Moving Landscape

Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 24.
1 (2011) 55-83
ISSN (Print) 0952-7648
ISSN (Online) 1743-1700
Moving Landscapes, Making Place: Cities, Monuments and Commemoration

at Malizi/Melid
mr Harmanah
Joukowsky Institute for Archaeology and the Ancient World, Brown University, Providence, Rhode Island
02912, USA
E-mail: omur_harmansah@brown.edu
Abstract
he urbanization of Syro-Hittite (Luwian and Aramaean) states is one of most complex yet little explored
regional processes in Near Eastern history and archaeology. In this study, I discuss aspects of landscape and
settlement change in northern Syria and southeastern Anatolia during the Early Iron Age (ca. 1200850
BC), and suggest that the emergent geo-politics of the region involved the foundation of cities and construc-
tion of speciic types of commemorative monuments including rock reliefs, steles and city gates. While dein-
ing new forms of territorial power, these monuments linked local polities to a shared Hittite past through
their literary and visual rhetoric, and a discourse of inherited agricultural land. To contextualize the subject
matter, I irst discuss the gradual southward shift of an imperial Hittite center of power from central Ana-
tolia towards Karkami and Tarhuntaa at the end of the Late Bronze Age, arguing against the widespread
models of a sudden collapse of the Hittite Empire followed by dark ages. Furthermore, I present archaeologi-
cal and epigraphic evidence for the formation of the regional state Malizi/Melid. his Syro-Hittite kingdom
established itself in the Malatya-Elbistan Plains in eastern Turkey during the irst centuries of the Early Iron
Age as one of the earliest political entities to emerge from the ashes of the Hittite Empire. Monuments raised
by Malizean country lords in rural and urban contexts suggest a picture of a luid landscape in transition,
one that was conigured through the construction of cities, and other practices of place-making.
Keywords: commemorative monuments, political landscape, Syro-Hittite states, Luwian, Early Iron Age,
new urban foundations
Introduction: Place, Monuments and Politics I have proposed that the upper Mesopotamian
states of the Iron Age shared the practices of
The foundation of new cities was one of the key
aspects of Near Eastern landscapes during the founding new cities and raising commemorative
Iron Age, as an architectural practice, a form of monuments that celebrated those foundations
public celebration and a source of political dis- (Harmanah 2005; 2009). In the display inscrip-
course. Assyrian, Urartian, Syro-Hittite and Ara- tions of these monuments, a political rhetoric
maean rulers built new urban centers, carried out was formulated by linking military accomplish-
renewal programs and made these works of pub- ments with building projects in carefully con-
lic benefaction a significant component of their structed narratives of the state. These narratives
official ideologies (Mazzoni 1994). Elsewhere, found expression in both textual and pictorial
The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011 doi: 10.1558/jmea.v24i1.55
56 Harmanah
form, carved in stone and displayed in public a deep kind of historicity, while featuring a col-
spaces. The territorial expansion of a regional lective sense of belonging and cultural memory
polity and its takeover of agriculturally culti- laden with stories (Canepa 2010: 564 and n. 7;
vated landscapes are negotiated and legitimized Holliday 2002: xx-xxi). This richness is usually
through the construction of such monuments attributed to the visual, textual and architectural
in the form of rock reliefs, steles or architectural corpus or design of monuments, mainly their
reliefs and sculpture. Monuments appear in both narrative or iconographic content. I suggest
urban spaces and rural landscapes, and their that their effectiveness in captivating public
construction can be seen as politically charged imagination also derives from the specific site
events of place-making. of their construction, and the cultural signifi-
In this study, I suggest that there is a very cance associated with their locality. Besides their
close association between city foundations and inscriptions, visual narratives or architectural
monument building as two distinct place-mak- symbolism, monuments are made meaningful
ing practices, since they were conceived and by virtue of their place, the way they speak to the
presented as commemorative events among the cultural landscape to which they are introduced.
Near Eastern polities of the Iron Age. Following Recent work on the theory and archaeology
this way of thinking, one could argue that mon- of place informs the present discussion, where I
uments (and, in a way, new cities) are products define place as a meaningful locality, produced
of a desire to commemorate, which is a way of by local practices, intersecting trajectories of
narrating the past (Nelson and Olin 2003: 2). movement and accumulated material assem-
Connerton (1989: 26-27) famously observed blages, and maintained by stories and legends
that to remember rarely operates as recalling (see also Massey 2005: 130-46; Zedeo and
specific and isolated events, but it does involve Bowser 2009). As a fundamental unit of lived
forming meaningful narrative sequences, and experience, places are layered localities where we
thus is not an act of reconstruction but of hang our life memories on in ivkovis terms
construction. Commemorative monuments in (2010: 169), or they are an important source
this sense are structuring agents not only for of culture and identity in Escobars (2008: 7).
organizing the past and making sense of it, but Because of this powerful nature of places in social
also locating those narratives and stories in the life, political agents always attempt to incorpo-
landscape, and embedding them into geogra- rate them into their ideologies, for example
phies of power. Newly founded cities and towns through the construction of monuments. The
in the settlement landscape can be considered production of places or place-making involves a
as such spatial articulations of the ruling elite in negotiation between local cultural practices and
redefining their relationship with the past, their political interventions from above, and requires
ancestors and the inherited land. a delicate balance between cultural memory and
To introduce an alternative to this perspective, stately narratives of history. The archaeology
one could also say that monuments are products of place therefore demands attentiveness to the
of local cultural practices as much as they are long-term biographies of places and the short-
expressions of political authority. Knapp (2009: term events that transform them.
47) recently wrote that monumental build- Monument construction incorporates existing
ings are culturally constructed places, enduring places of power, while opening them to new
features of the landscape that actively express forms of expression, practice and negotiation.
ideology, elicit memory and help to constitute Often presented as spectacles of political power,
identity (my emphasis). Commemorative mon- the making of monuments is an important
uments in particular are structures that embody social event in the long-term history of places,
The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011

