Cognition
Studies of pitch have dominated the field of music cognition over the past
20 years, paralleling a similar emphasis in music theory and education. Pitch
studies have been a fruitful area of investigation because people are remark-
ably accurate at discriminating between pitches (Burns, 1999). Moreover,
mental representations of pitch are richly structured. This structure partly
reflects culture-specific conventions in music. Through passive or active ex-
posure, listeners internalize regularities in the music of their own culture,
forming long-term knowledge schemata into which novel music stimuli are
assimilated. Nonetheless, processing limits and biases also constrain mental
representations of pitch. For example, the limits of working memory con-
strain our ability to encode brief but unfamiliar melodies with accurate de-
tail. Because of such limits, unfamiliar melodies are represented largely in
terms of pitch contour (Dowling & Harwood, 1986).
Physical Acoustics: Sensory Consonance and Dissonance

Any naturally occurring sound, such as a cough or a piano tone, can be
described as a complex of pure tones (i.e., sine waves) or partials, each with
its own frequency, amplitude, and phase. Fourier analysis is the mathemat-
ical technique that allows us to analyse a complex sound into its pure-tone
components. We do not normally perceive the individual partials of a com-
plex sound because cognitive mechanisms operate to fuse them together,
leading us to experience a unitary sound. According to Ohms acoustical
law, however, under certain listening conditions we have a limited ability to
hear some of the individual partials of a complex sound.
Any sound with a discernable pitch has a periodic waveform, in that the
waveform continuously repeats itself over time. The period is the time taken
for one complete cycle of the waveform, and is the reciprocal of the repe-
tition rate. The repetition rate usually determines the perceived pitch (ex-
ceptions include circular tones, discussed below), and is measured in cycles
per second, or hertz (1 Hz 1 cycle / sec). In general, when the repetition
rate of a periodic sound is increased, the perceived pitch rises. The partials
of any periodic waveform fall along the harmonic series, and are called
harmonics. That is, if the lowest frequency component of the sound is n
then the other harmonicscalled overtonesare members of the set 2n, 3n,
4n, 5n, and so on. That is, each overtone has a frequency that is an integer
multiple of the lowest or fundamental frequency of the complex. An impor-
tant property of the harmonic series is that additional overtones do not alter
the overall repetition rate of the waveform (which is determined by the fun-
damental frequency) and therefore do not change the perceived pitch of the
complex.
Helmholtz (1863/1954) observed that several aspects of music, such as
scale structure and harmony, have compelling parallels in physical acoustics.
He noted that music from several cultures involves important scale notes
that map onto the harmonics of complex tones. In the major scale, the fifth
scale degree (sol) is equivalent (i.e., in note name, or tone chroma) to the
third harmonic of a complex periodic tone built on the first note of the scale
(do), and the third scale degree (mi) is equivalent to the fifth harmonic. The
most important musical intervals used in Western music are also found in
the harmonic series. The first and second harmonics are separated by an
octave, the second and third harmonics are separated by a perfect fifth, the
third and fourth harmonics are separated by a perfect fourth, the fourth and
fifth harmonics are separated by a major third, and the fifth and six har-
monics are separated by a minor third.
Harmonic overtones are not perceived as individual pitches. When pre-
sented with a periodic complex tone, only one pitch is usually perceived.
Other mechanisms, however, are sensitive to harmonic spectra. For example,
complex tones with different spectral contents are perceived as having dif-
ferent sound qualities, tone colors, or timbres. Harmonic overtones also af-
fects the degree of sensory consonance and dissonance of tone combinations
presented simultaneously. Tone combinations with fundamental frequencies
that are related to each other by small-integer ratios, such as the octave (2:1)
and the perfect fifth (3:2), have several harmonics in common and lead to
sensory consonance. In contrast, tone combinations with fundamental fre-
quencies that are not related to each other by small-integer ratios, such as
the minor second (16:15), lead to sensory dissonance. Such combinations
contain harmonic frequencies that are not identical but that fall within a
critical band (a range of frequencies within which sensory interactions oc-
cur), resulting in rapid amplitude fluctuations that give rise to perceived
roughness and beating. Sensitivity to sensory consonance and dissonance is
thought to be independent of knowledge and enculturation. Long-term
knowledge of music also affects judgments of consonance, and this aspect
of music experience is referred to as musical consonance.
If sensitivity to sensory consonance and dissonance is independent of
knowledge and enculturation, then young infants might be expected to ex-
hibit a natural preference for consonance. Researchers have examined in-
fants preference for one type of music over another type by letting them
choose which type of music they hear. Such experiments typically place
an infant between two loudspeakers. When the infant looks toward the
speaker on her left, she hears one type of music, but she hears a different
type of music when she looks toward the speaker on her right. Hence, the
infant is controlling what she hears by the direction of her gaze. Because
infants tend to have a bias to look rightward, it is important to counter-
balance the stimuli presentations. That is, half of the infants hear Piece A
from the speaker on their left and Piece B from the speaker on their right,
whereas the other half hear Piece B from the left and Piece A from the right.
Results based on this infant preference method reveal that infants look
longer toward a speaker playing a consonant version of a musical piece than
they do toward a speaker playing a dissonant version of the same piece.
These findings suggest that listeners have an innate preference for sensory
consonance and/or an innate dislike of sensory dissonance. As infants de-
velop, these basic preferences are overlaid with effects of learning and en-
culturation, which contribute to the experience of musical consonance and
dissonance. These effects of learning may run counter to initial predisposi-
tions: indeed, in so far as the aesthetic quality of chords can be judged
outside of a musical context, the most beautiful may involve considerable
dissonance.
Zentner and Kagan (1996) presented 4-month-old infants with a melody
accompanied by a single harmony line. The melody and accompaniment
were separated by minor seconds in the dissonant condition, but by major
and minor thirds in the consonant condition. Infants preferred the consonant
versions. Trainor and Heinmuller (1998) extended these findings by consid-
ering the influence of harmonics in pairs of complex tones, which can inter-
act with each other and give rise to sensory dissonance. They found that 6-
month-old infants preferred to listen to perfect fifths and octaves compared
to tritones and minor ninths (which give rise to greater sensory interference
between harmonics). Trainor, Tsang, & Cheung (2002) tested the preferences
of 2- and 4-month-old infants for consonant versus dissonant two-tone in-
tervals. Using a looking-time preference procedure, they found that infants
of both ages preferred to listen to consonant over dissonant intervals. The
findings illustrate that infants are sensitive to sensory consonance and dis-
sonance, and exhibit a preference for consonant over dissonant tone com-
binations.
Studies of discrimination provide further evidence that sensitivity to sen-
sory consonance and dissonance is innate. Specifically, it comes naturally for
listeners to discriminate combinations of tones on the basis of their conso-
nance or dissonance. Schellenberg and Trainor (1996) presented 7-month-
old infants and adults with a background pattern of simultaneous fifths (7
semitones) presented at varying pitch levels. Listeners were tested on their
ability to discriminate the intervals in the background pattern from a new
interval, which was either a tritone (6 semitones) or a fourth (5 semitones).
Fifths and fourths are relatively consonant intervals, whereas tritones are
relatively dissonant. Both age groups used the consonance and dissonance
to discriminate these intervals. Although the fifth and fourth differ more
from each other in terms of interval size, the fifth and tritone were better
discriminated. Presumably, the dissonance of the tritone made it stand out
from the perfect fifth, whereas the relative consonance of the perfect fourth
made it sound similar to the fifth. In short, sensitivity to sensory consonance
and dissonance is evident very early in development. Listeners can learn to
appreciate dissonance, but they begin life with an initial preference for con-
sonance.
If sensitivity to sensory consonance is a basic property of the auditory
system, one might ask how this property affects scale structures and tuning
systems. In most scales from around the world, consonant intervals (e.g.,
octaves, perfect fifths and fourth) are structurally important. For example,
complex tones separated by octaves are considered to be similar in virtually
all cultures. In North Indian scales, tones separated by a fifth (the sa and
pa) are structurally important and are typically sounded continuously
throughout a piece. The most common pentatonic scale (exemplified by the
black notes on the piano), which is found in Chinese and Celtic music, can
be formed by choosing any pitch as an arbitrary starting tone, adding a
second tone a fifth higher, another tone a fifth higher than the second tone,
and so on, until a collection of five pitches is obtained. The scale is formed
by octave-transposing the collection of tones so that they fall within a single
octave.
In Western music, a number of tuning systems have been used historically
(for a review see Burns, 1999). One, called Pythagorean tuning, extends the
pentatonic scale described above with additional tones that continue the
cycle of fifths. In another tuning system, called just intonation, the scale
is formed by tuning notes so that their fundamental frequencies form small-
integer ratios with the fundamental frequency of the first note of the scale
(do). Both of these scales limit the possibility of transpositions between keys,
because some instances of particular intervals (e.g., the perfect fifth between
C and E) are tuned differently than other instances (e.g., C# and F).
Equal temperament represents a compromise solution. It guarantees that
all intervals (i.e., all perfect fifths, or all major thirds) are tuned identically,
and that important intervals do not deviate greatly from small-integer fre-
quency ratios (fifths and fourths deviate from exact small-integer ratios by
2% of a semitone; major and minor thirds are slightly more mistuned).
These minor deviations, although discriminable in some cases, are no greater
than the typical tuning deviations observed in the performances of singers
or stringed-instrument players. Moreover, such small departures from exact
small-integer ratios have little effect on the perceived consonance of these
intervals, which may explain why equal temperament has endured for many
years.
Models of Pitch Perception

Pitch height is the most basic dimension along which pitches are perceived
to vary; it refers to the continuum that extends from low to high pitches
(which corresponds to a logarithmic function of frequency, or cycles per
second). The psychological relevance of this continuum is evident in simi-
larity judgments for pairs of pitches: tones closer in pitch are considered
more similar than tones separated by greater pitch distance. The pitch-height
continuum is also evident in neural activity in the cochlea. High frequencies
stimulate the basal portions of the basilar membrane, low frequencies stim-
ulate the apical portions, and intermediate frequencies affect intermediate
portions.
In constructing a model of pitch perception, one may start with the basic
dimension of pitch height, and then consider additional dimensions along
which pitch seems to vary. In the most basic model, the perception of pitch
height is determined by the logarithm of the fundamental frequency. Thus,
the perceived size of a melodic interval spanning a given log frequency
should not change under transposition or inversion. However, Stevens, Volk-
mann & Newman (1937) demonstrated that judgments of pitch height are
not always consistent with a logarithmic relation between pitch and fre-
quency. They derived a new scale, called the mel scale, using psychophysical
scaling methods. A pure tone of 1000 Hz at 40 dB above threshold was first
defined as 1000 mels, and the pitch in mels of other frequencies was deter-
mined by asking participants to adjust a comparison tone until it was per-
ceived to be one half of the pitch height of a standard tone (method of
fractionation). The mel scale and the logarithmic scale are roughly equiva-
lent below 500 Hz, but the mel scale increases at a slower rate than the
logarithmic scale above 500 Hz.
Most models of pitch perception consider the special status of the octave
among intervals. As noted, complex tones with fundamental frequencies sep-
arated by an octave are perceived to be similar in virtually all musical cul-
tures. Pitch chroma refers to the quality of pitch that is independent of the
octave register in which it occurs. In Western music, tones separated by an
octave are given the same name (e.g., A, B, C), implicating their equivalence
in some sense. Further evidence for this view comes from listeners with mu-
sical training, who perceive similarities between tones that are separated by
an octave (Allen, 1967; Kallman, 1982).
If pitch chroma and pitch height are basic dimensions of pitch perception,
one should expect to find similar evidence among nave listeners. When
musically-untrained adults or children judge the similarity between pure
tones, however, they tend to focus exclusively on the dimension of pitch
height (Allen, 1967; Kallman, 1982; Sergeant, 1983). For example, C4 and
C#4 (notes separated by a semitone) are perceived to be highly similar, but
C4 and C5 (notes separated by an octave) are perceived to be no more similar
than C4 and B4 (notes separated by a major seventh). These findings do not
rule out the possibility that sensitivity to the chroma dimension could be
uncovered with tasks that measure implicit rather than explicit knowledge
of musical associations. For example, Demany & Armand (1984) found that
three-month-old infants are less surprised when one note of a melody is
replaced by a note that is an octave apart than when it is replaced by a note
that is a seventh or ninth apart. As another example, Humphreys (1939)
showed that a conditioned galvanic skin response to one particular pitch
generalises to pitches an octave apart. Nonetheless, the findings make it clear
that music educators should not assume that octave equivalence is explicitly
understood by nave listeners.
An early psychological model of pitch perception incorporated the two
dimensions of pitch height and pitch chroma. As shown in Figure 3.1, these
two dimensions are depicted as orthogonal dimensions of a geometrically
regular helixa monotonic dimension of pitch height and a circular dimen-
sion of pitch chroma. Shepard (1964) reported evidence that these dimen-
sions are psychologically relevant and orthogonal. He created tones with
well-defined chroma but ambiguous height. Such circular tones were
constructed by combining 10 pure-tone components spaced at octave inter-
vals, and imposing a fixed amplitude envelope over the frequency range such
that components at the low and high ends of the range approach hearing
threshold.
Although the overall pitch height of any circular tone is somewhat in-
determinate, listeners experience certain circular tones as higher or
lower than others. In particular, listeners tend to perceive the relative
height of these tones so as to maximize their pitch proximity. For example,
when presented the circular tones C followed by D, one can perceive the
second tone as either higher or lower than the first tone (C up to D,
or C down to D). Both interpretations are possible because their individual
pitch heights are ambiguous. Nonetheless, listeners typically perceive the
second tone (D) as higher than the first tone (C), because this interpretation
implicates a pitch distance of only two semitones. Listeners almost never
perceive the second tone as lower than the first tone, because that interpre-
tation would implicate a pitch distance of 10 semitones.
Shepard created fascinating patterns of circular tones in which chroma
varied continuously around a chroma circle (see figure 3.1). For ascending
patterns, he shifted all of the octave-spaced components up in frequency
Figure 3.1. The helical model of pitch and the chroma circle.
The helical model combines two dimensions of pitch: height
and chroma.
(adding new components at the low end of the amplitude envelope) until
the complex returned to the initial configuation. When chroma was shifted
continuously in a clockwise direction around the chroma circle (C, C#, D,
D#, etc.), the pattern was perceived as ascending endlessly. When chroma
was shifted continuously in a counter-clockwise direction (C, B, A#, A, etc.),
the pattern was perceived as descended endlessly. That is, listeners perceived
changes in pitch chroma but not in overall pitch height. Most importantly,
these effects were perceived by musically trained and untrained listeners
alike. By making pitch height indeterminate, Shepard demonstrated that
pitch chroma has perceptual significance, even for untrained listeners. Thus,
although untrained listeners may lack explicit knowledge of the similarity
between tones with the same chroma, they nonetheless demonstrate sensi-
tivity to chroma.
If pitch class and pitch height are orthogonal, then the relative height of
circular tones that are directly opposite on the circle, such as C and F#,
should be ambiguous or indeterminate. Deutsch addressed this prediction in
a series of experiments (for a review, see Deutsch, 1999b). She reported that,
for a given individual, certain circular tones (i.e., chromas) are reliably and
consistently judged as being higher than the circular tone that is opposite
on the circle, suggesting that the perceived height of a tone is systematically
related to its pitch chroma. For example, some listeners reliably perceive a
successive presentation of two particular circular tones separated by a tritone
(e.g., C and F#) as upward pitch movement, whereas others perceive the
same two tones as downward pitch movement. This so-called tritone para-
dox, and related findings, implies that pitch chroma and pitch height are not
entirely independent.
Shepard (1982, 1999) and others have proposed more elaborate models
of pitch perception with additional dimensions besides those based on height
and chroma. These models account for affinities between tones separated by
perfect fifths and fourths, which are said to be relevant for musically trained
listeners tested with harmonically rich tones presented in musical contexts.
Even more elaborate models have been proposed to account for affinities
between tones separated by thirds. As described later, the establishment of
a musical key also shapes pitch judgments (for a review, see Krumhansl,
1990). For example, in the context of the key of C major, C and G are
perceived to be more strongly associated with each other than E and B, even
though both tone pairs represent a perfect fifth interval (Krumhansl, 1979).
Absolute Pitch
It is often asserted that most listeners are sensitive to relative pitch but not
to absolute pitch. Relative pitch refers to the ability to produce, recognize,
or identify pitch relations, such as those that define a musical interval or a
melody. To illustrate, Twinkle Twinkle Little Star can be sung in a high or
a low voice, or performed on a tuba or a piccolo. As long as the pitch
relations conform to those of the melody, it is usually recognizable. Abso-
lute pitch refers to the ability to produce, recognize, or identify an individual
pitch (e.g., middle C) without reference to any other pitch. Whereas relative
pitch is the norm among trained and untrained listeners, absolute pitch is
rare, occurring in about 1 in 10,000 people (Levitin & Rogers, 2005; Tak-
euchi & Hulse, 1993). Absolute pitch can be a valuable skill for musicians,
but it can also interfere with the ability to perceive pitch relations (Miyazaki,
1993; 2004). Because melodies are defined by pitch and duration relations
rather than with reference to any absolute pitch, relative pitch is arguably a
more musical mode of pitch processing.
Nonetheless, some forms of long-term memory for pitch level may be

quite common. Halpern (1989) asked participants to sing familiar tunes on
different occasions (e.g., Happy Birthday), and Bergeson and Trehub (2002)
asked mothers to sing the same song to their infant on two occasions. In
both studies, singers varied minimally in pitch level across their different
performances. In another study (Levitin, 1994), undergraduates were asked
to sing the first few words of their favorite rock song. Their renditions were
very close to the pitch level of the original recording (see also Terhardt &
Seewann, 1983). Listeners also exhibit accurate memory for other surface
(non-relational) features of recordings, such as tempo (Levitin & Cook,
1996) and overall sound quality (Schellenberg, Iverson, & McKinnon,
1999). These results confirm that memory for absolute aspects of musical
recordings, which do not change from presentation to presentation, are more
prevalent than previously assumed.
Finally, Schellenberg and Trehub (2003) devised a purely perceptual task
in which they presented listeners with two versions of a 5-s excerpt from an
instrumental TV theme song. One version was at the original pitch and the
other version was shifted upward or downward by 1 or 2 semitones. Lis-
teners were better than chance at identifying the original, even in the 1-
semitone condition. A control experiment confirmed that successful perfor-
mance was not due to electronic artifacts of the pitchshifting process.
Listeners also exhibit accurate memory for other surface (non-relational)
features of recordings, such as tempo (Levitin & Cook, 1996) and overall
sound quality (Schellenberg, Iverson, & McKinnon, 1999). These results
confirm that memory for absolute aspects of musical recordings, which do
not change from presentation to presentation, are more prevalent than pre-
viously assumed.
The discovery of good memory for pitch level in adults is pertinent to
claims of a developmental shift in pitch processing. The traditional view
(e.g., Takeuchi & Hulse, 1993) is that everyone is born with absolute pitch,
although this ability typically disappears unless one receives musical training
early in childhood (i.e., by age 6 or 7). Those without such early training
are thought to shift to relative pitch processing, presumably as a consequence
of hearing the same pitch relations (i.e., the same tunes, such as Happy
Birthday or Twinkle Twinkle) at multiple different pitch levels (e.g., sung by
a man or a woman). Findings indicating that young infants attend more to
absolute than to relative pitch information are consistent with this perspec-
tive (Saffran, 2003; Saffran & Griepentrog, 2001). Nonetheless, in some
instances, infants remember pitch relations rather than pitch level (Plantinga
& Trainor, 2005). Moreover, an abundance of evidence confirms that infants
are sensitive to relational pitch properties (contour and/or interval structure)
of melodies (for review see Trehub et al., 1997). When considered as a
whole, the available findings indicate that both absolute and relative pitch
processing are evident across the lifespan. Although relative pitch is easily
encoded and accessed from long-term memory, sensitivity to absolute pitch
also plays a role in musical experience.
Melody
We now turn to a discussion of the perception and cognition of melodies,

or tones presented sequentially. We begin with a focus on what listeners
remember when they hear a melody. Which features of the melody are likely
to be remembered, and which are likely to be forgotten? Melodies can be
considered at different levels of analysis, including local structure (intervals,
contours), higher-order structure (phrases, movements), and abstract struc-
ture (scales, keys).
Melodic Intervals
A melodic interval is created when two tones are sounded in sequence. They
are experienced as large or small, consonant or dissonant, and for musically
trained listeners, they are associated with category labels such as the major
third, the minor sixth, and the octave. The ability to recognize and appre-
ciate melodic intervals is one consequence of the more general skill known
as relative pitch. Relative pitch allows us to perceive, appreciate, and re-
member melodies. Large melodic intervals or leaps form the basis for gap-
fill melodies (Meyer, 1973) and are experienced as a point of accent (Boltz
& Jones, 1986; Drake, Dowling & Palmer, 1991; Jones, 1987). Conversely,
melodies sound more coherent or cohesive when they consist of a sequence
of small intervals (Huron, 2001; Russo, 2002). Interval size may also influ-
ence melodic expectancy (Larson, 2004; Narmour, 1990) and grouping (De-
liege, 1987; Lerdahl, 1989; Lerdahl & Jackendoff, 1983).
Interval size is normally defined according to the number of semitones
that separate the lower and upper pitch of the interval, consistent with a
logarithmic relation between frequency and pitch. Recent evidence by Russo
& Thompson (in press; 2005), however, indicates that judgments of interval
size are influenced by a large number of factors. Participants in these studies
were presented with sequences of two pitches and judged the size of the
melodic interval formed by them. Estimates were larger for intervals in the
high pitch register than in the low pitch register, and for descending intervals
than for ascending intervals. Ascending intervals were perceived as larger
than descending intervals when presented in a high pitch register, but de-
scending intervals were perceived as larger than ascending intervals when
presented in a low pitch register (Russo & Thompson, in press). Moreover,
if the upper pitch of an interval had a brighter timbre (i.e., higher spectral
centroid) than the lower pitch, the interval was judged to be significantly
larger than if the timbral properties of the two pitches were reversed (Russo
& Thompson, in press b). The latter effect was so powerful that for some
conditions participants judged a seven-tone pitch interval to be larger than
a six-tone interval. Other evidence suggests that listeners even consider the
facial expressions of performers when estimating the size of melodic intervals
(Thompson, Graham & Russo, 2005). Presumably, visual information re-

lated to the production of melodic intervals is integrated with auditory cues
of interval size, leading to a perceptual representation that reflects the audio-
visual experience.
Can infants remember melodic intervals? The answer is an unequivocal
yes, but not all intervals are processed and remembered equally well. Rather,
infants, as well as children and adults, have processing biases and preferences
for consonant (pleasant sounding) intervals, which may account for the pre-
dominance of such intervals across musical cultures.
Experiments testing listeners perception of intervals are similar to those
testing their perception of contour. Listeners are typically asked to discrim-
inate one interval from another. Because an interval change always involves
a change in absolute pitch, the intervals are typically presented in transpo-
sition so that listeners must attend to interval size (i.e., pitch relations). Oth-
erwise, they could perform the task merely by detecting shifts in absolute
pitch. This type of same/different discrimination task allows researchers
to determine which intervals are easy to process and remember, and which
are difficult. If an interval is easily processed, then memory for it will be
relatively stable and permanent, and listeners should find it easy to detect
slight alterations to that interval. By contrast, if an interval is difficult to
process, listeners will be unable to form a stable and lasting representation
of the interval, making it less likely that a slight alteration would be detected.
In one series of experiments (Schellenberg & Trehub, 1996a), adults and
6-year-old children were required to detect 1-semitone changes in interval
size. They were asked to discriminate two different intervals presented one
after the other: fifths (7 semitones) from tritones (6 semitones); tritones from
fourths (5 semitones); minor ninths (13 semitones) from octaves (12 semi-
tones), and octaves from major sevenths (11 semitones). Each pair was pre-
sented in both orders, and all intervals were comprised of pure tones (sine
waves). This discrimination task requires listeners to compare a memory
representation for the standard interval (presented first) with a currently
available comparison interval (presented second). Thus, if the standard in-
terval is stable in memory, then it should be discriminated easily from the
comparison interval. As predicted, performance was asymmetric in all in-
stances. When the standard interval was relatively consonant and the com-
parison interval was dissonant, both children and adults could discriminate
the intervals. When the standard was dissonant and the comparison was
consonant, however, performance fell to chance levels. These findings suggest
that listeners form relatively stable memory representations for octaves,
fifths, and fourths.
Why do listeners form stable memories for these melodic intervals? One
possibility is that they occur frequently in Western melodies, and are
therefore well recognized. A related interpretation is that familiarity with
octaves, fifths, and fourths within simultaneous combinations of tones (many
chords contain these intervals) influences judgments of the same intervals
presented melodically. Both learning hypotheses imply rather high-level
abstraction and generalization of musical relations, however, and would not

predict similar effects in young infants, who have very little exposure to
music.
In a study with 6-month-old infants (Schellenberg & Trehub, 1996b), a
similar processing advantage was identified for fifths and fourths over tri-
tones. Infants heard a repeating pattern of alternating pure tones separated
by one of three intervals, as shown in figure 3.2. After eight tones (four low-
pitched and four high-pitched), the pattern was shifted upward or down-
ward in pitch (figure 3.2a). On no-change trials, the shift was an exact
transposition, such that the interval associated with the first eight tones was
repeated at a new pitch register. On change trials, every other high-pitched
tone was displaced downward by a semitone, creating intervals that were
different from that associated with the first eight tones (figure 3.2b). Infants
were capable of detecting these differences in interval size when the initial
interval was a fifth or fourth, but not when it was a tritone. In other words,
they demonstrated a clear processing advantage for consonant over disso-
nant intervals, even for pure tones presented sequentially in non-musical
contexts. Similar findings have been obtained from infants tested with si-
multaneously presented pairs of tones (i.e., harmonic intervals; Schellenberg
& Trehub, 1996b; Trainor, 1997). The results suggest that there is a basic
Figure 3.2. Stimuli from Schellenberg and Trehub (1996b). Sequences consisted of 2
alternating tones, transposed after the two tones were presented four times. The alter-
nating tones were separated by a perfect fifth (P5, top panel), a tritone (TT, middle
panel), or a perfect fourth (P4, lower panel). Infants 6 months of age were tested on
their ability to detect displacements of the top tone during change trials.
processing advantage for consonant intervals (see also Schellenberg & Tre-
hub, 1994a, 1994b).
Melodic Contour
The contour of a melody refers to its pattern of upward and downward
changes in pitch over time, irrespective of the absolute pitches involved, or
the specific size of the intervals between pairs of adjacent tones. Figures 3.3a
and 3.3b display melodies with a different contour, a different interval struc-
ture, and different absolute pitches. By contrast, figures 3.3a and 3.3c illus-
trate melodies with the same contour, but different intervals and absolute
pitches. figures 3.3a and 3.3d display melodies with the same interval struc-
ture, yet different absolute pitches (one is an exact transposition of the
other). Finally, figures 3.3a and 3.3e illustrate melodies that are identical in
all respects: absolute pitch, intervallic structure, and contour.
How would these melodies be retained, or mentally represented, in
memory? One possibility is that our mental representations are more-or-less
veridical. As such, they would include absolute pitches, precise intervals be-
tween tones, and melodic contour. On this view, only the melodies dis-
played in figures 3.3a and 3.3e would be represented equivalently in
memory. Although absolute pitches play a role in musical experience, as
noted above, explicit memory for melodies is more often based on pitch
relations.
A second possibility it that listeners mental representations are deter-
mined by abstracting a sequence of intervals and discarding information
about absolute pitch. If so, then the melodies shown in figures 3.3a, 3.3d,
and 3.3e would be represented equivalently in memory, while the other two
melodies would have different representations. For novel melodies, however,
listeners often have difficulty retaining the exact pattern of intervals, which
suggests that unfamiliar melodies are seldom represented with this degree of
precision.
A third possibility is that listeners mental representations are relatively
crude, determined simply by the direction of the upward and downward
shifts in pitch (i.e., melodic contour). In other words, fine-grained informa-
tion about intervals and absolute pitch would typically not be perceived and
encoded accurately during listening. The melody in figure 3.3a would be
represented merely by its contour of up-down-up, and the mental represen-
tations of four of the five melodies would be equivalent (a, c, d, e).
Note that these melodic features (contour, intervals, and absolute pitch)
are embedded hierarchically. If a listener remembers the absolute pitch of
each of the tones in a melody, she can reconstruct the intervals between
tones, and the melodic contour. If the listener remembers the sequence of
intervals (but not the absolute pitches), then she can reconstruct the melodic
contour. Conversely, melodies that differ in contour necessarily differ in in-
terval size and absolute pitch. Melodies that differ in one or more intervals
Figure 3.3. The standard melody in panel A has an up-
down-up contour. The melody in panel B has a different con-
tour, different intervals, and different pitches. The melody in
panel C has the same contour as the standard but different
intervals and pitches. The melody in panel D has the same
contour and intervals as the standard, but different pitches; it
is an exact transposition. Finally, the melody in panel E has
the same contour, intervals, and pitches as those in the stan-
dard.
88
may or may not differ in contour, but at least one tone must differ in ab-
solute pitch.
In general, research indicates that listeners mental representations of
novel melodies contain contour information but relatively little information
about absolute pitch or exact interval size. Memory for the absolute pitches
of novel melodies tends to be poor, and memory for the exact intervals
between notes also tends to be poorer than memory for contour. Findings
from studies of infants are particularly compelling in this regard (for a re-
view, see Trehub, Schellenberg, & Hill, 1997). Moreover, the findings for
adults memories for novel melodies converge nicely with those from infants
(for a review, see Dowling, 1994).
Studies with adults often adopt the same-different experimental method.
On each experimental trial, listeners hear a standard (original) and com-
parison melody and judge whether they are the same or different. By sys-
tematically varying the ways in which the comparison differs from the stan-
dard (as in figure 3.3) and assessing the effects of such changes on judgment
accuracy, one can determine which features are represented in memory. Lis-
teners make errors about the interval and absolute-pitch information of
novel melodies relatively soon after they are presented. By contrast, they
retain contour information for longer periods of time.
The experimental method is necessarily altered for studies with infants.
Infant listeners are trained to turn their head toward a loudspeaker when
they hear a change in an auditory stimulus presented repeatedly (e.g., a
melody), a process that occurs naturally anyway. By reinforcing this response
with illuminated and activated toys, infants maintain their interest in the
task. If they reliably turn their head toward the speaker for certain melodic
changes but not for others, we can conclude that the former changes are
relatively detectable for infants, whereas the latter changes are relatively
undetectable. Several studies have confirmed that contour changes are very
noticeable for infants, whereas changes that maintain contour but alter ab-
solute pitch or interval size are far less noticeable (Trehub et al., 1997). In
short, infants perceive and remember the contour of melodies.
Why is melodic contour so easy to remember? Many have speculated that
our sensitivity to contour in music stems from the adaptive importance of
contour in speech. Studies of speech perception in infancy reveal that infant-
directed speech (i.e., motherese) differs from adult-directed speech in a num-
ber of systematic ways (Fernald, 1991), and that infants prefer to listen to
infant-directed over adult-directed speech (Cooper & Aslin, 1990; Fernald,
1985). One of the distinctive aspects of infant-directed speech is its exag-
gerated use of pitch contour. Different pitch contours are used to express
different messages to infants (e.g., approval, arousal, etc.), and the altera-
tions that adults make in their speech to infants are remarkably similar
across cultures (Fernald et al., 1989). Hence, sensitivity to contour patterns
in speech could facilitate bonding between infants and their caregivers, and
the language-acquisition process. Such sensitivity has obvious adaptive
value, and could account for infants sensitivity to contour in music. Re-
searchers have identified a number of implications of this heightened sensi-
tivity to melodic contour. First, melodies with fewer changes in contour are
perceived as simpler than melodies with more contour changes (Boltz &
Jones, 1986). Second, listeners attend more to notes at points of contour
change than they do to notes that are embedded within an ongoing contour
(Dyson & Watkins, 1984). For example, when presented with a 5-tone se-
quence with an up-up-down-down contour (see figure 3.4), listeners atten-
tion is drawn more to the middle (third) tonethe point of contour
changethan it is to the second or fourth tones. In other words, tones at
contour points (at contour changes or at the beginning or end of melodies)
are more likely to be represented in memory than are other tones. It follows,
then, that melodies with a relative abundance of contour points contain a
relative abundance of salient bits of information, and should be relatively
challenging to process and remember.
A number of recent studies have examined the possible relation between
contour sensitivity in melody and sensitivity to speech intonation. In partic-
ular, the ability to make sense of pitch changes in these two domains could
be associated with shared neural resources. Patel, Foxton & Griffiths (in
press) found, for example, that musically tone-deaf individuals have diffi-
culty discriminating intonation contours extracted from speech. However,
Peretz & Hyde (2003) showed that such individuals could sometimes dis-
criminate intonation contours in speech at normal performance levels, as
long as the discrimination required attention to coarse-grained aspects of
pitch. Peretz & Hyde concluded that although sensitivity to pitch changes
in music and speech may be associated with shared neural resources, music
often involves fine grained changes in pitch such that correlated performance
levels are not always expected.
The potential neural overlap between music and speech is not restricted
to pitch contour. The ability to decode speech prosody might engage a range
of processes that are involved in music listening, including sensitivity to con-
tour, loudness, tempo, and rhythm (Ilie & Thompson, in press). In support
of this idea, Thompson, Schellenberg & Husain (2004) reported that adults
with extensive training in music were significantly better at decoding the
emotional connotation of speech in an unfamiliar language. Because partic-
ipants could not understand the verbal content of the speech, they relied on
Figure 3.4. The melody has an up-up-down-down contour.

The first, middle, and last tones can be considered contour
points.
prosodic features such as pitch contour, loudness, and temporal properties

properties that have musical significance. In the same study, the authors
found that seven-year-old children assigned to one year of piano lessons were
better at decoding speech prosody in their own language and in a foreign
language than children who did not receive such training. The findings imply
that training in music engages neural resources associated with both music
and speech, such that the enhanced skill acquired from music lessons trans-
fers to an enhanced ability to decode speech prosody.
Scale Structure and Enculturation

A survey of the scales of various musical cultures suggests rather strongly
that music is constrained by basic psychological processes. For example,
virtually all scales have 5 to 7 notes per octave. There is a consensus in the
literature that the limited number of notes in these scales stems from limi-
tations in the capacity of working memory. Several decades ago, Miller
(1956) demonstrated that for any continuous dimension (e.g., brightness,
loudness), adults can reliably categorize instances into a maximum of seven
categories, give or take about two categories. Because this limitation of
working-memory capacity extends across domains and modalities, one
would expect that pitch categories would be similarly limited. Hence, music
composed with scales that have more than seven tones is likely to exceed
the cognitive capacities of many listeners. This constraint may explain why
many people find it challenging to listen to 12-tone (serialized) music.
A second characteristic of scales that may stem from basic psychological
constraints is the structural importance of intervals that closely approximate
perfect consonances, such as octaves, perfect fifths, and perfect fourths.
These structural features may reflect an innate preference for consonance,
as well as an innate processing advantages for consonant over dissonant
intervals (as noted above).
A third property of scales is that most have differently-sized steps between
consecutive tones in the scale. For example, the major scale has intervals of
1 and 2 semitones in size between adjacent scale notes. The most common
pentatonic scale has steps of 2 and 3 semitones. In fact, scales from around
the world (except for the whole-tone and 12-tone scales) have this property
of unequal-steps. One often-noted exception is a scale from Thailand, al-
though there is doubt about its proposed equal-step structure in musical
practice (Morton, 1976). Why would scales exhibit this unequal-step
property?
One explanation is that unequal steps arise simply because consonant
intervals (fifth, fourth, major third) are formed from a small number of scale
notes. Balzano (1980) argued, however, that unequal steps also confer a
psychological benefit, because they allow tones to have different functions
within the scale. In the major scale, each note has a unique set of intervals
that it forms with the other notes from the scale. In C major, for example,
F and B are related to each other by the interval of an augmented fourth,

but C is not related to any scale note by that particular interval. This dis-
tinctive property allows listeners to differentiate scale tones from one an-
other, and to isolate a focal or tonic tone (do). A focal or tonic tone functions
as a mental referent to which other tones can be compared. The ability to
determine a focal tone and differentiate scale tones may make unequal-step
scales advantageous from a psychological standpoint.
In a test of whether the use of unequal steps confers a basic processing
advantage to listeners, Trehub, Schellenberg, and Kamenetsky (1999) tested
adults and 9-month-old infants on their ability to process and remember
three scales (see figure 3.5). One was the unequal-step major scale, another
was an unfamiliar scale formed by dividing the octave into seven equal steps
(Shepard & Jordan, 1984), and a third was a completely unfamiliar unequal-
step scale. This third scale was formed by dividing the octave into 11 equal
steps, and then constructing a seven-tone scale that had four two-step inter-
vals and three one-step intervals.
Both age groups were tested on their ability to detect when the sixth scale
step was displaced upward slightly. Infants showed relatively good perfor-
mance for the familiar (major) and the unfamiliar unequal-step scales, but
poor performance for the unfamiliar equal-step scale. These results provide
evidence that scales with unequal steps are inherently easier for infants to
process and represent compared to equal-step scales. For infants, music com-
posed with equal-step scales, such as whole-tone (e.g., music by Debussy)
or 12-tone (e.g., music by Schonberg) scales, may be more difficult to per-
ceive and remember than music composed with unequal-step scales.
Adults showed a different pattern of responding. For the familiar major
scale, they could detect the upward displacement of the sixth scale step. By
contrast, for both unfamiliar scales (equal- or unequal-step), adults had dif-
ficulty detecting when the sixth scale step was displaced upward. This finding
suggests that with years of exposure to the scale (or scales) from ones mu-
sical culture, the initial processing advantage for unequal-step scales is elim-
inated. When the listener is fully enculturated, he is familiar and comfortable
with conventional scales, whereas unconventional scales of all types (includ-
ing unfamiliar unequal-step scales) sound foreign and are difficult to perceive
and remember.
A related study reveals a similar pattern of findings, in which another
basic predisposition is gradually overwhelmed by culture-specific knowledge.
It is safe to assume that melodies with an abundance of repeated tones are
simple and therefore easier to perceive and remember compared to less
repetitive melodies. In other words, tone repetition is a basic feature of me-
lodic simplicity. In support of this idea, Schellenberg and Trehub (1999)
reported that infants 9 months of age found it easier to process and remem-
ber 5-tone sequences with two repeated tones than similar sequences with
only one repeated tone. This finding held whether the sequences were con-
ventional (based on a major triad) or relatively unconventional (based on a
diminished triad).
Figure 3.5. Schematic diagram of the scales used by Trehub, Schellenberg, and
Kamenetsky (1999). Each scale had seven tones per octave. One was the familiar
major scale (left). The other were completely artificial. The unequal-step scale
(middle) was formed by dividing the octave into 11 equal steps and selecting a
subset of 7 tones. The equal-step scale (right) was formed by dividing the octave
into 7 equal steps.
Interestingly, this effect of tone repetition varied as a function of age and

exposure to music. For 5-year-old children, processing advantages for tone
repetition were also apparent, but the effect was greater for conventional
than for unconventional melodies. For adults, however, such advantages
were observed only for conventional melodies. Presumably, adult listeners
had difficulty assimilating unconventional melodies into their existing sche-
mata, and this difficulty overwhelmed any potential advantage of tone rep-
etition. More generally, it appears that basic cognitive processes (such as
processing advantages for tone repetition, or for unequal-step scales) can be
strongly affected by age and experience.
Larger Melodic Structures

How do listeners know when one musical phrase ends and another begins?
Do composers capitalize on perceptual predispositions? Are musical phrases
structurally similar in any ways to linguistic utterances? Can infants use cues
in the music to segment music properly?
Krumhansl and Jusczyk (1990) tested infants preferences for Mozart
pieces that were correctly or incorrectly segmented. Correctly seg-
mented pieces had pauses inserted between phrases. Incorrectly segmented
pieces had pauses inserted within phrases. To an adult listener, both versions
sound somewhat strange, although the former version seems more musical
because the pauses occur at natural breaks in the music. Looking times
indicated that infants preferred the correctly segmented pieces, in which seg-
ments tended to end with relatively long notes and downward pitch con-
tours. Interestingly, spoken utterances also tend to end with words of rela-
tively long duration and downward pitch contour. This correspondence
between spoken utterances and musical phrases leads to two related inter-
pretations of the results: (1) infants might prefer the correctly segmented
pieces because they bear structural similarities to spoken utterances, which
infants have learned from being exposed to speech, or (2) downward con-
tours and extended durations naturally mark the end of all auditory signals.
Either way, the findings indicate that listeners implicitly understand at a very
early age that melodic phrases tend to end with downward pitch motion
and notes of relatively long duration. Such cues allow listeners to segment
melodies into melodic groups such as phrases and motifs, and to identify
boundaries between larger forms such as movements and sections.
In addition to phrase boundaries, the perception of melodic groups is
influenced by other auditory cues such as pitch proximity and timbral sim-
ilarity of notes (for a review, see Deutsch, 1999a). Such cues not only influ-
ence perceived connections between adjacent notes in a melody, they can
also induce perceived connections between salient or significant notes across
several melodic groups, leading to the perception of higher-level melodic
structures. That is, melodic groups are perceived at multiple hierarchic levels,
and excerpts with the same higher-level structure are perceived as similar
despite differences in surface structure (Serafine, Glassman, & Overbeeke,
1989).
Lerdahl and Jackendoff (1983) proposed a comprehensive and influential
theory of melody that emphasized its hierarchic structure. They first noted
that Western tonal melodies can be analyzed into essential notes and orna-
mental notes. Ornamental notes are notes in the melody that can be removed
without altering the essential character of the melody. After ornamental
notes are removed, what is left is a simplified version of that melody. With
this idea as a starting point, Lerdahl and Jackendoff (1983) used the term
reductional structure to describe how large-scale melodic structures can
be analyzed into simpler and simpler skeletons. They proposed two ways in
which melodies can be simplified.
In time-span reduction, certain beats and groups in a melody are desig-
nated as ornaments on other groups and beats. This simplification process
is continued in an interactive manner, resulting in a tree diagram that spec-
ifies the relative dominance of each event. In prolongation reduction, pri-
mary points of tension and relaxation are differentiated from subordinate

points of tension and relaxation, again resulting in a tree diagram. Both
types of tree diagrams illustrate how smaller melodic units combine to form
large-scale melodic structure. Palmer and Krumhansl (1987a, 1987b) found
that time-span reduction was able to predict listeners judgments of phrase
endings in music by Mozart and Bach. Other research supports the psycho-
logical validity of prolongation reduction (Bigand, 1990; Dibben, 1994).
Melodic Expectancies
As a listener hears a melody, she continuously forms expectancies about
upcoming notes she will hear. Sometimes we expect a particular note, but
usually our expectations are not so specific. Rather, some notes seem rela-
tively likely, whereas other notes seem less likely. Learning and exposure to
musical styles exert a large influence on such expectancies. Is there a role
for basic cognitive processes in the formation of melodic expectancies?
According to Narmour (1990), the answer is yes. His theory of melodic
expectancy, called the Implication-Realization Model, posits that listeners
expectancies are formed from a combination of bottom-up and top-down
factors (see Thompson, 1996, for a reivew). In Narmours use of these terms,
bottom-up refers to innate or hardwired cognitive and perceptual tenden-
cies; top-down refers to expectancies that result from experience, either
with music in general, or with a particular musical piece. As examples, pitch
proximity (expecting notes that are proximal in pitch) is considered to be
an innate influence on melodic expectancy, whereas tonality (expecting notes
in proportion to their importance in the scale) is thought to be based on
long-term knowledge of Western music.
Two experimental methods have been used to test expectancies. In one
method, listeners hear a fragment of a melody followed by a test tone. Their
task is to rate how well the test tone continues the fragment. The assumption
is that tones conforming to listeners expectancies will be rated as relatively
good continuations. The other method is a production task, in which par-
ticipants play or sing a continuation to a stimulus provided by the experi-
menter. The main finding from all of the relevant studies is that proximity
explains the lions share of the variance in listeners responses, regardless of
experimental method, age, musical style, and participants music training or
cultural background (e.g., Cuddy & Lunney, 1995; Schellenberg, 1996,
1997; Schellenberg, Adachi, Purdy, & McKinnon, 2002; Thompson, Cuddy,
& Plaus, 1997). In general, tones that are proximate in pitch to the last tone
heard are the most expected (see von Hippel, 2000). This association is
more-or-less linear, such that tones farther and farther away from the last
tone heard receive lower and lower ratings, or are less likely to be sung or
played.
Narmour (1990) proposed several bottom-up principles of melodic ex-
pectancy. In an examination of Narmours theory, however, Schellenberg
(1997) observed that bottom-up expectancies can be explained by just two

basic principles. The first principle is pitch proximity, described above. The
second principle is pitch reversal. Pitch reversal describes expectancies for
an upcoming tone to be proximate to the penultimate tone heard, as well
as expectancies for a change in pitch contour after a large melodic leap (von
Hippel & Huron, 2000). This simple model has proven to be equal or su-
perior to Narmours original model across listeners who vary in musical
training, cultural background, or age, across stimulus contexts (real melodies
or two-tone stimuli), with both production and perceptual-rating methods,
and with melodies from Western tonal, atonal, and non-Western repertoires
(Schellenberg, 1997; Schellenberg et al., 2002; see Thompson & Stainton,
1998, for another simplified model).
In short, there is strong evidence that proximity is an innate grouping
principle that influences the formation of melodic expectancies. The role of
proximity in melodic expectancy represents perhaps one of the clearest ex-
amples of a basic psychological process influencing music perception and
cognition. Proximity is known to be a robust predictor of perceptual group-
ing in vision. Consider the illustration in figure 3.6. The average perceiver
visually groups the elements on the basis of proximity: Items that are close
together are perceived as a group. The same holds true for audition in gen-
eral (see the section on auditory stream segregation) and for music in par-
ticular. Tones that are proximate in pitch tend to be grouped together. Hence,
a melody that contains many large leaps in pitch is difficult to perceive as a
unified whole, whereas a melody with mostly stepwise motion (rather than
leaps) tends to be perceived as a unified group of tones.
Implicit Memory for Melody

