Home Boddies TACTILE
Home Boddies TACTILE
Home Boddies TACTILE
om e Bod i es
H om e Bod i es
Tactile Experience in Domestic Space
J a m es K r a s n e r
T h e O h i o S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y P r e ss C o l u m b us
Copyright 2010 by The Ohio State University.
All rights reserved.
The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American
National Standard for Information SciencesPermanence of Paper for Printed Library Materi-
als. ANSI Z39.481992.
9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
For my wife Laura and my sons Gray and Cole, who are my home
C ontents
Acknowledgments ix
Introduction 1
Arnold Arluke and Peter Gollub were both very generous with their
time and expertise on animal hoarding; they continue to do valuable
work helping hoarders and their animal victims. A version of chapter 1
appeared previously as Doubtful Arms and Phantom Limbs: The Tan-
gible Experience of Mourning, PMLA 119.2 (2004): 21832. It is reprinted
by permission of the copyright owner, The Modern Language Associa-
tion of America. A version of chapter 2 appeared previously as Accu-
mulated Lives: Metaphor, Materiality and the Homes of the Elderly,
Literature and Medicine 24.2 (2005): 20930. It is reprinted by permission
of the copyright holder, The Johns Hopkins University Press.
My colleagues at the University of New Hampshire, especially Janet
Aikins Yount and Michael Ferber, have given me all kinds of support
professional, emotional, moral, and occasionally immoralas I have
followed the winding path toward this publication. Like all teachers, I
owe my students a great debt for keeping my mind engaged, attentive,
and continually off-balance. The students in my graduate Architecture
and Victorian Literature class, who pushed me to think in even more
painfully interdisciplinary ways, deserve a special thanks: Holly Allaire,
Meredith Cartmill, Courtney Condo, Courtney Dziuba, Melanie Goss,
Elizabeth Montville, Vilija Pauliukonis, Kathleen Rinaldi Boisvert, and
Julie Samara. Heather Froehlich, from my Bible as Literature class,
offered useful insights into the Hebrew translations of the book of Job.
The editors at The Ohio State University Press, especially Sandy
Crooms and Maggie Diehl, are notorious for their astonishing good-
heartedness and hard work; no one has yet been able to fully explain
ix
x | Acknowledgments
This study argues for the centrality of the sense of touch to our experi-
ence of life at home. Highlighting the significance of tactility as a criti-
cal and experiential framework through which contemporary cultural
constructions of intimacy, domesticity, and embodied subjectivity can be
understood, my argument explores representations of tactile experience
to unveil the complex operation of the sense of touch in the domestic
realm. This work contributes to theoretical dialogues about the body
that attempt to redress our cultural neglect of embodied experience and
cultural analyses of domesticity that highlight the spatial dynamics of
daily life. While these critical approaches focus our attention on the prac-
tical dynamics of bodily experience, they nevertheless tend to neglect
the prominence of tactile sensation in our lives, particularly our lives at
home.
My analysis draws on two critical traditions: body theory and the
study of domestic space. Body theorists, whose analyses of somatic
boundary and orifice seek to counter an optical model of embodiment,
nevertheless tend to implicitly favor ocular over tactile metaphors for
enunciating bodily identity and lived experience in society. The opera-
tion of domestic space has been analyzed most extensively by cultural
theorists, who have addressed the home primarily as a material staging
ground for economic forces or gender relations; while they base their
arguments on the materiality of the home, they give little attention to the
material experience of the body within that home. Home Bodies establishes
a new dialogue among these various approaches to material domesticity
1
2, Introduction
ries, for example, she seems at first to call for an embodied approach: the
habit of the literal is housed in the house, our usual dwelling, the unac-
countable spaces and rooms through which even the most philosophi-
cal bodies pass (13). Bernstein proceeds to dismiss her attention to the
homes materiality as an argumentative feint (154), however, asserting
that the experience of place is actually an opportunity to connect texts,
images recollections, and representations[,] [ . . . ] a dense layering of
texts that rhetorically produce certain effects of authenticity and con-
nectedness (15). This elision of the architectural and the textual is suf-
ficiently conventional as to be assumed by some architectural critics as
well. Writing in the Chronicle of Higher Education in 2008, Norman Wein-
stein bemoans recent architectural students inability to move gracefully
between design and text through the creation of complex, multidimen-
sional, written descriptions that, nevertheless, can be put into commer-
cially compelling narratives for the general public (B21). While such an
approach offers valuable insights into the semiotic power of architecture,
it applies largely to philosophical bodies rather than literal ones.