Moving Landscapes, Making Place 57
and these interventions of monumentalization veys and epigraphic evidence are calling this clas-
draw places into broader geographies of power. sification into question, and suggesting greater
In the following, I discuss this complex rela- continuity rather than rupture (Bachhuber and
tionship between place and monuments in the Roberts 2009; Bietak 2003; Braun-Holzinger
context of the making of upper Mesopotamian and Matthus 2002; Fischer et al. 2003; Maz-
political landscapes during the Late Bronze to zoni 2000). Alongside this questioning of a
Early Iron Age transition. In the Iron Age, the cultural hiatus, the emerging new picture of the
foundation of small and large towns, plantation Early Iron Age appears as a time of dramatic
of orchards, cutting of irrigation canals and the change. Combined with the radical reconfigu-
opening of new stone quarries went hand in ration in the political geography of the region,
hand with raising commemorative monuments, an impressive array of cultural transformations
when transforming landscapes that were inher- are now associated with this curious transitional
ited from the Late Bronze Age. Understanding period: a systemic change in landscapes of set-
this spatial process requires a thorough engage- tlement, re-orientation of trade networks, emer-
ment with the archaeological landscape in the gent forms of state organization and agricultural
region using evidence from published surveys strategies, changes in material culture, writing
and excavations, as well as close familiarity with systems and technologies of craft production
the epigraphic and visual evidence from the (Akkermans and Schwartz 2003: 360-66; Bon-
commemorative monuments. Bringing these atz 2000b; Bunnens 2000b).
two strands of evidence together, this study Archaeological survey evidence suggests that
reflects on the political appropriation of land- the Late Bronze Age system of nucleated settle-
scapes and places, and the practices of place- ment around large urban centers was replaced
making. Before I present the archaeological and by a much more dispersed and rural pattern of
epigraphic evidence from the Malatya-Elbistan settlement, while previously unsettled, marginal
basin on the formation of the regional state landscapes were opened to settlement, agricul-
Malizi/Melid, I first contextualize this landscape ture and pastoralism (Wilkinson 2003: 128-33;
in the broader networks of interaction in upper Harmanah 2005: 517-25, table 1). As a result,
Mesopotamia and its long-term history. the Early Iron Age seems to have brought its
own definitions of urbanism, landscape organi-
zation, architectural practices and visual culture,
Urbanization and Commemoration in Syro-
which is the subject of the present article. The
Hittite Landscapes
cities of the Early-to-Middle Iron Ages flour-
Following the collapse (or decline) of the Late ished with fresh civic ideologies and forms of
Bronze Age economic network in the east- spatial organization. During the process of
ern Mediterranean world, the Early Iron Age urbanization among the earliest Syro-Hittite
(roughly early 12th to mid-9th centuries bc, states, the newly introduced systems of land-
Iron I in Syro-Levantine chronologies) marks a scape and settlement involved the foundation
time of new political associations and economic of new villages, farmsteads, towns and eventu-
structures in the upper Mesopotamian geog- ally cities. Through the construction of specific
raphies (Figure 1) (Akkermans and Schwartz types of commemorative monuments, they
2003: 351-77). The relative dearth of textual linked themselves to the imperial Hittite past in
material from the end of the 13th century bc their literary and visual rhetoric.
to the beginning of the first millennium bc has In discussing such practices of building and
long led historians to regard this period as a dark commemoration, I draw the readers attention
age. Yet recent archaeological excavations, sur- to the close association between the foundation