The effects of learning that result from exposure to music are often subtle.
Moreover, as the following section illustrates, they often occur without con-
scious awareness. It is widely acknowledged that experiences can affect our
behavior in the absence of conscious awareness. Such effects are thought to
reflect an implicit memory system that operates independently of conscious
or explicit memory (Schacter, 1987). Recent advances in the understanding
of implicit memory systems suggest an exciting direction for future studies
of music cognition.
Implicit memory for music may explain how listeners develop an appre-
ciation for the music of their culture. Indeed, most musical experiences are
probably influenced by implicit memory. As Crowder (1993) argues, . . .
the re-entry of a fugue theme, the occurrence of a lietmotif, or the devel-
opmental section of a remembered sonata-movement subject may all be ex-
amples of implicit music memory (p. 134). Empirical studies support
Crowders suggestion. Passive exposure to music leads to implicit knowledge
of tonal relations (Tillman, Bharucha & Bigand, 2000), musical preferences
(Peretz, Gaudreau, & Bonnel, 1998; Szpunar, Schellenberg, & Pliner, 2004),
Figure 3.6. The figure illustrates how proximity influences per-

ceptual grouping in vision. The viewer sees four columns of
letters. Note the similarity in shape between the second and
third columns, and between the first and fourth columns.
Nonetheless, the first and second columns form a group, as
do the third and fourth columns, because of proximity.
and expectancies for melodic continuations (Thompson, Balkwill, & Ver-

nescu, 2000).
Thompson, Balkwill & Vernescu (2000) presented listeners with atonal
melodies (target melodies) as they performed a counting task or a visual
task. The latter tasks reduced the depth of processing of the melodies, mak-
ing it difficult for listeners to remember them explicitly. In a subsequent task,
listeners heard the same melodies, as well as novel melodies that were con-
structed similarly. For each melody, listeners rated the extent to which they
expected the final note, on a scale from 1 (unexpected) to 7 (expected).
Ratings were higher for the melodies that were heard previously than for
novel melodies, which illustrates that mere exposure to music affects melodic
expectancy. Szpunar et al. (2004) presented the same melodies to listeners
at a low volume while they were engaged in a demanding distractor task.
Afterward, when the listeners were asked to rate how much they liked the
previously heard melodies and novel melodies, they provided higher ratings
for the exposed melodies. As in Thompson et al. (2000), they could not
explicitly remember the melodies they had heard. In both studies, mere ex-
posure led to implicit memory for melodies, either in the form of melodic
expectancies or preferences. These results provide insight into how listeners
internalize the music of their own culture, and how they learn to appreciate
unconventional music. Repeated exposure to music composed in a consistent
manner leads to the development of stable expectancies and preferences for
typical melodic patterns. Over time, the music becomes somewhat predict-
able and makes sense to the listener.
Harmony and Tonality
Western Harmony
The term harmony refers to rules and conventions governing the simul-
taneous combination of tones into chords and chord progressions (sequences
of chords). Although music from other cultures allows for more than one
tone to be presented simultaneously, Western music is unique in its regular
use of chords and rules governing chord progressions (i.e., monophonic mu-
sic and solo singing are relatively rare). Because Western harmony is specific
to Western music, its rules must be learned, either by regular music listening
or by formal training in music. Accordingly, one might ask when listeners
have acquired knowledge of the rules of Western harmony as a function of
age and/or exposure to music.
In Western harmony, a sense of finality (i.e., closure) is expressed typically
by having the tonic chord (the chord based on do) as the final event in a
phrase or piece. Listeners with musical training are aware of this convention
and they can identify the tonic chord when listening to a musical piece. By
contrast, untrained listeners have no knowledge of tonic chords or harmonic
rules, and they cannot articulate explicitly what they know about harmony.
Nonetheless, they may have acquired extensive but implicit knowledge of
harmony through years of exposure to Western music. In order to examine
listeners implicit knowledge of harmony, we can ask them to make an un-
related judgment about the final chord of a musical piece, such as whether
it is sung with one of two vowels (e.g., /i/ or /u/), or played on one of two
instruments (e.g., piano or trumpet). The listener is unaware that the har-
monic function of the final chord is also being manipulated (i.e., either a
tonic chord or a less stable chord in the key of the piece). If untrained
listeners have implicit knowledge of harmony, they should expect a piece to
end on the tonic. Accordingly, accuracy and response speed on the task they
are asked to perform may improve when the final chord is consistent with
their implicitly formed expectation.
Across a wide variety of implicit tasks, untrained listeners show a per-
formance advantage when the final chord is the tonicin accuracy, response
speed, or both accuracy and speed (for a review see Bigand & Poulin-
Charronnat, 2005). Musically trained and untrained participants show
similar advantages for tonic chords, which indicates that the acquisition of
implicit knowledge of Western harmony does not require formal training in
music. In a developmental study of children who varied both in age and in
amount of music lessons (Schellenberg, Bigand, Poulin, Garnier, & Stevens,
2005), 6-year-olds with no music lessons showed a performance advantage
for tonic chords that was similar in magnitude to that of 11-year-olds who
were studying music at a conservatory. These findings suggest that acquisi-
tion of implicit knowledge for Western harmony is rapid and effortless,
such that some aspects of this knowledge are relatively mature by 6 years
of age.
Implied Harmony
Because melodies are so often heard with a harmonic accompaniment, lis-
teners gradually learn to associate isolated melodies with plausible harmonic
accompaniments, even when none is present. Consider the melody illustrated
in figure 3.7 (from Trainor & Trehub, 1992, 1994). The melody implies a
shift from a tonic harmony in the first measure to a dominant harmony in
the second measure. Musically trained listeners are highly sensitive to this
implied harmony, and consistently identify the implied harmonic change. Are
untrained listeners also sensitive to these shifts in implied harmony? If so,
how does sensitivity to implied harmony change over development?
In one experiment (Trainor & Trehub, 1992), adults and 8-month-olds
were tested on their ability to discriminate alterations to the melody shown
in figure 3.7, which was presented repeatedly in varying transpositions. In
each case, the alteration consisted of an upward displacement to the sixth
tone in the melody. For some listeners, the displacement was a shift upward
by 1 semitone (e.g., from G to G#), which is a small alteration in terms of
interval size but inconsistent with the implied harmony. For other listeners,
the displacement was a shift upward by 4 semitones (e.g., from G to B),
which is a much larger change in interval size but consistent with the implied
dominant harmony. Adult listeners found the former changewhich vio-
lated the implied harmonyeasier to detect than the latter changewhich
was consistent with the implied harmony. Infant listeners performed equally
well in both conditions. Interestingly, infant listeners actually outperformed
adults at detecting the larger but harmonically consistent shift in pitch. In
Figure 3.7. Stimulus melody used by Trainor and Trehub

(1992, 1994). The melody implies a tonic-dominant shift in
harmony from the first to the second measure. The melody
was presented continuously in transposition. Listeners were
tested on their ability to detect when the circled tone was
displaced upward. Such displacements violated the key and
the implied harmony (1 semitone up, to G#), the harmony but
not the implied key (2 semitones up, to A), or neither (4 semi-
tones up, to B).
other words, adult listeners appear to have a very well developed sense of
implied harmony that they acquire through years of exposure to music, such
that changes in a melody that are consistent with the implied harmony are
relatively unnoticeable. By contrast, infants appear to be less sensitive to
implied harmony.
When does sensitivity to implied harmony develop? A follow-up experi-
ment (Trainor & Trehub, 1994) addressed this question by testing listeners
5 and 7 years of age. The children were asked to detect the 1-semitone
harmony-violating change, the 4-semitone harmony-consistent change, and
an intermediate 2-semitone shift (e.g., from G to A) which was consistent
with the underlying key signature (C major) but violated the implied har-
mony. The 5-year-olds found the 1-semitone change easier to detect than the
other changes. In other words, the shift that violated both the implied har-
mony and the underlying key signature was more noticeable than the other
shifts. For the 7-year-olds, the 2-semitone shift that violated the implied
harmony but not the key was easier to detect than the 4-semitone harmon-
ically consistent shift. These data, considered in conjunction with those from
the previous study, indicate a systematic developmental progression. Infant
listeners have a relatively poor sense of key. By 5 years of age, children are
sensitive to key membership but not to implied harmony. By 7 years of age,
children are sensitive to implied harmony.
Tonality
Tonality is a basic organizing principle in Western tonal music. It refers to
the organization of the twelve pitches in the chromatic pitch set around a
reference pitch, called the tonic. The establishment of tonality, also called
key, involves inducing a hierarchical organization of stability or importance
on the chromatic pitch set. In this hierarchy, the tonic pitch (do) is most
stable, followed by other pitches of the tonic triad (mi and sol), followed by
other pitches in the scale (diatonic tones). Pitches that are not in the scale
(nondiatonic tones) are perceived to be unstable.
A number of landmark studies have been conducted to investigate the
effects of tonality on judgments of pitch (for a review, see Krumhansl, 1990).
Krumhansl and her colleagues used the probe-tone technique to investi-
gate the psychological implications of tonality (Krumhansl & Kessler, 1982;
Krumhansl & Shepard, 1979). The method involves presentation of a mu-
sical stimulus that clearly defines a musical key (e.g., scale, cadence, chord
sequence) followed by a probe tone. Listeners rate how well each probe
tone in the chromatic scale fits with the established key. When musically
trained listeners are tested with this method, probe-tone ratings are quite
consistent across listeners and reflect a hierarchical organization that has
become known as the tonal hierarchy.
The tonal hierarchy is more easily uncovered with musically trained than
untrained participants, illustrating the influence of learning. School-age chil-

drens implicit knowledge of the hierarchy improves dramatically from 6 to
11 years of age (Krumhansl & Keil, 1982), although 6-year-olds know that
different tones vary in goodness once a musical context is established (Cuddy
& Badertscher, 1987). Thus, although sensory dissonance is perceived by
infants and musically untrained adults, judgments of pitch relations are also
influenced by musical training, suggesting that our perceptions of pitch and
pitch relations result from a combination of innate and learned factors.
Evidence of sensitivity to the tonal hierarchy early in development can be
explainedin partby psychoacoustic influences (Leman, 2000; Schellen-
berg & Trehub, 1994): Probe tones with high stability values (do, mi, sol,
fa) have the largest degree of sensory consonance with the established tonic.
Alternatively, because the frequency of occurrence of tones in real pieces of
music closely mirrors the tonal hierarchy, children may learn implicitly that
tones heard more often in a musical piece are particularly stable (Krumhansl,
1990, chapter 3). Indeed, we know that listeners are highly sensitive to pitch
distributional information in music. Oram and Cuddy (1995) presented lis-
teners with atonal sequences in which one tone occurred eight times, another
tone occurred four times, and four other tones occurred once each. Follow-
ing each sequence, listeners rated the extent to which various probe tones
fit with the sequence in a musical sense. Ratings reflected the frequency with
which each pitch occurred in the context. Thus, when listening to unfamiliar
music, listeners readily construct a hierarchy of pitch importance using
frequency-of-occurrence information.
A number of researchers have proposed models of how listeners deter-
mine the tonality of a piece of music (e.g., Brown, 1988; Brown & Butler,
1981; Browne, 1981; Krumhansl & Schmuckler, 1986; Krumhansl, 1990,
2000; Leman, 2000). In Brown and Butlers (1988) intervallic rivalry model,
tonality is determined through the identification of rare intervals that
uniquely define a particular key. In Krumhansl & Schmucklers key-finding
algorithm, tonality is determined by comparing the frequency of occurrence
or duration of the tones of a musical passage with standard profiles of
stability values for various possible keys. The profile that best matches the
tonal information in the musical passage is defined as the key. Smith &
Schmuckler (2004) pointed out that two general processesdifferentiation
and organizationunderly these two models and that both may be involved
in tonality perception. That is, the perception of tonality requires differen-
tiation among pitches, as well as hierarchical organization of these differ-
entiated pitches. Other theories of tonality perception are reviewed by Vos
(2000) and by Auhagen and Vos (2000).
With music that contains simultaneously sounded notes, listeners may
derive a sense of key either from isolated voices or from the harmonies that
are created by combining those voices (Thompson & Cuddy, 1992; Cuddy
& Thompson, 1992). Interestingly, the tonal implications of a harmonic
progression (i.e., a sequence of chords) are somewhat independent of the
tonal implications carried by the individual voices, which, in turn, may be

somewhat different from each other (Thompson, 1993). For example, at-
tending to a sequence of chords might suggest an abrupt change from one
key to a psychologically distant key. By contrast, attending to an individual
voice (e.g., the melody line) in the same polyphonic texture might suggest a
smoother transition between more related keys. The use of timing and loud-
ness in expressive performance can further influence perceived movement
from one key to another (Thompson & Cuddy, 1997). These findings suggest
that melody, harmony, and key are not mentally represented in a strictly
hierarchical manner. Rather, melodic features may implicate key and key
movement somewhat independently of the harmony.
Perceiving Voices in Harmony

The interdependence of melody and harmony has been a focal point in the-
oretical discussions of Western music (e.g., Lerdahl & Jackendoff, 1983;
Meyer, 1973; Narmour, 1990, 1992). Although mutually intertwined, these
two aspects of music often work in different ways. For example, different
levels of tension or dissonance in melodies and their harmonic accompani-
ments may be a source of aesthetic interest. This is often true in the music
of Brahms, where intense dissonances outlined in the melodic line may be
offset by warm supporting harmonies. Other evidence, described earlier, il-
lustrates that melodies and their harmonic accompaniments may also differ
in how they implicate key and key change. In short, melodies have psycho-
logical effects that are somewhat different from the harmonies in which they
are embedded.
The composition of polyphonic music must therefore achieve a balance
between melodic and harmonic goals. This balance is partially guided by
established conventions of Western tonal composition, which are often for-
malized as rules of harmonic progression and voice-leading. Although
these rules may be broken by composers for aesthetic purposes, a close
examination of them reveals important insights into their cognitive origins.
In particular, several rules of voice leading are related to more general prin-
ciples of auditory scene analysis (Bregman, 1990; for a detailed discussion,
see Huron, 2001). Auditory scene analysis refers to the set of general pro-
cesses that allow perceivers to organize acoustic information arriving at the
ear into distinct sound events or sources. These basic auditory processes
allow listeners to hear an individual speaker in a crowded room or to track
individual voices in polyphonic music.
Remarkably, music students are often taught skills of voice leading with
no reference to principles of auditory scene analysis. Instead, educators ex-
plain voice-leading practices in terms of cultural and historical factors, or
imply that voice-leading conventions cannot be understood outside of a par-
ticular cultural and historical context. This explanation provides an incom-
plete picture, and students would benefit from a basic understanding of au-
ditory scene analysis. Furthermore, advances in computer technology and

sound synthesis now allow composers to explore timbres, melodies, and
harmonies that are unconstrained by the acoustical properties of natural
instruments. An understanding of the nature of auditory stream segregation
is especially important for such compositions.
Huron (2001) identified several general principles of auditory scene anal-
ysis that play a critical role in voice-leading practices. These principles were
established through over 20 years of research using both musical and non-
musical stimuli. This body of research is summarized by Bregman (1990)
and will not be reviewed here. Rather, we will describe how the most well
established of these principles are instantiated in our perceptions of individ-
ual tones and voices in polyphonic music, and culturally encoded as rules
of voice leading.
Beginning with the perception of individual tones, the conditions that lead
to a clear sense of pitch are linked to the pitch range conventionally used in
harmonic writing. Pitch clarity varies with the fundamental frequency of
tones. Pitch perception tends to be clearest in a region that corresponds
roughly to the center of a piano keyboard (extending from F2 and G5 and
centered at 300 Hz, which is approximately 2 semitones higher than middle
C). By contrast, listeners sense of pitch is much poorer for the lowest and
highest notes on the piano. The distribution of pitches in both Western and
non-Western music corresponds precisely with the region associated with
high pitch clarity. This correspondence suggests that harmonic writing re-
flects a tacit goal of using tones with a clear sense of pitch.
Mechanisms of auditory scene analysis also operate to link acoustic
events over time. Pitch proximity represents one of the most important cues
for such temporal grouping. To reiterate an idea discussed earlier, a sequence
of tones is most readily perceived as a group or stream when the pitch
distance between temporally adjacent tones is small. Tones with pitches that
are distant from each other tend to be perceptually segregated into separate
streams. In music, this effect is exploited in pseudo-polyphony or compound
melodies, where a single sequence of notes may be written so as to evoke
the impression of two distinct melodic lines. As the pitch distance between
successive tones is increased, creating alternating high and low pitched tones,
listeners become more and more likely to perceive two streams (2 separate
melodies). This effect of pitch separation is known to depend on tempo. As
tempo is decreased, a larger pitch separation is needed to evoke an impres-
sion of two auditory streams (van Noorden, 1975).
Thus, the coherence of an individual voice is enhanced if temporally ad-
jacent tones are proximate in pitch. When leaps in pitch are introduced in
a voice, coherence can be maintained by reducing tempo. Consistent with
these findings, rules of voice-leading restrict the use of large leaps in part
writing. When wide leaps are unavoidable, composers tend to use long du-
rations for the notes forming the leap (the first note, the second note, or
both notes), a convention called leap lengthening. The convention of avoid-
ing large leaps maps directly onto listeners sensitivity to the effects of pitch
proximity on auditory stream segregation. The convention of leap length-

ening mirrors an additional sensitivity to the interactive effects of proximity
and tempo.
Yet a third convention in voice leading is also relevant to pitch proximity.
To ensure perceptual independence of voices, the pitches of temporally ad-
jacent tones within each voice should be more proximate than the pitches
of temporally adjacent tones in different voices; otherwise, confusions in
voice attribution may occur. Such confusions are especially probable if voices
cross in pitch register, in which case streaming mechanisms may group
part of one voice with a continuation of the other voice. Not surprisingly,
part-crossing is avoided in voice leading, especially for music with three or
more voices (Huron, 1991a).
Independence of voices is also affected by harmonicity. This principle
describes the mechanism by which the partials of periodic sounds are
grouped into unified auditory events. Specifically, frequencies that fall along
the harmonic series tend to be fused (DeWitt & Crowder, 1987), giving rise
to a single pitch sensation and a timbre associated with the spectral com-
position. In harmonic writing, the same mechanism may partially fuse tones
from different voices, which works in opposition to the more general goal
of creating independent voices. Such fusion among different tones helps to
account for our perception of chords as higher-order musical units. In voice-
leading practice, however, it is often desirable to avoid strong fusion effects
in the interest of emphasizing the melodic component of individual voices.
The pitch intervals that most promote tonal fusion are the unison, octave,
and perfect fifth (perfect consonances). For music that is composed to em-
phasize independence of voices, composers appear to avoid tonally fused
intervals. Huron (1991b) showed that in the polyphonic writing of J. S.
Bach, tonally fused intervals are avoided in direct proportion to the strength
with which each interval promotes tonal fusion. Unisons occur less often
than octaves, which occur less often than perfect fifths, which occur less
often than other intervals. This observation implies a tacit understanding of
how tonal fusion can undermine the musical goal of separation of voices.
Like harmonicity, pitch co-modulation (i.e., different voices or pure-tone
components that vary similarly in contour and interval size) is used as a cue
for unifying the harmonics of individual sound events. Here, tonal fusion is
promoted between sounds that have positively correlated pitch motions. The
mechanism described by this principle is especially important for unifying
the components of sounds that involve inharmonic overtones, which would
not be fused by mechanisms attuned merely to harmonicity. Tonal fusion is
strongest if pitch motion is precise with respect to log-frequency (i.e., exactly
the same shifts in interval size), although any positively correlated pitch
motion contributes to tonal fusion.
Again, voice-leading conventions reflect this cognitive principle. Similar
pitch motion between two voices is avoided, especially when voices are sep-
arated by an interval that promotes tonal fusion (unison, octave, fifth). Al-
though identical or parallel pitch motion is particularly eschewed, all cases

of similar motion are avoided as a general principle. This general psycho-
logical principle is formalized in rules that discourage parallel unisons, oc-
taves, and fifths, and in rules that encourage contrary melodic motion among
voices.
The spacing of tones within chords reflects another acoustic principle,
namely the association between sensory dissonance and pitch register. Briefly,
there is less potential for sensory dissonance between voices in the upper
pitch register than between voices in the lower pitch register. Although we
often think of certain intervals as consonant (e.g., the perfect fifth) and oth-
ers as dissonant (e.g., the tritone), sensory dissonance is influenced by pitch
register as well as interval size. A more direct measure of sensory dissonance
considers the occurrence of interactions among partials, which is related to
the concept of a critical band.
A critical band is defined as the range of frequencies within which mask-
ing effects (in which the presence of one tone affects the audibility of another
tone), loudness summation (in which overall loudness corresponds to the
sum of the amplitude of two tones), and other interactions among frequen-
cies occur. Such interactions are the basis for sensory dissonance. Impor-
tantly, critical bandwidth decreases (as measured in log-frequency) as pitch
register increases. The result is that a given musical interval (e.g., a major
third) yields fewer interactive effects and is therefore associated with less
sensory dissonance when that interval is played in a higher pitch register
than when it is played in a lower pitch register. This effect is manifested in
the spelling of chords; the pitch separation between lower voices is much
larger on average than the pitch separation between upper voices (Plomp &
Levelt, 1965). This aspect of polyphonic writing may function to maintain
a balance of relative consonance and dissonance across pitch regions.
Interestingly, when dissonance between two voices occurs, it is possible
to reduce its salience by emphasizing the melodic structure within which the
dissonant tones occur. This may be accomplished by adhering more assid-
uously to the principles that enhance auditory stream segregation. When
stream segregation is enhanced, tonal fusion and dissonance are inhibited
(Wright & Bregman, 1987).
To summarize, the connection between voice-leading conventions and au-
ditory scene analysis exemplifies multiple ways in which musical practice
and basic cognitive mechanisms intersect. The connection also helps to ex-
plain how listeners perceive melodies within a harmonic context. Mecha-
nisms of auditory stream segregation allow listeners to track individual mel-
odies and voices, whereas tonal fusion emphasizes harmonic structure and
the combining of individual voices into a unitary event (a chord). Other
perceptual principles and their relation to rules of voice leading are outlined
by Huron (2001). Cognitive principles other than those related to auditory
scene analysis (e.g., short-term memory limitations) are also relevant to
voice-leading practices, but are beyond the scope of this review.
Rhythm
Investigations of the perception and cognition of musical time include ex-

aminations of the limits of temporal discrimination, studies of temporal ex-
pectancies (e.g., when the next musical event will occur), and experiments
that test listeners experience of time in long musical passages. Most studies,
however, focus on the perception of rhythm. Rhythm perception is strongly
influenced by the inter-onset interval (IOI), which is the time between the
onset of one tone and the onset of the next tone.
Experiences of rhythm, like experiences of pitch, are partly shaped by
cognitive constraints. For example, listeners perceive temporal organization
most readily when IOIs fall within a limited range. If IOIs are much less
than 100 ms, listeners tend to hear the sequence as one continuous event; if
they are greater than 1500 ms, listeners tend to hear a sequence of discon-
nected events. For temporal patterns involving IOIs between 100 and 1500
ms, listeners tend to perceive rhythmic patterns of up to 5 seconds in du-
ration, which is the approximate limit of auditory sensory memory (Darwin,
Turvey, & Crowder, 1972). Thus, cognitive constraints limit the range of
IOIs within rhythmic patterns as well as the duration of rhythmic patterns.
Lerdahl and Jackendoff (1983) made a useful distinction between meter
and grouping, which can be viewed as distinct aspects of rhythm. Meter
refers to regular cycles of strong and weak accents. Listeners are highly
sensitive to meter, and associate strong accents with phrase boundaries (Pal-
mer & Krumhansl, 1987a, 1987b). Accent strength is determined by changes
in intensity, note density, and musical structure (e.g., pitch contour, tonality).
Listeners show a bias to hear metrical interpretations (alternations of strong
and weak beats) as binary, even when sequences are ternary (Vos, 1978).
More generally, small-integer ratios of durations (e.g., sequences that contain
only quarter notes and eighth notes) are easier to process than more complex
rhythms. Meter is hierarchically organized, with cycles at one level (e.g.,
groups of two beats) nested within cycles at higher levels (e.g., groups of
four beats). Listeners tend to perceive one level of the metric hierarchy as
more salient than others. Some models of meter identify this level as the
tactus, or the level at which it is most natural to tap ones foot.
Metrical patterns are recognized and reproduced more accurately than
nonmetrical patterns (e.g., Bharucha & Pryor, 1986; Essens, 1995). More-
over, perceptual asymmetries, similar to those noted above for pitch, are
evident for rhythm. When listeners are asked to discriminate two patterns
one metrical and one nonmetricalperformance is better when the metrical
pattern is presented first and the nonmetrical pattern second, compared to
when the identical patterns are presented in the reverse order (Bharucha &
Pryor, 1986). This response pattern implies that metrical frameworks facil-
itate the efficiency with which auditory temporal patterns are processed and
represented. It is relatively easy to detect alterations to metrical patterns
because they have relatively stable representations. Metrical patterns also
place less demand on attentional resources compared to nonmetrical pat-

terns, because they provide a frame of reference within which rhythmic
structure can be processed and represented (Keller, 1999).
Grouping refers to perceived associations between events. As with met-
rical structure, temporal grouping structure is hierarchically organized, with
small groups of two or three notes nested within larger groups, such as
phrases. At the highest level of the hierarchy are groups corresponding to
sections and movements of music. Empirical studies generally support the
psychological reality of grouping structure in music (Deliege, 1987). The
grouping mechanisms associated with music perception appear to be general
cognitive mechanisms that are also implicated in the processing of speech
and other auditory stimuli (Patel et al., 1998).
Although both meter and grouping are hierarchically structured, they
need not coincide with each other. Rhythm is defined as the interaction be-
tween meter and grouping. Remarkably, there is little psychological work
on this interaction; instead, researchers have examined these aspects of
rhythm separately. Empirical studies have confirmed that listeners are sen-
sitive to both metrical and grouping structure.
One issue examined in studies of rhythm is the concept of the musical
pulse, which is related to meter and can be measured in cycles per minute.
Fraisse (1982) noted that three distinct temporal phenomena (walking pace,
heart rate, sucking rate in newborns) tend to have a rate of between 60 and
120 events per minute, a range that also includes the tempi of most pieces
of music. The implication is that music may be linked to physiological mo-
tion. This link is manifested explicitly when listeners dance or tap to music.
Early evidence for the link was provided by Gabrielsson (1973a, 1973b),
who reported that judgments of the similarity between rhythmic patterns are
strongly affected by a perceptual dimension related to movement. Other
support for a link between music and physiological motion was provided by
Kronman and Sundberg (1987), who showed that ritards in music have a
close correspondence with deceleration when walking or running. Finally,
research suggests that a listeners arousal level becomes higher after listening
to fast-tempo music than after listening to slow-tempo music (Husain,
Thompson & Schellenberg, 2002; Thompson, Schellenberg & Husain, 2001)
Several models of rhythm have been proposed, each designed to capture
a particular aspect of rhythm perception. Some existing models consider only
temporal cues to meter, such as onset times and durations, ignoring influ-
ences of pitch, phrasing, and harmony on the perception of rhythm. Parn-
cutts (1994) model assumes cognitive biases for certain metrical experiences.
In particular, certain levels in the metrical hierarchy are assumed to be more
salient than others, with a bias towards the metrical level that approximates
the tactus.
Another question concerns the kinds of neural units that might be in-
volved in tracking the meter of complex music. In Large and Jones (1999)
model, meter is tracked using a small set of oscillatory neural units that vary
from each other in their natural resonance. Because the oscillators are able
to adjust their phase and period to external periodicities, units with natural
resonances closest to existing periodicities lock on and track the tempo (see
also McAuley & Jones, 2003). Related to this issue is the question of how
simple patterns (i.e., small-integer ratios of duration) are represented in
memory when the durations and periodicities of actual performances are
highly variable. In order to account for this quantization problem, Desains
(1992) connectionist model assumes that rhythmic experiences are biased
towards temporal patterns defined by small integer ratios.
Some researchers have examined the extent to which pitch and rhythm
interact in perception and memory. This question may be relevant to music
educators because pitch and rhythmic skills are often assessed separately in
traditional pedagogical exercises, implying distinct cognitive mechanisms for
processing these dimensions. Music theory also suggests a separation be-
tween rhythm and pitch. For example, the Schenkerian reduction technique
for analyzing tonal works assumes that surface temporal relations operate
independently of pitch structure.
Results on this issue suggest that pitch and rhythm interact at some levels
of processing, but operate independently at other levels. Jones, Boltz and
Kidd (1982) reported that rhythmically accented tones in a melody are better
recognized than unaccented tones. Similarly, if pitch and rhythm patterns
imply different metrical groupings, memory for melodic sequences is gen-
erally poor (Boltz & Jones, 1986; Deutsch, 1980). Such findings suggest that
pitch and rhythm are integrated in memory for music. Additional evidence
for non-independence of pitch and rhythm processing comes from a study
that required listeners to rate the emotionality (i.e., happiness, sadness, scar-
iness) of melodies (Schellenberg, Krysciak, & Campbell, 2001). The melo-
dies pitch and rhythmic properties proved to be interactive in their influence
on listeners ratings.
Other researchers contend, however, that pitch and rhythm are processed
independently. In some experiments, pitch and rhythm have made statisti-
cally independent contributions to judgments of melodic similarity (Mona-
han & Carterette, 1985), and to ratings of phrase completion (Palmer &
Krumhansl, 1987a, 1987b). Moreover, memory for the pitch and rhythm
patterns of a short melody is far better than memory for how those features
are combined. Thompson (1994) presented listeners with two test melodies
followed by two comparison melodies. The task was to indicate if the two
comparison melodies were identical to the two test melodies, disregarding
the order in which the melodies occurred. In one condition, participants
performed a distractor task as the melodies were presented. In another con-
dition, participants listened attentively to the melodies. When the compari-
son melodies involved a novel pitch pattern or a rhythm that was not present
in the test melodies, performance was highly accurate for participants in
both conditions. When the comparison melodies were constructed by com-
bining the pitch pattern of one test melody with the rhythm of the other test
melody (or vice versa), however, distracted participants performed poorly.
That is, distracted participants were relatively insensitive to the manner in

which pitch and rhythm were combined.
Neuropsychological studies provide converging evidence that pitch and
rhythm are processed separately. Whereas some brain-damaged patients ex-
hibit normal pitch perception but impaired rhythm perception, other patients
show the opposite pattern. One patient who sustained a lesion in the left
temporal lobe was unable to discriminate between sequences differing in
temporal structure, but he had no difficulty in discriminating between se-
quences differing in pitch structure. By contrast, another patient with dam-
age to the right temporal lobe showed the opposite pattern of discrimination
skills. Such impairments suggest that some areas of the brain are responsible
for processing pitch, whereas other neuronally distinct areas are responsible
for processing rhythm (Peretz, 1996; Peretz & Kolinsky, 1993; Peretz &
Morais, 1989).
Recent evidence suggests that rhythmic qualities of speech, which are
often dinstinguishing characteristics of different languages, exert a gravi-
tational pull on rhythmic qualities of music (Patel & Daniele, 2003; Patel,
Iversen, & Rosenberg, 2004). Analyzing melodic themes from the turn of
the 20th century, Patel and his colleagues made two observations. First,
adjacent notes in English melodies are characterized by a greater degree of
durational contrast than adjacent notes in French melodies. Second, adjacent
intervals in English melodies are characterized by a greater degree of inter-
vallic difference than adjacent intervals in French melodies. The authors ar-
gued that these rhythmic qualities in melodies arise from composers famil-
iarity with the rhythmic qualities their language. As evidence for their claim,
they showed that adjacent vowels in English sentences tend to differ more
in duration than do adjacent vowels in French sentences, and consecutive
pitch movements between syllables in English sentences tend to differ more
from each other than do consecutive pitch movements between adjacent
syllables in French sentences. (For more extensive discussions of rhythm, see
Clarke, 1999 or Krumhansl, 2000a.)
Timbre
Timbre is notoriously difficult to define. It is often described as the attribute

distinguishing sounds that are equivalent in pitch, duration, and loudness.
Timbre is influenced by the pattern of partials that are present in complex
waveforms, and how those partials change over time (i.e., transient or dy-
namic attributes). A sawtooth waveform, which contains all harmonics, has
a timbre that is distinct from a square waveform, which contains only odd-
numbered harmonics. The sound of a plucked instrument such as a harp has
a relatively rapid amplitude onset, whereas the sound of a bowed instrument
such as a violin has a more gradual onset. In naturally occurring sounds,
inharmonic partials (i.e., partials with a frequency equal to a non-integer

multiple of the fundamental) also affect timbre. When inharmonic partials
are removed from a piano note, for example, the note sounds artificial and
unfamiliar.
For many instruments, the fundamental frequency has the greatest inten-
sity of all harmonics in the frequency spectrum. Intensity typically decreases
for higher frequency components. An inverse relationship between harmonic
number and intensity (called spectral rolloff) does not hold for all instru-
ments, however. For some instruments, certain harmonics may be dispro-
portionately intense, giving that instrument its unique timbral character. A
bright sounding tone, such as that produced by a clarinet, typically con-
tains high-frequency harmonics sounded at relatively high amplitudes.
When other aspects of a tone are held constant, differences in the fre-
quency spectrum are associated with differences in timbre. We know, how-
ever, that the frequency spectrum is not entirely responsible for timbre, be-
cause tones with very different spectra can be perceived as having the same
timbre. For example, examination of the frequency spectrum for a note
played very softly on a trumpet reveals that most of the partials associated
with trumpet sounds are absent. Nonetheless, the note is still perceived as
emanating from a trumpet. More generally, the frequency spectrum associ-
ated with a given instrument may be quite different for soft and loud sounds
despite their perceptual invariance.
Figure 3.8 provides an illustration of the dimensions of a musical instru-
ment associated with its perceived timbre. The figure shows the partials that
are present, their relative intensity, and how their intensity changes over
time. For this particular instrumenta clarinetthe constituent frequency
components vary in intensity at approximately the same rate. For other in-
struments, such as a piano, different partials change intensity at different
rates. In many instances, onset or attack cues (i.e., transient cues during
the initial portion of the spectrum) are important for perceiving timbre.
Formants are also thought to influence the perception of timbre. A for-
mant is a range of frequencies with high amplitude relative to other fre-
quencies, which is a consequence of the resonant properties of the sound
source (e.g., the body of an acoustic guitar). Formants correspond to local
peaks in a frequency spectrum. Fixed-frequency formants are particularly
interesting because they remain relatively constant across the tessitura of an
instrument. Whereas individual partials of a sound provide information
about timbre by their relation to each other and to the fundamental fre-
quency, fixed-frequency formants are resonant frequencies that do not
change in proportion with changes in overall pitch. The harmonics that fall
within the formant region resonate louder than other frequencies, giving the
sound (e.g., a musical instrument) its particular timbral character.
Hajda, Kendall, Carterette, & Harshberger (1997) describe various meth-
ods that have been used to identify the acoustic properties that influence the
perception of timbre. These include identification tasks (name that timbre),
Figure 3.8. Transient attributes of sound. Frequency is displayed as a function of time and
intensity.
grouping and classification tasks (match similar sounding timbres), semantic

rating scales (rate how bright or dull a timbre sounds), discrimination tasks
(are two timbres the same or different?), and various types of similar ratings
(rate how similar two timbres sound). In a classic experiment, Grey (1977)
asked musically trained listeners to provide similarity ratings for pairs of
notes, which came from a set of nine different instrumental timbres. Notes
were presented with the same fundamental frequency, intensity, and duration
so that they varied only in timbre. His analysis revealed that three distinct
dimensions could account for a good portion of the variance in similarity
ratings.
Various follow-up studies have yielded different results regarding the un-
derlying dimensions that influence the perception of timbre. In almost all
cases, brightness appears to be a significant perceptual dimension. Instru-
ments with a wide range of spectral energy (e.g., oboe) are perceived as
having a brighter timbral character than instruments with a more restricted
range of spectral energy (e.g., french horn). The influence of onsets (attacks)
and other temporal propertiesimportant in some studies but not in oth-

ersdepends on the specific timbres used in the stimulus set and the dura-
tion of the stimuli (see Hajda et al., 1997).
Another way to identify acoustic attributes that are essential to instru-
ment identification is to simplify the waveforms of instrumental notes with-
out fundamentally changing the perceived timbre. Grey and Moorer (1977)
showed that removing certain acoustic properties does not significantly affect
judgments of instrument timbre. For example, removing amplitude and fre-
quency modulations of individual partials resulted in subtle changes to tim-
bre, but these manipulations did not alter the perceived instrument associ-
ated with the sound.
Yet another approach is to examine how readily tone sequences involving
different timbres form separate auditory streams. Iverson (1995) presented
listeners with sequences consisting of two different orchestral tones and
asked them to rate the extent to which one or two sequences were being
played. Auditory stream segregation was influenced by differences in both
static spectra (the pattern of partials present) and dynamic attributes. More-
over, the results converged with similarity judgments obtained by Iverson
and Krumhansl (1993) on the same tones. That is, similarity judgments pre-
dicted the extent to which timbres segregated into separate auditory streams,
with similar timbres less likely than dissimilar timbres to split into separate
streams.
How rapidly do listeners register timbre? Robinson and Patterson (1995)
tested the limits of listeners ability to identify the timbre and pitch of tones
that varied in duration. Whereas identification of pitch proved to be a func-
tion of duration, identification of timbre was independent of duration. Lis-
teners required several complete cycles of a periodic signal to identify pitch
accurately, but only one or two cycles (i.e., milliseconds) to identify timbre.
These results make intuitive sense when one considers that pitch is deter-
mined by frequency (number of cycles per second). Therefore, a listener
needs to hear several cycles in order to determine how rapidly a cycle re-
peats. By contrast, one or two cycles of a tone contain information about
the components present in the frequency spectrum, which allow for identi-
fication of timbre.
In a related investigation, researchers tested the limits of listeners ability
to identify recordings (Schellenberg, Iverson, & McKinnon, 1999). In an
experimental version of Name That Tune (the song-identification game
played on TV and radio), listeners matched extremely brief excerpts (100 or
200 ms) from recordings of popular songs with the song titles and artists.
Listeners performance was better than chance with excerpts of 1/5 of a
second. Performance deteriorated with shorter excerpts (1/10 of a second)
but was still better than chance. Other manipulations involved low-pass and
high-pass filtering, and playing the excerpts backward. Performance fell to
chance levels for the low-pass-filtered and backward excerpts, but was un-
affected by high-pass filtering. In short, successful identification of the re-
cordings required the presence of dynamic, high-frequency spectral infor-
mation. Note that the excerpts were too brief to convey any relational
information (re: pitch and duration), and that the absolute pitch of the ex-
cerpts would be identical whether they were played backward or forward.
Thus, successful performance presumably stemmed from accurate and de-
tailed memory of the recordings timbres, which consisted of many complex
tones from many different instruments.
By definition, timbre and pitch are different. Nonetheless, some studies
suggest that timbre and pitch are not perceived independently. For example,
it is easier to judge whether two tones (Crowder, 1989), two chords (Beal,
1985), or two melodies (Radvansky, Fleming, & Simmons, 1995) are the
same when standard and comparison stimuli are played on identical rather
than different musical instruments. This finding suggests thatdespite our
experience of pitch and timbre as distinct musical qualitiesthey interact
with each other in music processing.
Krumhansl and Iverson (1993) used another approach to study interac-
tions between pitch and timbre. Participants were asked to classify stimulus
items into two groups as quickly as possible based on a specified target
attribute (e.g., pitch). Not only did the target attribute vary; an irrelevant
attribute (e.g., timbre) also varied from trial to trial. Performance on the
categorization task was relatively good when variation in the irrelevant at-
tribute was correlated with variation in the target attribute, but relatively
poor when variation in the irrelevant attribute was uncorrelated with vari-
ation in the target attribute. That is, subjects were unable to attend to the
pitch of a tone without being affected by its timbre, or vice versa. This
finding provides converging evidence that pitch and timbre are not percep-
tually separable from each other.
Although pitch and timbre may be integrated successfully at some points
in the information-processing system, listeners can also become confused
about the ways in which pitches and timbres are combined. In one experi-
ment, participants listened for particular combinations of pitch and timbre
in arrays of tones that were presented simultaneously but emanated from
different locations in the auditory field (Hall, Pastore, Acker, & Huang,
2000). An examination of errors indicated that participants often perceived
an illusory conjunction of pitch and timbre. That is, participants often heard
the timbre of one tone combined with the pitch of another tone. Estimates
of illusory conjunction rate ranged from 23% to 40%. The findings provide
evidence that after an initial stage in which individual features of musical
tones are registered (e.g., pitch, timbre), there is a stage in which these sep-
arately registered features are integrated (feature integration). Illusory con-
junctions arise when errors occur at the feature-integration stage of proc-
essing.
What is the relation between timbre and harmony? The principle of har-
monicity, outlined by Bregman (1990), suggests that partials that fall along
the harmonic series of a single note are fused together, such that listeners
perceive the distinct timbral qualities of each note holistically. When two
instruments play the same note, or two different notes with many harmonics
in common, there may be some confusion in this process. Such fusion effects
actually contribute to our perception of harmony. For example, if one plays
two piano notes separated by a fifth, those two notes have several partials
in common. Perceptual mechanisms will tend to fuse or con-fuse some of
the components of the two different notes, giving rise to emergent timbral
effects. Compositions by Debussy exemplify the varied timbral effects of
combining tones.
Although pitch and rhythmic relations are usually considered to define
musical structure, some contemporary composers and theorists (e.g., Ler-
dahl, 1987; Slawson, 1985) have considered the possibility that timbre might
be used compositionally in a way that is analogous to the use of pitch. One
challenge with this compositional approach is that timbre has a powerful
influence on auditory stream segregation. Thus, any large shift in timbre is
likely to signal a separate auditory stream, which would conflict with the
goal of creating a coherent sequence analogous to a melody. Nonetheless,
changes in timbre that correspond to reductions in sensory dissonance (i.e.,
fewer harmonics falling within a critical band)and increases in fusion
may be perceived as a change from tension to release, which commonly
occurs at points of musical closure (Pressnitzer, McAdams, Winsberg, &
Fineberg, 2000). In other words, changes from relatively dissonant to rela-
tively consonant timbres have some of the resolving properties of a perfect
cadence. Moreover, it is clear that timbre has a profound influence on our
appreciation of music. For example, imagine a piano piece composed by
Chopin performed by a horn section, or a song by U2 played on an accor-
dion. Such changes in instrumentation would undoubtedly affect our expe-
rience of the music.
Conclusion
At the outset, we identified the nature-nurture controversy as one of the

most contentious issues in the psychology of music, as it is in the field of
psychology as a whole. We argued that experiences of music are shaped by
a combination of enculturation and cognitive constraints. We cited numer-
ous sources of evidence for psychological constraints on music experience.
Such constraints include working-memory limitations, sensitivity to sensory
consonance and dissonance, the perceptual salience of pitch contours, per-
ceptual grouping as a function of proximity, predispositions that favor sim-
ple meters and rhythms, processing biases for intervals with small-integer
ratios, and reliable memories for the absolute pitch and timbre of frequently
encountered auditory stimuli. Even rules of counterpoint and voice leading
are strongly linked to cognitive constraints.
Influences of enculturation were also implicated throughout our review.
A listener learns about her native musical system through formal training or
from simple exposure. This knowledge then influences music cognition in
several ways, acting in conjunction with unlearned factors. Examples of

learning include the development of sensitivity to the hierarchy of various
scale steps in music, and to the harmonies that are implied when listening
to melodies. Even our expectations of what will happen next in a melody
are shaped by implicit memory for music to which we have been passively
exposed. In some cases, enculturation may actually overwhelm or reduce
initial predispositions.
Distinguishing innate from learned factors in music perception and cog-
nition is challenging because cognitive predispositions not only affect listen-
ers perceptions of music, they also affect music composition and hence mu-
sical structure. Exposure to musical structure, in turn, shapes listeners
perceptions, in that listeners internalize persistent regularities in music. What
results is a bootstrapping process that entangles innate and learned influences
on music perception. As an example, if pitch proximity is a basic principle
of perceptual grouping, then most melodies should have a predominance of
proximate tones (Dowling & Harwood, 1986). But if listeners are exposed
repeatedly to melodies with an abundance of pitch proximity, a general ex-
pectancy for proximate tones could result from learning. Infant studies have
provided a valuable technique for disentangling innate and learned influences
on music perception.
Although extreme versions of cultural determinism have been proposed
(Walker, 1996), the enormous body of evidence for cognitive constraints on
music processing is far too compelling to dismiss. In this regard, it should
be emphasized that the existence of innate processing abilities and biases
need not limit our ability to appreciate or perceive music, because effects of
learning and enculturation allow us to develop preferences and schemata
that extend beyond our initial predispositions. Conversely, natural process-
ing abilities allow our appreciation of music to extend beyond the limits of
individual enculturation. For example, by attending to basic perceptual cues,
Western listeners are able to appreciate emotional meaning in Hindustani
ragas, even if they have never been exposed to such music and have no
knowledge of the raga-rasa system (Balkwill & Thompson, 1999; 2004).
Although listeners are able to appreciate music from other cultures, ex-
isting evidence on innate processing abilities cannot account for the enor-
mous diversity and complexity of musical styles both within and across cul-
tures. No list of processing biases can readily account for the innovation
and complexity of Bach fugues, serialized music, or Hindustani ragas. This
complexity can only be explained in terms of a uniquely human mode of
enculturation in which modifications of cultural traditions are accumulated
over time (Tomasello, 1999). The music of Bach and Mozart was not in-
vented in its entirety at a single point in time. Rather, other composers in-
vented related versions of these styles, and these versions were then modified.
This process of cumulative cultural evolution requires not only creative in-
vention but also accurate transmission (i.e., learning) of existing innovations.
Accurate transmission of a musical composition or stylewhether through
demonstration or recorded in notationallows individuals to build upon
existing levels of complexity. What results within each culture is an accu-

mulation of modifications, leading to diverse range of musical styles within
and between cultures. Underlying all of these unique styles, however, are the
processing biases and predispositions that have fascinated scholars for over
a hundred years.
STUDY QUESTIONS
1. Debates in music cognition tend to center on a small number of con-
tentious issues. Discuss two of these issues.
2. Helmholtz observed that certain aspects of music have parallels in
physical acoustics. Provide a critical review of his observations.
3. Summarize and evaluate an example of empirical evidence that
sensitivity to sensory consonance and dissonance is innate.
4. Describe the research that led to the Mel scale, and discuss its signif-
icance.
5. Describe recent research suggesting that the skill of absolute pitch
may be more prevalent than previously believed.
6. Why is melodic contour so easy to remember?
7. Describe similarities and differences between music and speech pros-
ody, and discuss the implications of this comparison.
8. Describe the two ways that melodies are simplified according to Ler-
dahl and Jackendoffs theory of reductional structure.
9. When does sensitivity to implied harmony develop? What evidence
was used to reach this conclusion?
10. Discuss how general principles of auditory scene analysis might play
a critical role in voice-leading practices.
11. Discuss evidence for and against the view that pitch and rhythm are
processed independently.
12. Outline the major acoustic properties that influence the perception
of timbre.
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The Development of
Musical Abilities
4
heiner gembris
A considerable amount of research on musical development has been pub-

lished in recent years. This particular survey addresses the following ques-
tions: Which results of developmental psychology should parents and teach-
ers be aware of? What should they know about the development of musical
abilities? There are obviously no simple answers to these questions since they
depend on individual interests of the reader. However, there are a lot of
general aspects of musical development that can be of general interest to
parents and educators.
A central aspect of this chapter will be the description of typical age-
related characteristics and the different influencing factors of development.
In addition, we will establish connections to developmental theories, to ped-
agogical considerations, and to the state of research in relevant areas. A
detailed outline of developmental theories is not intended since it can be
found in other chapters of this book. Since research in the area of devel-
opment and cognition is often incomplete and controversial, our account
will inevitably resemble a puzzle with some pieces missing rather than a
painting with straight lines.
Areas of Research
The current developmental psychology of musical abilities may be in one of

its most productive stages in history. We can distinguish at least five areas
of research that have opened up new perspectives on musical abilities of
humans in the last 10 to 15 years: the examination of fetal learning before
and infant learning after birth, neurobiological research, expertise research,
life-span development of musical abilities, and the emergence of develop-
124
THE DEVELOPMENT OF MUSICAL ABILITIES 125
mental theories. Brief characterizations of these key aspects are presented in

the following sections.
The Examination of Fetal Learning Before and Infant

Learning After Birth
New research methods in infant studies (e.g., video and computer technol-
ogy, habituation paradigm) have enabled reliable investigations of childrens
perceptual and cognitive abilities even at preverbal stages of development.
The results show a surprising degree of competence not only in general de-
velopment but also in the area of musical perception and communication.
Moreover, research has clearly shown that the perceptions of sounds and
music not only emerge after birth but already have started weeks and even
months before birth (for reviews see Lecanuet, 1996; Trevarthen, 1999
2000).
This leads to the question of whether and, if so, how musical abilities
should be fostered by educational activities with infants and perhaps even
during prenatal stages of development. One consequence might be that mu-
sic education in the future will start even earlier than today. In addition,
research on infants has shown to be relevant beyond the developmental
psychology of music, because it refers back to the anthropological and psy-
chological basis of music, hence to the question of musical universals and
basics of musical expression.
Neurobiological Research
In neurobiological research, the development of visual image-mapping pro-
cedures (e.g., magnetic resonance imaging [MRI], positron emission tomog-
raphy [PET]) provided new evidence for neurobiological correlates of mu-
sical activities (see also chap. 2, by Gruhn and Rauscher, in this volume).
Schlaug, Jancke, Huang, Staiger, and Steinmetz (1995) showed that the
planum temporale, a brain area in the left temple region, is anatomically
more developed in musicians, especially those with absolute pitch, than in
nonmusicians. It has also been shown that the corpus callosum, which con-
nects the two hemispheres of the brain, is morphologically more highly de-
veloped in musicians than nonmusicians. Another study group found that
the specific area of the motor cortex that coordinates the movements of the
left hand is more anatomically extended in string players than in nonmusi-
cians (Elbert, Pantev, Wienbruch, Rockstroh, & Taub, 1995). This enlarge-
ment, correlated with the age at which the persons started to play their
instruments, suggests that the anatomical or neurological/neurobiological
differences between musicians and nonmusicians are a result of musical
training and development and that these differences may, in turn, be a factor
in any variations in musical development (Schlaug, 2001; Pascual-Leone,
2001).
In a longitudinal study, Hassler (1991, 1992) found that biological par-

ameters correlated with musical development. She observed female and male
adolescents over a period of 8 years and examined the relationship between
the level of the male sex hormone testosterone, which changes during pu-
berty, and the development of spatial and musical abilities. Among other
things, musical talent for composing was clearly related to a tendency to-
ward androgyny (cf. Kemp, 1996, p. 109). Music education and research on
musical development should direct more attention to the phase of puberty.
Expertise Research
Expertise research focuses on the crucial role of deliberate practice for the
development of musical abilities (see chap. 7, by Andreas C. Lehmann and
Jane W. Davidson, in this volume). From this point of view, expert perfor-
mance can be seen as a result of the accumulated hours of training and
deliberate practice over a lifetime. After the acquisition of expert perfor-
mance in a number of areas like sports and chess was addressed, the exper-
tise approach was successfully adapted to the domain of music (e.g., Erics-
son, Krampe, & Tesch-Romer, 1993; Krampe, 1994; Jrgensen & Lehmann,
1997). Recently the expertise paradigm has also become a helpful approach
to study other levels of instrumental performance (Sloboda & Davidson,
1996; Sloboda, Davidson, Moore, & Howe, 1994). On the other hand, there
are clear limitations of the expertise approach. For instance, the motivation
for practice or interindividual differences in the effects of practice remain
open to question. Furthermore, the acquisition of expertise in composing
and in musical creativity seems to differ from that in playing an instrument.
While highly trained processes and automated routines are fundamental for
high performance on piano, violin or other instruments, it is exactly these
elements that are counterproductive to creativity (Simonton 2000). Expertise
research, with its focus on environmental variables, and behavioral genetics
and neurobiological research, with its emphasis on innate capacities, to-
gether have stimulated the old naturenurture debate.
Life-Span Development of Musical Abilities