My approach to domesticity, which defines the home as at once mate-
rial and apprehended, resides somewhere between that of philosophers
such as Gaston Bachelard and Michel de Certeau and cultural theorists
such as Michael McKeon and Victoria Rosner. Bachelards Poetics of Space
establishes the home as an imaginary or mnemonic realm in which archi-
tectural structures are synecdoches for the emotional states defining self-
hood. While Bachelard gestures toward the reality of attics and basements,
the material structures of the home loom largest as imaginary forms
through which the sheltered being gives perceptible limits to his shel-
ter. He experiences the house in its reality and its virtuality, by means of
thought and dreams (5). Similarly, de Certeau, in his distinction between
the map and the tour of lived space, argues for an understanding of
the home as a chain of spatializing operations (120) that establishes iden-
tity through mobile engagement between body and space. Yet de Certeaus
is largely a semantic space, in which walking is a space of enunciation
(98), and rooms serve to define narrative, rather than bodily, limits. Ros-
ner and McKeon, on the other hand, address the actual material surfaces
and structures of the built environment in order to understand the home
as a (primarily visual) grid of social relations with spatial hierarchies
demarcating economic and gender politics (Rosner 2). Their work has
demonstrated the homes ability to amplify the social symbolism of the
material distinctions it creates, particularly those between interior and
exterior spaces. I hope to combine Bachelards awareness of the emotional
resonance of familiar space with McKeons belief in the determinative
Introduction , 7
creative methods for the benefit of the practicing doctor and the ail-
ing patient. We should all take heart that the scholarship of literature
and medicine, over the years, has contributed to these fundamental
changes in how medicine is practiced, taught, evaluated and experi-
enced. (viii)
Like Arthur Kleinman, William F. May, and Arthur W. Frank, Charon and
Spiegel establish the practical goal of improving medical practice as cen-
tral to their intellectual endeavor. Literary studies operates in tandem
with or is woven into the analysis of medical practice, both metaphors
suggesting a cooperative, hands-on approach to complex intellectual
materials. There is also a strong pedagogical impulse underlying Medi-
cal Humanities, no doubt in part because of its common association
with medical schools. Most significantly, Charon and Spiegel identify
a specific set of beneficiaries for their scholarly endeavorthe practic-
ing doctor and the ailing patient. While it is common for scholars in
the humanities to identify an audience (typically other scholars in their
field or general readers), it is quite unusual for them to identify benefi-
ciaries. Undertaking the theoretical analysis of texts with the stated goal
of benefiting ailing patients is a distinguishing feature of the Medical
Humanities. Charon purposefully rejects the impulse to establish a clear
boundary around the field, calling it not so much a new specialty as a
new frame for clinical work (Narrative 13). To be successful, scholarship
must resonate outward to doctors, patients, and society at large, as Klein-
man enunciates in The Illness Narratives.