58 Harmanah
of new cities and the construction of monu- aspects of material culture, social practices and
ments as two forms of commemoration in the state ideologies (Harmanah 2007a).
public sphere. In the second half of the study, I Among the material manifestations of this cul-
turn to the Syro-Hittite kingdom Malizi/Melid tural network was the construction of new cita-
that established itself in the Malatya-Elbistan dels as regional centers, primarily with functions
Plains in eastern Turkey during the first cen- of manufacture, storage, trade and feasting. The
turies of the Early Iron Age. Malizi is one of architectural technologies that were employed
the earliest political entities to emerge from the in the course of these projects were innovative
ashes of the Hittite Empire. The monuments and circulated inter-regionally. Craft produc-
raised by Malizean country lords in rural and tion, such as elephant ivory-carving in the form
urban contexts, and their keen interest in build- of furniture, metalworking, stone masonry, and
ing cities, suggest a picture of a fluid landscape textile production sustained a macro-regional
in transition, one that was configured through artisanal-visual culture among the Syro-Hittite
the construction of urban centers, and the states with distinctive stylistic and iconographic
monumental practices of place-making. repertoires (Aro 2003; Winter 1988). Boom-
Emerging scholarship on the archaeology ing cultivation of the Mediterranean secondary
and history of north Syria and southeast Ana- crops, olives and grapevine, in the newly settled
tolia during the Late Bronze-Early Iron Age marginal landscapes, and the specialized pro-
transition has drawn attention recently to the duction of olive oil and wine, were important
complex processes of regional state formation aspects of the agricultural production in the
during a time of an extensive reconfiguration region. The circulation of manufactured luxu-
of power in the landscape. This geo-political ries and commodities was substantially eased
change stripped the region from the territorial with the introduction of the dromedary as a
impact of imperial polities and their macro-scale pack-animal in Upper Mesopotamian overland
economic systems, especially following the col- trade (Akkermans and Schwartz 2003: 361;
lapse of the Hittite Empire in central Anatolia Mazzoni 1995a: 130; Schwartz 1989: 282);
and the weakening of the Assyrian Empire in these factors effectively connected Syro-Hittite
the Middle-Upper Tigris valleys. production centers to the trade networks of the
Following the Late Bronze Age collapse around eastern Mediterranean and the demand from
12001175 bc, a constellation of regional poli- markets of the Assyrian and Urartian states.
ties emerged in the margins of former Hit- While cuneiform writing was largely aban-
tite territories, with new ideological affiliations doned after the collapse of the Hittite capital
and socio-economic framework (Mazzoni 2000: Hattua (modern Boazky) in central Anatolia,
1048). Among these polities, fairly well known hieroglyphic Luwian and alphabetic Phoenician
are Karkam in the Upper Middle Euphrates and Aramaic were extensively used in monumen-
valley, Malizi/Melid in the Malatya and Elbistan tal commemorative inscriptions, featuring an
plains, Tabal in Cappadocia, Kummuh near eloquent royal rhetoric, state ideology and cultic
Adyaman, Gurgum in the region of Mara, Que affiliations. The well-known funerary monu-
in the ukurova plain, Eastern Cilicia, Hilakku ments of the Syro-Hittite world in the form of
in Rough Cilicia, Patina/Unqi in the Amuq steles and sculptures testify to distinct practices of
plain, and Hamath around Hama (Hawkins ancestor veneration, and a remarkable culture of
1982; 1995a; 2000; Melchert 2003). These feasting (Bonatz 2000a and 2000b; Voos 1988).
states featured Luwian, Phoenician and Aramaic- Despite such innovations, which were brought
speaking populations that formed a multi-lingual about by the emerging Syro-Hittite states, the
network of new rival states and shared various Late Bronze Age-Early Iron Age transition in

Moving Landscapes, Making Place

Figure 1. Map of Upper Syro-Mesopotamia during the Late Bronze-Iron Age transition with sites mentioned in the text. (Base Map by Peri Johnson, using ESRI
59
Topographic Data [Creative Commons]: World Shaded Relief ).
60 Harmanah
north Syria, south central and southeast Anato- Notable in terms of the architectural and
lia is distinctly marked with particular forms of cultic continuities in the region during the Late
cultural continuity, both in terms of regional/ Bronze-Early Iron Age transition are the two
local traditions, and with respect to the contin- Syro-Hittite temples recently brought to light at
ued affiliations with aspects of imperial Hittite the sites of Tell Ain Dara and the Aleppo citadel.
culture of the past. The unbroken stratigraphic The monumental temple at Ain Dara, 40 km
sequences at sites such as Tille Hyk, Lidar northwest of Aleppo overlooking the Afrin val-
Hyk, Noruntepe, Kilise Tepe, Tell Afis, Kinet ley, was possibly dedicated to Itar-awuka and
Hyk, Porsuk Zeyve Hyk and Gr Dims decorated with an impressive sculptural program
show little or no hiatus between the Late Bronze in basalt and limestone including representa-
and Early Iron levels (see various papers in tions of lions and sphinxes (Abu Assaf 1990).
Fischer et al. 2003). The industrialized Hittite The temple was founded some time in the
technologies of wheel-made ceramic production Late Bronze Age (ca. 1300 bc) and continued
significantly overlap with the newly introduced to be rebuilt and maintained until around 740
wares of the Early Iron Age, such as the ubiqui- bc (Abu Assaf 1990: 20-24, 39-41; Orthmann
tous handmade wares with horizontal grooved 1993; Zimansky 2002). This dating is con-
decoration of the Upper Euphrates basin and firmed by surface survey and test soundings on
eastern Turkey (Bartl 2001; Krolu 2003). the mound, which showed that the city at Ain
The epigraphic evidence of hieroglyphic Dara had a substantial settlement at the end of
Luwian monuments and seal impressions from the Bronze Age (13th century bc) that contin-
the Early Iron Age has confirmed a largely ued without hiatus; it prospered most in the Iron
uninterrupted tradition of royal titulature and II period (ninth and eighth centuries bc) (Stone
monument-making (Hawkins 2009: 164). Fur- and Zimansky 1999).
thermore, the iconographic and stylistic aspects The currently excavated temple to the Storm
of pictorial representations suggest that the Early God of Halab at the Aleppo citadel, the capital
Iron Age artisanal practices in the Syro-Hittite of the Middle Bronze Age polity of Yamhad,
cities were still embedded in the imperial Hittite also illustrates such continuity in its architectural
traditions, on the one hand, and the local Bronze technology and cultic significance. The temple
Age traditions of north Syria, on the other. It can was founded sometime in the Early Bronze
be argued that this referencing of a shared Hit- Age but was reconstructed on a monumental
tite past amalgamated with local practices, and scale sometime in the early second millennium
sustained a collective identity among the Syro- bc with large undecorated but finely dressed
Hittite states (Bonatz 2001). Luwian represents a orthostats on the inner faade of its northern
vernacular Anatolian language group of the sec- wall (Gonnella et al. 2005; Kohlmeyer 2009:
ond and first millennia bc, spoken extensively in 194). The temple had a major rebuilding phase
southeastern, south central and western Anatolia during the Late Bronze Age under the patronage
at the time of the Hittite Empire and during the of the Hittites, when the first orthostats with
Iron Age. Both the 13th-century imperial Hittite reliefs were introduced to the architecture of
rulers of Hattua and Tarhuntaa in the Late the temple. It was rebuilt during the Early Iron
Bronze Age, and several rulers of the Syro-Hittite Age (end of 10th century bc) with a much more
Iron Ages chose to write their monumental comprehensive and distinctively Syro-Hittite
inscriptions on stone monuments and rock faces, relief program. A number of relief blocks carved
adopting a particular form of the Luwian lan- in imperial Hittite style were re-used in the
guage and using the Hittite hieroglyphic script construction of the Iron Age temple, and they
(Melchert 2003; Hawkins 2000: 1-6). illustrate late 14th- or 13th-century bc building