Investigating the development of musical abilities of adults was another force
that led to new perspectives in developmental psychology. Until recently,
music education and the psychology of music focused primarily on child-
hood and adolescence. However, the fact that the proportion of older people
is increasing in our societies and more adults are looking for meaningful
leisure activities resulted in a greater need for research on the development
and influence of musical abilities in an aging population. The establish-
ment of the life-span perspective for developmental psychology was an im-
portant premise for the awareness that the development of musical abilities
was a lifelong process. Biographical studies on musicians were rediscovered
and their relevance increased (e.g., Gembris, 1997; Manturzewska, 1990,

1995).
The Emergence of Developmental Theories

In the last 10 to 15 years, a remarkable change has also occurred in the area
of theory development. For a long time, a number of general theories, for
the most part not specific to music like the theory of Piaget or the earlier
idea of the biogenetic and psychogenetic law, determined theories of musical
development. In recent years, a number of theories specifically related to
music or at least to particular areas of musical development were established,
for example, for the usage of musical symbols (Davidson & Scripp, 1992),
singing (e.g., Davidson, 1994 Stadler Elmer, 2002); the learning of newborns
and infants (Gordon, 1990), composition (Swanwick, 1994), the develop-
ment of musical and artistic competence (Hargreaves, 1996), or the profes-
sional careers of instrumentalists (Manturzewska, 1995) (see chapter 5 on
theories, in this volume). These theories do not always agree whether or not
the acquisition of musical abilities can be considered domain-specific pro-
cesses of development. Hargreaves (1996, p. 153) concludes that domain-
specific processes are likely to play a role especially in the acquisition of high
levels of musical abilities. However, there are stages of development for cog-
nitive abilities that appear at certain ages, and those can be observed in
various domains. A future task for theory development will be to draw a
clear distinction between domain-specific and general processes of develop-
ment.
Research findings often are not readily or obviously applicable to prac-
tices (Haack, 1992, p. 461). What Haack says about research on the ac-
quisition of music-listening skills is true of most developmental psychology
of music. On the one hand, research should thus be more concerned with
particular problems of music education. On the other hand, processes of
musical development will also benefit from theory development and basic
research, which cannot be easily adopted to practice but offer important
explanations and orientations.
General Assumptions
Musical abilities have to be understood in inclusive fashion as an amalga-

mate of many factors, including instrumental and vocal abilities, music-
specific cognitive processes, emotional experiences, musical experiences, mo-
tivation, musical preferences, attitudes, and interests.
The Universality of Musical Abilities

An important starting point for looking at the development of musical abil-
ities is the assumption that every human being is musical and that it is
possible and promising to develop this musicality. It is usually assumed that

musical abilities are normally distributed, which means that most people are
of average musicality in much the same way as most people are of average
intelligence. Assuming that musicality is normally distributed means that
68% of people are of average musicality, while 14% are less musical and
14% are more musical than the average. Approximately 2% are highly
gifted and a further 2% have a low musical talent. Therefore, there are no
completely unmusical people, just as there are no totally unintelligent people.
Since everybody possesses at least some degree of musical aptitude, every-
body can also benefit from musical instruction despite individual difference
in innate capacities (Gordon, 1987).
Musical Development as a Lifelong Process

It is another premise that musical development is a lifelong process. Musical
development occurs as part of the general development of an individual over
the life span. It does not endas is often assumedby the end of adoles-
cence. Also, it is difficult to say exactly when musical development begins.
Since children are able to perceive acoustic stimuli like voices and music in
the last weeks before birth and recognize them in their first days of life, we
may assume that musical experiences and musical learning start before birth.
From a theoretical point of view, musical development does not end until
the end of life. Unfortunately, for a lot of people the development seems to
have ceased a long time before the end of their lives. Yet music therapy with
older people is being undertaken and only makes sense if we assume that
there is potential for development at this age.
Development as Changing Dynamics of Growth,

Maintenance, and Loss
Development is understood here not just as positive changes like improve-
ment and growth but as an interplay of benefits, maintenance, and loss of
abilities (e.g., Baltes, Lindenberger, & Staudinger, 1998). This interaction
changes over the life span, for example, due to specialization. Whereas ben-
efits are prevalent during childhood and adolescence, the proportion of loss
increases with age. If we consider musical development part of the general
development that includes cognitive, emotional, sensorimotor, and social
components, it is also affected by the interplay of benefit and loss. For in-
stance, while sensorimotor abilities decrease throughout adulthood and can
influence instrumental playing, musical experiences and musical knowledge
can increase at the same time. Thus even though some loss of abilities may
occur over the life span, teaching and learning music during adulthood may
still be beneficial for musical development.
Individual Differences
It is well documented that large developmental differences in music abilities
already exist at an early age and in adolescence. They are caused by differ-
ences in giftedness and talent and the sociocultural background as well as
by lessons, motivation, and practice (e.g., Kelly & Sutton-Smith, 1987). Dur-
ing adulthood, these individual differences, for example, among profession-
als, amateurs, and people untrained in music, become even more pronounced
due to commitment and practice in the case of professionals and lack of use
in nonmusicians. Therefore, research on musical development, especially de-
velopment in adulthood, requires a strong differential perspective. One ap-
proach distinguishes between normative and specialist development
(Hargreaves, 1996, p. 150). Normative development is that which naturally
happens to children as they grow up in a given culture regardless of any
specialized attention or guidance, while specialist development and spe-
cialist education is consciously devoted to the development of high levels
of musical skill or expertise (Hargreaves, 1996, p. 150). Even though Har-
greaves advises against the strict separation of these two aspects, further
distinctions seem to be necessary. Different aspects also become obvious if
the careers and the development of musicians in jazz, rock, and popular
music are compared with those in classical music. In such nontraditional
domains there is a lack of theoretical concepts to describe the musical de-
velopment.
Cross-Generational Differences
Since musical development is culturally and historically embedded, it is af-
fected by the changing historical and cultural surroundings, especially the
changes in musical culture. Childrens musical development depends much
on the current musical culture, which can differ largely from their parents
culture. This becomes obvious when one compares the musical develop-
ment of the generation that grew up with rock and popular music as a
main influence to that of the generation before. Hence, contemporary his-
tory can affect musical development (Gembris, 1997). The rise of new me-
dia technology (e.g., computers and the internet) and the emergence of new
musical styles contribute to an increasing variety of musical development in
the fields of composition, performance, listening, and preferences.
Therefore, parents and teachers should be aware that the childrens and stu-
dents musical development may differ considerably from their own. Cor-
respondingly, research on musical development should broaden its focus on
traditional Western art music to include all styles (e.g., Hemming & Klei-
nen, 1999).
Musical Development: 0 to 10 Years
The basic musical abilities that are required for participation in ones own
musical culture are developed in the first 10 years of life. This process of
enculturation takes place automatically and subconsciously, without the
need of formal instruction. Musical stimulations that arise from the individ-
ual social and cultural environment seem to be most important. A musically
rich social environment can lead to certain musical abilities being acquired
earlier than in a social environment with less musical activity (Kelly &
Sutton-Smith, 1987). But the development of basic musical abilities can also
be positively influenced through teaching. Morrongiello (1992) observed
that musical practice leads to more precise perception of melodies, better
musical memory, and an earlier sensitivity for keys. Other studies confirm
that the acquisition of certain musical abilities can be accelerated through
teaching; however, students without lessons do catch up after a while (e.g.,
Behne, 1974). The possibility to accelerate the development of basic musical
abilities through lessons may be constrained by their connection with general
mental, emotional, and sensorimotor developmental processes (Gembris &
Davidson, 2002). Note that since large individual differences can occur in
both general and musical development, the age-related details that follow
are points of reference, and divergent ages cannot easily be interpreted as
indicating unusual talent or developmental retardation.
Prenatal Development
The onset of musical learning and musical memory occurs before birth. The
nerve cells of the inner ear start to work in the fifth or sixth month of
pregnancy and respond to midrange frequencies. Approximately in the sev-
enth month of gestation, the fetus perceives extrauterine acoustic stimuli.
When children are born, they have already had some acoustic experiences.
An experiment by Feijoo (1981) showed that babies stopped crying when
they listened to short melodies that had been presented to them over a period
of 4 weeks during the sixth to eighth month of pregnancy. Satt (1984) pro-
vided evidence for the ability of 16 newborns to recognize a lullaby that
they had heard every day during the last 2 months of pregnancy. Hepper
(1991) demonstrated the ability of infants just a few days old to recognize
the main tune of a television series that they already heard before birth.
Another study showed that newborns seemed to remember single words
from a story read out loud by their mothers during the last 6 weeks of
pregnancy (DeCaspar & Spence, 1986). These results demonstrate that re-
actions to music must already occur during prenatal development. However,
the methods used in these experiments still offer no reliable distinction be-
tween direct reactions of the child and indirect reactions influenced by the
mothers reaction.
The fact that unborn children can react to music has been taken up by
the music industry, which offers a number of CDs especially designed for
pregnant women. These products supposedly have a positive influence on
the health of the mother and the unborn child. Experiments with animals
have demonstrated that prenatal auditory deprivation leads to a retarded
development, while careful acoustic enrichment seemed to improve the struc-
ture and function of auditory tracts in the fetus (Lecanuet, 1996, p. 18).
Development of Musical Perception
Pitch. Infants can show performance superior to adults in the ability to

perceive small pitch differences. A study with American infants and adults
demonstrated the ability of 6-month-old infants to recognize single tones
that were played out of tune in Western (major/minor) and non-Western
scales (Javanese pelog scale) (Lynch, Eilers, Oller, & Urbano, 1990). Adults
who grew up in a Western music culture did recognize tones out of tune in
major and minor scales but not those out of tune of the pelog scale. The
authors concluded that children are born with a potential to perceive the
scales of different cultures equally well. However, in the process of encul-
turation scale-related perception schemes develop regardless of formal mu-
sical instruction for scales in ones own culture, while other perceptual abil-
ities for non-culture-specific scales decrease (Lynch & Eilers, 1991). Similar
findings exist for speech perception.
A number of experiments with infants and adults investigate the possible
existence of innate dispositions or perceptual capacities that would favor
specific intervals or scales. The results are ambiguous and inconsistent; in
general, there is some evidence for the special position of the octave and
perfect fifth in interval perception. Demany and Armand (1984) found out
that higher and lower octaves were perceived as equivalent by 3-month-old
infants. Obviously, infants were already sensitive to pitch and timbre at that
age, although there was only little influence of musical experience. Other
experiments indicated that the perfect fifth could be an interval whose percep-
tion and brain processing were supported by some universal, prototypical-
cognitive representation (Lynch, 1993).
Melody Perception. Growing research over the last 20 years supports the
idea that infants sensations are not just vague and mellow; instead, their
reactions can be interpreted as recognizing behavior (see Fassbender, 1996,
for a review). By the age of 6 months, infants are capable of distinguishing
several short melodies with the melodic contour as the most important dis-
tinguishing feature. At this age they cannot yet recognize absolute pitch or
specific intervals (Dowling, 1988, 1999). Most of the present studies indicate
that melodic perception in its early stages aligns itself with the melodic con-
tour and moves on to more specific details with increasing age (Dowling,
1999). Lamonts (1998) experiments demonstrate that informal musical ex-
perience is more important for general musical enculturation than playing

an instrument, at least for children aged 6 to 11. However, during adoles-
cence (11 to 16 years) the accuracy of melodic perception only improves if
someone is musically active (e.g., plays an instrument). She concludes: En-
culturation (and school music) alone is insufficient for continued develop-
ment after the age of 11 (p. 23).
Schwarzers (1997) results run contrary to those mentioned before. She
observed a tendency toward analytic perception for children (ages 5 to 7),
whereas adults perceived the presented melodies in a holistic fashion. The
childrens perception was based on melody-unspecific features like loudness
and timbre and not on melodic contour, whereas adults were oriented to-
ward melody-specific contour. These inconsistent results can possibly be ex-
plained by the different task settings.
Another important concept for the development of musical perception is
the distinction between equal and different stimuli (Deliege, Melen, & Ber-
trand, 1995; Gordon, 1981, p. 41). Structuring and processing of perception
already take place at infant age according to the principles of Gestalt psy-
chology: namely, grouping of stimuli according to similarity, closeness, and
conciseness (Fassbender, 1996). These are also the basis for auditory group-
ing or auditory stream segregation and can be regarded as universal prin-
ciples. They contribute to the transformation of temporal relationships of
note sequences into a meaningful, rhythmical Gestalt, just as pitch rela-
tions and pitch sequences are transformed into a melodic contour.
Cross-modal Perception. Essential for the development of musical percep-

tion of infants is their ability to recognize connections among auditory stim-
uli, visual stimuli, and touch. This specific ability is called cross-modal per-
ception and was demonstrated in different experiments (e.g., Meltzoff, Kuhl
& Moore, 1991; Papousek, 1996). The infant perceives the acoustical char-
acteristics of the maternal voice (melody, contour, tempo, rhythmical struc-
ture, timbre) as synchronous with and analogous to his or her own sensory
perception, to visual experiences, and to the movements of the mother. The
development of such cross-modal perceptual schemata is likely to play an
important role for the perception of musical expression.
Rhythmic Abilities. There are different indicators and approaches to ex-

amine the development of rhythmic abilities, that is:
the ability to distinguish between identical and different rhythms,

the preference for simple or complex rhythms,
the reproduction of rhythms through clapping,
the ability to move to presented rhythms, and
the investigation of rhythmical structure in childrens songs.
Early studies in the 1960s already demonstrated that newborns are able to
distinguish between regular and irregular heartbeat or click sounds (Spiegler,
1967). Other researchers found that 5-month-old infants could recognize

changes of simple rhythms (longshort vs. shortlong) (Shuter-Dyson & Ga-
briel, 1981, p. 107). Even though children already seem to have some rhyth-
mic awareness and are able to distinguish between simple rhythms, a more
precise perception of rhythms develops only gradually. Regular meter in sing-
ing first becomes noticeable during the 2nd year of life, first in very short
then in increasingly longer segments (Dowling & Harwood, 1986, p., 194).
These abilities are clearly age-related, and considerable individual differences
exist.
The results from investigations about rhythm perception during preschool
age are quite divergent. The children Rainbow (1980) observed over a period
of 3 years took 2 years before a marked increase of rhythmic abilities was
noted. Conversely, Ramsey (1983) identified a developmental jump in the
perception and (sung) performance of rhythms in a melody between the third
and fourth year of life. He also found corresponding progress in the percep-
tion of melodic intervals between the fourth and fifth year of life. The author
concludes that the perception of rhythm precedes the perception of melody.
Between the third and fourth year of life, children start to distinguish
roughly between slow and fast. Four-year-olds seem to be able to identify
slow and fast tempi and use appropriate terms and can demonstrate their
understanding with concomitant body movements. For children at this age,
fast and slow seems to be the central aspect of music (Young, 1982). Yet
most of them are not capable of making comparative judgments (e.g., slow
and slower). Furthermore, these children start to prefer rhythms in which
they can identify regular structures (Zenatti, 1993). To show this preference,
4-year-olds need simple rhythms without sixteenth and eighth notes or dot-
ted eighths, while 5-year-olds seem to have no problem even with more
complex rhythmic structures. This may be related to the fact that children
age 5 and up have a more sophisticated notion of time in general (Pouthas,
1996, p. 136; also Dowling, 1999).
Synchronization of Rhythm with Movement. The beginnings of synchroni-

zation between music and movements can be first observed with children
aged 18 months to 2 years (Moog, 1976). Starting with the age of 2 12
years, children seem to be able to match their movements to the music for
a short period of time. Still, imitating someones clapping, synchronized clap-
ping, and marching to the beat of the music are tasks that 3- to 4-year-olds
can hardly accomplish (Rainbow, 1980). However, it is possible that children
at this age are able to perceive rhythms that they cannot reproduce them-
selves through movement. They can clap a given rhythm more easily if they
speak it before clapping it. Also, it is easier for them to repeat a spoken
rhythm than a regular meter (Rainbow & Owen, 1979). Generally, children
have fewer difficulties representing or realizing rhythms through use of their
voice. Therefore, the voice is the most appropriate educational medium to
teach rhythms to 3- and 4-year-olds (Rainbow, 1980). At the age of 5, chil-
dren seem to be able to synchronize their movements (taps) to rhythms with

somewhat less than adult accuracy (Gerard & Auxiette, 1992).
While studies from the 1970s concluded that the concept of meter did
not develop until the age of 7 and stabilized by the age of 9, more recent
studies show that 5-year-old children can already maintain a given meter.
An increase of rhythmic abilities could possibly be explained by a stronger
and earlier influence of the mass media, which may accelerate the general
musical enculturation. Alternatively, research methods and measurements
may have simply become more sophisticated and sensitive.
Harmony and Tonality. Even though findings about the development of to-
nal sensitivity are not consistent throughout, a clear tendency can be ob-
served: More recent studies record younger ages than did previous studies
for harmonic perception and the preference for consonance over dissonance.
Based on experiments from 1913, Valentine (1962) found that children were
able to distinguish between major and minor at the age of 9 and those with
intensive musical training between the ages of 5 and 7. Imberty (1969) first
noticed this ability in children at the age of 7, while it can be observed at
the age of 5 and younger today. Again, the increased influence of the mass
media could account for the fact that children become accustomed to the
Western major-minor tonal system at an earlier age, which in turn may lead
to an acceleration in the identification of harmonies (Zenatti, 1993, p. 192).
With the use of refined research methods, these effects could possibly be
observed at even younger ages.
In a number of experiments with 5- to 10-year-olds, Zenatti (1993) ex-
amined the musical preference for tonality versus atonality and consonance
versus dissonance. The children listened to pairs of musical stimuli (e.g., a
tonal and an atonal melody) presented from tape and were asked which
melody, rhythm, or chords of the two versions they preferred. Children
younger than 5 were still at chance level; that is, they had no clear prefer-
ence. However, at the age of 6 the preference for consonant harmonization
increased as rapidly as the dislike for atonal melodies and dissonance. By
the age of 9 or 10 the preference for tonality and consonance was between
90 and 95% (cf. Zenatti, 1993, p. 182; also Minkenberg, 1991, for sup-
porting results). This suggests that enculturation into the Western tonal sys-
tem is virtually concluded at that age. As a result, the openness to contem-
porary music or music from non-Western cultures constantly decreases after
the age of 5 or 6. An educational countermeasure could be presenting more
nontonal music to preschool children and indicating to them that it can be
enjoyed just the same as familiar music.
Timbre. A question of interest to music educators is whether preschool and

primary school children are able to recognize and distinguish different in-
struments by their sound. In a number of experiments with preschool chil-
dren, Schellberg (1998) found an enormous increase in the ability to distin-
guish timbres by 4- to 6-year-olds. Most of the 5- and 6-year-olds were able
to distinguish and recognize conventional musical instrumentswhich they

knew from their music lessonseven in combination with other instruments
from the orchestra.
Recognition of Emotional Expressions in Music. The ability to perceive and

distinguish basic acoustic-musical parameters is the premise for the under-
standing of musical expression and its emotional meaning. Recognizing emo-
tional expressions in music requires a general emotional ability of perception
and differentiation.
Even though infants are not able to distinguish between different face
expressions in the first 6 weeks of their life, they are able to recognize fa-
miliar voices (cf. Rauh, 1995, p. 230). At an early age, they distinguish and
express various emotions via the acoustic channel. With different types of
crying they communicate their current feelings (Wolff, 1969). Based on their
long-term efforts, M. and H. Papousek demonstrated the infants ability to
understand the emotional-communicative meaning of different melodic-
rhythmic contours in nonverbal vocalization in parentchild intereactions
(e.g., H. Papousek, 1996; M. Papousek, 1996; Papousek & Papousek,
1986). Infants seem to attribute the same meanings to the same melody
contours, independent of the culture they grow into.
Between the ages of 6 weeks and 4 months, infants begin to distinguish
happy, sad, and neutral facial expressions, first in actual faces and later in
schematic pictures. Another important aspect for the perception of expres-
sion can be identified between the fourth and the ninth month of life: By
that age, infants are able to perceive cross-modal relationships between vocal
and gestural qualities of facial expressions. Next infants start to recognize
the reason for a persons happy or angry reaction; that is, they establish the
connection between certain events and the corresponding facial expression
of familiar adults (Rauh, 1995, p. 230).
There is currently very little work on the recognition of emotional ex-
pression in music for infants and children younger than 3, and we do not
know to what extent infants or toddlers actually perceive expressions, say,
in the music their parents play to them with the goal of improving the childs
well-being.
Various studies focus on the understanding of musical expression at pre-
school age and at school age. For example, children had to match schematic
pictures of face expressions to a number of musical excerpts. Some research-
ers also included verbal statements, and the children were asked to either
indicate which emotions they identified or give free descriptions of what they
felt (Cunningham & Sterling, 1988; Minkenberg, 1991; Trehub, 1993).
Most of the studies are limited to fundamental emotions (happy-sad,
angry-frightened, or calm-excited), although exceptions exist where
more emotions are considered. One of the most important results is that
children 3 to 4 years old matched a surprisingly large number of pictures
correctly to the music (Cunningham & Sterling, 1988; Dolgin & Adelson,
1990; Kastner & Crowder, 1990).
The examples presented in these experiments usually consisted of short

pieces or excerpts from classical instrumental music. It should be noticed
that, despite its wide distribution and generally easier musical structure, none
of the studies included rock or pop music as stimuli. Correctly matching the
pictures to the music largely depended on the kinds of emotions expressed
as well as on the kinds of musical stimuli; some emotions were recognized
more easily than others. Children seemed to better recognize the emotions
happy and sad than angry-frightened and calm-excited (Cunning-
ham & Sterling, 1988; Dolgin & Adelson, 1990; Kratus, 1993; Terwogt &
van Grinsven, 1988). In addition, emotions were not recognized equally well
on different instruments. For example, Dolgin and Adelson (1990) found
that 4-year-olds identified the intended musical expression of a melody more
accurately in a sung presentation than in an instrumental presentation on
the violin. Studies with adults showed a better understanding for sadness
if the emotion was presented vocally or on a violin and a better understand-
ing for anger when the emotion was presented on drums (Behrens &
Green, 1993).
It appears that the ability to recognize musical expression is dependent
both on the importance of music in the home and on the influence of music
education. Some studies suggest that the ability to recognize musical ex-
pression improves through music education; however, the effect is rather
weak (Behrens & Green, 1993; Kratus, 1993). There is hardly any evidence
for gender-related effects, as boys and girls do not differ in the ability to
recognize musical expression (Giomo, 1993).
Mechanisms for the Recognition of Expressions

Which musical characteristics contribute to the recognition of expressions
of children? What role do the fundamental categories of major and minor
play? Research results that concern the emotional perception of major and
minor are ambivalent. Whereas adults clearly relate major to happy and
minor to sad, 4- to 8-year-olds are quite inconsistent and uncertain in as-
signing expressions to certain modes (Trehub, 1993; see also chap. 3, by
Thompson and Schellenberg, in this volume).
If 3- or 4-year old children are already capable of recognizing emotional
expression in music although the feeling for tonality only stabilizes at pri-
mary school age, there must be other characteristics of expression than ma-
jor and minor for the childrens identification of emotional expression. Ter-
wogt and van Grinsven (1991) found that adults as well as 5-year-olds seem
to be oriented toward a rhythm and melody. In another experiment, Dolgin
and Adelson (1990) copied the melodic gesture of melodies from emotional
speech. Four-year-olds and adults correctly recognize the emotional expres-
sions of most melodies. In an experiment with 4- to 8-year-olds, Trehub
detected that fast notes and ascending melodies were perceived as happy.
However, slow and low notes and descending melodies were perceived as
sad. Similar effects can be found through use of prosody in language (Tre-
hub, Trainor, & Unyk, 1993) or the nonverbal interactions between infants
and their parents (see earlier). It can be concluded that there must exist some
prototypical gestures or movements of acoustic expression that are indepen-
dent from tonality and common to both language and music. Interestingly,
the Italian composer Claudio Monteverdi (15671643) used the prosody of
the language as a basis for his stile concitato compositions to increase the
affective power of his music.
Perception of Further Nonmusical Meanings

Children are not only able to perceive emotional expressions in music, but
they are also able to recognize metaphoric representations of extramusical
content. Some informative experiments were carried out by Trainor and Tre-
hub (1992) in which children between the ages of 3 and 6 were asked to
match parts of Prokofievs composition Peter and the Wolf to a number of
pictures (wolf, bird, cat, duck, etc.). The results showed that 3-year-old chil-
dren were already capable of identifying extramusical characters within mu-
sic and this ability improved with age. Another study was carried out by
Graml, Kraemer, and Gembris (1988) with children of primary and second-
ary schools. Starting with the first grade, children were already able to
matchwith relative accuracyexcerpts from Stravinskys Firebird and
other compositions with pictures of the characters described in the music.
Starting with grade level 4, the children were capable of solving all items
correctly.
Again we could ask ourselves which musical characteristics enable the
children to assign the right pictures to the music. According to Trainor and
Trehub (1992), imitative and metaphoric characteristics of the music give
rise to the expression: For instance, musical tension and relaxation serves as
an analogue to emotional tension and relaxation, and high and low pitches
convey spatial aspects; musical movement is mapped onto nonmusical move-
ment, musical onto nonmusical power and mass (e.g., the elephant in the
Carnival of the Animals by Camille Saint-Saens). Thus cross-modal percep-
tual schemata may play an important role (see earlier).
As soon as the childrens linguistic development is sufficiently advanced,
which commonly happens around the ages of 7 to 10, they can be inter-
viewed about their musical experiences. In a longitudinal study, one author
discovered three kinds of thoughts and feelings in children. The first kind
included thoughts and moods directly related to the music, such as thoughts
about the composer or the performer. The second kind included associations
caused by the music, such as thoughts about the morning light or sad things.
The third kind included thoughts about actual situations experienced by the
children while listening to or performing music, such as listening to music
at school or while going to bed (cf. Minkenberg, 1991, p. 267).
In summary, we can state that a basic understanding of musical expres-
sion already exists at the ages of 3 to 4 and becomes more differentiated as

the children grow older. The current studies do not separate whether the
emotions expressed by the music were just recognized or experienced con-
currently. Other variables, such as musical home environment, music lessons,
and gender had little or no effect on the childrens recognition of musical
expression.
Graphic Representation of Music

Research on musical development has recently been influenced by the
symbol-system approach (Davidson & Scripp, 1992). This resulted in an
increased interest in graphic and symbolic representations of melodies and
rhythms, which allow interesting insights into the development of musical
thinking (e.g., Gromko, 1994; Smith, Cuddy & Upitis, 1994). To study the
ability to create graphic representations, children (or adults) are first asked
to repeat a given rhythm, melody, or song by clapping or singing. Then they
are instructed to generate a notation for the music that is supposed to
enable a third person to reproduce the music without having heard it before.
A number of researchers have offered typologies for the development of
graphic representation of music and the underlying musical thinking. (e.g.,
Bamberger, 1991; Upitis, 1987).
The childrens representations led the authors to postulate two different
kinds of underlying processing strategies. A first strategy resulted in the pro-
duction of a sequentially ordered series of symbols. For instance, children
under the age of 5 tended to simply jot down the rhythmic impulses of the
melody. Older children reproduced a single dimension of the melody, either
its rhythmic structure or its melodic contour. All of this changes between
the ages of 6 and 8: Then rhythmic impulses are grouped together and pitch
representation becomes dominant. Hereafter, both aspects can be integrated
from 7 years on.
Coordination of Different Aspects of Perception

(Conservation)
Although it is currently unclear if Piagets theory of cognitive development
can be adequately transferred to the domain of music (cf. Case, 1998; Haith
& Benson, 1998; Gardner, 1991; Hargreaves, 1986), research based on this
theory has undoubtedly produced central insights into musical development.
According to Piagets theory, children start to develop the ability to coor-
dinate several different aspects of perception (conservation) around the age
of 7 years during the concrete-operational stage. For the development of
musical abilities this implies that, for instance, children have to reach at least
7 years before they can pay attention to and coordinate rhythm and melody
simultaneously. Older work had already demonstrated that 8-year-old chil-
dren identified different melodies as variations of the same melody when
rhythmic, melodic, or tonal changes had been made (Pflederer, 1964; Pfle-
derer & Sechrest, 1968). This ability to coordinate different aspects of music,
that is, to conserve, increases with age, although, as Nelson (1987, p. 26)
found, it does not necessarily develop at the same time in different domains.
Other studies provided evidence for an intermediate stage, where children
can perceive but not coordinate more than one dimension at a time (Flam-
mer, 1996, p. 129). For example, children at this age are mostly able to
identify transposed melodies, but they have difficulties describing pitch re-
lations with the right words, like high and low (Flowers & Costa-Giomi,
1991; also Shuter-Dyson, 1982, p. 75). As a consequence, these abstract
notions should not be used for pre-school-age music education and rather
be replaced by metaphorical pictures.
The Development of Singing. The common roots of singing and speaking

are the nonverbal vocalizations of the infant, which are an immediate ex-
pression of its basic feelings. Parents intuitively tune in to the childs noises
to establish communication with the infant. These child-directed vocaliza-
tions are called motherese and can be seen as a prelinguistic alphabet (M.
Papousek, 1996). It is likely that children during preverbal development ex-
perience and process musical impressions in the same way as the prosody
of the language (Trehub et al., 1993). These nonverbal vocalizations repre-
sent at the same time prelinguistic and premusical means of expressions.
A number of authors agree on the fact that most of these melodic con-
tours consist of descending glissando figures after the first 3 or 4 months of
life (e.g., Fox, 1990). M. Papousek (1994) describes four different types of
melodic contours of vocalization in early childhood (descending, ascending-
descending, ascending and complex, and repeated ascending and descend-
ing), the frequency of which depends on the age of the infant and the situ-
ational context. Descending contours prevail in the first months of life, but
later the melodic contours become more varied and the proportion of other
contours increases. The large range of observed interindividual variability
could be caused by developmental differences as well as by problems of
research methodology.
By the end of the first year of life, it becomes possible to separate singing
and speaking in the preverbal vocalizations of most children. Children them-
selves experiment with the voice and seem to try out its range and possibil-
ities in vocal play (Stadler Elmer, 2000). It is possible to understand vocal
play in Piagetian terminology as a kind of sensorimotor play. This kind of
behavior typically appears between the 12th and the 18th month of life. The
two fundamental cognitive processes that underlie vocal play and imitation
are assimilation and accommodation (cf. Stadler Elmer, 2000, p. 55). Ac-
commodation takes place when children are trying to adapt their imagina-
tion and vocal expression to a given model such as the phrase of a song.
Assimilation occurs when children receive new information (e.g., a new mel-
ody) and integrate it into an already-existing schema.
Another kind of singing was characterized by Dowling (1999) as an ar-
ticulation of syllables with vowels that are slightly prolonged and appear on
stable pitches. The author also observed a sequential organization of the
song, referring to more or less stabilized tonal patterns. According to Dowl-
ing, the first actual singing can be observed between the 6th and the 18th
month of life. At first, these glissando-like improvisations on single syllables
occupy only a narrow pitch range. Later they turn into recognizable songs,
often with a sequential organization of the sounds. Thus a typical song of
an 18-month-old-child consists of an often-repeated phrase with a steady
melodic contour at a continuously changing level of pitch. The song is quite
often interrupted by breathing; however, the rhythmical contour remains
within the phrase and sometimes even stretches over several phrases. These
songs are often derived from the rhythm of language.
In their second year of life, children are able to sing single short phrases
of a song, frequently turning them into spontaneous improvisations and re-
peating them quite often. Microtonal figures in spontaneous singing slowly
make way for more accurate intervals, resulting in an overall impression
that is clearly related to the diatonic system (cf. Moog, 1976). Between the
ages of 3 and 4, children combine different songs and song fragments into
something like a medley. They can repeat songs they hear and increase
phrase contour of the presented song by trial and error. Other researchers
observed that children could reproduce all of the lyrics, the main rhythms,
and also the formal segments of a song starting at the age of 4 (cf. Shuter-
Dyson & Gabriel, 1981, p. 117).
Children will have acquired the singing range of an octave with all its
steps once they are 6 or 7 years old (Davidson, 1994; Minkenberg, 1991).
Although they still might miss certain pitches, this does not mean they are
unable to recognize the pitches (Goetze, Cooper, & Brown, 1990). The de-
velopment of the ability to sing comes to an end around the age of 8 years.
Generally, by this time children are able to sing a song correctly. This ability
remains at this level unless music instruction and practice follow. As always,
however, a broad range of interindividual differences are observable. The
singing abilities of untrained adults are not much different from those of 8-
to 10-year-old children (see Davidson, 1994; Davidson & Scripp, 1990,
p. 66; Minkenberg, 1991; Stadler Elmer, 2000; 2002, for further details).
Theories on the Development of Singing. According to Stadler (2000, for

summary) the different concurrent theoretical approaches to the develop-
ment of singing can be categorized into three groups. The first group com-
prises the speech-dominated theories of sequence. The principal argument
here is that songs are learned in a certain order, namely, lyrics, rhythm,
melody contour/phrases, precise intervals (e.g., Hargreaves, 1986; Moog,
1976; Welch & White, 1994). A second group consists of explanations that
implicate the order of intervals. Here intervals or successions of notes appear
developmentally in a specific and unreversible succession, namely, first the
fifth, followed by the third and fourth and then the sixth. This theory as-
sumes innate structures that are supposedly based on the acoustical prop-
erties of the harmonic series (e.g., Metzler, 1962; Werner, 1917). The third
group could be labeled contour theories. Proponents of this approach ad-
vance the notion that the learning process begins with the melodic contour
and that pitch and tonality follow. Learning to sing is thus assumed to pro-
ceed from global to more local features. According to Davidsons (1994)
theory of contour schemata, the development of a contour schema starts
with a falling third into which the other intervals are placed. The contour
schema will then expand with the childs age: at first to a fourth and up to
a sixth, which is mastered by the age of around 6 or 7. One author, however,
raises a number of critical arguments against all of these theories and sug-
gests the following course of development (Stadler Elmer, 2000):
1st step: Early beginnings; vocalizations as the expression of an infants basic

feelings
2nd step: Shifted imitations; development of rituals and extended vocal play
3rd step: Imitation without understanding of rules and inventing of arbitrary
rules
4th step: Generalization of examples; ability to sing larger units
5th step: Implicit integration of conventional rules into actions; increasing
control of ones own singing
6th step: Beginning reflecting on ones own actions, means, symbols and
terms; use of notation for the production and reproduction of music (p. 144,
see also Stadler Elmer, 2002, p. 208f).
Musical Development: 10 to 20 Years
Preferences, Aesthetic Values, and Cultural Identity

Whereas the first 8 to 10 years of life are characterized by musical encul-
turation with a concomitant adoption of the cultures principles and con-
ventions, the ensuing 10 years are dominated by the search for and the
establishment of ones own place within a musical culture. This own position
is reached with the development of individual musical preferences and tastes.
Generally, the term preference is used to describe the
affective reactions to a piece of music or a certain style of music that reflect

the degree of liking or disliking for that music, and is not necessarily based
on cognitive analysis or aesthetic reflection regarding the music in question.
(Finnas, 1989, p. 2)
In contrast, musical taste refers to long-term preferences for certain musical

styles.
The development of preferences is mainly influenced by ones socialization
into a given sociocultural environment, including parents, school, social
class, peers, and mass media (see Zillmann & Gan, 1997, for an overview).
It is difficult to determine the degree of relevance of each of the factors, since
their importance changes over the lifetime and may even vary depending on
the context. In general, the influence of parents and school decreases during
adolescence, at the same time when the importance of peers and media in-
creases. Furthermore, the degree of certain influences is determined by a
persons social class.
We should also realize that adolescents not only are passively influenced
by their sociocultural environment in the development of their musical pref-
erences but also are rather actively choosing and shaping their own envi-
ronment. This view of self-socialization is a relatively recent one and has
been adapted to music by Muller (1999). Musical self-socialization takes
place in an unhampered fashion far away from the influences of formal
education, preferably within the youth culture.
Open-earedness During Childhood

For children younger than 8, 9, or 10, musical preferences are less important
and less stable than those of teenagers. Therefore, children are more open
toward and tolerant of unfamiliar or unconventional types of music (Le-
Blanc, 1991, for an overview). This musical openness (open-earedness; Har-
greaves, 1982) of children of preschool and primary school age stems from
the less strong internalization of musical conventions and rules than that of
adolescents and adults. In addition, the links between preferences on the one
hand and cultural values, different ways of hearing, and functions of music
on the other hand are less strong at that age. Open-earedness is an oppor-
tunity for music education to introduce children to all kinds of unfamiliar
music, be it avant-garde or non-Western, against which adults or adolescents
might already have established prejudices.
Current research provides evidence for a decrease of open-earedness
with the beginning of adolescence (LeBlanc, 1991). Recent data show that
the decrease of open-earedness begins as early as grade 2 or 3 in elemen-
tary school (Gembris & Schellberg 2002; Schellberg & Gembris 2003). At
the same time, a preference for the music of ones peers starts to emerge.
This process is closely related to the construction of a personal and social
identity. Furthermore, LeBlanc (1991) observed a rebound effect at the end
of adolescence, when listeners tended to return to the music that played a
role in late childhood before the beginning of adolescence. This hypothesis
awaits further investigation.
Significance of Music Listening for Teenagers

With the beginning of adolescence, sometimes even earlier, listening to music,
the orientation toward music, and knowledge about musicians and stars
become more and more important. On average, musical preferences and
attitudes dramatically change between the 10th and 20th year of life. Around
this time, musical preferences separate from the taste of parents and teachers.
The close connections to the adult musical world that exist during childhood
are replaced by the desire to establish ones own musical taste and world.
In this context, the taste of peers plays an important role and also the music
industrys current products and the identification with specific musical styles,
groups, idols, and stars.
It is typical for teenagers to change their preferences quickly and to ex-
perience music with strong accompanying emotions (Behne, 1986). This be-
comes manifest in the strong enthusiasm for their currently preferred music
and a correspondingly strong rejection of other musical styles. Because their
preferences mirror the strong emotional impact of the music, adolescents are
often quite adamant when it comes to defending their current preferences
(Behne, 1997, p. 149). This close emotional relationship does not exist dur-
ing childhood or adulthood to nearly the same degree.
As adolescence is relatively short compared to the entire life span, it is
the time in which the greatest changes of musical preferences occur. This
period is most important for the musical development not only because of
the dramatic changes in preferences but also because the behavioral patterns
of listening acquired by the end of adolescence will remain prevalent for
adulthood (Behne, 1986, p. 56; Dollase, Rusenberg, & Stollenwerk, 1986,
p. 183; Holbrook & Schindler, 1989; Lehmann, 1994). A distinctive pref-
erence for the music of ones youth can be quite frequently observed at a
much older age (e.g., Jonas, 1991). A study of Holbrook and Schindler
(1989) demonstrated that preferences of adults from different generational
cohorts were clearly related to the music that was popular when they were
about 24 years old.
Emergence of Preferences for Popular Music

Musical preferences start to develop at primary school age but remain sub-
ject to change for a long time. Typically, the preference for popular music
gradually increases while other music is getting less popular (e.g., Montgom-
ery, 1996). Between the ages of 8 and 10, children begin to orient themselves
toward popular music and lose interest in other, for example, classical,
music.
A methodological remark is in order here. The fact that verbal and be-
havioral preferences do not match is quite well known (e.g., Behne, 1986,
1997; Finnas, 1989; Lehmann, 1994). It is a peculiarity of preference re-
search that evaluative statements about music that are based on verbal labels
will be more negative than preferences reported after listening to an actual
example. The reason is that verbal preferences seem to be influenced by
social desirability to a greater extent than behavioral preferences. Verbal
preferences therefore represent the publicly expressed musical taste of a peer
group, while behavioral preferences represent a more private taste (compare
Behne, 1997, and Finnas, 1989). Thus it is entirely possible for a student to
generally dislike a genre like opera but, when confronted with a recording
of, say, Che gelida manina from Puccinis La Boheme, be quite touched.
K.-E. Behne (1986) carried out an investigation into the verbal and lis-
tening (behavioral) preferences of over 1,000 students aged 10 to 22. He
observed that different classical music styles, when presented verbally (word
labels), were viewed as a homogenous complex by the majority of the ad-
olescents. However, when actual examples of classical music styles were pre-
sented (listening preferences), classical music was not rejected as a whole.
Among the various youth subcultures there are those in which classical
music is rated highest on preference scale (e.g., Bastian, 1989, p. 236). Nat-
urally, this group represents a minority. Still, some music-listening studies
have demonstrated a surprising tolerance for different classical music genres
among younger and older people as well as openness to the oldies but
goldies of popular music among older people (Gembris, 1995).
Increasing Consumption of Music and Use of Mass Media

The development of musical preferences is accompanied by an expanding
music consumption, which can already be observed around the age of 10
and remains at a high level during adolescence. Different researchers found
out that the amount of time watching television increases rapidly between
childhood and early adolescence and decreases slowly thereafter (Huston &
Wright, 1998, p. 1001). Current studies also provide evidence for an increase
of the time spent listening to music from childhood to adolescence. For better
or worse, the growing availability of music videos, compact discs, minidiscs,
the internet, and mp3 players is likely to contribute to the ubiquity of music
consumption. Children and adolescents who play an instrument seem to use
the mass media less and in a more reflective manner than those who do not
(e.g., Scheuer, 1988, p. 206). Taken together, the time allotted to music in
formal settings (school) contributes only a small fraction to the overall
amount of music to which young people listen. This does not necessarily
mean that education has no influence at all upon the development of musical
preferences.
Based on his own and other researchers work, Dollase (1997) proposed
a 3-stage model to explain the development of interest in music and of
individual preferences: First, there is a rise, starting with the age of 10;
interests plateau starting with the age of 13 during the second stage; finally,
speed of development declines after the age of 25. As always, age details
only serve as points of reference, while individual differences may be large.
Gender Differences
In general, there seem to exist hardly any differences between girls and boys
regarding musical instruments or musical styles during childhood (Maidlow
& Bruce, 1999). However, the increase in preference for popular music dur-
ing adolescence seems to be more pronounced for boys than for girls; that
is, girls dislikes of nonpopular music are less strong than those of the boys.
Also, girls seem to like a broader range of classical music (Hargreaves,
Comber, & Colley, 1996). The authors explain this with the fact that girls
generally take more instrumental lessons and are thus ahead in music edu-
cation, resulting in a wider acceptance of different musical styles. Some re-
searchers do find gender differences. Martin, Clarke, and Pearce (1993), for
instance, found that boys prefer rock and heavy metal music while girls had
a preference for popular music. These differences are obviously related to
the gender stereotyping of certain musical styles (see Green, 1997; and Maid-
low & Bruce, 1999, for detail on gender differences with regard to prefer-
ences).
Functions of Music, Listening Styles, and Preferences