My clinical work [...] has been described for a fairly narrow profes-
sional readership. My aim in this book is altogether different. I write
here to explain to patients, their families, and their practitioners what I
have learned from a career passionately devoted to this interest. I write
because I wish to popularize a technical literature that would be of
great practical value for those who must live with, make sense of, and
care for chronic illness. Indeed, I will argue that the study of the experi-
ence of illness has something fundamental to teach each of us about the
human condition, with its universal suffering and death. (xiii)
tive term, into the realm of thoughtful and meticulous analysis. Medical
Humanities thus demonstrates a fundamental faith in the ability of liter-
ary analysis to improve the lives of suffering human beings in the most
tangible way: by helping doctors diminish that suffering. As Charon
writes in her foundational work Narrative Medicine:
What literary studies give medicine is the realization that our intimated
medical relationships occur in words. [ . . . ] They are based on the
complex texts that are shared between doctor and patient, texts that
encompass words, silences, physical findings, pictures, measurements
of substances in the body, and appearances. (5354)
The primary texts of this sort of literary study are these doctor-patient
interchanges, rather than literary representations of illness. While works
such as Mays The Physicians Covenant do use passages from works by
Faulkner, Dostoyevsky, Sophocles, and other major authors to illustrate
the archetypal images through which patients tend to relate to their doc-
tors, Charon argues that [m]ore fundamental by far than the content of
Bleak House or King Lear is the modeling, by literary acts, of deeply trans-
formative intersubjective connections among relative strangers fused and
nourished by words (54). While Bernsteins analysis of architecture rede-
fines physical engagements with the home as texts, Charon attempts to
understand verbal engagements between doctors and patients in embod-
ied terms; as Frank puts it, Medical Humanities uses literary analysis
to help doctors make sense of illness stories as being told through the
diseased body (Wounded 3).
The interdisciplinary methodology of scholars in the Medical
Humanities resembles the work of what Julie Thompson Klein calls
academic intellectuals who are willing to follow problems across
disciplinary boundaries because they are [a]ccountable to a wider
audience (Interdisciplinarity 183). Interdisciplinary scholarship, as Klein
points out, has expanded significantly in the twentieth and twenty-first
centuries, largely as a result of disciplinary fragmentation.
Over the course of the twentieth century, the fracturing and refractur-
ing of disciplines into new specialties has been the dominant pattern
of knowledge growth. This phenomenon has resulted in both greater
fragmentation and greater convergence. A significant number of new
specialties have a hybrid character, and their variety is as striking as
their number. (44)
Introduction , 11
, , ,
This book is divided into three parts and seven chapters, each chapter
addressing the way a particular form of physical or psychic stress reveals
the tactile dynamics of domestic embodiment. The first three chapters
(Part One) establish the centrality of tactility to our domestic relations
with the people and objects in our homes; and they trace mechanisms
12, Introduction
in space and which are sensed through the muscles, joints, and inner ear.
My emphasis on tactility reflects my interest in contiguity between the
body and the home; I want to investigate those moments when the body
is woven into its domestic environment rather than isolated in space. In
arguing for a tactile rather than a kinesthetic home, one we push and rub
up against rather than moving through gracefully, I implicitly assume
that intimacy, rather than individuation, is the homes central function.
Central to my argument throughout is the concept of body schema
or body image, which V. S. Ramachandran defines as the internal
image and memory of ones body in space and time. To create and main-
tain this body image at any given instant, your parietal lobes combine
information from many sources: the muscles, joints, eyes and motor com-
mand centers (44). Within neurological science there is a technical dis-
tinction between body image and body schema. Body image refers
to the neural self-representation of ones body in relation to surround-
ing space, based in part on memory and habit, while body schema
describes the continual, sensorimotor mapping of the body in relation
to its immediate surroundings (Paillard 209). While I address both of
these at different points throughout this study, my emphasis on the role
of memory and familiar bodily activity in domestic space directs the
preponderance of my discussion to body image, so I will use that term
throughout. Nevertheless, I want to emphasize the distinction between
the sort of somatic self-representation I am addressing and the terms
more popular usage.
While the concept was first described by Sir Henry Head in 1911,
Paul Schilder is generally credited with applying the term body image
to psychological and sociological definitions of self in Das Krperschema
(1923). It has since been adopted by psychologists and cultural theorists
to refer to a broad variety of perceptions about oneself in society, includ-
ing size, beauty, strength, and social power. Feminist theorists in particu-
lar have employed the term in order to analyze the social construction
of an ideal female body. Susan Bordo critiques the medical approach to
anorexia (Body Image Distortion Syndrome), arguing for a more com-
plex understanding of the cultural construction of ideal female shape
(55). Cultural critics (e.g., Sander Gilman) who are interested in the body
as a cultural staging ground for the politics of race and ethnicity have
made good use of the concept of body image; they also emphasize the
visual apprehension of somatic identity. Body image is now such a
pervasive and useful term for describing such cultural constructions
of the body that its neurological meaning tends to be deemphasized.