activities at Aleppo. Like the Ain Dara temple, traffic, it was a major center of craft production
the Aleppo temple also featured basalt sphinx and entrept, especially for metal, timber, wine
and lion portal figures. and finished products, from the Middle Bronze
With their evolving architectural design, into the Iron Age (Winter 1983: 178). Hittite
building technologies and sculptural programs, involvement with north Syria and southern
the temples at Ain Dara and Aleppo are impor- Anatolia, especially the area around Karkami,
tant buildings that tell the story of the forma- had become particularly intensive in the last
tion of a regional architectural tradition from two centuries of the empire (Beckman 1992;
the Middle Bronze to the Middle Iron Ages, Faist 2002). uppiluliuma I (13441322 bc)
impacted by a diversity of craft technolo- consolidated the territorial power of the Hit-
gies circulating in the eastern Mediterranean tite empire over north Syria, and appointed his
world (discussed in greater detail in Harmanah own son Piyaili (later known with his adopted
2007a). They demonstrate a fascinating amal- Hurrian throne-name arri-Kuuh) as a viceroy
gamation of architectural practices and visual king at Karkam and his other son Telipinus at
culture in the context of the Late Bronze-Early Halab (Aleppo), presumably as a priest of the
Iron Age transition, rooted in the heterogene- Storm God Teub, around 1340 bc. Following
ous local practices and the shared inheritance the creation of Hittite vice-royalty at Karkami,
of imperial Hittite culture. Below I argue that this prosperous city became the main center of
the formation of the regional state of Melid/ Hittite political presence in north Syria after the
Malizi should be understood from a similar per- mid-14th century bc, while Halab/Aleppo must
spective, in the context of the Syro-Anatolian have retained a more cultic rather than politi-
cultural continuity and change during this time cal significance. The dynastic line of Karkam
period. In order to contextualize the making kings seems to have survived the collapse of the
of Malizi landscapes, in the following section I Hittite Empire, for their Iron Age successors
turn to the shifting political landscape of north- later claimed the title Great King (see below).
ern Syria and Anatolia at the end of the Bronze Furthermore, Muwatalli II (ca. 12951272
Age, and discuss this transformation with the bc) moved (or rather attempted to move) the
help of the evidence for the practice of founding Hittite royal seat to Tarhuntaa, usually identi-
new cities and commemorative monuments. fied with a town and region in Rough Cilicia
(Bryce 1998: 251-255; Singer 1998). Following
the death of Muwatalli, the Great King-ship
Moving Landscapes: Shifts in the Geography
was eventually restored to Hattua by Urhi-
of Power
Teub (Murili III), Muwatallis successor to
From the available archaeological and epi- throne (Bryce 1998: 277). Nonetheless, accord-
graphic evidence, it is understood that Karkami ing to recent epigraphic discoveries, Muwatalli
played a pivotal role in the reconfiguration of IIs other son Kurunta, who had become the
the political landscape, following the fall of king at Tarhuntaa, later rivaled the Great
the imperial Hittite dynasty at Hattua around King-ship at Hattua. This ideological contes-
1180 bc (Akkermans and Schwartz 2003: 266; tation became evident with the discovery of a
Hawkins 2000: 73-74). From the beginning of series of new finds in recent decades:
the Middle Bronze Age onwards, Karkami had
(a) in 1986, the Bronze Tablet at Boazky
a powerful geo-political and economic status in
near Yerkap, which is the completely pre-
the north Syrian landscape. Located at the most
served text of a treaty between Tudhaliya
prominent Euphrates crossing and controlling
IV and his cousin Kurunta (CTH 104),
the Upper Middle Euphrates river transport