The functions that music can assume in an individuals life can be considered
the essential influencing factors in the development of musical preferences
(Behne, 1986; Dollase, 1997; Lehmann, 1994). Music already serves specific
functions during infancy and childhood, yet this functionality is largely im-
posed on the child (e.g., lullabies, childrens songs, etc.) rather than self-
chosen. However, the wide distribution of tape recorders, compact disc play-
ers, and other technical media makes it possible even for small children to
listen to music whenever they choose. The functional use of music expands
in adolescence in parallel with the increase in amount of listening. Music is
used consciously or unconsciously for various reasons in everyday life. For
example, Baacke (1993) presents the following possible list of functions:
Specific musical preferences act as a sign of identification for specific youth

cultures which distinguishes them from one another
Source of information on new lifestyles, fashion and habits
Separation from adults who reject youth-specific music
Stimulation for dreams and wishes
Establishing of own physical identity by discovering movement through
dancing
Summons to be active and protest
Escape from everyday life
Possibility to identify with idols like rock music stars
Expression of protest and opposition against everyday culture
A means of stimulation and mood control (p. 232)
It is obvious from a number of further studies that musical preferences

develop in response to functional aspects of music (e.g., Lehmann, 1994;
Mende, 1991). The use of music as a coping strategy, for compensating for
problems, or for mood management plays an important role. Depending on
an actual situation, different styles of listening are used to invoke various
functional aspects. Pronounced gender differences are found, and according

to Behne (1997) boys gravitate toward a more stimulative listening style,
whereas girls tend to adhere to a more sentimental listening style:
Results show surprisingly clearly how strongly individual listening styles are
connected with the experience of individual problems, depression appearing
to be the most important experience in this context. In most cases, plausible
explanations for the interrelations between problem experience and listening
style are possible. (p. 157)
Musical Preferences and Music Education

Musical preferences must be reckoned with in music education. On the one
hand, they may provide the impulse for music instruction; on the other hand,
they may also be a result of teaching. Music education usually strives for a
pluralistic and tolerant musical taste. However, there are diverging opinions
about whether or not teachers should try to influence the musical tastes of
their students (cf. Finnas, 1989, p. 43). Current knowledge makes it appear
unlikely that music education can have a lasting effect on young peoples
musical preferences, especially during the first stage in the development of
preferences and during puberty. At this time, the open-earedness is limited
and the emotions run high. A survey of research into the possibilities of
influencing musical preferences (cf. Finnas, 1989) finds that students will
generally not prefer music that is slow or rhythmically, melodically, and
harmonically complex or vocal music. However, the preference for music
increases once it becomes more familiar. In light of this, it may be advisable
to repeat the presentation of unknown music in more than one lesson. Also,
information about composers or musicians as well as live concerts can pos-
itively influence an interest in unfamiliar music.
Puberty as a Critical Phase in Musical Development

Puberty is a time of significant change, not only with respect to the devel-
opment of musical preferences. During this time, decisions are made about
instrumental music education with far-reaching consequences. Even in the
biographies of professional musicians, turning points and setbacks can be
observed at the onset of puberty (Manturzewska, 1990). A study among
violinists provided evidence for a critical stage between the ages of 12 and
16. The best musicians were able to increase their amount of practice more
than the average during this period (e.g. Ericsson et al., 1993; Krampe, 1994;
see chap. 7, by Andreas C. Lehmann and Jane W. Davidson, in this volume).
Making music and practicing an instrument thus becomes an important part
of ones personal identity. Many other students drop out of instrumental
lessons during this time. The reason is that young peoples longing for au-
tonomy and their search for personal identity now require more freedom
and less rigid guidance (see Grimmer, 1991). Unfortunately, many teachers
abilities to cope with these changed desires in instrumental music lessons are
quite limited.
Parents and teachers know very well that puberty is a critical stage for
musical development. It is surprising that research has not yet adequately
addressed the influences of changes in personality, motivation, interests, and
sociopsychological conditions typical for this developmental stage on music
instruction.
Developmental Processes Throughout Adulthood
The development of basic musical abilities, musical preferences, and aes-

thetic values takes place in the first two decades of life even in the absence
of music education. However, more refined musical development requires
deliberate activities and instruction. The range of individual differences with
regard to music in adulthood encompasses the results of impressive special-
ization of the professional musician as well as the stagnation and decrease
of musical abilities due to a lack of interest and motivation. This section
offers a survey of research on musical development in adulthood, which is
still in its infancy. I will first present some general comments on biological
and cultural aspects of general conditions of aging during adulthood (cf.
Baltes et al., 1998).
General Conditions of Aging: Biological Aspects

A number of age-related cognitive, sensory, and physiological changes occur
in adulthood that can impact musical activities. Although these changes also
affect younger adults, their influence increase at older ages (see Birren &
Schaie, 1996, for relevant chapters). Starting around the age of 30, human
physiological functions lose about 1% of their efficiency every year. In ad-
dition, the speed of cognitive processing and the discrimination of stimuli
already start to decrease in early adulthood (e.g. Baltes et al., 1998; Jennen
& Gembris, 2000; Park, 1999; Swartz et al., 1994). Another generally ac-
cepted effect of aging is the continuous decline of hearing. However, the
bodys great capacity for compensation can hide this slow process of reduc-
tion for a long time. Only when a critical limit is reached do these changes
in physiological processes start to become a problem (Maier, Ambuhl-Caesar,
& Schandry, 1994, p. 167). For example, at older ages the decrease of sen-
sorimotor speed and dexterity along with a reduction of the sense of touch
and other micromotor impasses can lead to difficulties in instrumental
playing.
A severe problem for singers is the change of the voice with age. This
change is not directly related to chronological but to biological age, and it
can be accompanied by effects like the loss of the chest voice, the fast change
of pitch and timbre of the voice, the loss of intensity and resonance, and the
reduced ability to control the many parameters involved in singing. Fortu-

nately, these characteristics do not emerge all at the same time (Habermann,
1986, p. 148; Moore, Staum, & Brotons, 1992; Sataloff, 1992; Seidner &
Wendler, 1997, p. 180).
The beginning of age-induced decline of physiological functioning is sub-
ject to individual differences and cannot be linked to a specific age. In ad-
dition, the amount of age-related changes and their significance for musical
activities differ widely and depend also on other factors such as the level of
musical training. For example, due to their maintenance practice, profes-
sional piano players are less affected by the decline of manual abilities than
untrained amateurs of similar ages (Krampe, 1994; Krampe & Ericsson,
1996).
General Conditions of Aging: Cultural Aspects

Whereas the influence of biological aspects in the changes of function in-
creases with age, the opposite is true for cultural influences. Even though
the direct influence of culture on development lessens as an individual ma-
tures, existing differences in musical development, which stem from the time
of childhood and adolescence, give rise to continuously increasing differences
in the course of adulthood. This becomes obvious when professional musi-
cians are compared to amateurs and people who are untrained in music.
Musicians broaden the gap between themselves and less trained individuals
through constant work and further development, while nonmusicians suffer
a continuous decline because of their different professions and other activ-
ities. This means that developmental courses of professional musicians and
amateurs point in opposite directions.
Creative Productivity of Composers Over Their Lifetimes

One of the first studies on the life-span development of creative work was
carried out by Charlotte Buhler (1933/1959). Depending on the domain,
different trajectories and peaks of creativity were found. An early study by
Lehman and Ingerham (1939) showed that the peak of creativity for com-
posers of classical music was reached between the ages 35 and 45. However,
the age with the highest productivity seemed to depend on the specific mu-
sical genre. For instance, the peak for instrumental music occurred between
the ages of 25 and 29, while most of the operas were composed between
the ages of 35 and 40. Similar differences were encountered that concerned
other musical forms, like symphonic music, chamber music, and sacred mu-
sic. Using a different methodology, Dennis (1966) obtained converging re-
sults. For example, composers of chamber music reached their creative peaks
between the ages of 30 and 39, whereas composers of operas had their
highest productivity between the ages of 40 and 49. A remaining method-
ological problem of these studies is how to define and measure musical cre-
ativity if one does not only want to consider the number of compositions
but also quality and other aspects (cf. Gembris, 2002, p. 375f).
More recently, a barrage of studies by Simonton have investigated the
possible influences of culture, society, history, and biographical situation on
creative productivity (e.g., Simonton, 1997, for a review). Based on his work,
the author put forth a mathematical model that suggests that the lifetime
trajectory of musical productivity (composition) could be represented by a
tilted J-shaped function. Hence, the creative process rises quickly up to a
peak that falls around the age of 40 (give or take a few years depending on
the musical genre), after which there is a steady decrease. Of course, these
kinds of statistical and graphic representations of creative productivity over
the life span are idealized and based on averages. Given that individual
differences of adults increase with age (see earlier), actual composers can
differ from one another to a large extent.
Developmental Trajectories of Professional Instrumentalists

The social and individual preconditions for musical careers have been ad-
dressed in a number of studies by Manturzewska (1990, 1995). She exam-
ined the careers of 165 successful Polish musicians of different generations.
The data collected consisted mainly of biographical interviews supplemented
by archival material and quantitative data. Sosniaks (1985) studies of the
careers of pianists were also based on biographical interviews.
Manturzewska (1995) identified six stages in the careers of professional
instrumentalists in Western art music and characterized those according to
the activities undertaken by the instrumentalists during those phases. The
final phase after skill acquisition and a life of concertizing was marked by
the fact that professional musicians turned to teaching as their main activity
(see also chap. 30 in this volume for a broader discussion of skill acquisi-
tion). In another study among retired members of a first-class American
orchestra, D. W. E. Smith (1988) observed that most of the musicians
stopped playing completely. Due to a lack of motivation, they gave up reg-
ular practice and their performance no longer met their expectations. Fur-
thermore, health problems may have resulted from giving up musical activ-
ities (cf. Darrough & Boswell, 1992, for a review).
The developmental stages that Manturzewska (1995) observed for out-
standing musicians and that Sosniak (1985) described for concert pianists
cannot be generalized to all professional musicians. The data are based on
exceptional and successful musicians. Nowadays musicians careers change
structurally because many instrumentalists or singers do not hold steady jobs
anymore. Instead, they earn a living with multiple and frequently changing
jobs that may include nonmusical ones. In addition, becoming a professional
musician through a conservatory degree does not necessarily mean that one
will be working as a musician throughout the whole professional life. Both
tendencies are supported by empirical data (HEFCE, 1998; Gembris &
Langner, in prep. (2005a, b); Mills & Smith, in prep (2005), and the con-
sequences for the musicians personal and professional identity as well as for
the development of musical abilities have yet to be explored.
Maintaining High Performance in Old Age

Through Practicing
A study among younger (average age: 24) and older (average age: 60) am-
ateur and professional pianists was carried out by Krampe (1994; see also
Krampe & Ericsson, 1996), who provided evidence that continuous musical
activity counteracted the decline of musical performance in old age. Famous
piano players like Artur Rubinstein (18871982) and Vladimir Horowitz
(19031989), who still played concerts and produced records when they
were more than 80 years old, illustrate that even very old persons can pro-
duce outstanding instrumental achievements. However, the examples men-
tioned are rare exceptions, and normally age-related declines cannot be pre-
vented. It is possible to ameliorate the situation through the use of deliberate
strategies like optimization, selection, and compensation (cf. Baltes & Baltes,
1989). Baltes, Lindenberger, and Staudinger (1998) offer the following in-
terpretation of a television interview given by the 80-year-old Rubinstein:
First, Rubinstein said that he played fewer pieces (selection); second, he in-
dicated that he now practices these pieces more often (optimization); and
third, he said that to counteract his loss in mechanical speed he now used a
kind of impression management such as introducing slower play before fast
segments, so to make the latter appear faster (compensation). (p. 1055)
However, it is likely that only pianists and conductors can maintain these
kinds of outstanding results at old age, while it might be impossible for
woodwind, brass, or string players. Those will be affected earlier by the
decrease of sensorimotor functions as a result of aging. Additional problems
for violin players that would lead to weaknesses in intonation and bowing
could be the decline of the sense of touch along with the reduction of the
skins sensibility and reduced agility and speed.
Even though biological changes of the voice are also unavoidable, singers
can work against them to a certain degree. Sataloff (1992, p. 20) suggests
that in order to maintain a good physical condition it is necessary to exercise.
Also, regular technical practice eliminates undesirable tremolo and improves
the smoothness, exactness, and stamina of the voice for old as well as for
young singers. According to Sataloff, many functions of the voice could be
maintained at higher levels much longer than it is generally believed. Thus
a singing career could possibly be extended beyond the age of 60 and into
the seventh decade of life.
Musical Learning of Adult Amateurs and Nonmusicians:

Cognitive Aspects
Findings on the development of musical abilities and interests of adult am-
ateurs and nonmusicians are still inconclusive. Some authors have examined
musical learning in areas including instrumental playing, sight-reading or
sight-singing, rhythmic-melodic imitation, and aural training (Gibbons,
1983). The hypothesis that performance generally decreases with age is not
supported by these studies (e.g., Kluppelholz, 1993). Even though learning
might be more difficult in middle-aged and old-age groups, the overall
achievements remained the same. In general, musical learning seems to be
possible at every age.
Low self-confidence with regard to ones own musical performance and
learning capabilities due to age may be more detrimental to a positive mu-
sical development than the actual decline of learning abilities. A fresh eval-
uation of ones own expectations, along with the idea that making music is
enjoyable and requires neither high-level performance skills nor great talent,
may provide a suitable basis for successful learning. Optimistically speaking,
most of the older people have a considerable potential quite comparable to
that of younger people and this can be activated by learning, practice, and
deliberate training (Baltes & Baltes, 1989, p. 90; Staudinger, Cornelius, &
Baltes, 1989). At the same time, these capacities do have limitations that
cannot be altered even by intensive training (Baltes & Kliegl, 1992). There
is no reason to assume that these capacities do not exist for musical abilities.
On the contrary, current studies with adult nonmusicians demonstrate the
possibility of learning new musical abilities with appropriate training. Ac-
cording to Gordon (1987), only very few people make use of all their ex-
isting capacities for musical abilities.
A number of studies clearly point to the fact that limitations to musical
achievement are likely to increase with age (as far as psychomotor skills go).
Older people need more time and more repetitions than younger individuals
to attain the same level of performance (Mack, 1982). Also, a poorer musical
long-term memory was observed by Bartlett and Snelus (1980). Finally, D. S.
Smith (1991) examined the short-term memory of older people. Depending
on their health status and social living conditions, memory capacities turned
out to vary greatly. On the whole, these and other studies demonstrate that
the decline of short-term memory of old people also applies to music, while
significant interindividual differences can occur.
Although adults do not seem to be at a larger disadvantage in the cog-
nitive domain than children and adolescents, their learning potential for in-
strumental technique is clearly limited (Kluppelholz, 1993). It would be pos-
sible to detail the difference between childrens and adults instrumental
achievements by applying a testing-the-limits paradigm, an approach al-
ready applied to cognitive abilities (Baltes et al., 1998, p. 1066). However,
no such studies in music have yet been carried out.
Adults who want to learn music have different motivations, learning

styles, and learning difficulties from those of children. They tend to address
their learning tasks primarily cognitively. It is common for adults to start to
learn an instrument because they want to play in an ensemble or because
they want to create new social contacts. Indeed, making music increases
well-being and contributes to a balanced personality (Kluppelholz, 1993).
The actual level of achievement and the desire to perform as a soloist are
less important. Taking into account what we know about adult cognition
and motivation is important for designing appropriate educational goals and
methods.
Preferences During Adulthood

Most studies on musical preferences focus on the time of adolescence. The
few existing studies on old peoples preferences have emerged from the con-
text of music therapy. Their results have been used for developing music
programs in retirement homes and musicotherapeutic interventions. It be-
came obvious from these studies that musical preferences primarily depended
on the age and also on the social class. The effect of the chronological age
on a persons musical preferences is mixed as well with the effects of the
present point of time and with the effects of belonging to a specific gener-
ation (cohort). Therefore, age effects on musical preferences of adults should
be viewed as a result of a combination of these three factors.
Musical preferences primarily depend on the individual and social func-
tions of music. Thus the developmental perspective has to take into account
age-related functions of music and age-related changes of functions (cf. Dol-
lase et al., 1986; Mende, 1991). Lehmann (1994) showed convincingly that
not only preferences changed with age but also the reasons for listening to
music and the approaches to music. For example, with increasing age phys-
iological and motor aspects relinquished their importance to the need for
relaxation and empathy (Lehmann, 1994, p. 176).
A number of studies have demonstrated that older people, depending on
their educational level and social environment, disliked current popular mu-
sic and instead preferred other musical styles like country music, classical
music, or traditional jazz. Quite often, older peoples favorite music was the
popular music of their youth (e.g. Gibbons, 1977; Holbrook & Schindler,
1989; Jonas, 1991; Moore et al., 1992). They also tended to prefer lower
sound volumes and slower musical tempi (Moore et al., 1992).
Affective processes also undergo a lifelong development, as does the abil-
ity to recognize emotional expression in music. Current findings based on
psychological data suggest that older persons experience fundamental emo-
tions at a generally lower level of intensity than younger persons and that,
in the case of geriatric patients, they show a decline in recognition of facial
expression (Brosgole et al., 1983; Brosgole, Kurucz, Plahovinsak, Sprotte, &
Haveliwala, 1983; Filipp, 1996). Complex emotions like those that arise
from a musical experience have not yet been examined.
Even though experimental studies on the recognition of musical expres-

sion and on the ability to experience music in adulthood and old age are
lacking, we can still derive some hypotheses for future research. The rec-
ognition of musical expression and the ability to experience music ought to
depend on general factors (e.g. health status, social environment, etc.). Also,
the development of recognition of musical expression is likely to be influ-
enced by how much time a person devotes to music, if he or she is listening
to music or actively making music, and if music in general holds a special
status in that persons life. Just as existing abilities in other areas disappear
as a result of lack of use and training, it is likely that musical abilities will
decrease (disengagement or disuse hypothesis). This explanation could serve
as a good reason for a lifelong active contact with music, especially since
research on emotion has shown that even the most brilliant intelligence is
hampered by the lack of emotional abilities (e.g., Damasio, 1997). Thus
music seems to be an agreeable way to create and to maintain rich emotional
experiences over the lifetime.
Conclusion
Considering the large individual differences in the musical development, the

future psychology of life-span development of musical abilities will have to
be a differential psychology. There is no such thing as a normal or average
musical biography. For adult age in particular, it would appear to be more
promising to focus on the existing diversity instead of trying to establish an
average.
Developmental psychology of music should not focus only on those cog-
nitive or instrumental abilities that are readily measured. Instead, the ability
to experience music, musical skills, and attitudes are also part of the musical
development. Furthermore, changes of musical desires, interests, and moti-
vations take place throughout life. Thus what we mean by musical devel-
opment may be entirely different at different stages of life. While the first
10 years of life consist of the acquisition of basic musical abilities, musical
development during adulthood possibly includes an expansion of musical
preferences and the growth of musical understanding. Therefore, the notion
of musical development as a continuum will in itself have to be reconsidered
and subsequently expanded.
The idea of optimization through selection and compensation (see Baltes
et al., 1998) and the concept of plasticity should provide new starting points
for research on musical development. During adulthood or old age, musical
activities are not merely leisure activities but rather play an important role
in an individuals life as they help form identities, establish and maintain
social contacts, and activate cognitive and emotional functions. Thereby mu-
sical activities contribute to a persons quality of life and well-being. Studies
in the context of music therapy showed that the use of music in nursing
homes and in geriatrics had a positive effect on cognitive functioning such

as memory, mobilization, and social behavior (for an overview see Brotons,
Koger & Pickett-Cooper, 1999). Although more research is badly needed,
these facts illustrate the great importance of musical activities, especially
during late adulthood and old age. As the number of older people in our
society increases, the research results mentioned earlier will gain political
importance, because if musical activities increase the quality of life and have
positive effects on health, then they are extremely useful to society.
Encouraging musical learning in childhood and adolescence is an invest-
ment sure to produce long-term benefits at more mature ages. Even if no
explicit support of the musical development has taken place during the early
part of life, musical learning, musical activities, and some musical develop-
ment are still possible during adulthood. Thus we can agree with the
composer Robert Schumann who, in his musical rules for home and life
(Musikalische Haus-und Lebensregeln), stated that there is no end to
learning.
STUDY QUESTIONS
1. Describe some generally important assumptions concerning musical

development.
2. Name some fields of research on musical development which have
generated significant new results in the research on musical development.
3. What do we know about prenatal hearing experiences?
4. Describe the development of pitch perception in the first ten years of
life.
5. Describe the development of melody perception.
6. Describe the development of rhythmic abilities.
7. Describe the development of the sense for harmony and tonality.
8. Describe the development of the recognition of musical emotions.
9. Describe the development of singing abilities.
10. How do musical preferences develop in the course of childhood?
11. What functions do musical preferences have?
12. Are there gender differences in musical preferences?
13. Which general developmental processes in adulthood are important
with respect to musical development?
14. Which decades are evidently the most productive years in the lives
of composers of classical music?
15. Describe three principles which have proven to be effective in coun-
teracting the age-related decline in musical performance.
16. Which aspects are important with respect to the musical learning of
adult amateurs?
17. Explain how musical activities in adulthood can contribute to life
quality and well-being.
NOTE
I am grateful to Mirjam Schlemmer and Jan Hemming for their indefatigable
help with the English manuscript and the reviewers for their insightful com-
ments.
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A Comparative Review of Human
Ability Theory
5
Context, Structure, and Development
bruce torff
A quick look around the world yields abundant examples of impressive hu-
man accomplishments. People are able to set new records in athletics, pub-
lish groundbreaking scientific works, and produce beautiful and challenging
new music and art. Examples such as these raise old and vexing questions
about the human abilities involved in complex performances like those in
athletics, science, music, and art. To what extent do complex performances
require abilities unique to particular domains and disciplines (e.g., language,
mathematics)? To what extent are complex performances dependent upon
general abilities that cut across domains and disciplines? How and why did
abilities take this form, over the aeons? How do abilities change with age
and experience? How can they be fostered?
These questions have been tackled over the centuries by a diverse group
of psychologists, philosophers, sociologists, anthropologists, educators, and
others focused on cognition, learning, development, and education. Histor-
ically, complex performances have posed a daunting challenge for these re-
searchers. Accordingly, psychological work in the last century has made
more headway with simpler performances that are easily measured, espe-
cially ones in laboratory settings that allow researchers to control the context
in which tasks and instruments are implemented. Complex performances are
far harder to study, and the psychological literature reflects this fact. As a
result, practitioners and educators in many disciplines find the psychological
literature too remote to be of much value (Egan, 1992).
But in recent decades, new theory and research have offered fresh per-
spectives on the development and nurturance of human abilities. Since the
cognitive revolution that began in the late 1950s, attention has focused
165
on the intellectual aspects of performances previously thought to be outside

the realm of the cognitive. Traditionally, abilities in disciplines such as ath-
letics, music, and art have been cast as talents that are conceptually dis-
tinct from cognitive abilities such as language and mathematics. The new
perspective encompasses the cognitive underpinnings of all human abilities,
even in matters athletic and aesthetic. Across the vast range of domains and
disciplines, cognitive aspects of performance are coming under scrutiny, with
human abilities cast increasingly as developing intellectual competences
rather than fixed and innately specified aptitudes. It should be noted that
this new body of cognitive work accompanies related investigations by re-
searchers interested in other aspects of human experience, including philo-
sophical, social, affective, moral, and practical ones.
The wealth of new ideas makes it a propitious time for a review of the
literature in recent decades, with the goal of addressing anew some old ques-
tions about human abilities, especially as they are used in complex perform-
ances. It turns out that new theory and research dispute some widely held
assumptions about human abilities and their development. In this chapter I
review recent trends in theoretical conceptions of human abilities and ex-
plore their educational implications.
It may seem strange for this chapter to appear in a handbook on music
education, since I make no effort here to examine musical ability specifically.
This chapter takes a more general perspective on the abilities that underlie
complex performances, for two reasons: to provide a review of theory in the
psychological literature that may prove of interest to musical practitioners
and educators and to stimulate discussion about the larger framework of
which musical abilities are part, especially concerning the extent to which
musical ability is unique to the domain of music or linked to other, extra-
musical abilities.
Psychology of Abilities: Past and Present
No discipline has a longer and more contentious history than studies of the
human mind. Beginning perhaps with Platos Meno, two millennia of schol-
arly attention have focused on the minds structure, development, and nur-
turance. For most of this history, the workings of the mind have been viewed
as issues of interest largely in the discipline of philosophy. But the industrial
revolution brought forth a great flurry of activity in the sciences, and schol-
ars interested in the mind sought scientific methods for studying their
quarry. Psychology diverged from philosophy in the late 19th century, armed
with newly crafted research methods modeled on the hard sciences. The new
science of the mind put forward three theoretical models of human abilities.
First, the new focus on instrumentation and research methods led to a
particular theoretical/methodological perspective of the mind, one that fo-
A COMPARATIVE REVIEW OF HUMAN ABILITY THEORY 167
cused exclusively on observable behavior. This perspective is known vari-

ously as behaviorism and learning theory (e.g., Skinner, 1954; Thorndike,
1932; Watson, 1924). Eschewing constructs that can only be inferred to exist
and cannot be observed directly (e.g., cognitive structure, knowledge), be-
haviorists explain human behavior in terms of the rewards and punishments
associated with it. As such, behavior is under the control of externally im-
posed contingencies of reinforcement, and studying how these contingencies
affect behavior is the goal of psychology. From the behaviorist perspective,
abilities are patterns in behavior forged by a reinforcement history.
A second theory of human intellect became prominent in the 20th cen-
turythe genetic epistemology of Piaget, Inhelder, and associates (Piaget,
1983; see Gruber & Voneche, 1977). What is commonly known as Piagetian
theory posits the mind as a general computational device that develops in
predictable stages of development given the right kind of environmental in-
teraction. Terms such as equillibration, assimilation, and accommodation
were coined to describe the psychological processes involved in interaction
and stage change. According to Piaget, abilities are outward manifestations
of underlying cognitive structures that are innately specified but triggered
through action on the environment.
The third theory of the psychology of human abilities is the notion of
general intelligence (e.g., Eysenck, 1986; Thurstone, 1938). From this view-
point, the human mind is structured with a single overarching cognitive
ability called general intelligence, or g. The theory of general intelligence
aims to predict individual differences in performance on intelligence tests
and tests of other abilities. The high correlations among these various tests,
the argument goes, support the claim that a general processing capacity
constrains all intelligent action.
For decades, proponents of behaviorism, Piagetian theory, and general
intelligence showed little regard for one anothers perspective, underscoring
the preparadigmatic character of psychological research. No widely accepted
paradigm organizes modern psychology, as in physics, for example.
But disparate as these historically important models may be, they have
in common a set of three related assumptions about human abilities. First,
the three theories focus on the action of individual people. Each assumes
that environmental elements such as language and culture have little impact
on underlying cognitive structures and processes. Since abilities are viewed
as fundamentally context-independent, it follows that the individual mind is
the unproblematic unit of analysis for psychological research. Second, the
three theories focus on domain-general universals of human development
structures and processes that are common to all individuals and that function
similarly in different domains and disciplines. The three theories seek the
basic laws of psychology, akin to the basic laws of physics. Third, the three
theories assume that cognitive growth and learning occur along a smooth
and unimpeded developmental path, given the right care and experiences.
This trio of assumptions has done much to frame the debate about the
structure and development of human abilities, outline the methods by which

abilities have been studied, and establish the pedagogies by which abilities
have been nurtured at home and in school.
These assumptions have come under fire in the decades since the cognitive
revolution, as the traditional models have waned in influence. In what fol-
lows I examine each assumption in turn in light of recent theory and research
in human abilities.
Contexualization of Psychological Theory and Research

Surrounding the individual learner is an environment filled with social, phys-
ical, and symbolic elements (e.g., languages, tools, notations). These envi-
ronmental elements form the context in which abilities are developed and
used. At issue in this section is the role of contextual factors in the structure
and development of abilitiesand the related methodological point that
concerns the appropriate unit of analysis in psychological research.
Behaviorists, Piagetians, and g researchers have in common the pursuit
of universals of learning and development that operate in all unimpaired
individuals in a similar manner across domains and disciplines. Environ-
mental elements are thought to provide the content used by human abilities
but not to influence underlying patterns of thought, which are presumed to
stem from domain-general structures or processes. It follows from this view
that the individual person is the appropriate unit of analysis in psychological
research.
Role of Context and Culture in Cognition. Recent theory and research do

not dispute the biological basis of abilities but make a persuasive case for
sociocultural factors. There is now a substantial literature that demonstrates
striking cultural differences in patterns of thought (see Bakhtin, 1981; Cole,
1996; Hutchins, 1990; Kaiping & Nisbett, 1999; Rogoff, 1990; Torff,
1999a). For example, Asians and Westerners give consistently dissimilar in-
terpretations of a visual display, interpreting the figure-ground relationship
in fundamentally different ways (Kaiping & Nisbett, 1999).
A host of similar findings have yielded the broad consensus that abilities
are far more context-dependent than previously thought. Environmental el-
ements such as languages and notations influence underlying patterns of
thought. Thus the range of factors relevant to studies of human abilities
must be expanded to include contextual ones, and the pursuit of universals
ought to be viewed in new and less expansive light. After a century of largely
ignored calls for a second psychology based on culture and context (Ca-
han & White, 1992), a new view emerged: In the course of development in
a culture, the individual is exposed to (and becomes dependent upon) a
variety of contextual elements that guide the way the individual mind de-
velops. These contextual elements are products of culture. For a com-
prehensive understanding of abilities to be crafted, theory and research
must take into account the culture in which abilities are created and given
meaning.
The emergence of contextualism has coincided with a surge of interest in
a sociocultural theory of cognitive development put forth by Vygotsky and
independently by Mead in the 1930s (Mead, 1934/1956; Vygotsky, 1978;
see also Cole, 1996; Wertsch, 1985). The essence of sociocultural theory is
the claim that the mind is socially formedthat is, the structure and function
of cognitive abilities are constituted by culture as the individual interacts
with the sociocultural environment. The individuals performance is sup-
ported by a variety of culturally created mediators, which include physical
tools, social conventions, and symbolic media. Learning (internalization) oc-
curs as individuals construct mental representations and habituate actions
as guided by mediational elements. According to sociocultural theory, cul-
tural concepts form the foundation of the way individuals make sense of the
world, and the individuals thought processes are thus imprinted through
interaction with the cultural environment. In recent decades, four new lines
of sociocultural theory and research have appeared, under the headings
Everyday Cognition, Socially Shared Cognition, Distributed Cogni-
tion, and Situated Cognition.
Everyday cognition: With the rise of sociocultural theory came a spate of
studies of thinking and learning in nonacademic contexts, much of it under
the banner of everyday cognition (Lave, 1988; Lave & Wenger, 1993; Rogoff
& Lave, 1984). Researchers who looked outside the classroom at instances
of everyday activityon the job and at homefound examples of ingenious
strategies that people devised to exploit environmental affordances and over-
come situational constraints. For example, truck drivers were found to stack
milk crates through use of a context-embedded method of counting that is
remarkably effective, if remote from the school-oriented approach of making
a formal count (Scribner, 1984). Studies of everyday cognition reveal how
seldom the strategies people use in life and on the job resemble the formal
knowledge taught in schools. Sociocultural theory points up the learning
inherent in everyday settingsvisiting a restaurant, completing a tax form,
programming a VCR. Focusing on the ubiquity of mediators in the world
around us, sociocultural theory underscores that learning occurs everywhere,
all the timeeven when there is no intent to teach or learn. From this per-
spective, the terms education, socialization, and enculturation are closely
related notions, if not outright synonyms.
Socially shared cognition: Sociocultural theory pays particular attention
to one form of cultural mediationthe efforts made and encouragement
given by other people. The growing interest in socially shared cognition
refers to the study of how people come to engage in shared belief (Resnick,
Levine, & Teasley, 1991). Apart from knowledge people hold through direct
observation, all knowledge is the result of entering into a shared belief with
a group of like-minded others called a community of practice. According to
researchers focused on socially shared cognition, learning occurs when the
learner comes to agreement with other people with whom the learner inter-
acts in a community of practice. People in the United States share the belief
that John Wilkes Booth assassinated Lincoln because we participate in a
community of practicethe one that concerns the historical beliefs of Amer-
ican culture as taught in secondary schools. Of course, such beliefs may later
be rethought and changed; as with any other cultural product, beliefs about
history are dynamic and evolve as the culture does.
Bruner (1990, 1996) uses the term intersubjectivity to describe interac-
tional processes through which individuals come to share beliefs with others.
Through intersubjective exchange, Bruner suggests, people fail to arrive at
the exact same construal of events but come to enough of a shared under-
standing to make sense of whats going on and continue the interaction.
Intersubjectivity is at the heart of sociocultural theory, because it is shared
belief in communities of practice that orients the individual and gives the
world meaning.
Distributed cognition: If cognitive activities are shared between person
and context, it follows that part of the resources (the intelligence) required
to get something done is handled by the environment, like a sort of pros-
thetic (Perkins, 1995). In communities of practice, people are assisted by the
intelligences of the cultural environmentthe physical, social, and symbolic
elements that do part of the job. Abilities are thus said to be distributed
spread between person and environmental elements. For example, lawyers
have at their disposal thick books that detail laws and precedents; we expect
a lawyer not to memorize everything but to also know how to look things
up. From the perspective of distributed-cognition researchers, the abilities
needed in law are in part in the practitioners heads but in part distributed
among the various intelligences of the cultural environment.
Situated cognition: A strong form of sociocultural theory has come for-
ward under the headings situated and situative cognition (Greeno,
1998; Lave & Wenger, 1993; Seely Brown, Collins, & Duguid, 1989). From
this perspective, individuals and situations cocreate activity and thus cannot
be studied separately. Abilities are seen as outgrowths of particular situa-
tional affordances and constraints, and only in context do they make sense.
People develop strategies for doing things that depend on a certain context,
and only in this context are they able to work without difficulty.
Dependence on situational affordances and constraints means that it is
very difficult for individuals to transfer knowledge across contexts, even
isomorphic ones. (Every teacher has had the experience of teaching some-
thing only to find that the lesson did not transfer as needed to a nearby
context.) According to situated-cognition researchers, transfer occurs
through generalization of knowledge, but this process can be fraught with
difficulty. As a result, people often find it hard to work unless the environ-
mental support is just right. Consider, for example, that there are places to
which you are able to drive but to which you are unable to give another
person adequate directions. You know the route, but only well enough to
get yourself there, as if by feel. Embedded in the environment are memory
cuesenvironmental objects that, when presented to your senses and inter-
mingled with your memories of the terrain, help you to make all the nec-
essary turns. Memory and learning, it turns out, are not simply mental
achievementsthey are collaborations between the individual and a
particular set of environmental circumstances.
The situative perspective underscores that all learning is a product not
only of the persons intellectual efforts but also of whatever situational ele-
ments are present when the learning occurs. All learning is thus linked to its
situation of origin, and it is of utmost importance for educators and re-
searchers to explore how situational affordances and constraints influence
learning.
Abilities as Situated Knowledge and Skill. Abilities, according to sociocul-

tural theory, are culturally established but individually internalized patterns
of knowledge and skill crafted to fit situational affordances and constraints.
Some of these constraints and affordances cohere into specific disciplines,
(e.g., bowling, psychology), while others are everyday shared ways of doing
things (e.g., restaurant scripts). From this perspective, abilities are patterns
in socially shared and physically distributed knowledge in a community of
practice. As a result, to see all the elements of the working psychological
system that supports complex performances, one must look at the larger
system, the person and cultural context.
Methodological Implications. Sociocultural theory also raises new issues,

ones that challenge key methodological assumptions in psychology. Years
ago it was observed that animals in zoos behave differently from their coun-
terparts in the wild; it follows that human behavior might well be as artificial
in typical laboratory experiments in psychology. A concern for ecological
validity prompts sociocultural psychologists to question the extent to which
the bulk of laboratory work in psychology provides an accurate indication
of the way people act in the real world (Cole, 1971, 1996). The experimental
laboratory is by no means a context-neutral environment; rather, it has a set
of procedures, expectations, and scripts all its own. From this perspective,
a truer measure of human behavior comes from studies in real-world set-
tings, despite the methodological difficulties involved.
Hence, the unit of analysis in research changes from individual person to
person-in-cultural context. As a result, many research initiatives have shifted
from laboratory settings, where variables can be controlled, to the larger
world, where the full range of factors can be addressed. Sociocultural theory
has as its burden the need to study processes that are supremely difficult
(and often impossible) to operationalize and control. As difficult as it is to
do good psychology and sociocultural theory at the same time, this has the
benefit of reflecting the full range of influences on human cognition and
learning (Olson & Bruner, 1996).
Taking Stock: Contexualization of Theory and Research. Sociocultural theory

yields some novel views of how cognition is structured, how it develops,
what learning is, and how psychological research ought to proceed. This
work rebuts the assumption that abilities are context-independent talents
undergirded by mental structures that can be teased out for isolated analysis.
Sociocultural theory emphasizes that abilities are stitched together by situ-
ational elementsproducts of culture. The view of abilities as situated ac-
tions calls into question the assertion that psychological work ought to focus
on the functioning of the individual person. Analysis of the personinsocial
context is a significant methodological complication but one that promises
to provide psychological studies that seem more meaningful to practitioners
interested in the abilities used in complex performances.
Human Abilities: Multiple and Interconnected

The second set of recently questioned assumptions about human abilities
concerns the range of cognitive processes involved in abilities. The three
traditional theories have in common a pursuit of overarching domain-
general processes, structures, or principles that apply to all areas of human
cognition (e.g., spatial cognition, language). Behaviorists posit a single law
of learning in which abilities are shaped by contingencies of reinforcement.
Piagets theory views abilities as evidence of domain-general thought pro-
cesses linked to predictable stagelike developmental changes in underlying
cognitive structure. Finally, general-intelligence theorists posit a general cog-
nitive capacity (g) that underlies all abilities. The question is, in a nutshell:
To what extent are abilities domain-general or domain-specific?
In contrast to the traditional theories, recent theories offer a profusion of
pluralistic (domain-specific) views. As the following review indicates, this
literature is remarkably diverse but with a common thread. Widespread is
the view that abilities are supported by a range of cognitive skills, some
typically hidden, and these multiple abilities include ones that are particular
to a domain (e.g., pitch and rhythm are essential elements of music) as well
as cross-domain capacities (e.g., language figures in countless domains). In
what follows I describe four bodies of such work: evolutionary psychology,
cognitive-developmental psychology, pluralistic models of intelligence, and
expertise.
Evolutionary Psychology. Applying Darwins work to the evolution of the

human mind, evolutionary psychologists examine the adaptive pressures that
have caused the mind to develop the way it has over time (see Barkow,
Cosmides, & Tooby, 1992). This line of theory and research has included
an explicit claim that the human mind is configured with a variety of mod-
ulesseparate, task-specific cognitive abilities that evolved in response to
the environmental challenges faced by the human species (Cosmides &
Tooby, 1987; Tooby & Cosmides, 1990). Here the mind is considered to be
something like a Swiss Army knife, designed with mechanisms specialized
to meet the challenges that have arisen in particular environments. Accord-
ing to evolutionary psychologists, these modules are numerous and include

innately specified capacities for facial recognition, spatial relations, rigid ob-
jects mechanics, tool use, social exchange, motion perception, and a great
many others. These modules are thought to be content-rich; that is, modules
provide not only sets of procedures for solving problems but also much of
the information needed to do so.
According to evolutionary psychologists, culture is involved in phyloge-
netic change but not ontogenetic change (as posited in sociocultural theory).
Modules are seen as forms of innate hardwiring that are largely unaffected
by environmental influences such as social norms or educational practices
and thus are not thought to undergo significant developmental changes as
the individual ages. As a result of this adevelopmental view, cultural contexts
are not thought to initiate change of any kind in the cognitive activities of
individuals.
It is through culture, however, that people have responded to most, if not
all, of the adaptive pressures that face them; for example, the need to com-
municate has given rise to language, a cultural product that serves the needs
of individuals and guides the evolution of the species through natural selec-
tion. Evolutionary psychologists find it useful to study cultures to see how
they respond to different environmental challenges. Hence, evolutionists, like
sociocultural theorists, take the person-in-context as the relevant unit of
analysis in psychological research. According to evolutionary psychologists,
cultures do not change individual minds, but culturally manifested responses
to adaptive pressures direct the evolution of the human species.
From the perspective of evolutionary psychology, abilities comprise pat-
terns in behavior that draw upon combinations of multiple but independent
cognitive capacities that have evolved over time. Abilities are the product of
a long history of evolution, and therefore the close scrutiny of complex
performances offers a glimpse of how cultures exploit such abilities, effec-
tively guiding the development of the species. (Although Darwin pondered
why music is so prevalent across cultures despite an apparent lack of adap-
tive advantages, it remains unclear a century later how natural selection has
resulted in musical ability.)
Cognitive-Developmental Psychology. With the three traditional models of

human abilities in decline in recent decades, researchers have been embold-
ened to investigate entities that these influential theories explicitly pro-
scribedinnately specified cognitive mechanisms that emerge early in life
without interaction with the environment. Recent cognitive-developmental
theory and research are rooted in the work of Chomsky (1968), whose na-
tivist account of language acquisition dealt a devastating blow to its behav-
iorist and Piagetian rivals, and Fodor (1983), whose theory that posited a
modular set of hardwired input systems ushered in a new era of skepticism
about domain-general constructs and a new focus on domain-specific pro-
cesses. Cognitive-developmentalists have presented a variety of nativist con-
structs under such monikers as first principals, p-prims, constraints, and
early-developing modules (S. Carey & Gelman, 1991; Gelman & Au, 1996).
These innately specified structures are seen as guiding frameworks for spe-
cific types of cognitive activity, and they need not be called into conscious
awareness in order to work (Torff & Sternberg, 2001b).
From this perspective, human cognition is to a significant extent domain-
specific rather than domain-general (Gelman & Au, 1996; Hirschfeld &
Gelman, 1994). Domains are thought to be modular components of an in-
nately specified cognitive system and are thus not equivalent to culturally
specified disciplines described by socioculturists and evolutionists, among
others. Detailed studies of human performances rooted in innately specified
structures have been reported in several domains, including language (Pinker,
1994, 1998); psychology or theory of mind (Astington, 1993; Wellman,
1990); quantitative reasoning (Gelman & Brenneman, 1994); spatial cog-
nition (Kellman, 1996; Spelke, 1994; Spelke & Hermer, 1996); and biology
(Atran, 1994; C. Carey, 1985; S. Carey & Smith, 1993; Keil, 1989, 1994).
The extent to which these intuitive constructs develop in any mean-
ingful sense of the word is a contentious issue among psychologists. Some
see these innately specified constructs as guiding all subsequent cognition,
throughout the life span, without evincing significant developmental changes
(Spelke, 1994; Spelke & Hermer, 1996). This is Mother Natures program-
ming for thought, and it grows but does not significantly change, much as
infants have 10 fingers that grow larger and more dexterous but not fun-
damentally different in structure.
Other psychologists argue that profound developmental changes are ev-
ident in innately specified structures. Perhaps the leading proponent of the
development of cognitive abilities is Susan Carey, whose conceptual
change model has proven influential (S. Carey, 1985; S. Carey & Smith,
1993). Conceptual judgments change significantly as the child develops, the
argument goes, as a new set of beliefs replaces an old set with which the
new one is qualitatively different and inconsistent (in Careys term, incom-
mensurable). Educational interventions, Carey argues, have the power to
usher along developmental changes that individuals need to make if they are
to develop accurate representations of the physical, mathematical, psycho-
logical, and biological worlds, and perhaps others as well.
The adevelopmental view also has been criticized by Karmiloff-Smith
(1993), who puts forth a general theory of developmental changes in psy-
chological structure and function called representational redescription.
Karmiloff-Smith describes cognitive development in terms of three phases of
representational character of knowledge in a domain: (1) implicit (unavail-
able to conscious awareness; (2) explicit level 1 (conscious but unavailable
to verbal report), and (3) explicit level 2 (available to verbal report). More-
over, as this developmental progression occurs, knowledge from one domain
becomes increasingly available to other modules, and thus knowledge that
begins as domain-specific becomes increasingly generalized. Developmental
change therefore involves a process of increasing connections (mapping)
across domains, as knowledge becomes increasingly available to conscious

awareness.
From the perspective of cognitive-developmental theory and research, hu-
man abilities are deployments of domain-specific cognitive structures and
processes. Moreover, complex performances require the interconnection of
multiple sets of modules. This view is similar to that of the evolutionary
psychologists. Where the majority of cognitive-developmentalists depart
from the evolutionists is in the extent of ontogenetic development of the
cognitive structures that underlie human abilities. According to cognitive-
developmentalists, as individuals gain experience in the world, developmen-
tal changes occur in the structure and function of abilities.
Pluralistic Models of Intelligence. Psychologists interested in human intelli-

gence also have a long and disputatious history about the generality or spec-
ificity of abilities (Anderson, 1992). General-intelligence theories have been
offset by pluralistic models in the antiquity from Plato and more recently
with Guilfords multifactorial model (1967). This debate has changed con-
siderably of late as a new set of pluralistic views has appeared (Torff &
Warburton, 2003). As noted, these views tend to blur the line between talent
and intelligence, gathering them together in a unified but multifaceted model
of human abilities.
The most influential among these new pluralistic models is the theory of
multiple intelligences, or MI (Gardner, 1983/1993, 1999; Torff & Gardner,
1999). MI theory holds that human abilities can be understood as combi-
nations of eight underlying sets of neurobiological potentials or intelligences:
logical-mathematical, linguistic, spatial, bodily-kinesthetic, musical, natural-
istic, interpersonal, and intrapersonal. According to MI theorists, these
intelligences are combined as needed in real-world disciplines. For example,
cello performance requires, at a minimum, logical-mathematical (dealing
with mathematical aspects of notation), linguistic (working with terms such
as legato), musical (information processing of pitch, rhythm, and timbre,
among other things), interpersonal (working collaboratively with conductor,
orchestra, and audience), and intrapersonal (expression, self-regulation). In
accordance with the cognitive developmentalists, MI theory calls for onto-
genetic change, making the suggestion that abilities change as combinations
of intelligences are elaborated. According to Gardner and colleagues, the
individuals abilities are shaped by the way a domain uses and blends the
various intelligences.
Sternbergs triarchic theory parses human intelligence differently from
MI but continues the latters emphasis on ontogenetic development (Stern-
berg, 1988). Sternbergs theory holds that human abilities comprise three
related cognitive processesanalytic (capacity to render critical judgments),
creative (capacity to generate novel responses), and practical (capacity to
adapt to the situation at hand). Like MI theorists, Sternberg suggests that
individuals pull together these three sets of abilities as needed to accomplish
objectives in real-world disciplines and domains. Hence, successful perform-

ances result from using these three abilities as disciplines require them. At
the same time, there is a tendency in educational settings to overemphasize
analytical ability and underplay creative and practical abilities. Educational
benefits follow from an educational regimen that restores balance to the
three sets of abilities (Sternberg, Torff, & Grigorenko, 1998).
Expertise. The final set of pluralistic views of human abilities is put forth
by researchers interested in expertise (see Bereiter & Scardamalia, 1993).
Here the emphasis is on the development of discipline-specific expertise
the capacity to engage successfully in the tasks required in a real-world
discipline (e.g., chess, auto mechanics). In this view, what is important about
abilities is structured not by underlying modules of cognitive functioning (a
domain-specific view) but by the external world of disciplines and canons
of knowledge and skill they contain (a discipline-specific view). Researchers
have investigated the discipline-specific abilities in disciplines as diverse as
chess (Chase & Simon, 1973), physics (Chi, Glaser, & Farr, 1988), and
teaching (Shulman, 1990). The functionalist tack taken by expertise re-
searchers concentrates on the disciplinary organization of thought; placing
less emphasis on underlying structural changes such participation might
cause. From this perspective, abilities are a direct response to the require-
ments of the task, discipline, and culture at hand. Expertise researchers see
abilities as forms of developing expertise, and this development is structured
by the way the discipline does things. The literature on expertise is akin to
the sociocultural theory in that it examines culturally crafted knowledge;
however, only the socioculturalists focus on changes in cognitive structure
that result from real-world activities.
Taking Stock: Multiple and Interconnected Human Abilities. A brief review

of several theoretical models that posit multiple forms of human abilities
has revealed diverse ways of parsing these abilities. It may seem a chaotic
picture, but these models converge to support a new view of the structure
of human abilities with a pair of important insights. First, these models
predicate themselves on the idea that abilities are multiple, not singular. No
domain-general or discipline-general laws, structures, or principles underlie
abilities, according to the new views. Second, complex performances are
supported by vital combinations of skills. Some of these skills operate pri-
marily within a particular domain or discipline, but many abilities are used
across domains. With complex performances supported by multiple abilities,
it is unsurprising but significant that important abilities are sometimes hid-
den from view.
Developmental Challenges in Integration of Abilities