Because this book involves foregrounding the somatosensory aspects
Introduction , 17
190
Living and Dying at Home , 191
When the project began, she had rather drab hair and nondescript
clothes. While her buildings interior was being remodeled, she worked
with Forrest not just on design issues but also on refining her vision of
her inner self and her dreams of where she wanted to take her career.
During the renovation of the exterior, the client lightened her mousey
hair to her childhood blond and bought more colorful clothes. By the
time the project was finished, the woman had altered her way of work-
ing, acquired a more vibrant, nature-oriented environment, and devel-
oped an exuberant personal style. (61)
as they fulfill her dreams of herself. Pallasmaa argues that the con-
temporary aesthetic of ageless perfection (32) traps us in a dreamlike
sense of unreality (31), but Gallagher identifies the dream-self as the
intended inhabitant of a renovated home. Forrests client must work hard
on refining her inner vision of herself so that this newly renovated per-
sonality can be expressed in the newly renovated home. Since by the time
the home is finished she has become an entirely different person, it seems
unclear how she can be confident that the home will continue to express
her. By eliding flexibility in personality and domestic space, Gallagher
contradicts her fundamental notion that the true self can be embodied in
the home. We change our homes so that they will, we hope, correspond
to the changes we have decided to make in ourselves.
In home hospice, however, the dominant dynamic is not transforma-
tion of the self and the home but the maintenance of the existing self
through familiar sensory associations. The home hospice is of necessity
stuck in historythe personal history of the homeowneras Andrea
Sankar explains in Dying at Home: A Family Guide for Caregiving. Tend-
ing a terminally ill patient at home allows the caregiver to help preserve
as much of the dying persons distinctive identity as possible. Being in
the home keeps the dying person involved in a web of social interactions
and relationships long after he or she is actively able to sustain these
ties (198). Sankars emphasis on the web of social relations suggests
that identity is to be found not in the dying body itself but in the spaces
connecting it to other bodies and to objects and familiar domestic forms.
The sustenance of identity is an interactive, intercorporeal process. The
logic of home renovation involves the projection outward of identity onto
the materials of the home; Gallagher and Stoddard suggest that we are
most comfortable when we apprehend our interior lineaments reflected
by exterior spaces. Sankars model of domestic identity, by contrast, is
located in the habitual engagement between our bodies and the home
environment.
Maintenance, rather than flexibility, is the fundamental dynamic of
the hospice home. David B. Resnik, a hospice volunteer, describes how
his client Mr. Simpson refused to accept care for himself, insisting instead
that Resnik undertake his customary chores.
He was not able to lift anything heavy, but he was able to follow me
around with his oxygen tank and show me what needed to be done.
[...] Mr. Simpson and I cut and stacked firewood, put up the storm
windows, cleaned up the yard, cleaned out the gutters, raked the
Living and Dying at Home , 195
leaves, and fixed the roof on the house. We also planted a few tulips
for his wife. (9)
When she died her two sisters and my three kids and I were all imme-
diately there at the bedside, probably another ten people were there in
the living room and dining room area. I started to say, What are you
doing? to the nurse. The other nurse who was there then was moving
the TV awaymoving everything away so we could stand by the bed.
She started telling my sister-in-law she had to be there by the bed and
my sister-in-law said, I dont want to be there. In the last few minutes
of life Alice was still indicating the need for a bedpan because she had
a sensation of losing her bowel control. And she had me hold onto her.
(qtd. in Sankar 160)
The concentric rings of loved ones crowding around Alices bed con-
struct a literal web, expanding outward through the rooms of the home.
Furniture must be rearranged to create space for such densely packed
caregiving, creating the antithesis of the family great room. Rather than
emptying space so that family members can be in the same place at the
same time, but no longer necessarily dong the same thing (Gallagher
116), every space is filled with a unified mass of bodies that become con-
tiguous with the dying persons body.