62 Harmanah
settling the boundaries of the appendage levels at Lidar Hyk, naming him the King of
kingdom of Tarhuntaa (Otten 1988); Karkami, is shown to be the fifth king in the
(b) Kuruntas own seal impressions on bullae line of Karkamis imperial dynasty, descending
from Temple 3 at Boazky, naming him from arri-Kuuh. It is then not entirely surpris-
Great King (Neve 1987: 401-403, n. 20); ing to find that the toponym Land of Hatti
(c) Kuruntas rock relief at Hatip, southwest of in Assyrian annals shows precisely the same
Konya at a major spring source that prob- territorial shift: from designating the central
ably marked the border between the Hit- Anatolian plateau in the Late Bronze Age (core
tite Lower Land and Tarhuntaa (Bahar territories of the Hittite empire), to designating
1998). the north Syrian region with its regional center
at Karkami in the Iron Age. The shift is cer-
As Hawkins (2009: 164) and Singer (1996)
tainly not random, and confirms this transfer of
convincingly argue, by the 13th century bc
territorial power (Hawkins 2000: 3).
Tarhuntaa and Karkami had already become
The significant conclusion that emerges from
politically powerful centers against the weak-
all of these new archaeological and epigraphic
ening ceremonial capital at Hattua, so much
data is that the economic as well as political
so that their kings entertained the title Great
center of gravity in the geography of the Hittite
King, which was, until recently, thought to
Empire had already shifted southwards to south
have been the prerogative of the Hittite king at
central Anatolia and north Syria during the 13th
Hattua until the fall of the dynasty there.
century bc. The subsequent process of urbani-
According to recent archaeological work at
zation in the Early Iron Age now makes more
the Hittite capital, the Upper City of Boazky
sense as a continuation of this long-term trend.
was abandoned rather gradually, accompanied
This trans-regional shift of settlement system
perhaps with the ritual cleaning and ceremonial
that defined the Hittite Empires core territories,
sealing of cult buildings, contrary to the com-
i.e. the Land of Hatti, is comparable to the
monly held opinion that the prosperous city
shift of Assyrian core landscapes, the Land of
was destroyed catastrophically by hostile attacks
Aur, from around the city Aur to the Kalhu-
(Seeher 2001). When a fire finally laid destruc-
Nineveh-Arbela triangle in the upper Middle
tion to the town, the monumental buildings
Tigris-Upper Zap region during the Late Bronze
were already cleaned and long abandoned. Based
Age-Early Iron Age transition (Harmanah
on a critical reading of the overall archaeological
2005). One could speculate that the motivation
evidence from Boazkys terminal Bronze Age
behind these grand-scale spatial transformations
levels, Seeher (2001: 633) convincingly demon-
was a growing desire to control shifting trade
strated that many years prior to the destruction
networks and new metal resources effectively. It
of the city, Hattua must have already lost its
is also evident that perhaps the most palpable
status of capital city and royal residence. We
evidence of such moving landscapes was the
are not entirely sure of the fate of the kings
foundation of new capital cities, as illustrated by
of Tarhuntaa at the end of the Bronze Age;
the constructions of Tarhuntaa, Kar-Tukulti-
however, the dynastic line of viceroy-kings of
Ninurta, Kalhu, Ninuwa, Zincirli and others
Karkami, thus related to the imperial dynasty
(Casana and Hermann 2010). The administra-
at Hattua, survived into the Iron Age, hold-
tive vacuum that was created at the end of the
ing control of the territories on the upper
second millennium bc in central Anatolia by the
Euphrates and north Syria (Singer 1996: 68-71).
collapse of the Hittite centers eventually led to
Kuzi Teub (son of Talmi Teub), whose seal
the formation of new indigenous regional poli-
impressions were found in the Early Iron Age
ties, especially that of the Phrygians in the Halys

bend and the Sangarios valley, contemporane- poration in new political discourses, stories and
ous with the earliest Syro-Hittite states (Strobel even multiple re-carving events, as was the case
2008). with the famous site of Nahr el-Kalb in Lebanon
Perhaps one of the most significant features (Volk 2008).
of the archaeological landscape that aid our There is a group of rock-cut monuments and
understanding of this transformation of Syro- their associated building complexes in south
Anatolian political geography are rock reliefs and central Anatolia known as Kizilda, Karada,
spring monuments with royal inscriptions and and Burunkaya, which provide us vital evidence
iconography, presenting us with place-specific towards understanding the beginnings of Early
expressions of the appropriation and recoloniza- Iron Age urbanization in the former Hittite
tion of landscapes (Glatz and Plourde 2011). In territories, especially in the area that eventually
the next section I present a brief discussion of becomes the Syro-Hittite kingdom of Tabal (I
rock reliefs as commemorative monuments and follow Hawkins 2000 for the names of rock
their role in shaping the Early Iron Age political monuments and sites, written in all caps). All
landscape. three monuments have hieroglyphic Luwian
inscriptions that consistently name a particular
ruler Hartapu, who assumes the title Great
Rock Reliefs, New Cities and Colonized Land-
King, Hero, the son of a certain Mursilis, also
scapes
Great King (Hawkins 2000: 433-42, pls. 236-
In the ancient Near East rock reliefs are a 43). Kzlda and Karada are two clusters of
remarkable type of public monument, inscribing inscriptions and rock reliefs located on the rocky
culturally significant and geologically dramatic slopes of the mountain Karada and the lower
places such as springs, caves, mountain passes, rock outcrop of Kzlda (Figure 2), both over-
river gorges, and rock outcrops with images looking the southern Konya plain, in the midst
and text that usually communicate the official of a rich archaeological landscape of late antique
ideology of the state or a political statement. ruins known as Binbir kilise (Ramsay and Bell
These durable entities are often commemora- 1909). Burunkaya is another rock inscription
tive in nature and gather around themselves a farther northwest in the area of Ihlara, northeast
constellation of ritual practices and commemo- of Aksaray and at the heart of the Cappadocian
rative ceremonies. They are therefore linked landscape.
to social performance and memory (Alcock In the absence of thorough archaeological
2002: 28-30). While colonizing the surfaces of work around them, these monuments are dated
the natural rock, they adhere to the enduring on epigraphic grounds immediately after the
temporality of the geological landscape and abandonment of Hattua, not later than the
appropriate locally meaningful locales for state 12th century bc (Strobel 2008; Hawkins 2000:
spectacles. Carving rock reliefs is, in a way, 434, contra Gonnet 1983)especially consid-
similar to the act of founding a new city in a ering the close affinity of these monuments
contested frontier landscape. Both acts claim to to the inscription at the Yalburt sacred pool
take over previously barren natural places with complex of Tudhaliya IV (ca. 12371209 bc)
the colonial gesture of civilizing them. Rock (Hawkins 2009: 165). The rock reliefs, rock-
reliefs are therefore critical markers of specific cut features and a series of hieroglyphic Luwian
historical processes in particular geographies. inscriptions at Kzlda are contained within a
In fact, their endurance in the landscape across sizeable fortress built on a rock outcrop over-
centuries invites continuous re-imagination of looking a seasonal lake, Hotam Gl (Figure
their meanings and symbolisms and their incor- 2) (Karauuz et al. 2002). Karada is a volcanic