The third broad shift in the psychology of abilities involves a new view of
the extent of (and character of) developmental changes in abilities as indi-
viduals gain age and expertise. The traditional models of human abilities
behaviorism, Piaget, and general intelligenceshare an optimistic view of
the trajectory of human development. Behaviorists assume that abilities
gradually accrue as reinforcement is administered. Piagetians assume that
stage changes in cognitive functioning occur as the individual is afforded
appropriate opportunities to act on the environment. General-intelligence
researchers assume that people gain knowledge and skill given individual
differences in general processing capacity.
These optimistic stances are called into question by a burgeoning body
of theory and research in the psychology of human abilities. The assumption
that natural human development is a smooth and unfettered process has
been undermined by evidence that development can be hindered when the
abilities needed in a domain or discipline are not integrated.
Most teachers have had the experience of teaching something to a group
of students, only to find that the students previously existing ideas have
interfered with the lesson. These experiences have been corroborated by
some troubling research. For example, studies in the domain of physics show
that students hold fast to misconceived notions about force and agency (no-
tions derivative of Aristotelian dynamics), even after successfully passing
a course that features the prevailing scientific view of the physical world
(Newtonian dynamics) (diSessa, 1993; Larkin, 1983; McCloskey, Camar-
azza, & Green, 1980). Even students who perform in an exemplary manner
in the course revert to intuitive but inaccurate ideas about physics when
tested outside the classroom.
In this example, educational outcomes are influenced by intuitive concep-
tionsknowledge or knowledge structures that need not be available to
conscious reflection but act to facilitate or constrain task performance (see
Torff & Sternberg, 2001a, 2001b). The domain of physics has provided the
smoking gun that shows that learning can be impeded, sometimes severely,
by intuitive conceptions. Similar phenomena have been noted in a variety of
other domains, which include biology (e.g., Keil, 1989, 1994), numerical
reasoning (e.g., Gelman, 1991; Gelman & Brenneman, 1994), and psychol-
ogy (or theory of mind) (e.g., Astington, 1993; Leslie, 1987; Wellman,
1990).
A set of three themes emerges from these bodies of work. First, as illus-
trated in the physics example, individuals employ a variety of intuitive con-
ceptions that exert a powerful force on the kind of thinking they do in all
sorts of situations, inside and outside the classroom. Seldom brought to
conscious awareness, intuitive conceptions are typically hidden from view
and often take the form of assumptions on which patterns of thought and
action are predicated. One need not, for example, have conscious awareness
of ones thinking to successfully recognize faces or add small quantities.
Abilities, in this view, are constituted in part by knowledge and skill of which
people have conscious access and also by intuitive forms of knowledge and
skill.
Second, powerful as intuitive conceptions are for making commonsense
judgments, at times they are oversimplified, misleading, or inaccurate. In

some instances, intuitive conceptions may be consistently and unambigu-
ously helpful; for example, innately specified facial recognition capacities
that operate nonconsciously have little in the way of a downside. However,
intuitive conceptions have the power to assist or detract from learning, de-
pending on the context at hand. For example, intuitive conceptions about
number and quantity make it seem sensible to people that larger numbers
correspond to greater quantities. This intuitive conception makes decimals
a breeze and fractions a nightmare, since the latter counterintuitively de-
crease in quantity as the denominator grows larger. Gardner (1991) classifies
these difficulties into three categories: simplifications (e.g., analysis of polit-
ical debates as bifurcated between the good guy and bad guy), misconcep-
tions (e.g., naive beliefs about the physical world), and rigidly applied al-
gorithms (e.g., inflexibility in quantitative reasoning that underlies difficulties
with fractions).
The third theme emergent in the intuitive-conceptions literature is the
most vexing for educators. Substantial evidence supports the claim that in-
tuitive conceptions often persist despite efforts to improve or replace them.
For example, S. Carey and Smith (1993) report little success that results
from efforts to initiate conceptual change from misconceived intuitive no-
tions to accurate scientific ones (in the domain of epistemological beliefs).
Gardner (1991) and Gardner, Torff, and Hatch (1996) review research that
yields similar results. Intuitive conceptions are often difficult to dislodge,
even by the best of teachers.
Taken together, the three themes point to a complex trajectory for the
development of abilities. Complex performances require the intermingling
of various forms of ability, intuitive and otherwise, and these multiple abil-
ities may fail to integrate as needed. Or they may conflict outright. The
abilities required in complex performances are not only numerous; they also
are in danger of discordance, resulting in difficulties in gaining needed
knowledge and skill.
Theoretical Models of Disjunctures Between Abilities. The question arises

why such a situation should emerge. What conditions or characteristics pro-
duce such disjunctures? Answers to this question come from both sides of
the naturenurture aisle.
Evolutionary psychologists put forth an explanation that centers on the
suggestion that not all of our genetic inheritance (of evolved, innately spec-
ified modules) serves the modern human well. Evolutionary pressures work
slowly, but in the last two millennia human cultures have moved at a break-
neck pace. In that time, the genetic makeup of the human mind has not
evolved significantly, but cultures have changed human life in countless
ways. So, while modern humans are adapted to the life of the Pleistocene-
era hunter-gatherer, most people live in a different and more complex sort
of worldsociety in the information age. The modern human is, in this view,
fundamentally maladapted to the current environment. It follows, then, that
modern humans should evince ways in which their behavior seems ill suited
to contemporary challenges, intellectual and otherwise. Evolutionary psy-
chologists suggest that not always does the adaptive legacy we have from
our forebears support our performance in the modern world.
A similar view can be seen among cognitive-developmental psychologists.
Part of Piagets legacy was his demonstration that young children often ex-
hibit distinctive conceptions of the world. More recent theory attributes
these conceptions to a combination of innate constraints on learning and
early experience (S. Carey & Gelman, 1991). Together with the evolution-
ists, cognitive-developmentalists press the case that the human genetic en-
dowment is a root cause of the challenges of integration of abilities. But
cognitive-developmentalists place additional emphasis on ontogenetic
changes in the development of abilities. At the heart of these disjunctures lie
the problems inherent in the developmental interplay of endogenous factors
(nature) and exogenous ones (nurture).
Sociocultural theorists have little quarrel with evolutionist and cognitive-
developmental theory, but they locate the primary causes for disjunctures
elsewhere, at least in part: in interactions between the individuals and the
ambient culture. Consider, for example, the concept of folk psychologya
set of socially shared ideas about how the mind works and what learning
and knowledge are (Bruner, 1990, 1996; Olson & Bruner, 1996). A cultures
folk psychology is a shared conception of how people think, how they
should act, and how they learn, among other things. But not always do the
precepts of a cultures folk psychology prove to be a boon to educators.
Rather, folk beliefs can come into conflict with the formal concepts created
and taught by experts in a discipline, leading to the disjunctures between
abilities noted earlier.
Beliefs about teaching and learning called folk pedagogy help to make
the point. In Western culture, especially in the United States, a popular folk
belief holds that learning occurs when students absorb information from the
environment and thus the best teaching occurs when the environment is
made rich with information transmitted to students from teachers, books,
and other sources. Studies of teachers beliefs show that prospective teachers
often hold fast to a transmission model of teaching, despite the construc-
tivist view (taught in most teacher-education programs) that knowledge is
constructed individually by each learner, based on environmental input and
individual reflection (e.g., Brookhart & Freeman, 1992; Bruner, 1996; Doyle
& Carter, 1996; Hollingsworth, 1989; Kagan, 1992; McLaughlin, 1991;
Morine-Dershimer, 1993; Shulman, 1990; Strauss, 1993; 1996; Strauss &
Shilony, 1994; Torff, 1999b; Torff & Sternberg, 2001a, 2001b); Woolfolk
Hoy, 1996; Zeichner & Gore, 1990). Of course, the constructivist pedagogy
might ultimately be found wanting. But it seems clear that people who are
trained in education hold powerful intuitive conceptions about teaching and
learning and these intuitive conceptions exert a great deal of influence on
the way people think and act in classroom settings.
Folk pedagogy predisposes individuals to think and teach in particular
ways, some of which are inconsistent with the concepts and practices char-
acteristic of expert teaching. As with intuitive conceptions in other domains,
folk pedagogy may tend to persist despite successful participation in pre-
service training programs. Becoming an expert teacher, then, is not simply a
matter of gaining new knowledge or of replacing inadequate preconceptions
in a straightforward manner. Rather, explicit efforts by teachers of educa-
tional psychology are needed to counter these uncritically held beliefs, prin-
cipally by encouraging prospective teachers to engage in activities that fa-
cilitate relevant forms of cognitive change.
This example makes clear that intuitive conceptions held by teachers
as well as those held by studentsinfluence educational outcomes, and not
always for the better. The example also illustrates how sociocultural theory,
as well as the cognitive-developmental and evolutionary theory, accounts for
disjunctures between abilities. The shared beliefs in a community of practice
may ill fit the time-honored procedures and practices created by disciplinary
experts, resulting in disjunctures between abilities.
Taking Stock: Developmental Challenges in Integration of Abilities. The tra-

ditional models portray development as a smooth process of acquisition of
knowledge and skill in a discipline, but the psychological literature tells a
more disquieting tale. Disjunctures between abilities exert a hidden and
problematic force on the development of abilities. The literature on intuitive
conceptions supports the view that the development of complex perform-
ances entails the intermingling of various forms of ability, intuitive and oth-
erwise, and these multiple abilities may fail to integrate as needed, or they
may come into conflict. The abilities required in complex performances are
not only numerous; they also are in danger of discordance, resulting in dif-
ficulties in gaining the knowledge and skill needed in complex performances.
Educational Implications
Complex performances, it turns out, are supported by multiple context-

dependent abilities that integrate with development but sometimes require
specific educational interventions to integrate adequately. The next sections
explore the educational implications of this viewpoint. Following the three
shifts discussed earlier, the call here is for pedagogy that is contextualized,
pluralistic, and integrative.
Education in Context
If knowledge and skill are shaped through context and only in context do
tasks make sense, then any pedagogy begins with a detailed analysis of the
abilities the domain or discipline requires, with the goal of crafting educa-
tional practices to foster the needed abilities. Chess masters, for example,
ought to analyze their craft to determine its constituent abilities. Such an

analysis focuses on a set of reflective questions. What abilities are needed in
the discipline, and in what contexts are they used? To what extent does
schooling help people to develop the full range of culturally situated skills
needed for success in a career? To what extent does schooling give people
the skills needed to be knowledgeable participants in lay discourse outside
ones career area? These questions probe the ecological validity (in education
the notion is typically called authenticity) of educational interventions. At
issue is contextualizationthe extent to which vehicles for curriculum and
assessment appropriately reflect (and prepare students for) the challenges of
adult life in the real world (Gardner, 1999). Contextualization prompts ed-
ucators to ground their work more soundly in the disciplines, for example
by making science teaching less like school (typically emphasizing memoriz-
ing of scientific facts) and more like professional science (e.g., designing and
executing studies) and avocational science activities (e.g., reading and dis-
cussing a science article in a newsweekly).
But to say that contextualization of curriculum and assessment is a laud-
able aim is not to say that each and every lesson should consist of real-world
activities. After all, scales are not played at musical recitals, but they have
a rich purpose in the practice room. Decontextualized activities can be a
means to an end; the key, however, is the connection ultimately made with
the authentic activity in the discipline.
Contextualization of assessment has long been a vexing concern in edu-
cation. High-stakes testing remains a key component in educational decision
making in many countries, including the United States. At the same time,
the strands of theory and research reviewed earlier support assessment in
context: assessment procedures that are performance-based (allowing stu-
dents to participate in assessment as they have in the classroom) and ongoing
(as opposed to single-administration testing).
The Full Range and Interconnection of Abilities

A key component of contextualized educational practices concerns teaching
for the full range of abilities needed in a domain or discipline. Detailed
analysis of a domain inevitably yields a broad range of intradomain and
interdomain abilities. As noted, no general laws explain all in a domain, so
a domain-specific view is vital to understanding human abilities. At the same
time, domain-specific work can lead to fragmented, insular pockets of theory
and research. This in turn obfuscates vital interdomain connections of abil-
ities, narrowing the scope of theory and research. Clearly, a key objective is
to teach for abilities that are unique or specific to a domain or discipline
(e.g., timbre in music). But the second, more overlooked abilities are the
interdomain (interdiscipline) ones.
Contextualized learning of the diversity of skills needed in a domain or
discipline has led many investigators to analysis and expansion of appren-
ticeship models of learning and teaching. Viewing teaching as multiple forms

of assisted performance, not just instruction, apprenticeships feature three
qualities in accord with the modern psychology of abilities. First, appren-
ticeships allow students access to useful forms of expert models. Models
range from distal (watching golf on television) to proximal (watching your
golf teacher) (Torff, 1997). Instructor modeling provides proximal encoun-
ters with expert performance, as well as opportunities for coparticipation
and successive approximation. Rudimentary as this point is, many a golf
and music lesson includes little performance by the mentor. Second,
apprenticeship-type learning can be extended in fruitful ways, leading to the
term cognitive apprenticeship (Collins, Brown, & Newman, 1989). The idea
here is to make often-hidden expert thinking available to students. The goal
is to make expert thinking visible and audible, encompassing not just how
the expert works but also how he or she thinks when workinghow the
expert identifies, defines, operationalizes, and solves problems. Cognitive ap-
prenticeship refers to the practice of engaging students in all the aspects of
expert performance, not just the public ones. Third, apprenticeships have
the virtue of stressing distributed knowledge. The sociocultural theory dis-
cussed earlier makes persuasive the claim that only a portion of the
wherewithal of a performance resides in the head; the remainder is distrib-
uted in symbolic media, physical tools, and social conventions. Apprentice-
ships focus on combinations of person and context, a distributed approach
to learning and teaching.
Integration of Abilities
The research reviewed earlier supports the conclusion that not always is the
path to expertise in a domain or discipline a smooth one. The specter of
conflicts between abilities calls for diagnostics that identify the difficulties
that obtain in a particular domain or discipline. This is seldom done, as in
the physics example discussed earlier. The finding about intuitive physics
came as a surprise to many in the world of science teaching. Similar surprises
may await educators in other disciplines.
Psychologists and educators are working to counter these difficulties, and
the emerging consensus among them is that learners must confront naive
views, to think about them and question them, not work around them.
Learning about Newton did not dislodge the flawed intuitive physics. Whats
needed is pedagogy that requires students to critically analyze their intuitive
responses and to consider ways in which they might be improved. In what
is in essence a constructivist response to the problem, the focus falls on
teaching for integration between abilities, with the aim of strengthening the
relationships among abilities required in a discipline.
Promising initiatives that aim to enhance this integration fall under the
various headings reflective thinking (Gardner, 1991; Paris & Ayres, 1994),
reflective teaching (Liston & Zeichner, 1996), and teaching for understand-
ing (Wiske, 1993). These programs in reflective thinking engage learners in

their own assessment by requiring them to answer questions about their
work, the way it was made, and ways in which it could be improved. Re-
flective thinking takes place formally in critique sheets attached to student
work but also less formally in conversations between and among students
and teachers. Teachers have much to gain by asking questions that encourage
students involvement in their own assessment. These practices help students
to build their own understandings of the discipline but also to examine the
extent to which their naive views require revision. Telling students how their
intuitions are inadequate holds little hope; a better approach is to encourage
students to engage in the kind of reflective thinking that critically analyzes
intuitive views.
The foregoing educational suggestions are hardly new, and they are not
presented as such. Traditional educational methods have much to offer ed-
ucators interested in fostering human abilities. But they also are lacking in
some respects, namely, in terms of contextualization of learning and assess-
ment, range of abilities covered, and integration of the abilities required in
a domain or discipline. The bottom line for educators interested in abilities:
Look closely at the domain and contextualize your practices in it, pay at-
tention to the numerous and diverse abilities the domain requires, and take
care that students can integrate these abilities as needed in complex per-
formances.
Conclusion
In the psychology of abilities since the cognitive revolution, no paradigm

has been secured, but it has been a fertile period. A set of hoary assumptions
has come under fire as new theory and research have appeared. The emerg-
ing view highlights that abilities are context-dependent and thus culturally
situated, multiple with important interconnections between different abili-
ties, and sometimes difficult to draw together as needed even by the best of
teachers.
The science of human abilities is still not a coherent picture, so practi-
tioners and educators interested in complex performances still have much to
wonder about in terms of the psychology and nurturance of the abilities that
underlie tasks in their disciplines. But the new view portends well for future
theory, research, and practice in the psychology of abilities, as the emerging
views are explored across a broad range of domains and disciplines.
STUDY QUESTIONS
1. The psychology of human abilities is said to be preparadigmatic, with
three historically important theoretical frameworks vying to explain the vast
array of human capacities and talents. What are these theoretical frame-
works, how do they compare and contrast, and what are their shortcomings
(according to contemporary psychologists)?
2. In the last two decades, the contextualization of theory and research
in the psychology of human abilities has been emphasized. How does this
contextual psychology differ from earlier theoretical frameworks, what
theoretical notions have grown out of this approach, and what are its im-
plications for methodology in psychological research?
3. Historically, psychologists have sought a single mechanism or process
to explain the full range of human abilities, but in recent years psychologists
have suggested that individuals benefit from multiple, theoretically-distinct
abilities (i.e., modules) that combine as individuals perform tasks. What
are these pluralistic models of human abilities, what sets of mental modules
have been posited, and how do these pluralistic approaches differ in ontog-
eny and phylogeny of abilities?
4. Human development has traditionally been seen as smooth process of
acquiring knowledge and skill, but recent theories suggest that various hu-
man abilities may fail to integrate as needed, or come into outright conflict.
What causes such difficulties, according to these theorists?
5. As diverse as contemporary theoretical perspectives on human abilities
are, they suggest a set of educational implications. What are these implica-
tions?
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Making Music and Making Sense
Through Music
6
Expressive Performance and
Communication
reinhard kopiez
Music and Meaning
Music itself seems to be an ideal medium to communicate meaning, perhaps

much more effective than language. This may apply even if the meaning is
not directly related to the musical structure itself but rather to associations
evoked from listening to it. As Cook (1998, p. 3f.) demonstrates in his func-
tional analysis of television commercials, advertisers use music to com-
municate meanings that would take too long to put into words, or that
would carry no conviction in them . . . Rock stands for youth, freedom, be-
ing true to yourself. . . . Seen from this point of view, we participate daily
in a continual experiment in which meaning is attributed to music by watch-
ing commercials. This is true regardless of the situation in which we en-
counter music. Generalizing more broadly: whatever stimuli human beings
encounter or whichever activities they take part in, there is a constant wish
to seek meaning.
Already by 1894 Bolton and Meumann had published two remarkable
studies. Meumanns review investigated the impressions formed by 17 sub-
jects upon listening to an isochronous sequence of clicks, that is, a series of
events with equal temporal distance. Similarly, the 28 subjects in Boltons
study listened to isochronous clicks and were then invited to say anything
that suggested itself to them, whatever the character (p. 184). When asked
to count the clicks, the subjectseven those with no musical appreciation
at allused counting systems that grouped the clicks into units of 2 or 4.
Both authors termed the effect tic-toc effect, which has today become known
189
as subjective rhythmization. (Some subjects in Boltons study reported a

rhythmic grouping but also in larger groups that depended on the rate of
the isochronous sequence; see p. 215.) Although these findings were con-
cerned with little more than fundamental levels of perception, it would seem
that the input of isochronous clicks is enough to stimulate our tendency to
attribute meaning to rhythmic events. The same phenomenon can be expe-
rienced when listening to the metronomically exact version of a composition
from a MIDI file, where all notes have been set to the same intensity and
nominal durationa so-called deadpan rendition. If you do not listen to this
artificial product for too long, this extreme realization sounds surprisingly
better than one would suppose, and although it may not be aesthetically
pleasing, it is not completely dead in the sense of being meaningless (see
also Thompson & Robitaille, 1992).
This simple experiment sheds light on the importance of the composed
structure for the perception of meaning in music: Despite the absence of
expressive shaping, the musical structure itself conveys meaning and can
communicate senseat least to some degree. Even in an unexpressive real-
ization it is possible to perceive sections, modulations, and so on. At the
same time, it would seem that musical communication consists of at least
two layers: First, there is a structural layer (given by the composers score);
and second, there is an expressive layer (added by the performers realization
of the score). Bear in mind that musical communication is not complete until
these two layers are related, implemented, and communicated to the listener.
It is important to note that as of this day, music psychologists have not yet
fully understood the complex processes of musical communication.
The Meaning of Music

In the history of music aesthetics and music psychology, three possible an-
swers have been proposed to the question of what meaning music might
possess:
Answer 1. Music does not have any meaning at all. Although there are
no authors of musical aesthetics who assume that music has no meaning at
all and is little more than a tickle in the ear, there are indications in the
writings of Kant (1790/1987, sect. 16, p. 2) that assume that music without
text does not express a specific statement and can be described as amuse-
ment of the senses (Spiel der Empfindungen). This does not mean, however,
that purely instrumental music (e.g., a free fantasy) can be described within
the category of pleasant only and not of beautiful. As far as I can see, Burke
(1852, part 3, sect. 25) comes closest to a sensually objective aesthetic. In
his treatise, he argues that the initial impact of a musical performance causes
a spontaneous emotional impression, which is subsequently followed by a
rational aesthetic judgment (cf. Allesch, 1987, p. 148).
Meaning, of course, does not exist in the sense that it does in spoken
language, but from the no meaning at all point of view it would be hard
MAKING MUSIC AND MAKING SENSE THROUGH MUSIC 191
to explain why, even in the case of purely instrumental compositions, listen-

ers attribute emotions such as happiness and sadness to a piece of music.
Behne (1982, p. 128) offers a different theoretical explanation that suggests
it would be naive to assume that a composers intention was to communicate
in a one-way fashion what he himself felt while composing a specific piece.
On the contrary, the fascination of music is caused by the listeners impres-
sion of a two-way quasi communication. Music not only offers perceived
expression but also requires the listener to tune into a simulation of com-
munication. This point of view is also shared by Kraut (1992, p. 21) in his
reflections on musical indeterminacy and how it relates to the understanding
of music. In his view, the fact that music is not a spoken language does not
represent any deficit. Rather, he indicates that the ambiguous characteristics
of all music can be considered a strength of this communication medium.
Answer 2. The meaning of music is its musical form. There are two
sources that support the idea that the meaning of music can be found in
cognitive acts only, such as the perception of musical form. The first of these
is the 19th-century position adopted by music aesthetics and succinctly sum-
marized by the music critic Eduard Hanslick (1891/1986, p. 29). His opinion
that music comprises only tonally moving forms (tonend bewegte Formen)
is confirmed in the title of the second chapter of his book, which states that
the representation of feeling is not the content of music (p. 8). Despite the
fact that Hanslicks ideas and assertions are often considered to be extremely
formalist, they may still contain a fair amount of accuracy. Suggesting that
music is not free of feelings, although not necessarily represented directly
but instead dynamically, he asks:
What, then, from the feelings, can music present if not their content? Only
that same dynamic mentioned above. It can reproduce the motion of a phys-
ical process according to the prevailing momentum: fast, slow, strong, weak,
rising, falling. Motion is just one attribute, however, one moment of feeling,
not feeling itself. (p. 11)
A secondary source dates from the late 1950s, a time when psychology
was largely dominated by cognitive psychology, which had deliberately ex-
cluded emotions and feelings from their discussions (see, e.g., Gardner,
1985). The influence of this tendency upon music psychology can be seen in
the second edition of Deutschs Psychology of Music (1999), with its sur-
prising lack of a chapter on music and emotion. Fortunately, this trend is
changing and emotion is now viewed as a very important topic in both
psychology and music psychology.
Answer 3. The meaning of music is the expression of emotion. The ex-
treme opposite of purely formal aesthetics is Hauseggers (1885) aesthetics
of expression (Ausdrucksasthetik). In his evolutionary approach, influenced
by Darwins 1872 treatise The Expression of the Emotions in Animal and
Man (Darwin, 1872/1965), Hausegger developed a theory of listening to
and understanding music based on an intuitive and universal understanding
of emotional expression (Mitempfindung). In his view, musical expression is

a strong force that guarantees emotional understanding without prerequi-
sites. Today Hauseggers position is supported by the fact that for most
people, namely, those without professional involvement, music does not sat-
isfy a cognitive function, such as the understanding of musical form, but an
emotional function. A supporting position is maintained by Cooke (1959,
p. 12), who writes: And those who have found music expressive of anything
at all (the majority of mankind) have found it expressive of emotions.
While the educational importance of this last point offers potential for
discussing not only musical knowledge but also emotional musical experi-
ences in the classroom, there is still a long way to go before a unifying theory
of musical meaning or a theory of emotion in music can be posited. The
three possible answers to our opening question provided in this section are
only representative of the wide range of possibilities of meaning in music.
Important related topics such as programmatic music, metaphysical phe-
nomena, and music as an expression of motion are outside the scope of this
chapter.
Focus of This Chapter

As outlined earlier, musical communication is a complex, multifaceted sub-
ject and still lacks a comprehensive definition. Therefore, in this chapter I
will focus primarily on the following questions:
1. Is a performance the result of an intentional process that tries to com-

municate the performers view of a piece with a minimum amount of am-
biguity, or is it the result of ad hoc decisions, generated in the course of
performance?
2. Does a composition have only one meaning, thus limiting the various in-
terpretations of a piece, or is there unlimited freedom of individuality in
performance?
3. Are there any rules for the expressive shaping of performance that would
facilitate the communication of meaning?
4. How reliable are the performers so-called expressive acoustical cues de-
coded by the listener, and how do they serve as a basis of emotional com-
munication?
5. Finally, is music a universal language understood by everybody without
prerequisites?
In this chapter I will discuss musical communication from three points of

view: the performers and the listeners standpoints and the side of the music
itself (i.e., what is communicated by the structural elements of the music?).
Without an understanding of these three perspectives it may not be possible
to fully understand the concept of musical communication.
Excluded from this chapter, however, are basic cognitive processes such
as stream segregation and models of tonal relations and developmental as-
pects that could be relevant to the understanding of music by children. In

addition, only limited space has been afforded to the area of skill acquisition
(see chap. 7, by Lehmann and Davidson, this volume). Furthermore, this
chapter does not intend to be a review of literature on performance research
(this means research on a musicians performing activities and acoustical
results). The interested reader can obtain such an overview in the three ex-
isting extensive publications by Gabrielsson (1999), Kopiez (1996), and Pal-
mer (1997).
The Development of Performance Plans
If we suppose that all performing musicians have a message for their

audience and use the expressive and technical means to communicate their
personal view of a composition, the question still remains: How does this
message develop within the preparatory phase of a performance? Two dif-
ferent answers can be considered that are located at opposite ends of a
continuum: First, we could assume that the complete concept of the perfor-
mance of a composition is present from the initial contact with the music
and stays invariant throughout the entire preparation; second, it could be
that the development of a performance plan is characterized by an interactive
process that affects the whole preparation phase. In the latter case, aspects
such as expressive performance plans, fingering, coping with difficult pas-
sages, analytical insight into the structure of the piece, and listening to re-
cordings of other musicians would all interact. Thus the performance plan
would emerge over the entire preparation phase, making the performers
message increasingly clear, strong, and coherent. For a scientific explanation
of these performance plans, we need analytical tools to describe the sounding
results. We will refer to the tempo variations of a performance in the form
of a curve as timing profile and to the time span within which expressive
shaping occurs as the time frame. Timing has been chosen as the dominant
parameter since it is the most widely investigated one in performance re-
search. This does not, however, imply that other parameters such as dynam-
ics are less important for the understanding of expressive intentions.
Results of Performance Research
Performance as Imaginary Narration. A performance plan does not simply

consist of the formal representation of music only but also includes noncog-
nitive components that encompass, among other things, images, moods, and
imaginative musical characters (Gabrielsson, 1999, p. 502). In this respect,
the reduction of meaning to musical structure would be an oversimplification
of the complex situation of musical communication. Yet as Shaffer (1992)
points out, musical meaning also includes so-called narrative elements such
as imaginary protagonists. Seen in this light, the performers interpreta-

tion can be viewed as helping to define the character of the protagonist
(p. 265). The theoretical foundations of this narrative performance theory
can be found in E. Tarastis (1994) Theory of Musical Semiotics, the strength
of which is demonstrated through a comparative and phenomenological
analysis of 22 recordings of the Melodie francaise Apres un reve and a
sample analysis (by writing a so-called modal grammar) of Chopins G-
Minor Ballad. Tarastis theory can be applied easily to the analysis of per-
formance or can be used by music critics. Such a perspective of performance
planning suggests that a performer uses a top-down strategy in developing
an overall performance plan as well as a bottom-up strategy with more
relevance to local events. In addition, expression marks in the score play an
important role in the development of these local and global strategies. Ex-
perimental support for this view was obtained by Shaffer (1992) by remov-
ing expression marks from the edited score and comparing the resulting
performances to renditions performed from the original score (1995). He
also found that playing from an unedited score induced less consistent timing
across repeated renditions. This observation encourages the idea that ex-
pression markings clarify the musical character and thereby contribute to
the communication of musical meaning. Similarly, these findings are sup-
ported by a listening study carried out by Watt and Ash (1998), which used
unfamiliar pieces of music to investigate the attribution of personal traits
such as gender (male/female) and age (young/old). Due to the high
consistency between evaluators involved in this experiment, the authors con-
cluded that music is perceived as if it were a person making a disclosure
(p. 47) and went on to suggest that because of the similarity between psy-
chological reactions to both real people and music, music creates a virtual
person (p. 49). One consequence for further investigations in musical com-
munication is that it would be more effective to ask subjects to refer to
elements relevant to the narrative structure of music as indices for successful
communication, instead of free associations or nonmusical entities.
Strategies for the Development of Performance Plans. To obtain greater in-

sight into the strategies employed during the creation of an interpretation,
Hallam (1995) interviewed 22 pianists about their study techniques for
learning an unknown composition. Only a minority of the subjects (9%)
were purely holistic learners who would initially play through the piece and
attempt to acquire an idea of the overall conception of the work before
starting their detailed practice. Thirty-two percent of the players employed
an intuitive/serialistic strategy (playing of small sections) and developed their
interpretation as the music was learned (p. 120). The majority of the players
were so-called versatile learners (45%), who used a holistic as well as a serial
strategya learning style that can be classified as a combined top-down and
bottom-up strategy. It follows, then, that a balanced relationship between
integration (global perspective) and differentiation (local perspective) is a
feature of every outstanding work of art and a fundamental issue in musical
aesthetics. As an educational consequence Hallam argues for the use of either

holistic or versatile strategies after analyzing the piece or listening to differ-
ent recordings, yet it is also possible that learning styles may depend on the
musical style of a composition. As Childs (1992) demonstrated in a self-
report study with professional musicians, the practice of contemporary mu-
sic was characterized by a certain sequence of phases: The rhythmic struc-
ture, which is often highly complex, is practiced in the first phase; the
correct notes are practiced in the second; and details of expression become
part of the performance plan in the third phase.
A methodological flaw in many studies is the unwanted effects of ra-
tionalization that result from retrospective interviews. Consequently, re-
searchers are sometimes better advised to directly observe musicians prac-
tice. Such a method of direct observation with tape recording was used by
Gruson (1988) for her analyses of piano practice behavior among advanced
and novice pianists and by Miklaszewski (1989) who video-recorded a single
case study of a pianist.
Representation of Performance Plans. We now know that musicians use

elaborate strategies to develop a performance plan that guarantees a high
degree of reproducibility, but how are these performance plans represented
in memory and controlled during execution? Already Skinner (1932; also
Seashore, 1936) has shown in her groundbreaking studies on timing that
musical interpretation is not accidental, but that note durations can be re-
peated consistently across several renditions. This observation is supported
by the findings of Repp (1992a), who demonstrated that the correlation
between the repetition of the first section in 28 recordings of Schumanns
Traumerei varied, in most cases, between r .80 and r .90. Likewise,
Skinner made the interesting observation that even if a player tries to play
inexpressively and metronomically (in a so-called deadpan version), he or
she will produce measurable tempo deviations, for example, with ritardandi
corresponding to phrase endings. From this it is possible to conclude that,
on the one hand, musical knowledge seems to be organized in phrases and
that, on the other hand, a player is unable to ignore the perceived phrase
units.
As Palmer (1989) explains in her parameter theory of performance, an
interpretation is stored in memory as a basic performance pattern, the timing
profile of which is modified when the player intends to give a different in-
terpretation of a piece (instead of generating a completely new profile or
program). We have to keep in mind that Palmers timing analyses as well as
those of most other authors are based on note-to-note interonset durations
where the term interonset interval refers to the time span between the onset
of two consecutive events. As long as we use analytical methods that concern
timing within only a specific time frame (represented by means of a timing
curve), we cannot conclude that only this time layer is affected by parameter
changes. Therefore, we ought to compare the simultaneous shaping of time
in time frames of various sizes (for a new theoretical approach see Langner,
2000, 2002; Langner, Kopiez, & Feiten, 1998). In a recent approach, Chaffin
et al. (2002) revealed that the existence of a global musical concept (the so-
called big picture) at the beginning of the practice of a new piece is a
characteristic feature of professional musicians.
The Coding/Decoding Process of Musical Expression
The Relation Between Structure and Expression

Musical expression can be investigated from two perspectives. On the one
hand, there is the emotional expression of music (such as the communi-
cation of different moods), and on the other hand there is structural ex-
pression, which is strongly related to the structural features of music. These
structural features, such as cadences that indicate segment boundaries to the
listener, help the listener to separate the stream of music into sections such
as motifs or phrases. Although both perspectives are relevant for the expla-
nation of the communicative processes in music, the structural expression is
relevant for the communication on different hierarchical levels.
The Assumption of Isomorphism. The dominant structure-expression the-

ory of expressive communication of meaning assumes that there is a strong
relationship between compositional structure and musical expression. The
theoretical foundation for this concept was provided by S. Langer (1953)
with the assumption of isomorphism, that is, a close relationship between
the structural features of a compositionsuch as hierarchical organization
and the expression intended by the composer. This assumption has been
influential in this field of study (e.g., Palmer, 1997, who assumes that struc-
ture constrains expression). As early as 1936, Henderson was able to show
that performers obviously use a hierarchical categorization of the composi-
tional structure to modify with different weightings the nominal values in
the score; for example, more important events on higher levels such as phrase
boundaries would be emphasized through use of a dynamic accent, length-
ening of the duration, or asynchronization. Following this theory, it would
seem to be the performers priority to uncover the musical structure encoded
in the score and to communicate these insights to the audiencea view that
has received wide support in empirical research.
Presenting melodies in different metrical contexts, Sloboda (1985) ob-
served that pianists changed certain note parameters, namely, articulation
and note length, in accordance with the different metrical positions on which
a note fell. In a subsequent listening experiment, listeners could clearly iden-
tify the performers intention. The importance of structural expression was
also shown in a study by Repp (1997b) where the timing curves of a Debussy
prelude played by 10 famous pianists were compared to the timing profiles
of 10 graduate students, recorded nearly unrehearsed. Despite large inter-
individual differences in preparation and experience, timing curves were

found to be extremely similar. A further experiment, based on the theoretical
predictions of Lerdahl and Jackendoffs (1983) Generative Theory of Tonal
Music, was carried out by Todd (1985). He discovered that the extent of a
ritardando was proportional to the importance of the affected phrase bound-
ary: More important phrase boundaries received more slowing than less im-
portant ones.
Clarke (1987, 1988, 1993) also showed that this close relationship be-
tween expression and musical structure is a necessary (but not wholly suf-
ficient) prerequisite for adequate understanding of the performers interpre-
tive intention. In a series of experiments, he found that listeners gave a more
qualified evaluation of a performance when the expressive modifications
were congruent with the musical structure. Thus it would seem that expres-
sive phrasing is determined by structural features, descriptions, and mental
representations of musical structure (Palmer, 1992, p. 249). While the per-
former may use expressive cues to communicate his intention and under-
standing to the listener, we have to keep in mind that the listener not only
perceives the musical structure but also evaluates whether or not the per-
former has understood the music.
Beyond Structural Constraints: Irrational Components of Expressive Perfor-

mance. The question remains open as to whether a performance is simply
the result of structural constraints and can be described by the process of
rational composition of performance, meaning that the performer synthe-
sizes a performance by analytically weighting structural features (see Maz-
zola & Beran, 1998). While there has been very little research aimed at
investigating the extent to which performances are influenced by factors that
include structure, gesture, and mood, Clarke (1993; also Clarke & Baker-
Short, 1987) has indicated a need to modify the strict rationalistic model of
performance generation.
Clarke set up manipulated performances that required players to imitate
a rubato passage, the timing profile of which had been inverted or shifted
by one eighth note or one measure. Such a transformation resulted in a
contradiction between musical structure and expressive intention. When the
subjects (skilled pianists) tried to imitate these versions, it could be seen that
timing was more accurate and stable in the original than in the manipulated
version. Consequently, it appears that the relationship between structural
and expressive features is a necessary but not sufficient condition for the
explanation of expressive performance. As of now, little is known about the
impact of the performers emotions or sense of movement on the shaping of
a performance. It may therefore come as no surprise that completely syn-
thesized performances of complete pieces based on complex mathematical
transformations of pitch, harmony, and time parameters (e.g., Mazzola &
Beran, 1998) sound musically plausible, albeit artistically unspectacular.
The recordings of Glenn Gould, whose performances have been evaluated
by music critics as intentionally unconventional, bear witness to the claim
that there has to be artistic individuality in addition to some rule-governed

performance. Although experience of musical performance suggests strong
evidence for the importance of an additional human factor, current re-
search cannot provide any explanations as to the nature of such an irrational
component (see Shaffer, 1989). Consequently, more analysis of unconven-
tional performances is necessary in order to gain a deeper insight into the
scope of artistic individuality beyond the limits of the accepted rules.
Rule-Based Performance Grammar
The Analysis-by-Synthesis Approach. In everyday life, rules facilitate com-

munication and help to avoid ambiguity. If this is the case, could it not then
be possible that a similar mechanism also operates in the communication of
musical expression? The observation that alike musical structures cause par-
allel expressive features has already been pointed out by Lussy (1873/1882).
In his treatise on the application of musical expression to performance, Lussy
analyzed expression marks in the scores of several different composers and
identified 17 rules for the application of accelerando (e.g., through the course
of repeated notes, at harmonic changes, or at rising melodic lines) and 32
rules for the application of ritardando (e.g., at falling melodic lines, at phrase
endings, or at groups of lower notes that follow a series of high notes). Each
of these rules, he argued, was illustrated by a vast number of notated ex-
amples for pupils to practice. It is this work that provides the backdrop to
the scientific investigation of rule-based systems of musical expression de-
veloped by Scandinavian researchers (e.g., Friberg, 1995; Gabrielsson, 1999;
Sundberg, Fryden, & Askenfelt, 1983; for a review). In the early studies,
Sundberg, Fryden, and Askenfelt used an analysis-by-synthesis approach to
test the adequacy of the output of their generative system. The approach
outlined earlier has been labeled generative in view of the fact that perform-
ances are generated by the application of expressive grammars and rule-
based systems. In simple terms, the procedure is the following: First rules of
expression are formulated by listening to recordings of outstanding artists.
(It is interesting to note that most of the rules were suggested by an expe-
rienced violinist, Lars Fryden!). Then these rules are implemented in a com-
puter program that generates artificial interpretations. Finally, the synthe-
sized and original versions are compared and the rule system subsequently
improved. Recent progress of the performance synthesis project is docu-
mented in Friberg (1999), and models are implemented in software such as
Melodia by Roberto Bresin and Director Musices by Anders Friberg.
Thompson, Sundberg, Friberg, and Fryden (1989, p. 63) assert that the
musical quality of performances is improved by applying rules. However,
the same authors remark that the simple addition of rules generated only
unmusical results, due to the overemphasis on detail. In most cases, the
application of no more than five rules was sufficient to produce an accept-
able result.
Critical Assessment of the Rule-Based Approach. Oosten (1993) seriously

criticizes the generative approach, arguing that rules are a necessary but not
entirely sufficient condition for the generation and communication of mu-
sically accepted performance synthesis. This is due in part to the primarily
local effect of a rule (instead of being concerned with elements of greater
structural importance; see experiment by Todd [1985] described earlier) and
to the intuitive nature of the generative approach. Moreover, the simple
application of a rule set seems to be a hit the wall strategy for the most
part, which considers neither the style-specific application of an expression
rule nor the fact that rules are not always applied consistently by a performer
within a composition. Current performance research still has no theoretical
framework for the shaping of expressive parameters within larger time
frames. The experience of outstanding live performances, however, confirms
that there must be an expressive layer responsible for the communication
of, for instance, tension and resolution, which cannot be analyzed by any
of the existing scientific methods. Langner and Kopiez (1995) showed that
large-scale oscillations, triggered by the timing profile of a performance with
a time frame of 60 seconds or more, can be important features of profes-
sional performances. In the same way, existing analyses support the as-
sumption that the depth of a performers musical thought influences the
communication of expressive tension and perhaps of a performances overall
musical quality, yet such a hypothesis still awaits confirmation. In summary,
it can be argued that the rule-based approach only partially explains the
phenomenon of expressive interpretation and cannot account entirely for its
complexity. In other words, the rule-based approach can simulate but not
imitate a real performance.
Are Interpretations Uniform or Individual?