Home hospice assumes that the function of the home is to sustain
and support the embodied self, to hold us like a loved one. The promise
of home renovation, by contrast, seems to be that home design can tran-
scend embodiment and personal history. My argument throughout this
book suggests that this promise can never be fulfillednor should we
want it to be. Every space ultimately becomes marked and organized by
bodily experience. Even in great rooms the empty space gets filled with
the objects our bodies leave, use, or carry. While a skillful designer can
try to predict and enable family interaction, domestic spaces often get
used in quirky, unexpected ways; the vast family room lies empty while
people huddle together on a couch in the tiny study. Our family members
and pets rub against and move around us, enacting their love and estab-
lishing the stories of our lives through particular postures and motions in
particular rooms. These embodied affiliations weave through any space,
no matter how grand, like the web surrounding Alice Clarks bed.
At the center of this web, husband and wife embrace, and the domes-
Living and Dying at Home , 197
tic space around and contiguous with them resonates with their familiar
touch. But this web of tactile affection has its dark and painful threads.
Even in the home, among family members, such corporeal co-extension
involves the sort of physical and psychic perils Rebecca Brown and
Nesta Rovina describe encountering as home health care workers. One
of Alices sisters is too afraid, or too repulsed, to come close to her. Stan
fears that, at this moment of emotional bonding, Alice may lose control
of her bowels, thus embarrassing and disgusting the assembled family.
The risks to those who make up her web of relations may even outlive
Alice. Once she is gone, the comforting touch Stan shares with his wife
may remain with him, unsettling and distressing him, as painful as a
phantom limb. The tactility of our home lives grants us vividly embodied
tenderness, but it carries with it a significant price.
, , ,
Throughout this work I have tried to point out both the rewards and
the consequences of tactile intimacy in the home. Placing our memories
within domestic spaces and objects materially supports our sense of per-
sonal history, but it can also render our bodies more vulnerable. Finding
domestic comfort in our particular physical relations to beloved pets can
redeem homelessness, but it can also destroy the home we have. While
almost nothing can be more satisfying or meaningful than using our own
bodies to love and care for other bodies, we cannot do so without losing
some of our freedom, or health, or self in the process.
The temptation to label tactile experience as pathological or self-
destructive emerges, in part, from its inevitable association with physi-
cal pain and mortality. But just as tactile apprehension may foreground
human weakness, it also offers a profound and enduring means of emo-
tional support. Defining domesticity as a set of bodily operations, of
intimate and dynamic engagements with resonant and familiar material
forms, allows us to feel at home even when we no longer can be. As I
have suggested in my discussion of caregiving, of animal companion-
ship, and of embodied grief, the corporeal blending of body image itself
often serves to define a space as home, regardless of its architectural loca-
tion. My friends mother is coming to live with her for hospice care. To do
so, she must abandon her habitual motions through her kitchen and bed-
room, her bodily memory of every doorknob and light switch, the pres-
sure of her hand against the doorjamb and molding and counter edge
and stove handle. She will move into her daughters new home, one she
has only rarely visited, and, truth be told, never much liked. The bodily
198, Postscript
the rough frame board I needed to grasp to pull myself up into the attic.
Gaston Bachelard writes that our childhood memories of home operate
both as dreams and as bodily sensations.
The home I grew up in had its precise number of steps and doors, corners
and closets, that are engraved upon my body even as they shape my
dreams. The touch of my childhood home now exists only in my bodys
memory, but it still exists, preserved, like my old teddy bears, in a solid
continuum of tactile sensation, right against my skin.
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37, 40, 102, 104 Autism Spectrum Disorder, 13943,
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15760; and squalor, 6572, Bakhtin, Mikhail, 25, 179
7879, 114; tactile engagement Barker, Pat, 13, 4244, 5052, 60
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100; as transitional objects, 63, 80 Baudrillard, Jean, 48, 54
anthropomorphism, 75, 8082, 8990, bedroom, 2829, 33, 35, 38, 4344,
111 4748, 52, 66, 72, 80, 8991, 100,
Anzieu, Didier, 3, 179 104, 111, 11215, 127, 13435, 139,
Archer, John, 31 14243, 155, 163, 168, 171, 19698
architecture: and embodiment, 4, bees, 14752, 15556
211
212, Index