64 Harmanah
Figure 2. Kzlda: Rock relief and inscriptions of Hartapu, overlooking the dried Hotam Lake (authors photograph).
mountain with an extra-urban, mountain-top, plain and Cappadocia. Such a territorial claim
cultic installation clearly associated with the was being formulated through the ideology and
substantial settlement at Kzlda (Bittel 1986). royal rhetoric of founding new cities, which
In one of the five Kzlda inscriptions, Hartapu was extensively used much later among Early
commemorates the foundation of a new city: and Middle Iron Age polities. It is currently
kizilda 3
unknown to what city Hartapu is referring in the
(deus) tonitrus sol2 magnus.rex h+ra/i- inscription, most likely the one at Kzlda, but
t-*430-sa similar expressions of city foundations are also
magnus.rex urbs+li magnus.rex heros known from the 13th-century bc imperial Hit-
infans urbs+MI zi/a aedificare tite hieroglyphic Luwian monuments such as the
Sacred Pool Complex (Sdburg) inscription of
<Beloved (??) (of )> the Storm-God, the Sun,
uppiluliuma II at Boazky (Hawkins 1995b).
Great King Hartapus,
son of Mursilis, Great King, Hero, built this In the Sdburg inscription the king commemo-
city. rates the construction of a number of towns dur-
(Hawkins 2000: 438. For commentaries, see ing his southwestern and south central Anatolian
438-42). campaigns. The landscapes of this region, i.e.
the northern foothills of the Taurus mountains
These historically significant monuments sug- opening onto the fertile plains of the central
gest that at the very beginning of the Early Iron Anatolian plateau, formed a strategic frontier
Age a local king named Hartapu was involved between the Land of Hatti and Tarhuntaa.
in establishing a regional polity in the Konya This region was extensively demarcated in the

second half of the 13th century bc with imperial west bank of the Upper Euphrates in eastern
Hittite monuments, most of which bear hiero- Turkey (Figure 3). This is a very fertile inter-
glyphic Luwian inscriptions, such as those at Yal- montane basin between the Taurus and Anti-
burt (sacred spring-pool complex with inscribed Taurus ranges, well-watered by Euphrates and
orthostats), Emirgazi (altars), Kyltolu Yayla its tributaries Tohma Su and Kuru ay as well as
(limestone block associated with Hittite dam), copious springs in the region, historically famous
Hatip (rock relief ) and Eflatunpnar (sacred with its abundant orchards and metal resources
spring-pool complex with a cult monument) (Delaporte 1933: 129-132; Marcolongo and
among others (Ehringhaus 2005). Palmieri 1983; Frangipane 1993; Hawkins
It is therefore compelling to argue, based on 1993a). High soil moisture concentrates around
the emerging archaeological and epigraphic Malatya-Arslantepe itself, while the mountainous
evidence, that the Hittite high-ranking officials zones around the Malatya plain are rich with iron
known in the Bronze Age as dumu.lugal (Sons and silver ores and lead deposits. Silver ore depos-
of the KingBeckman 1992: 47), and the vas- its are located in the Kii-Keban area imme-
sal kings of frontier regions who held power in diately to the northeast, whereas the region of
southern Anatolia and northern Syria, simply Ergani Maden (possibly ancient Arqnia) to the
continued to sustain the control of their limited east has always been a rich source of copper for
territories in the Early Iron Age, and constituted northern Mesopotamia. Thus, due to its strategic
the socio-political infrastructure of the emerg- position and resources, the Malatya plain was a
ing regional polities known as the Syro-Hittite contested frontier territory between the Hittites
states. The imperial Hittite practice of organ- and Assyrians in the Late Bronze Age (Singer
izing landscapes with cultic complexes and rock 1985), and between the Assyrians, Urartians and
reliefs featuring commemorative inscriptions the kingdom of Tabal in the Middle Iron Age.
was continued among the Early Iron Age states The Early Iron Age regional state of Malizi/Melid
(including Assyria). Explicit in several of the seems eventually to have extended its territorial
early hieroglyphic Luwian monuments of the control west and northwest into the Middle and
Iron Age is some form of redistribution of land Upper Tohma Su valley, the Elbistan plain and
to local elite families, who then initiated the cul- finally the Kuru ay valley, as the distribution of
tivation of those landscapes through plantation monuments in the landscape suggests (Figure 3).
of orchards and vineyards and building activi- The earliest monument of the Iron Age from
ties, especially in the form of the construction the region comes not from the Malatya plain
of new towns and roads (see e.g. Hawkins 2000: itself, but from the Elbistan plain to the west
95 [Karkam A11a]; 240-41 [Tell Ahmar 1]; (Figures 4-5). Karahyk is a massive com-
253 [Mara 8]). This phenomenon is perhaps memorative stele, inscribed with a hieroglyphic
best illustrated by the Early Iron Age kingdom Luwian inscription. It was excavated in situ on
of Melid/Malizi, presented in the next section. the mound of Karahyk in the Elbistan plain in
1947 (zg and zg 1949). The monument
comes from a remarkable archaeological context:
Making Places in Malizi/Melid: New Cit-
it was excavated on the very top of the settlement
ies and Commemorative Monuments in the
mound, on the southwest corner of the zgs
Malatya-Elbistan Basin
excavation trench, associated with the earliest
One of the earliest and prominent Early Iron Age post-Hittite phase of the site, as the archaeolo-
polities in the Syro-Hittite sphere was Malizi/ gists called it (zg and zg 1949: 21-35).
Melid, established in the Malatya plain on the This is a tall, tapering limestone stele, raised