Music cannot be performed using just any method, and performance vari-
ability seems to be limited by a criterion of correctness. The national
anthem, for example, can be jazzed up only so much before it ceases to be
the national anthem. Similarly, with regard to the parameter tempo, it is
impossible to double or triple the tempo of music and have it remain the
same piece of music or communicate the same message. Being too fast or
too slow makes some music unmusical and changes its character completely.
What does this mean for the performance of pieces from the classical rep-
ertoire?
Historical Background of Performance Individuality. The limited standard

repertoire of our musical culture relies on individuality to distinguish one
performer from another. Although it is usual for listeners to prefer specific
artists, it remains unclear how this individuality can be identified in the
acoustical data of a particular interpretation. In order to produce the un-
mistakable characteristics that identify a particular performer, the performer
has to reproduce his or her personal rendition of a composition with great

consistency, thereby practically minimizing the intraindividual variability.
The historical situation of performance expectations has not always been
that of the present day. On the contrary, Czernys (1839/1991) treatise on
musical performance (Czerny was Beethovens piano teacher and one of the
foremost piano teachers of his time) advocated the idea that performances
should be variable from one time to another instead of being uniform. He
demanded from competent performers an always different performance
(jedesmal eine andere Vortragsweise anzuwenden, p. 25), especially when
repeating a passage several times within a composition. From this we can
assume that, at least in the 19th century, performers gave a wider variety of
performances than today and different artistic aspects of a composition
could be communicatedas long as the character of the work was not com-
promised.
Performance Individuality in Schumanns Traumerei. The current state of

performance research points to a different situation in recent times. Repp
(1992a) analyzed the timing of 28 recordings of Schumanns Traumerei,
played by 24 different pianists. Analysis of interonset intervals in the first
eight measures showed that players could be grouped, by means of a prin-
cipal component analysis, into four categories: Group 1 was dominated by
the recordings of Horowitz, Group 2 by those of Cortot, Group 3 repre-
sented the mainstream, and Group 4 contained the remaining performers.
The author concluded that a tendency toward uniformity could be observed
due to timing constraints at phrase boundaries that allowed only a small
degree of freedom. In a subsequent study, Repp (1992b) concentrated on the
principle melodic gesture of Traumerei (which consists of six notes) and
found instances of additional constraints that could limit artistic individu-
ality. Subsequent experiments revealed that when the timing profile of this
motif was shifted only those timing profiles whose shapes were parabolic
were judged positively by the listeners. This result was explained by classes
of optimal temporal shapes for melodic gestures . . . that musically accultur-
ated listeners know and expect . . . within which artistic freedom and indi-
vidual preference can manifest themselves (p. 221). Similar experiments
that concern the variability of performance still continue to the present day,
as shown in a recent study by Repp (1998) in which the author analyzes
115 recordings of Chopins Etude in E major, op. 10, no. 3, by 108 artists.
Using a principal component analysis, the first five bars of the Etude could
be described by four factors, accounting for most of the timing variance
(76%).
Do Timing Curves Represent Individuality in Performance? At this point,

some criticism should be made concerning the validity of Repps (1992a)
results: By including the timing data of the whole piece, he obtained only
one general factor with no differentiation among the 28 recordings and
found also that a reduction in the number of included notes increased the
number of factors. In addition, the timing clusters for the first melodic ges-
ture did not correspond to the three main factors found in the principal
component analysis of the first eight measures. Also, the perceptual experi-
ence when listening to the recordings does not correspond to such an un-
differentiated statistical grouping. Where does this mismatch arise? We could
assume that such a method of analyzing timing (or other variables) on a
note-to-note level offers only a very limited insight into the nature of musical
interpretation and the ideas communicated by the player. Consequently, we
suggest that future methods of timing analysis include the possibility of si-
multaneous timing analysis of layers with different time-frame sizes (on a
bar-to-bar level or a phrase-to-phrase level) of the same performance. Only
such an approach would be commensurate with the complexity of musical
thought observed in outstanding performers.
The considerations outlined earlier raise a further question: Is the per-
formers ability to shape time and intensity limited by the listeners expec-
tancies? Inspired by research into the attractiveness of human faces, Repp
(1997a) carried out a so-called average performance experiment, in which
listeners were asked to rate 11 performances of Traumerei in terms of
quality and originality. One of the listening examples had been generated
from the average timing and intensity data of the 10 other MIDI recordings.
The pedaling sequence remained constant throughout all 11 versions. Repp
found that the average version was ranked second-highest in terms of
performance quality but second-lowest in terms of individuality. A plausible
interpretation of the results offered by the author assumes that listeners de-
velop a performance prototype that guides their expectancies; the average
version could fulfill this expectancy and provide an ideal interpretation due
to the compensation of extremes through the averaging. Despite the absence
of a convincing theoretical explanation for this effect, the same preferential
tendency for averaged versions can be observed in the evaluation of rhyth-
mic performances. In a cross-cultural study on the perception of rhythm,
Kopiez, Langner, and Steinhagen (1999) found a consistently high evaluation
of the average performance of rhythm samples.
Different Perspectives of Analysis: Local and Global Expressive Shaping. One

of the priorities for performance analysis in the future should be to develop
methods and theories that allow for the analysis to take place within time
frames of varying levels. Only the consideration of local as well as global
levels of expressive shaping in the same performance will enable adequate
analysis of the complex phenomenon of musical interpretation and com-
munication. One example of how such a theoretical framework could func-
tion is given by Mazzola (1995; 2002) in his inverse performance theory,
which uses analytical data (so-called analytical weights) from a score anal-
ysis by a special software (Rubato1). These weights are used as predictor
variables for the individual timing curves in multiple regression analysis. As
demonstrated in Beran and Mazzola (2000), this decomposition of a com-
plete performance (the authors call it analytical semantics) into analytical
weights for the melodic, metric, and harmonic structure explained between
65 and 85% of the microstructure timing of a performance. This finding
strongly supports the assumption that a close relationship exists between
expressive intentions and compositional features, where the first can be ex-
plained with reference to the second. Such an approach goes far beyond the
surface analysis of a small section by Repp (1992a) and gives detailed insight
into the complexity of musical thought. Although Beran and Mazzola (2000)
were able to confirm the fundamental structure of Repps principal com-
ponent analysis, large individual differences were shown to exist in relation
to the relative importance of single structural parameters (harmony, melody,
metric). In the case of Horowitzs three performances of Traumerei, the
performers view of the piece obviously changed over time: After his first
recording of the piece, in 1947which was dominated by a very localized
melodic and metrical thinking (a kind of performance near-sight)Ho-
rowitzs interpretation became more coherent in his 1963 and 1965 record-
ings. The different time perspectives in the studies by Repp (1992a) and
Beran and Mazzola (2000) also go some way toward explaining the seem-
ingly contradictory results achieved. As a result, it could be argued that
although the timing of the first eight bars and the single melodic gestures
remain unchanged over decades, more global timing concepts reveal changes
when the piece is analyzed as a whole.
In light of these considerations, it is evident that inverse performance
theory is also of great practical importance since it offers the transformation
of the metaphorical language of musical criticism into an exactly defined
parametric space. At the same time, however, it must be pointed out that
research that concerns the relationship between performance features and
the structural properties of the score is still new and expanding.
Decoding Expression: The Role of Acoustical Cues

In his famous treatise on flute playing from the 18th century, Quantz (1752/
1966, p. 164) writes: Hence in playing you must regulate yourself in ac-
cordance with the prevailing sentiment, so that you do not play a very mel-
ancholy Adagio too quickly or a cantabile Adagio too slowly. Clearly, in
terms of the Adagio mentioned here by Quantz, tempo is a global cue that
supports the dominant character and affect of a piece, yet nowadays there
are other factors, such as original instrumentation and tuning, that should
be kept in mind. In addition, Quantzs statement sheds light on the relation-
ship between the structural features of a composition and the expressive
intentions of a performer. As Meyer (1956, p. 199) notes, the score gives
more or less specific indications as to the composers intention, but it de-
pends on the performer to intensify or integrate these structural cues into a
form that can be communicated to the listener. Thus a useful contribution
for music theory is elaboration of the basic principles of emotive importance,
such as expectancy or gestalt continuation. As the famous Tristan chord
from the prelude to Wagners Tristan and Isolde paradigmatically shows,

emotional meaning will always be contextually dependent on structural fea-
tures, which prevents the simple categorization of structural elements into a
catalog of emotions.
We assume that musical performance contains numerous so-called acous-
tical cues, such as timbre, tempo, and articulation, which help to facilitate
the communication of the performers intentions. A necessary condition for
the communicative function, however, is the reliable decoding of such cues
from the auditory stream. Research of the last decades into music perfor-
mance as well as research into cross-modal perception of expressive qualities
of object (see Beldoch, 1961, for less recent research) has given us some
insight into the basic mechanisms of this cue extraction process: When mea-
suring the degree of identification of 10 feelings, including anger, joy, and
love, in different media (vocal, visual arts, and music), Beldoch found ex-
pressive qualities to be relatively consistent, yet the total congruence did not
exceed 40% of correct identifications.
The Interdependence of Expressive Cues. Our next question concerns the

parameters of musical expression, their hierarchy, and their interrelation.
Concerning the hierarchy of expressive parameters, Kamenetzky, Hill, and
Trehub (1997) presented short, 30-second-long musical examples played in
four versions: one with no variations in tempo and dynamics, another with
variations in tempo and dynamics, another with variations in tempo only,
and another with variations in dynamics only. The results showed that var-
iation in tempo only caused a significantly lower evaluation on the expres-
sive scale than variations in dynamics only or in tempo and dynamics.
Although caution must be exercised regarding generalizations because of the
very limited duration of the examples, a possible hierarchy of expressive
parameters seems to exist.
In the same manner, two further studies produced more evidence of the
interactive nature of expressive parameters. Dudek (1992), for example, car-
ried out a recognition experiment of piano performances with interchanged
velocity and timing data, holding one parameter constant in each version.
In total, timing and intensity were used equally frequently for the identifi-
cation of performances, but substantial individual differences were noted
within the sample of 16 compositions played in different styles. Rather than
provide a simple hierarchy of expressive factors, these findings emphasize
the importance of the interaction between structural features of the com-
position and the listeners preferences for expressive parameters.
The second study, carried out by Dougherty in 1993, used the method of
cross-synthesis of four emotions (i.e., the transfer of spectral features from
one item to the other) from spoken language (anger, fear, joy, and sadness)
to a short sequence of notes played on the violin with three specific expres-
sive parameters (timbre, pitch contour, and speech tempo). The fact that the
emotional state of non-cross-synthesized violin tones was identified as ac-
curately as that of unmanipulated speech led the author to conclude that
there was no single-feature mechanism for cue detection. Since the reliability
of identification improved with the increasing number of expressive para-
meters involved in cross-synthesis, it is possible to conclude that the inter-
action between expressive parameters plays a decisive role in the correct
identification of emotional intentions in performance.
Communicating Expressive Intentions to the Audience. An early study that

concerned the communication of the more complex aspects of a players
ideas to the audience was undertaken by Senju and Ohgushi (1987). Subjects
who rated 10 performances of the opening of Mendelssohns Violin Con-
certo through use of a semantic differential most commonly identified the
intention of a powerful performance. Having subjects verbalize perfor-
mance impressions, however, did not result in effective identification of the
relevant aspects of expressive performance. Concerning the communication
of dynamics, Patterson (1974) found that most woodwind players had a
dynamic range too small to cover the six different degrees of intensity (from
pianissimo to fortissimo) that require a range of roughly 30 decibels. Obo-
ists, for example, often produced a span of only two dynamic levels. Since
greater dynamic contrasts make music more exciting, the author suggests
the use of exercises to enlarge the dynamic range. However, we have to
remember that the perception of dynamics is also influenced by instrument-
specific expectations of the listener. Perception can differ from reality.
Nakamuras 1987 study focuses on the fundamental role of dynamics
(and not timing!) in the communication of expressive intentions. In his ex-
periment, subjects heard musical excerpts and identified instances of cres-
cendo much more reliably than instances of decrescendo in the correspond-
ing score. It is possible, however, that such an effect is both instrument- and
context-specific. Here the perceptual basis could form a template for the
recognition of increases in intensity. This last assumption is supported by
the results of Huron (1991), who, in his analysis of the frequency of cres-
cendo and decrescendo markings in 435 piano works by 14 composers,
found a significantly greater number of crescendos than decrescendos. This
bias in dynamic markings is termed ramp archetype and is based on a neural
mechanism that facilitates detection of increasing rather than decreasing in-
tensities.
A categorization of three levels of expression (no expression, appropriate,
exaggerated) across different instruments was observed in a study by Kendall
and Carterette (1990), which revealed that both musicians and nonmusicians
were able to distinguish, to a certain and not totally reliable degree, between
performances of a short melody on different instruments with different levels
of expression. Besides the fact that the subjects appeared to use timing as
an expressive cue, the authors stress that there was no support for the idea
of an all-encompassing grammar that mediates the communication between
performer and listener (p. 160). Of course, the perceived expression of a
performance is influenced not only by acoustical cues but also by visual ones.
Conditions of Successful Recognition of Expressed Emotions. Is formal music

education a necessary condition for the successful recognition of expressive
cues, or can an expressive intention be communicated by a performer even
to uneducated listeners or children? In a perception experiment with 4-
to 9-year-old children, Rodriguez (1998) conducted a same-or-different
discrimination test that used mechanical and expressive versions of a tune.
He found that subjects answered with 66% overall accuracy, but that the
degree of correct answers increased with age, starting from 46% among
kindergarten children and ending with 70% accuracy among fourth graders.
Giomo (1992) investigated whether mood in music, as a holistic impression,
was correctly recognized by 5- to 9-year-old children. Using a pictorial, non-
verbal response paradigm, she was able to show that age played no role in
the effective categorization of classical music examples into three mood di-
mensions (softness, pleasantness, solemnity). While no positive influence
could be attributed to taking instrumental lessons, the author discovered an
effect of sociocultural background that pointed to the influence of both the
subjects home music environment and musical experience.
These findings provide evidence for the idea that the perception of ex-
pressive features in music is perhaps an ability that must be nurtured and
developed through education and listening experience. On the background
of other studies that relate to age-dependent recognition of emotional ex-
pression in music, a more complex picture emerges. In a labeling task devised
by Cunningham and Sterling (1989), for example, it was noted that pre-
schoolers were already astonishingly consistent in associating certain attrib-
utes (happiness, sadness, anger, and fear) with musical excerpts presented to
them. Dolgin and Adelson (1990) also found age differences in the recog-
nition of emotional expression between 4- and 9-year-olds. Similarly, Ter-
wogt and Grinsven (1991) noted that the agreement in recognition of hap-
piness, anger, and sadness in music excerpts increased between the ages 5
and 7 years; conversely, Kratus (1993) found no developmentally based ef-
fect in the recognition of emotional states in 30 musical excerpts among 6-
to 22-year-old subjects. Bear in mind that there is, as yet, no standardized
mood-recognition task in music that uses a fixed repertoire of music ex-
amples from clearly defined selection criteria. As long as each study uses
different stimuli, the varying results can be attributed not only to this in-
comparability but also to other relevant factors such as age and gender.
Unfortunately, this is a serious methodological difficulty for all studies in the
field.
Physical Correlates of Emotional Characters. A Swedish research group led

by Alf Gabrielsson has recently started to focus on the coding/decoding pro-
cess of acoustical cues in the communication of expressive intentions. They
are interested in knowing what . . . performer[s] do to generate the in-
tended emotional character of the music (Gabrielsson, 1995, p. 35). In their
opinion, musical expression includes both, structure and performance.
The principal method employed is experimental in the sense that a performer

is instructed to play a given passage with different emotional characters
(happy, sad, solemn, angry, soft, and indifferent). Upon completion of this
task, the acoustical parameters of the performance are analyzed. An impor-
tant result that arose out of the analysis of the recordings was that perform-
ers used a wide variety of durational modifications, especially concerning
the proportional relationships between different note lengths. However, dy-
namics, articulation, and timbre also played an instrument-dependent role
and were modified in correspondence with the intended expression. For ex-
ample, angry and happy versions were played faster than those excerpts
meant to illustrate other characters, and in happy versions the durational
proportions were softened.
There are obvious reasons to investigate the connection between motion
and musical expression. For example, Clyness theory of sentics (1977)
assumes that for each basic emotion there exists a specific dynamic form.
Although Clyness theory is not uncontroversial (see Edgewater, 1999,
p. 167; Repp, 1989, 1990 for critiques), Gabrielsson used Clyness Sento-
graph device to assess the correspondence between the expressive parameters
and the expressive finger movements of an imagined performance for the
same musical excerpt. The results indicated a close relationship between
emotion and motion, which supports the central hypothesis that we may
consider emotion, motion, and music as being isomorphic (Gabrielsson,
1995, p. 37).
An early experimental investigation into communicative processes was
undertaken by Gabrielsson and Juslin (1996). In this study, musicians were
asked to perform melodies from different styles of music (folk songs, clas-
sical tunes) on different instruments (violin, electric guitar, voice) with dif-
ferent emotional characters (happy, sad, angry, fearful, tender, solemn). Lis-
teners then rated the performances regarding how clearly they perceived the
intended character, a task that represents a basic paradigm for all research
in expressive communication. Results showed that listeners were in general
agreement and that a wide range of expression among instruments, styles,
and players was observed. Analysis of the acoustical data showed an aston-
ishingly flexible handling of the musical structure: One of the melodies was
played on a flute with a sad character at 50 beats per minute and another
by a violinist with a happy character at 250 beats per minute. Although
the authors compiled a provisional feature-catalogue of musical charac-
ters, the results raise an important issue, namely, that of the constraints of
musical material. If the same melody can be played five times faster, achiev-
ing a different expressive character, the question of the existence of a nat-
ural character determined by the compositional structure remains open to
discussion! Therefore, we suggest that the term character should be used to
denote a unique fingerprint of a piece that gives it its unifying impression.
Beethovens Pastoral Symphony (Kirby, 1970) and the powerful atmospheric
spell of the Wolfsschluchtszene (Wolfs glen scene) in Webers Freischutz
(Ruiter, 1989) might serve as famous examples of such characters. In this
sense, the term character has two connotations: It is connected first to the
specific expressive individuality of a piece and second to the unmistakable
emotions presented in a performance.
The Cue-Utilization Paradigm. The most recent research in the analysis of

acoustical cues generated by the performer and their relevance for musical
communication is best represented by Juslin (1997, 2000, 2001; Juslin &
Madison, 1999). This approach can be characterized as a cue-utilization
paradigm where performers are instructed to play a short popular tune with
different fundamental emotions, such as happiness, sadness, anger, and fear.
The players may use all expressive parameters in free variation. In a subse-
quent labeling task, listeners decode and rate the intensity of the com-
municated emotions. In principle, Juslin adopted the research paradigm that
Scherer and Oshinsky (1977) used in their research on the perception of
expression in synthesized 8-tone sequences. They also produced a catalog of
expressive code. Juslins theoretical framework was taken from functional-
istic emotional psychology and Brunswiks functionalistic and probabilistic
approach to perception: It assumes that basic emotions are perceived
much more clearly than other emotions due to their importance for the
phylogenetic developmenta basic mechanism that could also be important
in musical communication. Such an assumption is supported by Juslin, who
showed that the decoding of expressive intentions reaches an overall stability
of nearly 80%. For further information on the project Feedback-learning
of musical expressivity see http://www.psyk.uu.se/hemsidor/musicpsy.
At this point, some critical points that concern research on the commu-
nication of emotion and the validity of results should be made:
Impact of structural features. At present, the cue-utilization paradigm offers

no predictions that regard the impact of the compositions structural fea-
tures, such as tone system, scale, or orchestration. In order to develop a
clearer understanding of such features, research would have to consider the
interaction between a happy tune played with sad intentions in a very
slow tempo and vice versa. As long as little is known about structural
constraints, the validity of any results should be considered preliminary. A
more complex picture emerges in the most recent reports on inherent ex-
pression (see Lindstrom, 2000; Madison, 2000): Emotional expression is
determined by the musical structure itself, an adequate performance, and
the interaction between performance variability and structure. While the
intensity of emotional expression can be both reinforced as well as reduced
by performance variability, some emotional characters are not influenced at
all when performance variability is experimentally removed.
Relationship between global and local cues. There is currently no theory to
explain the relationship between local and global expressive elements. Lis-
tening experience produces strong evidence for the complex and hierarchi-
cal nature of the influence of single emotional features; we do not simply
extract emotional cues locally. The 200-year-long debate in musical aes-
thetics about the term musical character underscores the importance of a
unifying mechanism called character, which rules a whole composition

(see Ruiter, 1989). Nevertheless, as long as samples with durations of only
a few seconds are used (such as in the study by Gabrielsson and Juslin,
1996), we cannot reach an adequate understanding of this emotional hi-
erarchy. At the same time, we should not forget the results of other re-
searchers (e.g., Karno & Konecni, 1992; Tillman & Bigand, 1996) that
showed that listeners are embarrassingly insensitive to global structural
properties when judging the emotional expression of manipulated (so-called
scrambled) versions of a piece of music.
Subjective induction of emotions versus objective labeling. Listeners in
Juslins study were given a labeling task, but there was no control over
whether they could objectively label the perceived expressive code and keep
this decision uninfluenced by the emotions induced by the music. Quite
simply, it is uncertain exactly what was judgedexpression or impression.
This problem of separating impression from expression is a fundamental
problem in all music and emotion research. A further problem is the
immediate induction of emotions. As Nyklicek and Doornen (1997) were
able to show, heartbeat as well as breathing patterns were strongly influ-
enced by selected structural parameters of the music such as tempo. Despite
the fact that the authors chose only very extreme and basic emotions for
their examples, this effect was intensified when subjects were initially intro-
duced to the expected emotions. From an evolutionary perspective, it fol-
lows that there is a basic mechanism for the immediate detection of certain
emotional states; Juslin is right with regard to this point. And his view is
supported by the findings of Peretz, Gagnon, and Bouchard (1998) in a
judgment study with brain-injured listeners. The subjects emotional judg-
ment was quite consistent, immediate, and seemingly uninfluenced by their
condition regardless of whether presented musical excerpts were happy
or sad: The judgment was mostly influenced by musical structure (mode
and tempo). In addition, we do not know how an individuals emotional
quotient influences the perceived emotional intensity. At the same time, it
should be remembered that most musical states are not based on clear,
fundamental emotions. For example, music may well result in boredom
a feeling/emotion that can surely not be classified as a fundamental emotion.
Model of emotion and consciousness. The theoretical model used in the
explanation is an umbrella model in which all emotions are assembled
under one hat. Criticizing the use of this model, LeDoux (1996) argues
that each emotion should be considered as a complex and autonomous
system that works along with psychophysiological reactions. As long as our
understanding of just one of those systems is incomplete, it is impossible to
reach any conclusion as to the nature of the whole emotional system. If we
believe that listening to music can activate memorable musical experiences,
it follows that the only way to investigate the complex phenomenon of
musical communication is to adopt a systemic approach. This approach
would cover the ongoing (conscious or unconscious) process of evaluation
and interpretation while listening to music.
Ambiguity. If musical communication aspires to being unambiguous, would
a functionalistic approach be adequate for the explanation of emotional
communication? Aesthetic experience appears to be characterized only by
the paradoxical mechanism of ambiguous input (musical message) that re-
sults in unambiguous output (listening experience). If certainty in identifi-

cation of expression were a genuine priority of music, we could be sure
that human evolution would have created a form of music less ambiguous
(maybe with fewer possible emotions)in a communicative sensethan
that already observed. We may conclude that in spite of its importance, cue
utilization is only a secondary phenomenon of the listening process and
that the functionalistic perspective remains limited to a few basic emotions.
Can We Understand Music Without Prerequisites?

The Myth of Music as a Universal Language
The idea that music might be a universal language that can be understood
without prerequisites and independently from the individuals cultural back-
ground is a widely held conviction. Although this belief is asserted with great
persistence in both politics and everyday life, this issue is not simple, judged
from the standpoint of music psychology. It is already clear that the study
of musical universals and the biological foundations of music have contrib-
uted a new perspective characterized by comparative research methodologies
(see Carterette & Kendall, 1999). While this has resulted in the creation of
new research disciplines such as biomusicology (Wallin, Merker, & Brown,
2000), aimed at providing us with a fascinating insight into the auditory
perception among animals (see Fay, 1988, for an extensive data collection),
it is still very difficult to draw conclusions from the literature relevant to the
human music perception. Very often, the studies of comparative music psy-
chology, based on studies of animal behavior, are obtained with simple stim-
uli that have little resemblance to real music. Although interesting in them-
selves, the results that concern virtual pitch in cats (Hefner & Whitfield,
1976), octave stretching (Carterette & Kendall, 1999, p. 739), or octave
identity (surely not a universal; see Hulse & Page, 1988; Hulse, Takeuchi,
& Braaten, 1992) have little immediate bearing on the human listening ex-
perience.
Having said this, it is important to recognize the contribution of research-
ers who investigate auditory perception in animals and newborn infants,
which allow great insight into the importance of the basic processes in music
listening and have shown that such processes appear on a hardware basis
in all vertebrates regardless of cultural influences. For instance, studies by
Porter and Neuringer (1984) revealed that pigeons can first learn to distin-
guish between musical styles (e.g., Bach and Stravinsky) and then success-
fully transfer their acquired stylistic knowledge to unfamiliar examples in a
discrimination test. Hulse and Cynx (1986) found that auditory stream seg-
regation already works in starlings, while Fassbenders (1996) study of au-
ditory capacity in early infancy concluded that most musically relevant per-
ceptual mechanisms, such as contour perception, are probably developed at
a very early age. It is essential here to realize that music is not considered a
spoken language and, as Sloboda (1985, p. 12) points out, it would indeed
be foolish to claim that music is simply another natural language. It

should, however, be kept in mind that music shares certain structural simi-
larities with spoken language, such as its hierarchical organization. Temporal
proximity alone does not rule the perception of music; in fact, we as listeners
construct hierarchical relationships while listening to music in real time.
The Cultural Dependency of Expressive Decoding. A review I have written

(Kopiez, 2004) argues that unfortunately most of the research concerned
with so-called perceptual invariants is a long way away from explaining
relevant aspects of musical experience. This can be seen in a study by Hulse,
Takeuchi, and Braaten (1992), who demonstrated that the ability to recog-
nize the transposition of a melodya musically relevant universalwas
lacking in young children (3-year-olds and younger) and animals. Similarly,
investigations into the communication of meaning and emotion in music
show disappointing results. In their study of the cross-cultural understanding
of Indian raga modes in excerpts of Hindustani music, Balkwill and Thomp-
son (1999) asked Western listeners to rate the degree of joy, sadness, anger,
and peace displayed in 12 excerpts. Their results showed that listeners were
sensitive to the intended emotions of joy and anger in the music, but
that the impressions of peace and sadness could not often be so clearly
distinguished. (Incidentally, impressions of peace and sadness are not always
easily distinguished in Western music, either.) In addition, the researchers
noticed that an association between emotional and structural features could
be observed: impressions of joy were associated with fast tempi and low
melodic complexity while sadness was linked to slow tempi and high me-
lodic complexity. Despite the importance of the findings outlined earlier, it
would seem that assigning emotional labels to music still does not reach far
beyond the surface of the complex interaction between humans and music.
As a result, we are encouraged to further question whether or not the emo-
tional responses reported may in fact be influenced by musical features as
well as by cultural factors.
In a series of studies designed to investigate the cross-cultural understand-
ing of emotional content in music, examples were chosen from Western clas-
sical music, new age genres, and traditional Asian Indian music (Gregory &
Varney, 1996). These were then rated for their emotional content by both
Western listeners and listeners with also an Indian background (bicultural).
The fact that these were unable to demonstrate clear consistency in their
identification of, for example, the various seasons in Antonio Vivaldis Four
Seasons led the authors to conclude that the affective response to music is
determined more by cultural tradition than by the inherent qualities of the
music (p. 47). The most recent and extensive of these cross-cultural studies
on emotional response (Bhatti & Gregory, 2000) used samples of religious
music from both Asian Indian and Western cultures with durations of be-
tween 2 and 15 minutes. These excerpts were then rated by Western and
Pakistani listeners in order to establish similarities and differences in the
affective ratings. Western listeners gave lower ratings than Pakistanis to the
spiritual content of religious Qawwali music, while Christian rock music

was only considered to be arousing and uplifting by those Western
listeners familiar with Christian practices. From this short review of cross-
cultural research in music, it is clear that the search for universals in musical
experience results in an inconsistent and contradictory pattern of results.
The most obvious conclusion to be drawn from the aforementioned find-
ings is that music experience is heavily constrained by the listeners individual
background and that it would require tremendous efforts to adapt to an
unfamiliar cultural system. Those cultural experiences come into play espe-
cially in the affective response to unknown music. Despite a current lack of
sound factual evidence, the issues of musical universals and music as a uni-
versal language are touted persistently. This suggests a need for explanation
and research, and if we do not want to reject this appealing claim, we will
have to seek alternative answers.
Proposal for Culturally Independent Universals in Music

It could be that an alternative approach is needed. Guided by the hypothesis
that there are at least three factors that could be commonly associated with
musical perception in all cultures, we would suggest that the potential over-
simplification that results from the focus on premusical variables be avoided
by focusing on the variables of synchronization, expectancy, and musical
tension and movement.
Synchronization. When people listen to music, reactions in the form of syn-

chronized tapping or clapping can often be observeda form of behavior
that, according to Merker (2000a, 2000b), is not limited to humans but has
also been observed in the glowing of fireflies and the chirping of crickets.
This entrainment of living beings into an existing rhythmic pulse raises the
issue of the possible existence of an evolutionary fundamental for this spe-
cific behavior. In attempting to provide a rationale for this idea, Merker
(2000a) refers to a primarily sociobiological function, reminding us that
synchronized chorusing increases the signal range, thereby increasing the
probability of attracting potential mates. Furthermore, as observed in chim-
panzees, synchronized calling at the site of a recently discovered food source
indicates cooperation with external individuals, also attractive for possible
mating partners. This capacity to synchronize to an external trigger pulse is
indeed an astonishing phenomenon, and, as Fraisse (1982) indicates, it is a
form of behavior that is strongest in humans at an interonset interval of 500
to 600 milliseconds. Nevertheless, there is a substantial difference between
the synchronous calling of monkeys and the performance of music by hu-
mans in the sense that chimpanzees cannot keep time independently (e.g.,
continue a given pulse). This leads us to conclude that the ability to syn-
chronize seems to be an indispensable condition for most kinds of human
musical activities: Neither drumming ensembles, groups of dancers, nor a
string quartet would be able to perform together without this fundamental

capacity. Although synchronization can also be observed for visual stimuli
(yet it is superior for auditory stimuli), this capacity would appear to be a
musically relevant universal that can be found in the cross-cultural ubiquity
of metric music that exists in present-day cultures. Furthermore, it is clear
that the capability to desynchronize is equally important since only the var-
iation between exact synchronization and intentional desynchronization pro-
duced the human touch in musical performance.
Expectancy. Expectancy is a general cognitive mechanism that makes as-

sumptions that concern the further processing of an event. While it can be
applied to whatever phenomena we meet, it is also relevant to the concept
of music perception. In the case of musical rhythm, for example, we can
observe that all listeners create hypotheses as to how a given pattern will be
continued or what the metrical position of the next beat will be (e.g., Desain,
1992). Yet expectancy also influences the perception of harmony and other
musical parameters, and even when one is listening to unfamiliar (e.g., non-
Western) music there is still a tendency to build expectancies. Using a probe
tone paradigm, Castellano, Bharucha, and Krumhansl (1984) demonstrated
that when Western listeners were able to perceive tonic (first) and dominant
(fifth) degrees in an Indian raga, they did not assimilate the modal system
to the Western diatonic system. The importance of culturally specific knowl-
edge was also identified in a study by Krumhansl and Keil (1982), in which
Western listeners were asked to complete a melody based on the Indonesian
equidistant 5-tone slendro scale. The findings suggest that although the
cross-cultural familiarity of perception was limited to processing strategies,
further culturally specific knowledge was needed to achieve a deeper under-
standing of the genre.
In relation to melodic perception, the theory of musical expectancy has
been developed to a more advanced degree in the writings of Meyer (1956)
and Narmour (1990). According to Meyer, listening to music can best be
described using a smoker metaphor:
If, for example, a habitual smoker wants a cigarette and, reaching into his
pocket, finds one, there will be no affective response. . . . If, however, the man
finds no cigarette . . . and then remembers that the stores are closed . . . he
will very likely begin to respond in an emotional way. (p. 13)
Meyer (p. 5) regards the idea of universalism as one error of music psy-
chology, besides hedonism and atomism, and claims that music in a style
with which we are totally unfamiliar is meaningless (p. 35). However, I
propose that the general tendency to build up expectancies while listening
to music (regardless of the specific cultural experience) is worthy of consid-
eration as a potential musical universal. In Narmours theory of expectancy,
his implication-realization model (which is similar to Meyers ideas yet
more formalized), we find a universally applicable perceptual model for mel-
ody. Broadly speaking, the first component, namely, implication, derives

from the similarity/dissimilarity of melodic elements and causes us to hy-
pothesize about a likely continuation of the melody. Subsequently, the re-
alization part confirms or rejects any hypotheses and leads to aesthetic
interest. The two characteristics of this model are: that top-down processes
(such as acquired style-specific knowledge) work together with bottom-up
processes (mainly innate Gestalt laws) and that small intervals imply the
continuation of a melody with similar intervals and in the same direction,
while large intervals imply following smaller intervals, a change in direction,
and closure. Although verification is still needed for Narmours model and
some criticisms have been voiced (e.g., the models bias for tonal Western
music; see Krumhansl et al., 2000), we can assume that expectancy may play
an important role in the debate that surrounds musical universals.
In their recent cross-cultural study on melodic expectancy among North
Sami yoiks, Krumhansl, Toivanen, Eerola, Toiviainen, and Louhivuori
(2000) found evidence to support the claim that listeners are sensitive to
statistical information in novel styles which gives important information
about basic underlying structures (p. 14). Moreover, despite general simi-
larities among the responses given by Western, Finnish, and Sami subjects
in the probe tone experiment, the authors concluded that style knowledge
strongly influenced melodic expectancy and that the judgments of the Sami
subjects familiar with the yoik style were least influenced by schematic West-
ern tonal knowledge.
Musical Tension and Movement. Another fundamental experience in musical

perception that may be relevant to other factors besides rhythm is that of
movement. When talking about movement, we are not so much concerned
with the tapping of ones foot to a piece of music, but we are referring to
the sensation of psychoenergetic forcesan inner phenomenon that mani-
fests itself physically through observable body movements. Although Ga-
brielsson (1995, p. 37) has claimed that we may consider emotion, motion,
and music as being isomorphic, there is to the present day no theoretical
framework that can explain these processes. The fact is that the degrees of
belief in psychoenergetic effects varies among authors.
A strong belief in the psychoenergetic effects of music is apparent in the
writings of Jaques-Dalcroze (1921, chap. 12). He posits that the main func-
tion of rhythmic education is to enable the student to play or symbolize the
rhythms he or she experiences. Interestingly, the author does not refer to
any explanation of the inner processes but chooses to concentrate exclusively
on the expression of inner sensations through bodily movement, culminating
in the exclamation that rhythm is movement (Moore, 1992). Due to a
lack of research into the relationship between expressed and perceived move-
ment, we cannot speak to the relation between strength of musical feelings
and strength of physical sensation. The very sophisticated theoretical frame-
work of the Swiss musicologist Kurth (1931) seems to come closest to the
musical experience. In his view, analysis of the sensation of psychic move-
ment is the key to the understanding of musical communication. Although

terms such as power, space, and matter seem to refer to a physicalist ap-
proach, Kurth identifies more differences than similarities between physical
and psychic processes. His writings contain a complete research program for
future music psychologycentered around the term of movementwhich
has not yet been widely recognized.2 However, difficulties with the imple-
mentation of this program may result because modern experimental methods
may not necessarily be compatible with the type of predictions that Kurth
made.
Researchers have also presented evidence for the importance of perceived
movement. Repp (1992b), for example, found that the optimal temporal
shaping for the principal melodic gesture of Traumerei could best be de-
scribed by a parabolic timing function, referring to a motion metaphor. As
Sloboda (1998, p. 24) points out, musical experience involves sensations
such as tension and resolution: The structural description does not in itself
incorporate . . . [these] feeling[s]. This implies that the feeling of being
moved must have an internal, psychoenergetic basis and that therefore any
kinematic model (models that try to explain an experience of motion that
is caused by music, e.g., an ascending scale), such as those reviewed in Pal-
mer (1997), can only account very superficially for this phenomenon. It is
also difficult to describe the relationship between perceived tension or move-
ment and aesthetic experience. Fredrickson (1995) found that the resulting
curve for the perceived tension when listening to a Haydn symphony
(measured in real time with a Continuous Response Digital Interface
[CRDI]) showed more variability and local changes than continuous ratings
of the aesthetic experience (see Krumhansl, 1997, for a review of tension
research). The variable aesthetic experience could be interpreted as the
result of an integration of several other psychoenergetic aspects. As long as
we do not have a theoretical framework or a definition of what musical
tension is and how it is perceived, we cannot be certain what exactly the
CRDI measures. Gjerdingen (1988) attempted to map the changes in pitch
and intensity of the human singing voice onto a two-dimensional so-called
Gjerdingen melogram in the form of a moving line. This way the author
hoped to communicate the microstructure of vocal lines in Indian music, in
which the microstructure of a single note is at the same time relevant to the
impression of a lively character of singing but also hard to transcribe into
our staff notation. Gjerdingen (1994) also investigated the related phenom-
enon of apparent motion induced by music. To summarize, support has
been found for the assumption that musical movement and tension are, to-
gether, a further culturally independent fundamental.
Implications for Music Education
This chapter set out to show that the process of musical communication was
dependent on the existence of relevant knowledge and experience on the
part of the listener. As I have argued elsewhere (Kopiez, 2002), there is some
convincing evidence that suggests that listeners always listen to music with
their own ears and that music appreciation is based on culturally specific
knowledge and education. The multicultural makeup of todays classroom,
with its accompanying disparity of cultural knowledge and experience, does
not allow for a simple, unified way to nurture communication skills. One
suggestion seems tenable, however: The listening (and music-making) ex-
perience should take precedence over normative rules; this means that teach-
ers should avoid oversimplified labeling of musical expression to explain
the contents of music. Rodriguez (1998, p. 57) claims that learning expe-
riences in the music classroom should be designed to nurture sensitivity to
musical expression, but how can this be realized under such difficult con-
ditions? We would like to propose a few simple methods as starting points
for the teacher who is trying to impart to his or her students the peculiarities
of musical communication:
Spoken language. It is relatively easy to read and record a short poem with
and without different states of expression. Listeners attention can be fo-
cused on parameters such as accents, accelerations, and dynamic shaping.
With more technically advanced means, it would be interesting to extract
parameters such as speech melody as cues for specific emotional states in
language by using appropriate software (e.g., Boersma, 2004). Students can
also be confronted with the impact of different speech melodies that cor-
respond to different intended expressions.
Mechanical versus expressive performance in music. As Burnsed (1998) has
shown, a significant preference for folk songs played with expressive dy-
namics over those played without expression already exists in elementary
school students from Grades 1 to 5, and even in musically less educated
students expressive shaping increases aesthetic attractiveness. The basic ex-
perience of expression in music can be imparted on any instrument and by
using any simple melody with the following setting. The required technical
equipment amounts only to a simple MIDI sequencer for the generation of
the unexpressive version and editing of the expressive deviations in the
editor window. In order to demonstrate the difficulty of consistent expres-
sive shaping, nominal note values can also be manipulated by the use of a
graphic MIDI editor.
Synthesis of emotions. Another approach, which would allow pupils to gain
more insight into the communication of musical meaning, involves the use
of software such as Director Musices (see Friberg, 1999) or the simple
program referred to by Rodriguez (1998) for the synthesis of emotions in
a given piece of music. These files or other synthesized versions of MIDI
files can be evaluated by means of a semantic differential (scale with polar
adjectives) regarding the intended emotion. Moreover, to demonstrate the
importance of different expressive parameters in music, the expressive de-
viations in melodies can be deconstructed by setting the timing and in-
tensity deviations to their nominal value.
Improving expressive communication. As a result of the insight that ex-
pressive performance is based on a rule system that has to be learned by
player and listener, Woody (1999) showed that successful imitation of ex-
pressive dynamics in a short piano composition by a student correlated with
the correct verbal identification of the expressive features used in the aural
model before attempting an imitative performance. To improve communi-
cation between teacher and student on the one hand and performer and
listener on the other, the author suggests that verbal instructions about the
intended aural model are given to the student before trying an imitative
performance. Finally, only a conscious and clear performance plan can
guarantee easy perception of expressive intentions by the listener. Such an
imitative exercise (accompanied by verbal reports of the perceived expres-
sive intentions) could easily be realized through the use of simple melodies
played with different expressive features. In a recent investigation by Juslin
and Laukka (2000), performers were instructed to communicate different
emotions to the subjects. After cognitive feedback about intended and per-
ceived acoustical cues was given, accuracy of expressive communication
increased by about 50%. These findings suggest that cognitive feedback is
a useful tool in improving communication between player and audience.
Actually, both of these approaches might be adapted to group situations.
Although some myths and illusions in the field of musical communication

may have been shaken in this chapter, I would like to close with an optimistic
perspective: Music psychology is still far from fully explaining the mecha-
nisms of musical communication. It is certain, however, that this form of
communication functions reliably in everyday life, in spite of its vague char-
acter. Much research remains to be undertaken if we are to gain deeper
insight into the nature of musical communication. Although spoken lan-
guage offers a much greater degree of communicative clarity, some com-
monalities between language and music exist. The famous physicist Niels
Bohr used a metaphor to explain the general problem of communication in
language; his words can easily be applied to the situation of musical com-
munication:
Washing dishes is just like language. Both the water and the tea towels are
dirty, but we can still succeed in cleaning the plates and glasses. Similarly,
language involves unclear concepts and a logic that is limitedin ways that
we do not directly understandto specific areas of application. In spite of
this, we can develop a clear understanding of the natural world. (cited in
Heisenberg, 1986, p. 190)
STUDY QUESTIONS
1. If you think of a piece of music you are currently practicing, what is

the musical message you would like to communicate to the audience?
2. Listen to two recordings of the same composition (e.g. Schumanns
piano piece Traumerei from op. 15) by different performers. What are the
expressive means the performers use to communicate their version of the
piece and how do they differ?
3. Where in everyday life can you find evidence that supports the idea of
music as a universal language that can be understood without prerequi-
sites?
4. Covering is a means of interpretation in popular music. Listen to fa-
mous cover versions (e.g. My way originally performed by Frank Sinatra
and covered by Sid Vicious from the Sex Pistols or With a little help from
my friends originally performed by the Beatles and covered by Joe
Cocker). Try to identify the intended musical message and the musical
means used (e.g. instrumentation, tempo). How does the message change
in the covered version?
NOTES
I would like to thank the following people for stimulating discussions and
invaluable comments on earlier drafts of this chapter: Alf Gabrielsson, Patrik
Juslin, Gunter Kreutz, Jorg Langner, Guerino Mazzola, Richard Parncutt,
Ulrich Pothast, and four anonymous reviewers.
1. For the software Rubato see Mazzola (2002), for Melodia and Direc-
tor Musices see http://www.speech.kth.se/music/performance/download
2. Although there are certain similarities between the ideas of Kurth and
those of the German pianist Truslit (1938; partially translated by Repp
[1993]), there is no evidence of any personal contact. The writings of Kurth
have partially been translated into English (see Rothfarb, 1988, 1989; and
Rehding, 1995).
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Taking an Acquired Skills
Perspective on Music Performance
7
andreas c. lehmann
jane w. davidson
Psychologists seem to agree that musical skills share many common features
with skill-related phenomena in other areas outside of music, such as lan-
guage, games, sports, science, and other domains. Music making entails per-
ceptual skills (e.g., apprehending structural information as well as social
information, including nonverbal cues exchanged between performer and
audience), cognitive skills (e.g., memory, decision making, pattern recogni-
tion), and of course motor skills. These skills function, interact, and evolve
in complex ways that we are slowly starting to understand. However, since
each performer, be it the professional orchestra musician who earns his or
her living playing an instrument or the amateur who plays solely for enjoy-
ment, is a unique individual with his or her individual biography, there is
no such thing as the musical skill. Instead, the ways in which the skill
was developed as well as the final skill structure will necessarily differ from
person to person as a result of individual learning histories.
Each performer has artistic intentions, that is, a message to be conveyed.
Some of these intentions are related to communicating information about
the musical structure and expressive embellishments to it for aesthetically
driven goals. For instance, slowing at a cadence point has become recognized
generally in Western music as sounding better than not slowing. Other
intentions are more emotionally directed, such as playing a piece sorrow-
fully or happily. Of course, music making does not happen in a vacuum;
it most always involves other people, be they coperformers or members of
the audience with whom the performer communicates.
As a socially and culturally embedded skill, music making is one of the
most important activities in all cultures. Attempting to understand musical
skill is one way of paying tribute to the tremendous achievements of past
225
and present musicians. At the same time, we may be able ultimately to derive
suggestions for the improvement of music teaching and learning.
The integrative metaphor for this chapterwhich will connect the dif-
ferent aspects that regard musical skills and their acquisitionis the image
of a Western classical performer who has just stepped onto the stage to
perform in front of an audience. Most of what we say would also apply to
musicians in other musical traditions and cultures. We will first consider the
performers current skills that are about to be displayed in some form; we
will then discuss the hidden side of these skills, namely, their acquisition
in the course of the musicians biography; and finally, we will address issues
that surround the display of skills, more specifically the interaction between
audience and performer and the interaction among performers. This section
addresses issues that pertain to socially situated cognition and sociocultural
influences on cognitive processing. A brief concluding section will address
educational consequences of research discussed in this chapter. Throughout
the chapter, we will address the qualitative and quantitative aspects that may
distinguish different levels of performance and comment on research meth-
odologies that are employed to assess these issues. We will attempt to answer
the following questions: What does the performer bring to the task of per-
forming; what does skill acquisition entail; and finally, what happens during
performance? When we talk about performers, we do not refer to expert or
elite performers only but rather to any person who steps out on stage with
the intention to perform in front of other people.
What the Performer Brings to the Task:

Skills and Skill Components
General Introduction to Skill Research

Research into skill and skill acquisition has been conducted since the late
1800s, but we have seen a dramatic upsurge in recent years in many areas
of human endeavor (see Proctor & Dutta, 1995, for an introduction to
human skill and performance). There is hardly any area (domain) of human
performance that has not been investigated: reading and writing, flying air-
planes, reading X-rays, almost every athletic skill, typing, stockbroking, mu-
sic making, and, foremost, chess playing (Ericsson & Charness, 1994; Er-
icsson & Lehmann, 1996; also, see Palmer, 1997, for a review of research
on music performance). The common denominator of all these activities is
the requirement for coordinated processes of perception, cognition, and
action (Proctor & Dutta, 1995, p. 1). However, there are many methodo-
logical venues for the study of human performance.
The complexity of the skill under investigation varies widely: While some
researchers are more interested in basic processes, restricting themselves to
the study of relatively simple skills in well-controlled laboratory situations
TAKING AN ACQUIRED SKILLS PERSPECTIVE 227
(e.g., reaching motions, tapping, solving simple logic problems), other re-
searchers try to tackle more complex skills in realistic settings inside and
outside of the laboratory (e.g., memorizing a song, acquiring a new piece of
music, judging music performance). The sophistication or expertise of the
participant is also a factor to consider: We can expose participants to tasks
they have never seen before and track their learning curves, or we can study
established experts who are performing tasks that are highly familiar to
them. Furthermore, tasks can be performed in different types of environ-
ments, which require various degrees of flexibility or transfer. Some so-called
closed environments offer stable conditions under which to perform the task
(e.g., chess, swimming), while other environments are open, forcing the par-
ticipant to operate under unpredictable conditions (e.g., mountain climbing).
In music, we could maybe classify the performance of rehearsed solo rep-
ertoire as a closed skill while improvisation (especially in an ensemble) could
be classified as an open one.
What emerges as a finding from the literature is that a skill is a skill is
a skill, meaning that the findings are consistent across domains regardless
of the stimulus onto which we direct our perception, cognition, or action.
Skill researchers assume that human beings by and large cope with the prob-
lems they are facing in any domain by applying roughly similar perceptual,
cognitive, and psychomotor solutions. Thus by studying one area of skill,
such as musical skill acquisition and expertise, we learn some things about
other domains and vice versa. The ultimate goal is to apply the results to
education and benefit future generations of learners and their teachers.
Obviously, acquiring one skill does not allow us to perform all skills but
only those with similar task characteristics; in other words, the transfer of
skills from one domain to another is rather limited (see Tunks, 1992, for a
more detailed discussion of transfer of learning). For example, the transfer
of knowledge and skills (if we want to make this distinction and not assume
that knowledge is an essential part of the skill) from one musical instrument
to another depends on how similar the two instruments are. Pianists can
easily adapt to playing on a harpsichord and saxophone players may ex-
perience few difficulties learning the flute, but switching to a string instru-
ment would be difficult for them both. As obvious as it seems, this fact is
not trivial, because it demonstrates a touchstone in skill research: namely,
the domain-specificity of skills. This finding suggests that even high-level
experts may experience problems if the stimulus material does not com-
pletely match typical requirements. For example, if an outstanding trumpet
player with extensive experience in playing band music attempts to sight-
read or memorize atonal music, he or she might be confronted with unex-
pected limitations. In the worst case, our brave trumpeter may not out-
perform a good band student. This finding is sometimes called the
structure-by-skill (or expertise) interaction, because it means that skilled in-
dividuals only perform at superior levels when the stimuli are representative
of the structural properties for which the cognitive mechanisms were devel-
oped. Furthermore, transfer may vary from one skill level to the next as
Palmer and Meyer (2000) showed. In their experiment, beginning and ad-
vanced pianists learned melodies and later were asked to perform them with
a different hand, a different clef, or different notes (retaining the original
fingering). The results showed virtually no transfer for the novices while the
experts demonstrated reasonable transfer in expected ways, and the authors
suggest that as skill increases, mental representations for performance be-
come dissociated from the movements required to produce a musical se-
quence (pp. 6667).
The issue of specificity leads us to a related characteristic of skilled or
expert performance, namely, that skilled performers become maximally
adapted to the task demands under which they usually operate. For this,
performers undergo extensive adaptations with regard to physiological, psy-
chomotor, and cognitive factors that allow them to be suited optimally for
the task at hand. For example, athletes show a number of physiological
adaptations, such as enlarged hearts or altered angles of rotation of their
limbs or even neurophysiological changes that distinguish them from non-
experts. On musicians, the angle of forearm rotation of pianists is altered in
comparison to violinists, and both differ from the normal population (Wag-
ner, 1988). These changes reflect habitual usage and movement demands of
different instrumentalists. Also, the coordination of sensory input and motor
responses is enhanced: Tennis players, for instance, can respond to advance
visual cues of their opponents in lieu of having to react merely to the quickly
approaching ball, which would leave no time to select a response and per-
form the corresponding movement. In music sight-reading, better readers
perform very different eye movements from less skilled readers, allowing the
better readers to make intelligent use of the limited viewing time by look-
ing ahead (Goolsby, 1994). Probably the most pronounced changes occur at
the cognitive level that involves problem-solving and memory skills that are
tailored to the experts needs. Over time, experts have built up what are
referred to as retrieval structures, which allow them to encode quickly and
meaningfully what they see or hear and manipulate the information in de-
sirable ways (Ericsson & Kintsch, 1995). This enables fast access to infor-
mation stored in long-term memory, whereas novices often have problems
storing and subsequently retrieving the information. For example, chess ex-
perts have stored large numbers of chess positions in long-term memory and
are able to plan several moves in advance. Concert pianists have to memorize
copious amounts of material and do so by practicing cues or prompt points
at which they could continue should they have memory lapses (Chaffin &
Imreh, 1997, Chaffin, Imreh & Crawford, 2002), and actors work hard at
understanding the character and his or her motives they are portraying (No-
ice & Noice, 1997).
Why Study High-Level Performers?

The term expert is frequently used in the context of skill research, and many
studies have investigated proficient performers rather than so-called novices,
that is, beginners or amateurs. But why bother talking about experts when
we may be interested in studying how school-age children learn to perform
music? There are several answers to this question:
1. Experts already show those cognitive and psychomotor adaptations
that nonexperts are still trying to acquire, and therefore looking at experts
might lead us to better understand where the novices development is head-
ing.
2. Experts are usually more able to verbalize and explain what happened
in the course of performance, while novices can be quite surprised that they
could do a given task at all; often they cannot report anything about their
performance (e.g., Hargreaves, Cork, & Setton 1991). This is possibly the
reason why many musicians like reading biographies of and books by fa-
mous musicians: These books usually contain deep and informative (and
sometimes controversial) insights into musical processes not readily available
to the lesser expert.
3. The performance of experts has been demonstrated to be less variable
and less affected by extraneous conditions than that of novices, which is an
important methodological consideration for laboratory studies (Ericsson &
Smith, 1991). Several researchers have demonstrated that pianists can re-
produce their own performance with extreme accuracy, which allows us to
study reliable timing mechanisms in performance (see Kopiez, in this vol-
ume). Conversely, trying to study the same timing mechanisms in a group
of band students would be more difficult since it is known that mood, mo-
tivation, and variability in skill can create large amounts of variance noise
in the performance data (Proctor & Dutta, 1995).
Therefore, while studying experts has its merits, it also has its drawbacks,
in that we do not know exactly how well our results generalize from one
population to the other. It is necessary to undertake studies that involve
various levels of performance (e.g., Drake & Palmer, 2000; Palmer & Meyer,
2000) and even study people who drop out of music studies (e.g., Sloboda,
Davidson, Howe, & Moore, 1996) to ensure the validity and applicability
of research findings.
What Is a Musical Skill and Are Different Musical

Skills Related?
Having taken a more general survey of skill research, we can now apply
some of these terms and principles to musical skills. What constitutes a skill
in music depends on the cultural settings and historical time under consid-
eration (see Gembris, 1997, for a similar argument regarding music apti-
tude). For example, the musical skills required for the performance of music
in the Western European art music tradition are different from those of
Gamelan performance in Bali or from the skills required to produce com-
puter music or any form of popular music. Focusing on the Western classical
tradition, we shall consider performances with or without a score of re-
hearsed music and the activities of sight-reading and improvisation. Of

course, a marching band member, a musical actor, or an opera singer will
have to also perform extramusical tasks concurrently with his or her main
musical task.
In general, a skill can only be characterized by the task constraints or
requirements that it imposes. For example, sight-reading requires the on-line
matching of visual input to patterns in long-term memory, with subsequent
programming and execution of a motor program. When the matching does
not occur fluently due to real-time demands, the reader has to engage in
problem solving and internally reconstruct the score by guessing, omitting,
and improvising note sequences. Finally, sight-reading entails the strategic
use of head and eye movements when it comes to coordinating the reading
of the score with the playing of the instrument, especially when displacement
of the limbs is required that would ordinarily warrant visual monitoring
(e.g., on the piano, harp, double bass). Hence, sight-reading will consist of
various subcomponents that together make up a culturally useful skill (Leh-
mann & McArthur, 2001). A similar analysis could be done for any other
musical activity. In sum, a (musical) skill defines itself by the task demands
it imposes (Ericsson & Lehmann, 1996) and hence by a specific constellation
of accompanying cognition, perception, and actions (L. Davidson & Scripp,
1992; see also chapter 2 by Gruhn and Rauscher in this volume for how
some of this constellation is neurophysiologically implemented).
A significant question for educators is whether all musical skills, such as
reading, memorizing, and playing by ear, have a common mediating cogni-
tive mechanism or are all isolated subskills. The domain of music has bor-
rowed these ideas from research in intelligence, where researchers long as-
sumed that a general factor (g) influences many cognitive skills. Not only
would such a unified musical mechanism facilitate learning different musical
skills because training one skill would suffice to training them all, but it
would also show up in studies as a positive correlation between different
musical performance measures. A major study that involved several musical
skills was undertaken by McPherson (1995), who designed some new per-
formance measures and investigated 101 children of two different age groups
with regard to a variety of musical skills, including playing by ear, playing
from memory, sight-reading, performing rehearsed music, and improvising.
The published results of the entire sample of trumpet and clarinet players
showed strong positive correlations among all subskills. For example, the
better they played by ear, the better they tended to play rehearsed music.
It is difficult to say if McPhersons results would be the same for other
instrument categories, but if we assume some similarities, the correlations
suggest a very close association of different musical skills. This flies in the
face of everyday experience, for many of us know that good performers
of rehearsed music are often poor or just passable improvisers. How then
can we explain McPhersons results? Even if the correlations were some-
what lower after correcting for possible methodological concerns they re-
main relatively high for the older children. This high correlation in the older
group could be caused by large skill differences within the group. Or it may
be that better performers are more likely to seek out improvisational activ-
ities and try to learn to improvise. Why are musical skills related at all? Two
alternative accounts are possible: It is possible that some skills transfer such
that learning to play an instrument might foster musical reading as well as
memory and musical imagery as a by-product, or there is indeed some un-
derlying common factor or mechanism consistent with the idea of a musical
intelligence (Gardner, 1983; see also Kopiez and Gembris, chaps. 6, 4 this
volume). The decision for or against one account (or a combined version)
remains speculative until further empirical evidence is available.
However, the educational consequences of the view that musical skills are
rather specific is clear, namely, that each requires its own specialized training.
For example, if you want your students to be able to improvise, you have
to offer activities that would promote this skill, such as creating melodies,
copying improvisations by ear, and listening to other people improvise. Un-
fortunately, at this point we do not know much about expressive skills and
their acquisition, but it is likely that also here imitation of idiomatic patterns
and listening experience plays an important role (Woody, 2003).
Key Component of Musical Skills: Mental Representation

Mental representations form a central concept in skill and expertise research,
as they do in other areas of cognitive psychology, where they basically denote
the memory of an object or event, which is used to gauge whether a per-
ception is a representation of the object or event in question (Stuart-
Hamilton, 1996, p. 74). It is the internal representation in memory that the
performer produces while trying to encode or manipulate a relevant stimulus
in a given situation. A common everyday term is mental image (e.g., Trush-
eim, 1991), although this description unduly favors only one form of rep-
resentation, namely, the visual one, which may not be the only and most
appropriate one. It is more consistent with contemporary psychological the-
ory to argue that different phenomenological experiences of memory content
(aural, visual, kinesthetic, etc.) are simply different modes of representing
the same thing, which can be demonstrated by asking people to switch be-
tween modes (from visual to aural). For example: Think the melody of
Happy Birthday, now imagine playing it on your instrument, now imagine
its notated version. However, it is also apparent from research in learning
styles that individuals prefer one mode to the other, which can become a
problem in teaching if this preference differs between student and teacher.
The ability to generate and use mental representations efficiently is pre-
sumably one of the hallmarks of expert performers, and some music teachers
even postulate that music making happens in your head, with the motor
execution being of secondary importance only. L. Davidson and Scripp
(1992, p. 405) report an anecdote that involves the cellist Pablo Casals and
demonstrates the incredible flexibility afforded to performers by efficient
mental representation. The master, after teaching a piece of music to a stu-

dent with one set of fingerings and bowings, completely changed both a few
weeks later, to the great astonishment of the student. Obviously, the mental
representation will depend on the musical task at hand (e.g., improvisation,
rehearsed performance, memorization) and vary from performer to per-
former. Also, the study by Palmer and Meyer (2000) mentioned earlier in
the context of transfer of skills provides evidence for how representations
may change from one skill level to the next. The following example will
make this claim more tangible: A beginning trumpet students mental rep-
resentation of a piece of music might consist of simply a sequence of valve
combinations, while a more advanced student might also represent the un-
derlying chord progression along with some expressive information, some
aural image of the sounds, and maybe a visual representation of how the
score looks.
Strangely enough, performance can emerge with or without appropriate
underlying representations, and music educators know that intuitively, if not
explicitly. We generally presume that the goal of music education is to enable
the student to form the mental representations necessary to enjoy and pro-
duce meaningful musical material. Yet most educators would agree that it
is also possible to learn a given piece by mindless drilling and be able to
produce it even when no understanding of the task and the material is pres-
ent. A nonmusical example for this distinction would be the learning of a
few useful phrases in a foreign language just prior to taking a trip to a
different country. We might be able to say good morning or thank you,
but we would be unable to converse in the language or change the memo-
rized phrases. The simplest musical example that comes to mind is playing
Chopsticks (or the German equivalent, Flohwalzer), a piece that many
people can play on the piano even without training. It requires mere visual
orientation and hitting black or white keys and counting up to six. Useful
mental representations are involved when musicians can learn new pieces
based on what was learned previously and when the learned musical material
can be manipulated in various ways (e.g., through transposing, changing of
speed or dynamics, adapting to a different performance style, changing fin-
gerings to accommodate speed).
In an experiment on musical memory, Lehmann (1997a) asked pianists
to memorize short pieces of music by repeatedly presenting them with the
score and then having them perform the piece from memory. Once the piece
was learned, the pianists were asked to perform it under changed conditions,
such as performing with only one hand or transposing the piece to a nearby
key. Those pianists who had memorized the piece the fastest were more
accurate in reproducing it under changed performance conditions. In the
transposition task, for instance, faster memorizers immediately chose a new
fingering that differed from that previously employed during memorization.
Also, the results suggested that there was a common mediating mechanism
to encoding (memorizing) and problem solving during recall. It is somewhat
counterintuitive that faster memorization would actually enable better per-
formance on subsequent performance under changed task demands. We be-

lieve, though, that better memorizers are likely to construct and use mental
representations of the music, which would facilitate memorization as well
as the subsequent manipulation of the memorized music. This account
would substantiate the anecdote mentioned earlier about Pablo Casals, and
it would help explain why musical skills correlate (see earlier section).
The fact that music performance is mediated by mental representation
does not preclude some degree of automaticity. The performer cannot at all
times be aware of every performance aspectthis would overload human
information-processing capacity. However, the mental representation of the
piece should be such that the performer can switch between levels of con-
sciousness, going from an unfocused and quasi-automatic letting the music
flow to a conscious attention to specific expression or note sequences. Being
able to step back but also zoom in on detail if necessary is a desired state
of mastery that differs from the novices possibilities.
In sum, experts have been shown to possess sophisticated mental repre-
sentations for information in their respective domains (see Ericsson, 1996;
Ericsson & Lehmann, 1996, for reviews). For example, chess players seem
to have some kind of generic mental template in which chess pieces are
placed; the input can be either written, aurally presented, or visually pre-
sented positions. Some musicians may develop similar templates that allow
them a more flexible performance. The next section elaborates on this point
by looking at two cognitive models of musical skill that implicate those
mental representations.
Matrix of Cognitive Skills. In their excellent chapter on the coordinates of

cognitive skills in music, L. Davidson and Scripp (1992) describe their own
model for cognitive music processing, the Matrix of Cognitive Skills in Mu-
sic (p. 395). The purpose of our brief review of Davidson and Scripps model
(see figure 7.1) is to show how cognitive processes can be classified and
mapped to a given task (in this case, making music) and how plausible
models are derived despite the fact that the exact functioning and structural
nature of the models component is hidden from the observer. In principle,
each aspect of the model would be amenable to empirical testing and vali-
dation that used appropriate experimental methods. This model draws heav-
ily on the insights gained from Harvards famous Project Zero (in which the
authors were involved) and provides a tool for a comprehensive and inte-
grative understanding of how musicians think. Thinking in this context is
interpreted as creating a network of understanding, an idea that the authors
borrowed from Perkins (1989).
The whole of cognitive musical skills is divided into six categories, labeled
ways of knowing, which can be traced in musical production, perception,
and reflection on music. Those processes may be situated outside the musical
performance situation or during performance, thus constituting different
conditions of knowledge. The musicians ways of knowing outside the per-
formance situation exist in fixed or declarative form (knowing what), while
Figure 7.1. Davidson and Scripps (1992) Matrix of Cognitive Skills in Music: Two conditions
of knowledge crossed with three ways of knowing.
the ways of knowing during performance are of a more dynamic or proce-

dural nature (knowing how). Each way of knowing captures a necessary and
distinctly different set of cognitive skills. Thus production encompasses com-
posing as well as interpretive performance (and presumably also sight-
reading and improvisation); perception covers those aspects of thinking that
support discrimination and judgment; reflection acknowledges the impor-
tance of reenvisioning, reconceptualizing, and reviewing a performance.
These three ways of knowing are crossed with the two conditions of knowl-
edge.
The authors present evidence for the development of some of these rep-
resentations of knowledge and posit that the different parts of their matrix
are sometimes formed in the individual musician independently from one
another. For example, a musician might be a star performer but unable to
notate a simple tune correctly (L. Davidson & Scripp, 1992, p. 401). This
last point is most interesting for music educators, since it documents a com-
mon classroom observation. At the same time, it reinforces the educators
goal to promote not only individual skills but also the interaction and in-
terconnectedness among them.
The model itself does not make any claims about underlying processes
and the exact nature of the representations involved. The authors clearly
state that the different ways of knowing are learned and trained and that
they can be practiced through use of cognitive tools (p. 404), better
known to educators as teaching methods, such as modeling and the utili-
zation of metaphors. Accordingly, we can analyze teaching situations, as do
L. Davidson and Scripp (pp. 404406), with regard to the types of repre-
sentations they are likely to produce. The idea that teaching results in rep-
resentation is shared with the next model to be described, in which certain
representations are seen as central to music making and hence constitute the
ultimate goal of teaching and practice.
Triangular Model of Mental Representation in Music Performance. The claim
for the model described in the following is that instruction could be tailored
to result in the postulated representations (Ericsson, 1997; Lehmann & Er-
icsson, 1997). Whereas the Davidson and Scripp model was rather descrip-
tive in nature, applying a general psychological model of skills to musical
skills in declarative and procedural instances, the following model aims at
providing musicians with a framework for their daily work. The triangular
model of musical performance skills assumes that musicians need at least
three different types of mental representations. Those representations cor-
respond to (1) a goal representation, (2) a production representation, and
(3) a representation of the current performance. (Woody, 1999a renames
those representations to goal imaging, motor production, and self-
monitoring.) It is appropriate to conceive of these representations as answers
to questions that teacher and student can ask, namely, what should the
music sound like? how is the sound achieved? and what is coming out
right now? Consequently, the goal representation captures whatever the
performer does internally to represent the desired auditory outcome (includ-
ing decisions about how to interpret the piece); the production representa-
tion entails the procedural knowledge of the performer of how to execute
the music on the instrument; the representation of the current performance
is the internal description of what is being produced at the moment (see
figure 7.2).
There is empirical and everyday evidence for the existence of the proposed
mental representations. Although they are not directly observable, indicators
for their existence and functioning can be found in task performance and
through the use of verbal reports (think-aloud protocols). Task performance
under changed or stressful conditions often reveals flaws in the functioning
of our representations and deficient interactions among the three compo-
nents. The following are examples of flawed representations:
The player knows that a crescendo is coming up and thinks he or she is
playing it, but the teacher or audience does not hear anything. The singer
Figure 7.2. Triangular model of mental representations in

music performance.
is out of tune with the piano but is satisfied with the performance (problem
with motor and current performance representation but correct goal im-
aging).
A player is not sure how a piece continues, yet the right notes still come
out of his or her musical instrument (motor representation and memory
function, but the goal representation is deficient).
The performer knows how it should sound but realizes that what is being
produced is not correct (problem with establishing a motor representation
but correct goal imaging and monitoring of ongoing performance).
Some researchers have analyzed performance errors in experiments with

the explicit aim to uncover underlying representations (e.g., Palmer, 1992;
Repp, 1996; Lehmann, 1997a). Another useful research method is for par-
ticipants to report their thoughts retrospectively, so that performance errors
can be matched to cognitive processes. These reports can follow a fixed
scientific method (e.g., Ericsson & Simon, 1993), but they can also be used
as teaching tools (Woody, 1999a).
The following example stems from a controlled study that shows that
representations play a role in musical expression. Woody (1999b) investi-
gated pianists ability to imitate short expressive model performances played
to them from a computer. In between hearing the model and playing their
imitations, subjects verbalized their thoughts about the expressive features
they had heard in the aural model. Interestingly, those features that were
explicitly identified were performed differently from those not reported: (a)
Regarding musical features that were not familiar, participants who were
able to identify them performed them more accurately (the performances of
the other participants generally excluded these types of unusual features!);
(b) musically appropriate (idiomatic) features of models were reproduced by
almost all participants, but those who explicitly identified them performed
at more pronounced overall levels (e.g., louder crescendos, softer descres-
cendos). This is somewhat surprising, because contrary to the results de-

scribed earlier, musicians tend to think that expressive performance emerges
by intuition or from the quasi-automatic (subconscious) imitation of ex-
pressive performances heard during the lesson or on a recording.
Experts have tried at all times to construct certain representations (even
though they do not use this term) by employing or teaching specific practice
strategies. For example, playing a memorized piece while watching television
(probable effect: forces motor representation to act independently from goal
representation), thinking through the piece note by note or playing on a
muted instrument (probable effect: goal imaging independent of motor rep-
resentation), playing louder than necessary or audio-taping performance
(probable effect: strengthens representation of current performance, listen-
ing to oneself).
As with sports, methods to improve training in music are becoming more
sophisticated. For example, Edlund (2000) presented a method by which
musicians were able to listen to themselves from a distance, similar to how
the audience would hear them in a larger room. This was done by record-
ing the music through use of a microphone positioned some distance away
from the sound source and immediately transmitting the sound back to the
player into a special headphone. First testing suggested that this method was
greatly appreciated by musicians because it gave them otherwise unavailable
and richer feedback on their current performance. Knowledge of results
(KR), as it is called in psychology, is a potent factor in learning.
In short, mental representations form the core of any skill and constitute
the result of practice (see next section), and musicians require specific types
of representations to allow them to cope successfully with the performance
demands. Functional problems with the representations and their enactment
during performance may lead to errors and breakdowns in performance.
Such problems can be remedied by designing practice activities that carefully
isolate aspects of performance and make them accessible to conscious cog-
nitive processing, which, in turn, gives rise to a smooth, flexible perfor-
mance.
Hidden From the Audience: Skill Acquisition

and Development
It is fair to say that nobody is born with the skills necessary to go onstage
to perform and that skills do not accrue overnight but take a long time to
develop. Granted, there are individual differences in personality, speed of
development, and motivation, but even the most gifted individuals require
large amounts of training and practice to develop noteworthy levels of per-
formance. This development or skill acquisition phase is especially of interest
once the level of performance exceeds the average adult level prevalent in
the population, a level that is almost passively acquired through accultura-
tion. For example, most people can sing the national anthem or whistle
popular tunes; however, in Western classical music, we are concerned with
levels of performance that come about as a result of deliberate and time-
consuming instruction and training (which could include expert singers and
whistlers). In this part of the chapter, we will discuss the development of
expertise in music, introduce the concept of deliberate practice, and address
issues that surround practice, such as the preparation of a specific piece and
practice efficiency (see J. W. Davidson, Howe, & Sloboda, 1997; Lehmann,
1997b; Jrgensen, 2004, for reviews).
Life-Span View on Skill Development

Skills develop over long periods of time, and most researchers divide this
time into distinct phases with more or less clear boundaries (Bloom, 1985;
Ericsson, Krampe, & Tesch-Romer, 1993; Manturzewska, 1990). During the
initial, preinstruction phase, the individual comes in contact with the domain
through the immediate home environment. Playful interactions with music
seem to be the rule rather than guided instruction, which sets in during the
second phase. This early instruction continues until the student makes a full-
time commitment to the domain, thereby entering a third phase. Most music
students never make this transition unless they want to become musicians.
A later phase is reached when the by-now-professional musician has risen
to the peak of his or her career and is trying to make a lasting contribution
to the field. One could postulate yet another phase, namely, that of main-
taining the skill against a decline due to age with a possible shift of occu-
pation from stage performance to teaching, as is the case in many musicians
lives (Krampe & Ericsson, 1996; Manturzewska, 1990).
The people and circumstances that contribute to the individuals skill ac-
quisition as he or she progresses vary from one phase to the next. While the
first teacher is often a warmhearted and friendly person who knows the child
well, later teachers may be far more demanding and less amiable or peda-
gogically able. Not only the teachers but also the home environment play a
role in the development of expertise. Being supportive parents does not sim-
ply mean allowing children to take lessons and paying for them. A truly
supportive environment encompasses parents who go to the lessons, who
monitor practice at home by making sure the students practice regularly or
even assist and supervise practice more closely, and who create a generally
positive value system concerning music learning (Bloom, 1985; J. W. David-
son, Howe, Moore, & Sloboda, 1996; Lehmann, 1997b; Manturzewska,
1995; Persson, 1996; Sloboda & Howe, 1991; Zdzinski, 1996).
Individual Differences in Musical Skills as a Result

of Ones Biography
The level of performance reached after years of training and practice is an
amalgam of different subskills developed over time and influenced by the
individuals biography. This biography also entails a cultural and even his-
torical dimension. For example, unlike today piano teaching and training in
the 19th century not only promoted the playing of rehearsed material but
also fostered the acquisition of improvisational skills (Gellrich & Sundin,
1993). Furthermore, teaching methods and materials became available and
evolved over time, as was the case for jazz music. But also at the level of
the individual, skill acquisition is a unique experience that results in a unique
set of skills. Take, for example, an average music student who starts playing
a musical instrument in school and practices very little at home and contrast
this situation with that of a musical prodigy who has been privately tutored
since early childhood. This ensures not only unique musical biographies (and
hence skill trajectories) but also a distinctive artistic voice. Given that prac-
tice is the most common activity musicians engage in during skill acquisition,
we will look at it more closely now (see Hallam, 1997; Jrgensen, 2004 for
references regarding practice).
Scientific Approach to Practice: Deliberate (Formal) Practice

In 1993, a seminal article by Ericsson, Krampe, and Tesch-Romer appeared
titled The Role of Deliberate Practice in the Acquisition of Expert Perfor-
mance, which has since spawned a wide variety of research in music. The
authors propose the concept of deliberate practice (other authors employ the
term formal practice), which basically posits that the amount of practice,
that is, goal-directed, not always enjoyable, deliberate, and effortful training
activities, is positively correlated with the attained level of performance.
More deliberate practice thus leads to higher levels of performance. This
idea was inspired by two complementing facts:
1. A claim was made by Simon and Chase (1973) that even high-level
experts need around 10 years of preparation to attain an international level
of skills; this finding has been corroborated by results from other domains,
among them music (Bloom, 1985) and sports (Starkes, Deakin, Allard,
Hodges, Hayes, 1996). Obviously, time spent is only one indicator of effort
invested in meaningful training activities.
2. Before Simon and Chase, Fitts and Posner (1967) had made their
monotonic benefits assumption, stating that repetition leads to increased
speedon simple motor tasks! This Power-Law-of-Practice (it might be ex-
ponential; see Heathcote, Brown, & Mewhort, 2000) has been applied suc-
cessfully also to music and offers a simple argument in favor of a do a lot
of the same thing approach to music learning. Ericsson et al. (1993) argue
to the contrary, namely, that just a lot of the same is unproductive (a view
supported by many musicians, e.g., Wynton Marsalis, 1995). Instead, there
are certain constraints on practice that determine its success.
The stated constraints of practice are resources, effort, and motivation.
First of all, teachers, exercises, instruments, and practice environments need
to be available to the learner. Second, deliberate practice requires attentional
resources, that is, mental effort, and it can therefore only be sustained over
many months and years without symptoms of physical and psychological
burnout when applied in moderation. Around 4 or 5 hours a day seems to
be the optimal amount for adultsless, of course, for children. Finally, the
person needs to be motivated. Although Ericsson et al. make no assumption
about how this motivation comes about or how it is maintained, other au-
thors view motivation as a direct result of talent (e.g., Winner, 1996, espe-
cially for prodigious children) or as a by-product of expert teaching (e.g.,
Gholson, 1998, for a detailed analysis of Dorothy DeLays teaching). Mo-
tivational differences, which may be personality-related, seem to play a de-
cisive role in being successful at the beginning of instruction (Duke, 1999;
ONeill & Sloboda, 1997).
In Ericsson et al.s original studies, three groups of adult violinists were
compared with regard to the amount of time they had spent practicing over
their life span. Two groups were made up of the best and good students
as rated by their academy teachers, and the last group consisted of aspiring
music teachers. To ascertain whether the best students were comparable
to current professionals, the authors also surveyed members of professional
orchestras. Results showed that experts had practiced more, even at younger
ages (see figure 7.3a). Adversely, even at advanced ages, amateurs only ac-
cumulated a fraction of the time that full-timers accrued. The results are
generally consistent with a later study by Sloboda, Davidson, Howe, and
Moore (1996), who investigated a large sample of teenage music students
at five different levels of achievement: from the highest level of achievement
(Group One in figure 7.3b) to students who had abandoned playing alto-
gether (reported as Group Five in the figure). The better students had prac-
ticed more, even in the beginning stages of learning.
Since correlations do not necessarily imply causation, it cannot be ruled
out that other variables might have caused better performers to practice
more. For example, one could argue that more talented people tend to be
more motivated and therefore practice more and thus the difference between
the groups was really due to differences in innate dispositions (for an exten-
sive coverage of this and other aspects of the naturenurture debate see
Howe, Davidson & Sloboda, 1998, and some 30 commentaries published
along with the target article).
Assessing deliberate practice is usually done by interviewing the subjects
and obtaining retrospective estimates of practice for every year since the start
of practice. Critics have suggested that these estimates may be unreliable and
that time practicing alone may not be a good indicator for deliberate prac-
tice. Although this criticism is viable, there are also arguments in favor of
this method of assessing practice. First, errors in estimates will likely affect
all subjects of a given study similarly and therefore not influence the pattern
of results, only the absolute magnitude of the estimates. This magnitude
varies considerably among instruments anyway, with string and keyboard
players topping the list of instrumentalists (Jrgensen, 1997). Second, if we
Figure 7.3. Relation between accumulated life-time deliberate/formal practice
and attainment in instrumental music performance. Figure 7.3a: Study with ex-
perts by Ericsson, Krampe, & Tesch-Romer, 1993. Figure 7.3b: Study with nov-
ices by Sloboda, Davidson, Howe, & Moore, 1996.
241
find significant effects such as those described earlier, we are probably un-
derestimating the real effect size, since the estimates will include amounts of
time with nonoptimized practice. Third, the type of training activity assessed
with estimates depends on the goal of the study: Time at the instrument may
be a suitable indicator for classical music training but not so for skill ac-
quisition in jazz (although good jazz musicians practice by themselves, too).
To use the retrospective estimates method in chess you might need to assess
the time spent studying published games (Charness, Krampe, & Mayr,
1996), in sight-reading you might need to assess time spent accompanying
(Lehmann & Ericsson, 1996), and in wrestling, time on the mat (Starkes et
al., 1996).
What we learn from these studies is that the amount of optimized practice
is related to the attained performance. Contrary to some criticisms of the
expertise view, this approach does not rule out possible individual differences
in aptitude; it merely focuses our view on those aspects of skill acquisition
that we can influence as educators. The criticism that this approach neglects
the quality of practice has already been mentioned and will be discussed in
the next section.
Aspects That Surround Practice
Practice Efficiency. Practice is a fickle thing. Despite our best intentions to

work effectively (whatever this means at a given time), our goals escape us,
we fail to listen to our results, we simply do not know how to practice a
certain trouble spot, or we are simply too tired to muster up the necessary
attention. A number of factors influence the effectiveness of practice, in-
cluding person-related aspects and task-related aspects. Among the person-
related aspects we can list age and maturational factors, motivation, socio-
economic background and education, current psychophysiological states
(e.g., being tired, hungry, unhappy, having mental presets), and musical self-
concepts. Other aspects pertain more to the practice activity itself, such as
length of practice time, distribution of practice across time (especially over
longer periods of time), practice strategies, and supervision (Barry & Hal-
lam, 2001; Harnischmacher, 1997; Lehmann, 1997b; Rideout, 1992). When
conditions are unfavorable, we are not actually engaging in deliberate prac-
tice anymore but simply wasting time. Therefore, a students apparent lack
of progress in spite of reported adequate amounts of practice might actually
be related to suboptimal quality of practice.
Practicing as a Skill. In light of the many factors that play a role in making
practice efficient, it comes as no surprise that experts and novices differ in
the way they practice. What emerges as a consistent finding from studies
that looked at the preparation of a specific piece or performance (Chaffin
& Imreh, 2000; Gruson, 1988; Hallam, 1995; Jrgensen, 1997; Lehmann
& Ericsson, 1998; Miklaszewski, 1989; Nielsen, 1997; Williamon & Val-
entine, 2000) is that deliberate practice is allocated in response to encoun-

tered problems. Since this requires metacognitive or monitoring skills on the
part of the musician, learning to practice is in itself a skill that needs to be
acquired. Therefore, teachers should take great care to teach their students
how to practice correctly (Barry & McArthur, 1994; McPherson, 2005).
The Performance, the Performer, Audience,

and Co-performers
In the Course of a Performance

A multitude of subskills acquired and the concert piece rehearsed, the per-
former comes to the stage with a mental representation of the music that
will allow smooth execution and some degree of flexibility to cope with
problems. As mentioned earlier, once the piece is well practiced, multiple
performances demonstrate great consistency, even when long time intervals
between performances occur (Clynes & Walker, 1982). The consistency does
not only apply to factors like reproducing similar overall timing profiles, but
many very particular moments within a piece can be systematically repro-
duced as well. For example, it is well known that slowing will always occur
at certain structural moments in a piece, like phrase boundaries, and an
individual performer will tend to give proportionally similar amounts of
slowing at a given musical feature (Todd, 1985; see chap. 6 by Kopiez in
this volume for a review). Gabrielsson and Juslin (1996) demonstrated that
when musicians have an explicit emotional intention their interpretations of
a particular musical feature will be consistently produced. For instance, play-
ing in a happy manner encourages performances that are up-tempo and
played in a detached or bouncy style. Sad interpretations are slower and
much more legato (also Juslin, 2001). It can be assumed that though there
may be some error variability from one performance to the next, the emo-
tional intention along with the musical structure will create a specific set of
constraints on how the music is performed. Through practice, the interpre-
tative aspects have become an integrated part of the motor programming in
the mental representation of the piece and enable an accurate, fluent, and
highly automatized interpretation of the music.
It would be naive, of course, to say that once a representation of a piece
has been established through rehearsal it will not be subject to some varia-
bility or manipulation in the performance process. Performers can and want
to remain flexible. A detailed example clarifies this point. Clarke and Da-
vidson (1998) studied two performances of Chopins Prelude op. 28, no. 4,
given by a professional pianist who was asked to vary his interpretations of
the piece. After each rendition he was encouraged to disclose his interpre-
tative intentions. Although there were similarities between the performances
(timing extensions occurring at similar locations in both performances, for
instance), there were also some striking differences, with the first rendition
beginning much louder than the second. A structural analysis of this Chopin
prelude reveals that it can be viewed either in a binary AA' structure or in
a more unified manner. The researchers concluded that the pianist varied the
two interpretations by highlighting each of the two possible structural frame-
works. The pianist offered little precise knowledge of what he did to create
differences between the two performances, other than saying that in the first
interpretation he was preoccupied with knowing whether or not one of the
researchers had children and so saw a scene with children and claiming that
in the second interpretation he imagined the piece within a rugged moorland
landscape. This use of visual imagery is commonly reported by many creative
and performing artists as a means of focusing their expressive intentions.
Experts often lack declarative knowledge about how they achieve certain
moment-by-moment changes, and our example illustrates that performers
often do not have a full awareness of what they do during a performance.
Instead, they monitor and influence the lower level processes from higher
and more abstract levelssuch as a guiding idea or atmosphere.
From the general psychology literature it is known that arousal, with all
its associated physiological traits (increased heart rate and thus heightened
oxygen supply), can facilitate mental operations and can often result in per-
formance task improvements in many domains (Gleitman, 1991). Musical
performance is no different, for when circumstances produce optimal
arousal, highly focused, energized, and inspired performances are often re-
ported (Evans, 1994). Cziksentmihalyi (1990) has referred to the intense
experience of optimal performance as flow. Given the overwhelmingly
positive reports of the enhanced quality of flow-driven or inspired-
feeling performances, it seems important that the performer should aim to
optimize his or her arousal level to become focused on the task. This implies
arousal management, which, in turn, is also a characteristic of high-level
performers (Wilson, 1997). The key point is, of course, that one cannot
produce an inspired performance without having extensive and easily op-
erationalized knowledge. The relevant task-related physical and mental skills
are achieved in often arduous and time-consuming rehearsal and practice
sessions.
Obviously, excessive arousal is undesirable, as it leads to performance
anxiety or stage fright (see Wilson, 1997, for a concise coverage), and thus
reducing the potential for being creative moment by moment. If, for exam-
ple, the anxiety leads to an increase in heart rate that causes palpitations,
the performance may be impaired. Indeed, violinists often report the dire
consequences of palpitations on their ability to control their bowing arm,
with the racing heart leading to an arm tremor.
So far, we have looked at individual performance. But musical perfor-
mance is a social act, and whether it is real or virtual (in the recording studio,
for example), the audience is critical in shaping the actual performance
event. Also, coperformers influence how the performance is negotiated and
presented to an audience (J. W. Davidson, 1997).
Social Facilitation Effects

Social facilitation has been reported in psychological research since the 19th
century. For example, Triplett noted in 1897 that racing cyclists achieved
faster times when they were racing against one another rather than the clock
(cited in Zajonc, 1965). Subsequently, many experiments have shown the
facilitating effects of coaction on human performance. In part this effect is
accounted for by the mere presence of another person eliciting an arousal
response (Zajonc, 1965), but it is Cottrells (1972) learned evaluation hy-
pothesis that provides an account representative of current belief. It suggests
that facilitation depends upon a positive cognitive appraisal and concomitant
physiological features, such as increased heart rate and visual acuity. In West-
ern art music performance situations, it is typically an evaluative audience
that is perceived as being most highly threatening, but appraisal can vary
depending on the performers mood state at a given point in time and on
the perceived trustworthiness of the coperformers. Indeed, the adage a trou-
ble shared is a trouble halved is of salience here.
Social Display and the Cueing of Codes:

Etiquette and Context
Like any social interaction, coperformer and performer-audience behaviors
are dependent on the communication of information. Of course, the music
itself is usually the primary medium to be communicated, and performers
and audience need to be able to share in the musical code. A strong corpus
of research now indicates this to be the case, with coperformers adapting to
one anothers musical intentions to create a coordinated musical whole (Wil-
liamon & Davidson, 2000), audiences being able to detect even small ex-
pressive changes to the music (e.g., Sloboda & Lehmann, 2001), and both
performers and audience having similar ideas about what the musical ma-
terial is communicating (e.g., Sundberg, Fryden, & Friberg, 1995).
But the music itself is not the only communicative force, for rules of social
etiquette determine other standards, from how the performers and audiences
should dress to how they behave toward each other. For example, pop mu-
sicians are far more obviously interactive with their audiences than classical
musicians and often engage in activities to involve the audience directly
singing the chorus and dancing to an instrumental interlude (J. W. Davidson,
1997). Due to these sociocultural influences on cognitive processing, it seems
necessary to explore the ways in which the moment-by-moment cues be-
tween performer and audience are perceived and processed in the perfor-
mance context.
Nonverbal Communication
It is well known that vision is the dominant perceptual sense, with at least
75% of all information being communicated through this channel; hearing
only covers 13% and touch 6% (Long, 1997). It comes as no surprise,
therefore, that an increasing amount of research reports the critical role that
body movements have in the communication of musical performance infor-
mation. For example, J. W. Davidson (1993, 1994) found that audiences
detect finely grained information about musical expression and intention
from musicians body movements as well as their sounds. This is not sur-
prising, of course, since the body produces the musical sounds and is driven
by and itself cues the mental representations of the music. But in a climate
where different and contradictory teaching philosophies about how to train
musicians to play their instruments abound, it is worth critically evaluating
the role of nonverbal aspects of performance communication in detail.
The first major point is that nonmusicians tend to be more reliant on the
visual cues than the musical cues to discern whether a performer is playing
with or without expression (J. W. Davidson, 1995). The visual cues that
differentiate between performances range from varying quantities of move-
ment (varying from stillness to rapid actions like cyclical body swaying) to
the use of specific gestures that seem to form a movement repertoire (Da-
vidson, 2002). In terms of musical expression, it has been reported that the
varying degrees of movement and the employment of gestural cues are in-
evitable and largely desirable performance actions. Indeed, J. W. Davidson
and Dawson (1995) showed that when performers were only able to make
restricted movements in the music-learning process both sound and move-
ment aspects of their final performances were much more constrained and
less aesthetically appealing than when musicians were encouraged to use
their bodies in a natural manner. The more obviously culturally determined
gestures, such as an illustrative lifting of the saxophone bell to highlight the
effort involved in playing while also creating an impression of playing with
more intensity, are also reported as being desirable but need to be presented
at an optimal level: Too many and the performance seems overly exagger-
ated; too few and the performance seems stilted (Clarke & Davidson, 1998).
The second point of emphasis is that many performance movements have
clear roles:
to communicate the expressive intention (for instance, a sudden surge for-

ward to facilitate the execution of a loud musical passage or a high curving
hand gesture to link sections of the music during a pause);
to communicate directly with the audience or coperformers about issues of
coordination or participation (for example, nodding the head to indicate
now for the audience to join in a chorus of a song or exchanging glances
for the coperformer to take over a solo in a jazz piece);
to draw attention or signal virtuosity (for example, a singers outstretched
arm gesture as he or she sings a high sustained note in order to demonstrate

this achievement);
to signal extramusical concerns (for example, gesturing to the audience to
remain quiet);
to present information about the performers personality, with his or her
individualized characteristics providing important cues (muted contained
gestures or large extravagant gestures, for example).
Other performance movements offer no specific value to the audience as

interpretative cues but are the by-products of psychophysical or educational
practices that surround performance. For example, singers often stand char-
acteristically rooted on both feet in order to facilitate breath support.
Although the audience may not read such cues in their assessment of the
performance, such movements add to the overall style and content of the
performance.
Taken together, the facts about performance movement suggest that it is
necessary for musicians to be able to use the full potentiality of their move-
ments in their preparation and performance to make their music optimally
communicable. Of course, performance traditions have roles to play, with
some types of movement being inappropriate to some contexts (for instance,
gesturing for audience participation in a classical concert) or meaningless
for the uninitiated onlooker (for example, some emblematic movements in
non-Western dance traditions). Observations by musicologists and psychol-
ogists indicate that for a truly effective visual communication with audience
and coperformers a balance in the articulation of musical expression, co-
ordination, and virtuosic display within the social convention needs to be
attained (Cook, 1998; J. W. Davidson, 1997).
Coordination
Performers in ensembles have been found to share characteristics in timing,
which indicate that the entire group has to be considered as one body with
different parts to it and with some sort of unifying performance plan (Ga-
brielsson, 1999). For example, in Baroque music performance the melody
instruments lead, while in jazz music the rhythm sections lead. By leading,
we mean that the onsets of new notes or harmonic changes came earlier for
some instruments than for others. Whether instrumentalists are aware of
this or not at any given time is a secondary concern. More important is the
notion that asynchronies must be coordinated by having specific ideas about
how the end result should sound and by being able to time individual per-
formance within the time frame of the other musicians. If it were the case
that the melody instruments tried to get ahead all the time, we should ob-
serve a steady increase in tempo (which we do not, at least not in profes-
sional performances). Thus performance in an ensemble requires a common
idea of what the piece should sound like. Unfortunately, in most classrooms
only one person, namely, the band or choral director, knows what the result
should be. Therefore, successful ensemble performance has to rely partly on
a shared mental representation, which has to be communicated to one an-
other either during performance via the conductor or through congruent
body movements of the different members of the ensemble. This is demon-
strated in figure 7.4.
Williamon and Davidson (2002) suggest that the balance between indi-
vidual and shared representation emerges during rehearsal and by the time
of performance coperformers are far more focused on shared rather than
individual musical goals. For instance, in a case study (which obviously has
Figure 7.4. Two panels showing at the top a group of musicians with individual
mental representations (desired performance or goal images) and at the bottom a
group with a shared mental representation.
only limited generalizability) the researchers traced two pianists who worked
on and then presented piano duo and duet repertoire in a concert. Initially,
issues such as when to place a chord and who should lead at a certain point
were central to their preparation concerns, but as a joint plan emerged, two
interesting phenomena occurred: (1) both began to move in a similar manner
(a rhythmic swaying that demonstrated some link to the musical pulse) to
facilitate the coordination of the music; (2) by the performance, they were
looking at each other constantly to negotiate subtle and more creative timing
variations than those structured in the rehearsals. Thus there was a critical
shift to a joint plan and action. Given the limited scope of the study, it is
unclear at this point how these coordinative and communicative skills
emerge and what types of training would facilitate their development, but
it is evident that teachers should note these kinds of changes in behavior
and attempt to find strategies to promote their development.
The Audiences Account
Appeal and Gender. As noted when considering the critical role of nonver-
bal behavior in music performances, audiences are generally sensitive to mu-
sical cues of various types; however, there are all kinds of factors that influ-
ence observer judgment. For instance, Wapnick, Darrow, Kovacs, and
Dalrymple (1997) carried out a brief study of university entrance auditions
for singers and discovered that those who were more animated, smiled more
often, and established more eye contact with their audience were rated more
highly and thought to be more attractive. In addition, J. W. Davidson and
Coimbra (2001) found that musical quality was only one of a number of
audience concerns with singers. Critical additional factors included whether
or not the performer looked tense and how verbal introductions were deliv-
ered. Indeed, the display that surrounded the music was of equal salience.
Like Wapnick et al., Davidson and Coimbra discovered that first written
comments by the audience tended to be about attractiveness, with phrases
like odd-looking chap and pretty girl, pretty voice.
In a series of experiments that used video recordings of female or male
performers playing either a jazz or a classical piece of music, subjects were
asked to rate the performances and the performers (experiments reported in
Behne, 1994). The subjects were not aware that the sound tracks for a given
piece were always identical, only the performers had been substituted. The
results revealed a strong influence of the visual attributes on the evaluation
of the performance, and gender stereotypes, such as female: expressive/dra-
matic and male: technical/precise, emerged. Consistent with results by J. W.
Davidson (see earlier), musicians tended to extract more information from
the visual display about the underlying musical interpretation than did non-
musicians.
Gender stereotypes also exist at the level of choice of instrument. For
example, ONeill and Boulton (1996) reported peer pressure for children to
learn only instruments appropriate to their gender: Flutes were deemed most
appropriate for girls, drums for boys! An interview by Johnsen (1992) with
Rebecca Bower (an American trombonist and one of the first successful fe-
male section leaders in a professional orchestra in the United States) showed
that gender biases are rife in music. Bower said that at auditions she was
refused jobs on grounds of being a woman in a mans world (trombonists
are male, after all!) and that audiences tended to be shocked to see that
someone so frail and feminine could play such a loud male instrument.
Not surprisingly, the switch to blind auditions, that is, auditions that use
a screen, has led to a considerable increase of women in professional or-
chestras since the 1970s (Goldin & Rouse, 1997).
Race and Gender. Of course, men and women behave and dress differently,
and so audiences react to performers differently, too. Indeed, anyone who
has attended various religious services will attest that African-American gos-
pel singers and their audiences are far less inhibited than their Anglo-Saxon
counterparts. Racial issues, like those having to do with gender or any other
kind of social bias, are complicated and mostly undesirable. In Europe at
least, there is not an established tradition of black classical musicians. When
J. W. Davidson (2003) asked audiences to evaluate men and women musi-
cians of black and white origin, they discovered that both black and white
male and female audience members preferred the performances by black
women. Objectively, the women were no better than the other performers
(indeed, the video sound track they were apparently performing was made
by another performer and was the same as that used for the other perform-
ers). The researchers interpreted this result as an illustration of positive dis-
crimination in favor of black women, who are not usually associated with
classical music. Elliott (1995), however, found many more typical and neg-
ative race and gender biases when black and white flute and trumpet stu-
dents were viewed and evaluated: Whites were rated higher than blacks, and
black women were rated much worse than black men on their abilities to
play a stereotypical male instrumentthe trumpet.
To summarize, the display of skill takes place in a social setting and is
therefore influenced (biased) in much the same way by social perceptions as
are all nonmusical social situations. More important, musicians have to ac-
quire nonverbal means of underlining their musical messages, and they
have to learn how to coordinate their performances with other musicians
musically and physically.
The Acquired Skills Perspective in Music Education
Research in the acquisition of complex everyday skills has favored expert

performance as an object of studyif we disregard the laboratory research
on basic cognitive functioning for a moment. Although a number of reasons