66
Harmanah
Figure 3. Map of the Early Iron Age sites and monuments of Malizi/Melid (Base Map by Peri Johnson, using ESRI Topographic Data [Creative Commons]: World
Shaded Relief, World Linear Water and World Elevation Contours).
Figure 4. Elbistan Karahyk mound, post-Hittite level Phase 2 plan: archaeological context of the hieroglyphic Luwian
stele (adapted from zg and zg 1949: plan 4).
on a rectangular base in the midst of a heavily monument, indicate intensive and prolonged
tamped earthen open plaza, with a stone trough cult practice at the site during the Iron Age. The
for offerings and sacrifices in front of it, and a 4 cult activity most possibly involved animal sac-
x 2 m stone-paved platform built directly across rifice and ceremonial feasting. Below the paved
from it (Figure 4). Multiple deposits of ash, platform of the post-Hittite level of Karahyk,
discarded pottery and animal bones associated archaeologists reached Hittite Empire period
with the Iron Age levels immediately around levels of the site in a limited area; this revealed a
the monument as well as the floor remains of monumental building with an assemblage of sev-
the first Iron Age level contemporary with the eral fragments of Hittite ceremonial vessels with

68 Harmanah
Figure 5. Elbistan Karahyk hieroglyphic Luwian stele (zg and zg 1949: pl. 49). Ankara Anatolian Civiliza-
tions Museum, Inventory no. 10754.
relief decoration, stamp and cylinder seals and its sign forms and graphic usage, and is therefore
bronze tools (zg and zg 1949: 36-50). also dated to early 12th century bc. This date is
The Karahyk stele was carved on three sides, supported by the archaeological context (zg
and the hieroglyphic Luwian text, originally read and zg 1949: 24, 34-35). Dedicated to the
by Hans Gterbock, was recently published in Storm God of the land poculum by Armananis
Hawkinss corpus (Figure 5) (Gterbock 1949; Lord of the Pithos-Men, the stele commemo-
Hawkins 2000: 289). It is closely associated with rates the bequest of the land (Elbistan plain?)
the south central Anatolian monuments of the and its three cities to the named ruler by a
late 2nd millennium bc (Kizilda-Karada- certain Great King Ir-Teub. According to the
Burunkaya group), based on the archaism of inscription, when Ir-Teub came and took over

the land of poculum as its new ruler, he found Malatya plain and received tribute from the
the city empty (obv. line 3), settled new com- Malizean king Allumari (Grayson 1991: text
munities there and improved the land poculum A.0.87.4, line 31). It seems that already at the
for houses (and) cities (obv. line 6) (Hawkins end of 12th century bc, the Malizean kingdom
2000: 291). Since later Malatya kings claimed a was a flourishing regional state, a suggestion sup-
genealogical connection with the Karkamiean ported by epigraphic evidence.
dynasty (see below), it is not too far-fetched to The excavations at Arslantepe, the capital of
think that the Great King who was mentioned the kingdom, unfortunately do not provide a
in the Karahyk inscription might be one very thorough picture of the city during the Early
of the Karkamiean kings. Identification with Iron Age, although new archaeological work
the Tarhuntaa kings, however, is also likely on these levels is underway under the direction
(Hawkins 1993b). Strobel (2008: 664, n.128) of M. Frangipane (Alvaro 2010). According
pointed out the possibility of linking Armaninis to Frangipanes (1993; 2004) published strati-
with the office of a high functionary at Hattua. graphic sequence from the French and Italian
In any event, we are confronted with a monu- excavations at the site, Arslantepe features several
ment that historically commemorates not only phases of monumental building activity in the
the foundation of a regional polity but also its Late Bronze, Early and Middle Iron Age levels.
several towns, and the cultivation of its land- A monumental city gate structure of the Late
scapes. Furthermore, as archaeological evidence Bronze II period (Arslantepe IV: Imperial Gate,
clearly demonstrates, the site of the commemo- ca. 15001200 bc) in the northeast area of the
rative monument was the locus of ceremonial mound (overlying an earlier gate structure) was
activity during the Iron Age at the urban core built framing a central paved courtyard and had
of one of the major settlements in that regional a long architectural history at the end of the Late
state. The correlation of these 12th-century bc Bronze Age. When it was finally destroyed by
historical events in the Elbistan plain mentioned fire, it was built over by a series of domestic struc-
on the Karahyk stele with the beginnings of tures (Pecorella 1978: 138; Puglisi and Palmieri
the kingdom of Malizi/Melid is still a matter of 1966). Sometime in the course of Arslantepe III
debate. and II periods (Neo-Hittite levels, 1200700
The kingdom of Malizi (Melid-Milidia in bc), two successive mudbrick defense walls on
Assyrian records, Melitene in classical sources) is stone foundations and... a large building to the
known from the indigenous hieroglyphic Luwian south of the gate area were constructed as well,
monuments, limited archaeological evidence, and pointing to a substantial building program in the
Assyrian and Urartian textual sources (Hawkins area (Frangipane 1993: 48; Alvaro 2010: 276). It
1993: 33-34) (see Table 1). It was centered at the is not clear, however, if this Early Iron Age build-
site of Arslantepe, near Eski Malatya, identified ing program involved a reconstruction of a city
as the city of Malizi (Frangipane 1993). When gate. The stratigraphic correlation between the
Tiglath-pileser I (11141076 bc) of Assyria was structures excavated during separate French and
returning from his expedition to the lands of Italian projects is hard to establish, which makes
Nairi and Daini in eastern Anatolia, he visited it particularly difficult to understand the length
the city Milidia which, according to the kings of the Early Iron Age in Arslantepe.
annals, submitted to him and agreed to pay a According to Frangipane and Pecorella (Frangi-
yearly tribute of lead ore (Grayson 1991: text pane 1993: 48-49; Pecorella 1978), the levels III
A.0.87.1, column v, lines 33-41). On another and II of the Italian dig precedes the well-known
economically guided expedition to the Mediter- Gate of the Lions excavated by the French team
ranean and the coastal states, he revisited the between 1932 and 1939 (Figures 6-7). This