outlined earlier certainly justify this bias, many results are not immediately
applicable to the classroom. Similarly, the focus on extremely gifted children
and musical prodigies is less interesting to educators who are not commonly
confronted with these rare children. However, experts as well as prodigious
children are interesting in that they are living proof that education can fa-
cilitate the attainment of high levels of performance. If we assume that ex-
perts and prodigies operate on similar physiological mechanisms and con-
straints as do ordinary people, we can try to adapt insights from this research
to teaching methods for individual and group instruction (Lehmann & Er-
icsson, 1997b). In this respect, skill research offers a promising perspective
for music educators.
Other educationally important aspects of skill acquisition and display that
await further investigation are musical creativity (improvisation, composi-
tion) and performance (body movements and communication among per-
formers). It is particularly disturbing that these aspects have not been inves-
tigated thoroughly, since they are essential for our aesthetic experience,
which sets musical activities apart from other human behaviors. We some-
times tend to think that creative skills (e.g., improvisation) and highly adap-
tive skills (e.g., sight-reading) are difficult to teach because their goals are to
produce something new or react to something unfamiliar. However, this is
not necessarily the case. For example, over the years jazz teachers have al-
ready prepared the grounds for skill research in their area by developing
ample methods and materials for teaching an art that appeared difficult, if
not impossible, to teach before.
Mainly because music also relates to emotion and expression, musicians
consider their field something special compared to other areas of human
performanceand in many ways it certainly is. Yet people outside music,
such as biology teachers, actors, and athletes, would probably object to this
view and claim that their fields also relate to emotions. It is correct that
music encompasses mental, physical, affective, and social cognitions or ac-
tions, while other activities focus on a single aspect (e.g., cognition in chess).
Music is becoming an increasingly popular playing field for many empirical
researchers most likely because it involves the whole person. This research,
undertaken by large numbers of researchers outside music education in an
attempt to understand human behavior, is likely to ultimately benefit music
education and its quest for understanding musical cognition and action. So,
rather than viewing ourselves as endowed with a unique, unexplainable skill,
we should allow others to show us how our abilities fit into the bigger
picture.
The perspective on musical behavior outlined in this chapter may suggest
to some readers an oddly strong emphasis on the environment (nurture) at
a time when neurophysiology and behavioral genetics are showing convinc-
ingly how strong the influences of nature can be. Although leading research-
ers, including Maccoby (2000), do agree that behavioral genetics has solidly
documented the influence of genetics on behavior, she argues on the basis
of her review that when genetic factors are strong, this does not mean that
environmental ones, including parenting, must be weak. The relation be-
tween the two is not a zero-sum game, and the additive assumption [i.e.,
that heritability indices are subtracted from 100 to yield the variance ex-
plained by the environment] is untenable (p. 22). What applies to parenting
could easily be said for other social learning situations, such as those pro-
vided by music education.
Many research methodologies employed in skill researchwhich by def-
inition is research in teaching, learning, and performancecould be turned
into educational tools by clever practitioners. Take, for instance, the verbal
protocol methodology mentioned earlier. If researchers can ask their subjects
to think aloud in order to find out what cognitive processes play a role
during performance, why should teachers not use similar strategies to get
into their students heads (Woody, 1999a)? Such attempts would also serve
to bridge the gap between research and teaching, which is sometimes re-
grettably large.
The most important characteristic of research in skill acquisition and hu-
man performance is that this research opens up an optimistic view for ed-
ucators because it does not focus on innate abilities (see Howe, 1999, for
supporting arguments). A common misconception is that skill researchers
deny or ignore individual differences that arise from factors beyond training
and practice; this is certainly not the case. But if we can explain some in-
dividual differences in performance by taking recourse to acquired cognitive
mechanisms, such as mental representations or aspects of practice, rather
than by attributing individual differences to (almost) immutable genetic or
dispositional factors, educators have a chance to consider those explanations
in designing future education. High performance is certainly not the be-all
and end-all of music education, but the need to achieve satisfactory levels
of performance (however one defines them) will always be part of successful
music teaching and learning.
STUDY QUESTIONS
1. (a) What are the general characteristics of skills and why are scientists
interested in skilled or expert performance? (b) Explain the nature and role
of mental representations.
2. Discuss the relation between practice and performance, taking into
account quality and quantity of practice. When is quantity of practice a good
predictor of outcome and when not?
3. The assessment of music performance is supposed to be objective and
unbiased. Is this true, and if not, what influences the audiences judgment?
(Include examples from your own experience).
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Winner, E. (1996). The rage to master: The decisive role of talent in the visual
arts. In K. A. Ericsson (Ed.), The road to excellence (pp. 271302). Mahwah,
NJ: Erlbaum.
Woody, R. H. (1999a). Getting into their heads. American Music Teacher, 49(3),
2427.
Woody, R. H. (1999b). The relationship between advanced musicians explicit
planning and their expressive performance of dynamic variations in an aural
modeling task. Journal of Research in Music Education, 47, 331342.
Woody, R. H. (2003). Explaining expressive performance: Component cognitive
skills in an aural modeling task. Journal of Research in Music Education,
51(1), 5163.
Zajonc, R. B. (1965). Social facilitation. Science, 149, 269274.
Zdzinski, S. F. (1996). Parental involvement, selected student attributes, and
learning outcomes in instrumental music. Journal of Research in Music Ed-
ucation, 44, 3448.
Index
ability(ies). See also adulthood music education and, 250252

human (see human ability theory) musical skills as, 225226, 229
musical (see musical abilities 237 (see also musical skills)
development) performance aspects of, 243246
absolute frequency analysis, 10 practice dimensions of, 239243
absolute pitch, 8283 research introduction, 226229
in melody contours, 87, 89 social dimensions of, 245246, 249
academic skills, music impact on, 54 250
57 action research, new types of, 3
accent strength, in rhythm, 106 adjacent notes, in melodic structure,
accommodation 94
in cognitive development, 42 adolescents, musical ability
in human ability theory, 167 development in, 126, 141147
in singing development, 139140 adulthood, musical ability
acculturation, 237238 development throughout, 92,
acoustical cues, in expression, 202 93, 100, 147152, 153, 194
209 aesthetic values
character correlations of, 205207 in harmony, 102
communicating of intentions, 204 in music meaning, 190192, 207
interdependence of, 203204 209, 214
performance and, 202203 musical ability development and,
successful recognition of, 205 141142
utilization paradigm for, 207209 affective research
acoustics on musical responses, 8, 17, 152
in musical ability development, positron emission tomography in,
130, 132 16, 24
Ohms law of, 76 affective response theory, 2324
physical, of pitch, 7579 afferent nerves, 8
timbre and, 111112 age/aging
acquired skills, 225252 harmony perception based on, 98
coordination influence on, 247 99
249 music therapy for, 128, 153154
environmental factors of, 226227, musical ability development and,
251252 128, 147148, 150
as life-span development, 237238 agraphia, music, 58
memory role, 228, 232233 alexia, music, 58
259
260 INDEX
alpha-calcium-calmodulin kinase II in human ability theory, 167168,

gene, 50 172
alphabet, prelinguistic, 139 learning based on, 41
Alzheimers disease bias(es)
music influence on, 12 experimenter, 56
music learning and, 5859 in infant sensory perceptions, 77
amateurs, adult, musical ability 78, 8586, 89
development in, 151152 in listening, 73, 77, 85
ambiguity, in musical communication, biography, musical skills related to,
208209 238239
amusia, 11 biological perspectives
analysis-by-synthesis approach, to functional, animal sounds for, 9
performance, 198199 of musical ability development,
analytic perception, in musical ability 126, 147148
development, 132 biophony, 10
animals, neuromusical research on, 8 birdsongs, 9
10 body movement
aphasia, 11 culturally independent perception
apprenticeship, 181182 of, 213214
cognitive, 182 in expressive performance, 246
arousal, skill acquisition and, 244 247
assessment brain and brain function
contextualization of, 181 activation patterns (see cortical
performance effects of, 245 activity)
assimilation glucose consumption by, 46
in cognitive development, 42 hormone regulation role, 8, 24
in human ability theory, 167 human vs. other mammals, 8, 49
in singing development, 139140 in listening research, 72, 75
attack cues, timbre and, 110, 112 movement interaction with, 4849,
audiences 61
appeal and gender judgments, 249 overall development of, 1721
250 rhythmicity interaction with, 59
etiquette standards for, 245 topography of, imaging of, 43
race and gender judgments, 250 brain damage/disorders
auditory cortex information processing and, 52
deafness and, 61 music learning and, 5860
development of, 4647 neuromusical research on, 8, 1112
motor skills collaboration with, 48 brain development
49, 61 critical periods of, 1920
task specialization of, 4748 future research directions for, 29
auditory process(es), in music 30
listening, 74, 102103, 112 general findings on, 2829
auditory scene analysis, 103, 105 genetic specification of, 17
106 instrumental training impact on, 51
auditory stream segregation, 103, 52
105106 in newborns, 1819
timbre and, 112, 114 optimal periods of, 1920
aural imagery tasks, cortical plasticity in, 19, 21, 44, 4647
processing of, 52 music learning and, 49, 51
windows of opportunity in, 1921
babytalk, 11 brain imaging. See also specific
beating, pitch and, 77 modality
behaviorism of cognition microstructures, 4344
INDEX 261
in listening research, 72, 75 coaction, performance effects of,

in musical ability development, 125 245
126 coactivation, in instrumental training,
in neuromusical research, 8, 1316, 4849
50 cochlea, cognition related to, 3
bridging laws, of listening, 73 cochlear implants (CI)
cortical development impact of, 60
cadence, perfect, 114 61
central nervous system (CNS) music research and, 60
components of, 8 trends in, 60
emotional response role, 24 coding/decoding
cerebellum, postnatal development of, cultural dependency of, 210211
49 of expressive performances, 196
cerebral blood flow (CBF), affective 209
responses impact on, 24 cognition
cerebral cortex. See also cortical acquired skills perspectives of, 251
activity 252
auditory area development, 4647 amateur musical development and,
cochlear implants impact on, 6061 151152
cognition related to, 3, 44 animal limitations of, 10
postnatal development of, 49 in brain-damage individuals, 12
prefrontal area development, 46 brain development correlation to,
thickness relation to learning, 46 18
47 contextual applications of, 4, 168
trion model of musical structure of, 171
2728 culture influence on, 168171
cerebral dominance. See hemispheric development in children, 4042
asymmetry distributed, 170
characters, musical everyday, 169
critical research on, 207209 introduction to, 35
in performance, 193194 microstructure of, 4344
physical correlates of, 205207 music education applications, 61
children 63
cognitive development in, 4042, music learning and, 4044
100 musical ability development and,
musical ability development in, 130 127, 138139, 147, 151152
141, 210 neurobiology foundations of, 3, 44
open-earedness of, 142 47, 61
chroma perception vs., 72
in listening research, 76, 80 research directions for, 3, 30
pitch, 7982 situated, 170171
circular tones, 76 socially shared, 169170
chroma circle of, 8082 thinking vs., 40
classical conditioning, learning based cognitive apprenticeship, 182
on, 41 cognitive-developmental psychology,
classification tasks, in timbre of human abilities, 173175,
perception, 111 179
closure, musical, tension vs. release cognitive psychology
in, 114 of learning, 4142
co-modulation, pitch, harmonic in listening to music, 73
progression and, 104105 cognitive revolution, 4142
co-performers, coordinated timing of, cognitive skills matrix, of musical
247249 skills, 233235
262 INDEX
cognitive theory contextualization

of complex performances, 165 of education, 180181
166, 171, 176, 178 of human ability development, 181
of human abilities, 165183 (see 182
also human ability theory) Continuous Response Digital
in neuromusical research, 2223 Interface (CRDI), 214
coherence, in modularity theory, 26 contour(s)
communication. See also nonverbal of melody, 8691
communication in singing development, 141
animal sounds for, 9 coordination, in performance
cue-utilization paradigm for, 207 ensembles, 247249
209 cortical activity. See also cerebral
expression coding/decoding and, cortex
196209, 245 in aural imagery vs. perception
music education implications, 214 processing, 52
216 patterns with learning, 4449
performance plans for, 193196 patterns with musical training, 25
through music, 189193 26, 44
universal language myth, 209214 with spatial-temporal tasks, 57, 62
community of practice, 169171 task-specific, 4748
complex performances creativity
human ability theory of, 165166, of composers, over lifetime, 148
171, 176, 178 149
sociocultural dimension of, 171 music and, 5758, 251
composers, creative productivity over critical band, 77, 114
lifetime, 148149 critical periods
computer tomography (CT), of of brain development, 1920
cognition microstructures, 43 in music, 20
conceptual change model, of human cross-domain capacities, 173175,
ability, 174 179
conditioning, learning based on, 41 cross-generational development, of
connectionism musical abilities, 129
learning based on, 4344 cross-modal perception, in musical
as meter tracking model, 108 ability development, 132
in neuromusical research, 2426 cross-synthesis, of expressive cues,
consciousness model, of emotions, 203204
208 cue-utilization paradigm, for musical
conservation, of perception, in communication, 207209
musical ability development, cues/cueing
138139 acoustical (see acoustical cues)
consonance audiences reception of, 245, 249
musical, 77 250
musical ability development and, brain damage/disorders and, 59
134 60
sensory (see sensory consonance) to meter, 107108
constructivism in music segmentation, 94
in contextualized education, 182 in skill acquisition, 228
183 in timbre perception, 110, 112
learning based on, 4142 culture(s)
contextualism cognition role of, 168171, 179
of cognition, 4, 168171 180
in learning, 4243, 169 in evolutionary psychology, 172
in performance etiquette, 245, 247 173, 178
INDEX 263
expressive decoding dependence on, mental representation in, 52, 62

210211 sensory sensitivity in, 7779
expressive decoding independence in timbre perception, 111
from, 211214 discrimination test, of expressed
learning influences of, 4243, 115 emotion recognition, 205
116 dissonance
listening influence of, 7374, 78, musical ability development and,
115 134
melody scales related to, 9293 sensory (see sensory dissonance)
musical ability development and, distributed cognition, 170
10, 129130, 132, 141142, domain(s), developmental
148 contextualized education
research methodology implications implications, 180183
for, 171172 integration challenges, 173, 176
voice-leading practices and, 103 178, 180, 182183
current representation, in music mapping of, 174175
performance, 235237 in skill acquisition, 226228
curricula, contextualization of, 181 domain-general theory, of human
ability, 174, 176
Darwin, Charles, 172 domain-specific theory
deaf children of human ability, 172, 175176
cochlear implants for, 6061 in skill acquisition, 227228
music transmission for, 60 Downs syndrome, music learning
decision-making, neural network and, 5859
theory of, 4344 dynamics, in expressive performances,
decoding/coding 204, 206
cultural dependency of, 210211 dyslexia
of expressive performances, 196 general, 58
209 music, 58
degrees of transfer, in skill
acquisition, 227228 ecological validity, in listening
deliberate practice, skill acquisition research, 7374, 9193
through, 239242 education
dementia, aging-related, musical skills cognitive context of, 169, 177
with, 12 complex performance context of,
dendrites, in neural network theory, 180181
45 human abilities context of, 181
desynchronization, culturally 182
independent, 212 intuitive conceptions influence on,
developmental change, in abilities. see 177178
human ability theory music (see music education)
developmental psychology efferent nerves, 8
of acquired skills, 237238 electroencephalography (EEG)
of musical abilities, 124154 (see of cognition microstructures, 43,
also musical abilities 47
development) of cortical modularity, 2526
developmental shift theory, 22 in neuromusical research, 1315
domain mapping in, 174175 of sound transmission to deaf, 61
dichotic listening tasks, for of trion cortical brain activity, 27
hemispheric asymmetry 28
research, 1213 electromagneto-encephalography
discrimination learning (EMG), of cognition
of melodic intervals, 8586 microstructures, 43
264 INDEX
emotion(s) expert theory, 23

ambiguity of, 208209 in skill research, 228229, 238,
consciousness model of, 208 251
expression in music, 191192, 205, expertise research, on musical ability
215 development, 126, 176, 229,
improving communication of, 215 237
216 explicit memory, for melody, 96
in listening context, 75, 143 expression(s)
in neuromusical research, 2324 acoustical cues and, 202209
objective labeling of, 207208 ambiguity of, 208209
recognition of, 135137, 143, 152, cultural dependency of decoding,
205 210211
cultural dependency of, 210211 of emotions, recognition of, 135,
subjective induction of, 208 143, 152, 205
synthesis of, 215 facial, musical ability development
emotional response systems, and, 135137
neuroscience of, 24 improving communication of, 215
enculturation 216
cognitive context of, 169 melodic structure relationship to,
in listening, 7374, 78, 115116 195196
melody scales and, 9193 expressive performance, 189216
in musical ability development, coding/decoding of, 196209
10, 129130, 132, 141142, education implications, 214216
148 irrational components of, 197198
environment local vs. global analysis of, 201
as cognitive context, 169171 202, 207208
listening influence of, 7374 music meaning in, 189193
skill acquisition related to, 226 performance plans for, 193196
227, 251252 universal language myth, 209214
epilepsy, musicogenic, 58, 60 visual cues with, 246247
equal-step scales, enculturation of, 92
93 facial expressions, recognition of, 135
equal temperament, 7879 137
equilibration, in human ability feature-integration, in timbre
theory, 167 perception, 113
essential notes, in melodic structure, feelings, role of, 4
9495 fetus(es)
etiquette, for audiences, 245 future research directions for, 2930
event-related potentials (ERP) musical ability development in,
of cognition microstructures, 43 125, 130131
in neuromusical research, 1315 neuromusical research on, 8, 1011
everyday cognition, 169 fixed-frequency formants, timbre and,
evolution, in listening context, 75 110111
evolutionary psychology, of human flexibility, in skill acquisition, 227
abilities, 172173, 178 228
expectancy theory folk pedagogy, 179180
in culturally independent music folk psychology, 179
meanings, 212213 form, musical, in music meaning,
of melody, 9596 191
experienced listeners, harmony formal practice, skill acquisition
perception by, 98100 through, 239242
experimenter bias, 56 formants, timbre and, 110111
INDEX 265
Fourier analysis, 76 habituation theory, 23

frequency(ies) harmonic progression, rules of,
critical band, 77, 114 102106
fundamental, pitch and, 7677 harmonic series, 76
timbre and, 110111 harmonicity, of periodic sounds, 104
in tonal hierarchy, 101 105
in voice harmony perception, 105 harmonics, 76
functional magnetic resonance harmony, 98
imaging (fMRI) implied, 99100
in affective research, 16 listening to, 74, 98106
of formal mental representations, in musical ability development, 134
48 perceiving voices in, 102106
in neuromusical research, 13, 15 timbre and, 110111, 113114
functions/functionality tonal hierarchy and, 100102
biological perspectives of, 9 Western, 9899
in musical ability development, 145 Hawthorne effect, 56
146, 152 Hebb synapse, 45
height, pitch, 7982
gender helical model, of pitch, 8081
audiences appeal based on, 249 hemispheric asymmetry
250 modularity and connectionism of,
musical ability development and, 2426
144145 music learning and, 52, 62
race and, 250 neuromusical research on, 8, 1213
stereotypes of, 249250 research directions for, 29
general intelligence theory, of human hierarchy
ability, 166167, 172, 175 metric, 106108
genetics tonal, 101
behavioral, 251252 hippocampus, postnatal development
of brain development, 17 of, 49
of human ability, 167, 178179 holistic strategy, for performance
molecular, 50 plan, 194195
role of, 3, 127 hormone(s), brain regulation of, 8,
of Williams syndrome, 3 24
giftedness, 129, 237, 251 human ability theory, 165183
glial cells, development of, 1819 cognitive processes range and, 172
global information processing 176
in music learning, 52, 62 cognitive revolution of, 165166
in performance individuality, 201 conceptual model of, 174
202, 207208 contextualization of, 168172, 180
glucose, brain consumption of, 46 developmental challenges in, 176
goal representation, in music 178
performance, 235237 disjunctures concept, 178180
grammar, rule-based, for domain mapping for, 174175
performance, 198199, 208 educational implications of, 167,
graphic representations 180183
musical ability development and, integration of, 176, 182183
138 interconnectedness of, 172176,
of nonmusical meanings, 137138 181182
grouping psychology of (see psychology)
in rhythm perception, 106107 review of past, 166168
tasks, in timbre perception, 111 sociocultural dimensions of, 171
266 INDEX
human ability theory (continued ) information processing

sociocultural views of, 168171, local vs. global, 52, 62, 201
179180 in music learning, 4749, 5253
human musicality in performance individuality, 201
animal sounds correlation to, 9 202, 207208
developmental psychology of, 124 innate structures, music learning role,
154 (see also musical abilities 73, 115, 252
development) inspiration, skill acquisition through,
evolutionary antecedents of, 10 243244
Huntingtons disease, music learning instrumental training
and, 5860 academic achievement impacted by,
5458
identification tasks, in timbre brain development impacted by, 51
perception, 111 52
illusory conjunction, of pitch and motor and auditory skills
timbre, 113 collaboration in, 4849
imagery tasks, aural, cortical instrumentalists, professional, musical
processing of, 52 ability development in, 149
images, in performance, 193194 150
imaginary narration, performance as, instruments, timbre associated with,
193194 110, 112
imaging. See brain imaging intelligence theory
implication-realization model, of of complex performances, 165
expectancy, 212213 166, 171, 176, 178
implicit knowledge cultural, cognitive context of, 170
of harmony, 98 general, 166167, 172, 175
of tonal relations, 9697 in human ability, 165183 (see also
implicit memory, for melody, 9698 human ability theory)
contours, 8689 in music activity, 27
implied harmony, 99100 in neuromusical research, 2627,
improvisation, 230, 251 59, 176
individuality, of performance, 199 pluralistic models of, 172, 175
202 176
historical background of, 199200 intensity, in expressive performances,
local vs. global shaping of, 201 204
202, 207208 inter-onset interval (IOI), in rhythm
Schumann and, 200201 perception, 106, 195196, 211
timing curves and, 200201 interest, musical, ability development
infant(s) and, 129, 144, 147
brain development in, 1721 internalization, of cultural learning,
cognitive choice capability of, 18 43
future research directions for, 2930 interpersonal intelligence, in music
musical ability development in, activity, 27
125, 131133, 139 interpretation
neuromusical research on, 8, 1011 musical, 195
pitch processing by, 80, 83, 99 skill acquisition related to, 243
100, 101 244
recognition of mothers voice, 10 intersubjectivity, 170
11 interval(s)
recognition of prenatal words, 130 interonset, 106, 195196, 211
scale perceptions by, 92 in melody, 8486
sensory preference perceptions by, in musical ability development,
7778, 85, 86, 89 131
INDEX 267
order of, in singing, 140141 motherese as, 11, 89, 139

pitch and, 7679, 82, 104 in music activity, 27
interval size, 84 semantics, deafness and, 6061
in melody, 8485 in singing development, 139141
intervallic rivalry model, of tonality, spoken, in musical education, 215
101 universal, music as, 209214
intonation. See tone/tonality language of thought, 73
intrapersonal intelligence, in music lateralization effect, 62
activity, 27 leap lengthening, 104
intuitive conceptions, 177178 learned evaluation hypothesis, 245
intuitive constructs, in cognitive- learning
developmental psychology,173 behaviorism approach to, 41
174, 179 coactivation for, 4849
intuitive/serialistic strategy, for cognitive psychology of, 4142
performance plan, 194195 connectionism approach to, 4344
inverse performance theory, 201202 constructivist approach to, 4142
irrationality, in expressive contextualism of, 4243, 169
performance, 197198 contextualized strategies for, 180
isomorphism, 196197 183
cortical activity reorganization
just intonation, 78 with, 48
critical periods for, 46
key(s). See also tone/tonality discrimination, mental
in listening context, 74, 78, 82, representation in, 52, 62
100 long-term vs. short-term, 48
key-finding algorithm, 101 music education applications, 61
kinesthetic intelligence, bodily, in 63
music activity, 27 neurobiology foundations of, 46
knowing, ways of, in musical skills, 48, 61
233235 sociohistorical theory approach to,
knowledge 4243
conditions of, in musical skills, 233 learning theory, of human ability, 167
235 left brain, music role of, 13
developmental view of (see human Lennox-Gastaut syndrome, 60
ability theory) lessons, musical ability development
implicit, 9698 and, 129
pre-existing, in listening, 73, 80 life-span (lifetime)
(see also memory) composer creative productivity
procedural, 62 over, 148149
representational redescription of, musical development process
174175 during, 126128
shared cognitive context of, 169 skill acquisition throughout, 237
170 238
situated, 171 listening, to music, 72116
transfer of, in skill acquisition, 227 conclusions about, 114116
228 dichotic tasks of, 1213
harmony, 98106
labeling, objective, of emotions, 207 melody, 8498
208 musical ability development and,
language 127, 142143
in brain-damage individuals, 1112 nave, 8082
cues, for musical segmentation, 93 pitch perception, 7583
95 reductionism of, 73, 9495, 108
268 INDEX
listening, to music (continued ) expression relationship to, 195

research review, 7275 196, 205207
rhythm, 106109 larger, 9395
timbre, 109114 scales, 9193
tonality, 100102 melody(ies), 8498
listening style, in musical ability contours of, 8691
development, 127, 145146 enculturation and, 9193
local information processing expectancies in, 9596
in music learning, 52, 62 implicit memory for, 9698
in performance individuality, 201 intervals in, 8486
202, 207208 listening to, 8498
logarithmic scale, 79 in musical ability development, 131
logical-mathematical intelligence, in 132, 136139
music activity, 27 target, 97
long-term memory, for pitch level, 83 in voice harmony perception, 102
long-term potentiation (LTP), in 106
learning, 46 memory
loudness Downs syndrome impact on, 59
in listening context, 74 explicit, for melody, 96
summation, of tone, 105 implicit, for melody, 8689, 9698
long-term, for pitch level, 83
magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) musical, prenatal perception of,
of cognition microstructures, 43 130
in neuromusical research, 13, 15 in rhythm perception, 108109
magnetoencephalography (MEG) role of, 34
of music learning, 5152 in skill acquisition, 228, 232233
in neuromusical research, 13, 15 memory task, music impact on, 57
maintenance, of musical abilities, mental models, 44
128, 150 mental representation(s), 42, 44
major scales coordinated, in performance
enculturation of, 9293 ensembles, 247249
in musical ability development, in discrimination learning, 52, 62
134, 136 formal, 48
mapping, domain, in developmental in listening, 73
change, 174175 of melody, 8687, 9698
masking effects, of tone, 105 in music education, 6162
mass media, musical ability as musical skill component, 231
development and, 144 237, 243
mathematic skills, music impact on, triangular, in performance, 235
54, 56 237
meaning, music and, 189193 mental retardation, music learning
education implications, 214216 and, 59
expression coding/decoding, 196 mental schemata, in listening, 73
209 meter
performance plans, 193196 hierarchy of, 106108
universal language myth, 209214 in musical ability development, 132
mechanical performance, education 133
implications, 215 patterns, in rhythm perception, 106
mel scale, 79 107
melodic expectancy theory, 9596 in rhythm, 106
melodic structure metronome, cueing, brain disorders
culturally independent recognition and, 5960
of, 211214 mind-brain disagreements, 8
INDEX 269
minor scales, in musical ability neurobiological research

development, 134, 136 applications to, 6163
modularity theory, 2426 music learning
molecular genetics, 50 brain damage/disorders and, 5860
mood, in performance, 193194 cognition and, 4044
motherese, 11, 89, 139 cortex regions utilized for, 4749
motivation, in musical ability information processing in, 4749,
development, 129, 147 53
motor skills local vs. global, 52, 62
auditory skills collaboration with, neurobiological research on, 4953
4849 (see also neurobiological
deafness and, 61 research)
movement neurobiology of, 6163
body (see body movement) prosody decoding and, 9091
culturally independent perception retention test of, 47
of, 213214 transfer effects of, 5358, 91
musical ability development and, music segmentation, linguistic cues
133134 in, 9495
performance (see performance music therapy, for elderly, 128, 153
movement) 154
Mozart effect, 5455 musical abilities development, 124
multiple intelligence (MI) theory, 175 154
in neuromusical research, 2627, in adolescents, 141147
59, 176 in adult nonmusicians, 151152
music adulthood preferences and, 152
aesthetic perspectives of, 190192, 153
207209 aesthetic values, 141142
critical periods in, 20 biological influences with aging,
human (see human musicality) 126, 147148
listening to, 72116 (see also in children, 130141
listening) cognitive aspects in amateurs, 151
meaning and, 189216 152
neuronal representations of, 4445 composer creative productivity and,
psychoenergetic force of, 213214 148149
spatial reasoning and, 25 consumption increases and, 144
transmission for the deaf, 60 cross-generational differences in,
music activity(ies) 129
culturally independent views of, cross-modal perception and, 132
211212 cultural identity and, 129, 141142
multiple intelligences used in, 26 cultural influences with aging, 10,
27, 59, 176 130, 132, 148
music agraphia, 58 education and, 129, 146
music alexia, 58 expertise research on, 126
music consumption, developmental expression recognition in, 135
increase of, 144 137, 143, 152
music dyslexia, 58 fetal (before birth), 125, 130131
music education functional influences of, 145146,
acquired skills perspective in, 250 152
252 gender differences in, 144145
music communication implications graphic representation dimensions
for, 214216 of, 138
in musical ability development, growth, maintenance, and loss
129, 146 dynamics of, 128
270 INDEX
musical abilities development musical consonance, 77, 134

(continued ) musical development. See musical
harmony, 134 abilities development
individual differences in, 129 musical dissonance, 134
in infants (after birth), 125, 131 musical expression, 189216
133 coding/decoding of, 196209
life-span investigations of, 126127 education implications, 214216
as lifelong process, 128, 237238 irrational components of, 197198
listening significance for teenagers, meaning in, 189193
142143 performance plans for, 193196
listening styles and, 127, 145146 universal language myth, 209214
mass media and, 144 musical form, in music meaning, 191
melody perception, 131132, 136 musical interpretation, 195
137 musical phrases
neurobiological research on, 125 perceptual predisposition of, 93
126 95
normative, 129 rhythm perception and, 108109
old age high performance musical pulse, 107
maintenance, 128, 150 musical skills
open-earedness and, 142 acquired perspectives of, 225252
overview of, 124, 153154 (see also acquired skills)
perception conservation biography impact on, 238239
coordination, 138141 in brain-damage individuals, 1112
perception dimensions of, 131136 cognitive skills matrix of, 233235
perception of nonmusical in course of performance, 243244
meanings, 137138 descriptive characteristics of, 229
pitch, 131 230
popular music preferences, 143 development of (see musical
144 abilities development)
preferences, 141142, 146, 152 mental representation component,
153 231237
professional instrumentalist practice dimensions of, 239243
trajectories, 149150 relationship of different, 230231
puberty as critical phase, 126, 146 social facilitation effects on, 245
147 musical taste, preference vs., 141142
research areas on, 124127, 153 musical training
rhythm synchronization with brain development and, 1721
movement, 133134 coherence in, 26
rhythmic abilities, 132133 cortical activity patterns with, 25
singing, 139141 26, 4445
specialist, 129 future research directions for, 29
symbols in, 127, 138 30
theories on, 127, 140141 musically, 62
throughout adulthood, 147153 musicality. See human musicality
timbre, 134135 musicians
tonality, 134 audience stereotyping of, 249250
universality of, 127128 expert vs. novice, 23, 228229,
musical characters 238
critical research on, 207209 musicogenic epilepsy, 58, 60
in performance, 193194 myelin, development of, 1819, 49
physical correlates of, 205207
musical closure, tension vs. release in, nave listeners, pitch perception by,
114 8082
INDEX 271
Name That Tune, 112 theories and frameworks for, 21

narration, imaginary, in performance, 28
193194 neurons
nativitist constructs, in cognitive- cognition related to, 3, 44
developmental psychology,173 development of, 1819, 45
174, 179 learning impact on, 4547, 49, 51
naturalized conditions, for music- listening role, 73, 108
listening, 74 music representations by, 4445,
nature 49
nurture vs., 17, 28, 114, 251 plasticity of, 19, 21, 44, 4647, 49
sounds of, 10 neuroscience
near transfer theory, of music of brain development, 1721
activity, 27 of emotional response systems, 24
nerves, central vs. peripheral, 8, 24 future research directions for, 29
network of understanding, in musical 30
skills, 233235 general findings of, 2829
neural network theory, 28 in musical research (see
of cognition and learning, 4449 neuromusical research)
of connectionism, 4344 theories and frameworks for, 21
of listening, 73, 108 28
neural units, oscillatory, in complex neurotransmitters, in learning, 46
meter tracking, 108 newborns. See infant(s)
neuroanatomical plasticity, learning nonmetrical patterns, in rhythm
based on, 19, 21, 44, 4647 perception, 106107
of music, 49, 51 nonmusicians, musical ability
neurobiological research, in music development in, 151152
learning, 4953 nonverbal communication,
ability development, 125126 performance movements and,
brain disorders and, 5860 246247
brain studies, 5153 normative development, of musical
deafness and, 6061 ability, 129
discussion and conclusions, 5253 notes
empirical methods, 4951 fusion of (see tonal fusion)
music education applications, 61 in melodic structure, 9495
63 novice theory, 23
transfer effects, 5358, 91 in skill acquisition, 228229
neurobiology nurture, nature vs., 17, 28, 114, 251
cognition foundations in, 4447
learning foundations in, 4648 Ohms acoustical law, 76
recent advances in, 3, 4950 ongoing representation, in music
neurochemical plasticity, learning performance, 235237
based on, 19, 21, 44, 4647 onset cues, timbre and, 110, 112
of music, 49, 51 open-earedness, in musical ability
neurochemistry, 24 development, 142
neurodidactics, 6162 operant conditioning, learning based
neuromotor research, on musical on, 41
responses, 8, 16 order of intervals, in singing
neuromusical research development, 140141
brain development and, 1721 ornamental notes, in melodic
brain imaging in, 8, 1316, 50 structure, 9495
future directions for, 2930 oscillatory neural units, in complex
general findings of, 2829 meter tracking, 108
strategies for, 717 overtones, harmonic, 7677
272 INDEX
parallel distributed processing (PDP), noncognitive components of, 193

43 194
parameter theory, of performance, representation of, 195196
195 strategies for, 194195
partials, 7576 periodic sounds, harmonicity of, 104
timbre and, 109110 105
Pavlov, Ivan, 41 periodic waveform, 76
pedagogy peripheral nerves
in contextualized education, 180, as CNS component, 8
182 emotional response role, 24
folk, 179180 person-in-cultural context, as research
perception unit, 171172
cognition vs., 72 phrases, musical
conservation of, 138141 perceptual predisposition of, 93
cortical processing of tasks, 52 95
introduction to, 35 rhythm perception and, 108109
in listening, 73, 75, 77 physical acoustics, of pitch, 7579
melody predispositions and, 9295 physiological aging, musical ability
of music meaning, 189193, 204 development and, 147148
205, 211214 Piaget, Jean, 4042, 127, 138, 167
in musical ability development, 131 pitch
141, 234 absolute, 8283
neurobiology of, 3 co-modulation, harmonic
of nonmusical meanings, 137138 progression and, 104105
performance(s) humans reliance on, 10
acquired skills perspective on, 225 listening to, 7583
252 (see also acquired skills) in musical ability development, 131
audiences account of, 245, 249 perceptual models of, 7982
250 physical acoustics of, 7579
complex, 165166, 171, 176, 178 reference, 100
deliberate/formal practice approach relative, 82, 8485, 8789
to, 239242 reversal of, 96
education implications of, 214216 in rhythm perception, 108109
expressive, 189216 (see also in singing development, 140
expressive performance) timbre vs., 76, 112114
as imaginary narration, 193194 tonic, 100
individuality of, 199202, 207 in voice harmony perception, 102
208 106
inverse theory of, 201202 pitch chroma, 7982
mental representations in, 231 pitch height, 7982
233, 235237, 247249 pitch interval, 7679, 82
rule-based grammar for, 198199, voice leading and, 104
208 pitch proximity, 9697
social dimensions of, 244250 voice leading and, 104
structural constraints on, 196197 pitch register, sensory dissonance and,
performance appraisal, effects of, 245 105
performance movement planum temporale, 51
culturally independent perception plasticity
of, 213214 in brain development, 19, 21, 44,
nonverbal communication, 246 4647
247 music learning and, 49, 51
performance plans, 193196 musical ability development and,
in music meaning, 193 153154
INDEX 273
pluralistic models, of intelligence, psychological validity, in listening

172, 175176 research, 75, 80, 95, 100
popular music, preferences for, 143 psychology
144 of human abilities, 165183
positron emission tomography (PET) cognitive-developmental, 173
in affective research, 16, 24 175, 179
of cognition microstructures, 43 cognitive processes range and,
in neuromotor research, 16, 23 172176
in neuromusical research, 13, 15 cognitive revolution of, 165
16 166
practice/practicing contextualization of, 168172
deliberate/formal, 239242 educational implications of, 180
efficiency of, 242 183
musical ability development and, evolutionary, 172173, 178
129, 150 expertise and, 176
as a skill, 242243 integration of, 176180, 182
pre-existing knowledge. See also 183
memory interconnectedness of, 172176,
in listening, 73, 80 181182
preference(s) pluralistic models of, 172, 175
description of term, 141 176
in infant sensory perceptions, 77 review of past, 166168
78, 8586, 89 sociocultural views of, 168171,
musical ability development and, 179180
141143, 146, 152153 of music meaning, 190192
musical taste vs., 141142 psychoneuroimmunology, 8
prelinguistic alphabet, 139 puberty. See also adolescents
prenatal development, of musical musical development during, 126,
abilities, 125, 130132 146147
research on, 8, 1011, 2930 pulse, musical, 107
probe-tone technique, 100101 Pythagorean tuning, 78
problem-solving, neural network
theory of, 4344 racial issues, in audience judgment,
procedural knowledge, 62 250
prodigies, 129, 237, 251 rationalization
production, musical skills and, 234 as expressive performance
production representation, in music constraint, 195197
performance, 235237 as research flaw, 195
productivity, creative, over lifetime, reading skills, music impact on, 54
148149 reductionism, of listening, 73, 9495,
professional instrumentalists, musical 108
ability development in, 149 reference pitch, 100
150 reflection, musical skills and, 234
prolongation, in melodic structure, reflective teaching, 182183
9495 reflective thinking, 182183
prosody, 60 rehearsal, skill acquisition through,
music learning impact on decoding 243244
of, 9091, 139 relative pitch, 82
prototypes, in listening, 73 in melody contour, 8789
proximity, pitch, 9697 in melody intervals, 8485
voice leading and, 104 release, in musical closure, 114
psychoenergetic force, of music, 213 representational redescription, of
214 knowledge, 174175
274 INDEX
representations sensory aging, musical ability

graphic, 137138 development and, 147148
mental (see mental sensory consonance
representation(s)) in melody intervals, 8587
research in pitch, 7679
neuromusical (see neuromusical timbre and, 114
research) in voice harmony perception, 102,
rationalization flaw in, 195 105
trends of, 3 sensory dissonance
retention test, of music learning, 47 in melody intervals, 8587
retrieval structures, 228 in pitch, 7679
reversal, of pitch, 96 timbre and, 112, 114
rhythm/rhythmicity in voice harmony perception, 102,
brain function interaction, 59 105
culturally independent perception serialistic/intuitive strategy, for
of, 211212 performance plan, 194195
models of, 107108 sight-reading, 228, 230, 251
in musical ability development, 132 singing
134 age-related decline of, 147148,
in neuromusical research, 25 150
perception of, 106109 musical ability development and,
as psychoenergetic force, 213214 139141
right brain, music role of, 13, 29 situated cognition, 170171
rule-based grammar, for performance, situated knowledge, 171
198199, 208 skills
academic (see scholastic
scale(s) achievement)
larger, 9395 acquired, 225252 (see also
in melody, 9193 acquired skills)
in musical ability development, motor, 4849, 61
131 musical (see musical skills)
pitch and, 76, 78 research review, 226229
in pitch perception models, 7982 social facilitation, performance effects
schemas, in cognitive development, of, 245
42 socialization
scholastic achievement, music impact cognitive context of, 169170
on, 5457 in performance etiquette, 245
school music curriculum sociocultural environment. See
learning transfer effects of, 5358, culture(s)
91 sociohistorical theory, of learning, 42
neurobiological research 43
applications to, 6163 songs
Schumanns Traumerei, ability to identify, 112113
performance individuality in, syllables vs. vowels in, 140
200201 sound-making behavior, in animals, 9
segmentation, music, linguistic cues sounds
in, 9495 discrimination of, by deaf children,
self-socialization, musical, 141142 6061
semantic rating scales, in timbre naturally occurring (partials), 75
perception, 111 76
semitones periodic, harmonicity of, 104105
in implied harmony, 99100 physical acoustics of, 7579
in melody intervals, 8586 transient attributes of, 110111
INDEX 275
spatial reasoning target attribute, in timbre perception,

music impact on, 25, 5458, 62 113
testosterone relationship to, 126 target melody, 97
spatial working memory, Downs task-specific cortex, 47
syndrome impact on, 59 tasks
specialist development, of musical skill acquisition related to, 226
ability, 129 227, 230, 244
spectral rolloff, 110 visuo-spatial, music impact on, 57
speech acquisition 58
in deaf children, 6061 teaching, reflective, 182183
singing development and, 139141 teaching for understanding, 182183
speech intonation, temporal-spatial tempo
patterns of, 74 consistent interpretation of, 195
speech structure, metrical. see in rhythm perception, 107
prosody temporal-spatial patterns, of music,
spinal cord 74
as CNS component, 8 tension
emotional response role, 24 culturally independent perception
spiritual intelligence, in music of, 213214
activity, 27 in musical closure, 114
stimulus variables testosterone, spatial abilities related
in hemispheric asymmetry research, to, 126
13 theories of sequence, in singing
in musical ability development, 132 development, 141
structure-by-skill interaction, 227 therapy, music, for elderly, 128, 153
228 154
subcultures, of popular music, 143 thinking
144 cognition vs., 40
subskills, for performance, 243244 in musical skills, 233235
superconducting quantum reflective, 182183
interference device (SQUID), thought
13, 15 language of, 73
syllables, in songs, 140 Mother Natures programming for,
symbols, in musical ability 174
development, 127, 138 timbre, 109
synapses auditory stream segregation and,
density of, 46 112
development of, 1819, 4546 compositional approach to, 114
in neural network theory, 4547 frequency spectrum in, 110111
pruning of, 19 harmony and, 110111, 113114
synapsin I, 51 instrument association with, 110,
synchronization 112
culturally independent perception in musical ability development, 134
of, 211212 135
in musical ability development, 133 partials influence on, 109110
134 pitch vs., 76, 112114
systems view(s) in song identification, 112113
of learning, 4243 timing
of listening, 73 in listening context, 74
in performance ensembles, 247
tactus, 108 249
talent, in ability development, 129, performance individuality of, 200
172 201, 204
276 INDEX
tonal fusion unequal-step scales, enculturation of,

in singing development, 139141 9293
in timbre perception, 114 universal language, music as, 209
in voice harmony perception, 102 214
106 cultural dependency and, 210211
tonal hierarchy, 101 culturally independent proposal for,
tone colors. See timbre 211214
tone/tonality, 100 education implications, 214216
circular, 76 expectancy and, 212213
intervallic rivalry model of, 101 movement and, 213214
listening to, 7475, 100102 myth of, 209210
loudness summation of, 105 synchronization and, 211212
masking effects of, 105 tension and, 213214
in melodic expectancy theory, 95 universality, of musical abilities, 127
96 128
melodic structure and, 9495
melody contour relationship with, validity, in listening research
90 ecological, 7374, 9193
in musical ability development, psychological, 75, 80, 95, 100
134 verbal working memory, Downs
physical acoustics of, 7579 syndrome impact on, 59
tonic pitch, 100 verse, metrical. see prosody
trained listeners, harmony perception visual cues, musical expression and,
by, 98100 246247
training. See musical training visual image-mapping procedures,
transcranial magnetic stimulation 125
(TMS), 13, 16 visual-spatial intelligence, in music
transfer, degrees of, in skill activity, 27, 47
acquisition, 227228 visuo-spatial tasks, music impact on,
transposition, in listening context, 91, 5758
99 vocal play, 139
Traumerei, Schumanns, voice(s)
performance individuality in, aging, musical ability development
200201 and, 147148, 150
triangular model, of mental perceiving in harmony, 102106
representation, 235237 voice leading, in harmony, 102106
triarchic theory, of intelligence, 175 vowels, in songs, 140
176
trion theory, 2728 waveform
Tristan chord, 202203 periodic, 76
tritone paradox, 82 timbre and, 110111
tritones, in melody intervals, 8587 Western harmony, 74, 9899, 100,
tuning systems, cultural dimensions 131
of, 78 Williams syndrome, 12, 25
music learning and, 5859
understanding windows of opportunity, in brain
network of, in musical skills, 233 development, 1921
235
teaching for, 182183 zone of proximal development, 43

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MENC Handbook of

Musical Cognition and

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

Oxford New York

Copyright 2002 by MENC: The National Association for Music Education,

Published by Oxford University Press, Inc.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

as a research resource, they have also been organized to be read in the

Introduction: Music Perception and Cognition 3

1 Music and Neuroscience 7

2 The Neurobiology of Music Cognition and Learning 40

4 The Development of Musical Abilities 124

5 A Comparative Review of Human Ability Theory: Context,

6 Making Music and Making Sense Through Music: Expressive

7 Taking an Acquired Skills Perspective on Music Performance 225

jane w. davidson is professor of performance studies in the Department of

wilfried gruhn is professor emeritus of music education at the University of

donald a. hodges is Covington Distinguished Professor of Music Education

andreas c. lehmann is currently professor of systematic musicology and music

and 1998 he was a postdoctoral fellow in the Department of Psychology at the

frances rauscher is an associate professor in the Department of Psychology

e. glenn schellenberg is a professor in the Department of Psychology at the

bruce torff is associate professor of curriculum and teaching at Hofstra Uni-

Research in perception and cognition in music has seen tremendous growth

music learning and development with its changing epistemological facets.

1. Strategies for conducting neuromusical research. A review of the meth-

Strategies for Conducting Neuromusical Research

tricacies of human musical behavior, means that conducting neuromusical

ues in cognitive neuroscience. Investigating the ways animals process sounds

psychologists: What are the evolutionary antecedents of human musicality?

Fetal and Infant Research

Research on Brain-Damaged Individuals

if, for example, a brain-damaged person cannot do a given musical task

Hemispheric Asymmetry Research

Brain Imaging Research

Neuron Light Microscopy

PET. In PET, radioactively tagged oxygen, water, or glucose is inhaled or

influenced by the environment. Myelination of the nerve axons increases the

edge such as reading, mathematics, and music, the windows of experience-

Theories and Theoretical Frameworks

A theory, or at least a conjecture of what may happen when an idea is

Emotion or Affective Response

is being made in the understanding of relationships between emotion and

Modularity and Connectionism

submodules are distributed in various regions throughout the brain. At this

Neural Networks and Wiring

1. Human development hinges on the interplay between nature and nurture.

Studies using various brain imaging techniques have documented some

1. Development and validation of theories of music learning and brain de-

9. How can studying cognitively impaired individuals lead to insights

Elliot, D. J. (1995). Music matters: A new philosophy of music education. New

ments. In F. Wilson & F. Roehmann (Eds.), Music and child development

lateral auditory stimulation in normal subjects. Brain Research, 25, 416

Music Learning and Cognition

1913), constructivsm (Piaget 1947) sociohistorical theory (Vygotsky 1962),

opment, which are characterized by sensori-motor intelligence, preoper-

tools, concepts, and symbol systems. Childrens participation in cultural ac-

introduction to connectionist ideas, see Bechtel & Abrahamsen, 1991; Ellis

Neurobiological Foundations of Cognition and Learning