70 Harmanah
Ir-Teub, Great King

Armananis, Lord of the Pithos Man
KARAHYK
(Stele; 12th century BC)
House of Kuzi-Teub
Dynasty A
Kuzi-TONITRUS (Kuzi-Teub),
Great King, Hero, of the City Karkami
PUGNUS-mili (I)
Runtiyas, Arnuwantis (I)

Country lord of the city Malizi King, Country lord of the city
GRN (Rock relief, late 12th century Malizi
BC); ISPEKR
KTKALE, (Rock relief, late 12th (Stele, early 11th century BC)

century BC)
PUGNUS-mili (II) Potent (?) king

MALATYA 5, 7-13 (Gate orthostats,
11th-early 10th century BC)

Arnuwantis (II), Country lord of
the city Malizi
DARENDE
(Stele, late 11th-10th century BC)
Dynasty B
Taras (?), The Hero, the Malizean Country Lord

IZGIN 1,2 (Stele with two sets of inscriptions, 11th-10th centuries BC)
Wasu(?)runtiyas, King
Halpasulupis
Potent(?) king
MALATYA 1
(Gate orthostat, 11th-10th centuries BC)
Table 1. Geneaology of the early Malizean kings and their titles as known from the Hieroglyphic Luwian texts of their
affiliated monuments (based on Hawkins 2000).

Figure 6. Arslantepe (Malatya) topographic site plan (adapted from Delaporte 1940: pl. XI).
Gate of the Lions is a rebuilding of the city gate spoliated blocks from earlier structures (zyar
slightly later in the Iron Age on the exact spot of 1991: 163, Pecorella 1967: 174). Several of the
the Imperial Gate of Level IV. It is associated Malatya orthostats (Malatya 5, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11,
with the final building activities before the sup- 12, 14) and a broken stele (Malatya 14) were
posed Assyrian takeover of the town at the time inscribed with the name of the Malizean king
of Sargon II. The new gate gave access to a large pugnus-mili, who is either the direct descend-
stone paved court of a palace with mud-brick ant of Kuzi-Teub of Karkami or his grandson,
and wood walls extending over three terraces according to Hawkinss reconstruction of the
(Frangipane 1993: 50). The dating of the carved Malatya dynasty (Hawkins 2000: 287). In any
and inscribed orthostat blocks that were found case, the orthostats are stylistically dated to 12th
incorporated into the Gate, on epigraphic, sty- or 11th century bc, which seems stratigraphically
listic and architectural grounds, suggests that this an untenable date for the Gate of the Lions struc-
important structure must have been built with ture itself.

72 Harmanah
Figure 7. Arslantepe (Malatya) plan of the Iron Age Gate of the Lions (adapted from Delaporte 1940: pl. XII).
In terms of landscape commemoration and location, monument type, textual content and
expanding settlement in Malatyas hinterland, pictorial imagery. Of the dynasty descending
however, the monuments outside Malatya are from Kuzi-Teub, the ruler Runtiyas, son of
far more revealing and informative. These free- Pugnus-mili, is mainly known from two rock
standing steles and rock reliefs with hieroglyphic inscriptions, one at Grn in the Upper Tohma
Luwian inscriptions are mapped in Figure 3 and Su valley and the other at Ktkale on the
listed in Table 2, in approximate chronological Middle Tohma Su (grn: Hawkins 2000: 295-
order and with reference to their geographical 99, pl. 135-138; Ktkale: Hawkins 2000:

Table 2. The kingdom of Malizi/Melid and the most prominent hieroglyphic Luwian monuments by the Malizean kings (based on Hawkins 2000).
Ruler Commemorative Monument type and Location in Inscription content Date

Monument archaeological context Malatya plain
Armananis, Lord of the KarahyK Stele, excavated in an urban context at the highest Elbistan plain: Largest hyk Dedication to Storm God of the Land Poculum. Early 12th c. bc
Pithos-Men (Ankara Anato- part of a mound, evidence for cultic activity and on the plain, located on Great King Ir-Teub visits land and finds city empty,
lian Civilizations feasting. Hurman Suyu. improves the land with houses and cities. The land
Museum inv. and 3 cities bequested to Armananis.
10754)
Runtiyas, grandson of grn A pair of rock inscriptions in situ. Upper Tohma Su valley, Settlement policy of the king Runtiyas, mentioning Late 12th c. bc
Kuzi-Teub, the Great narrow gorge, on modern the city Taita(?) and mountains Zinapi (?) Naharasa
King, Hero of Karkami, Malatya-Kayseri road. NW- and Nama[..]. God Great Storm God, Great Goddess
son of Pugnus-mili, Coun- most monument of the Hepatu, Great God Sarruma are addressed.
try-Lord of the city Malizi dynasty.
Runtiyas, grandson of KtKale Rock inscription in situ. Middle Tohma Su valley, Construction of a stone road Late 12th c. bc
Kuzi-Teub, the Great modern (but now old)
King, Hero of Karkami, Malatya-Darende road,
son of Pugnus-mili, Coun- downstream from Darende.
try-Lord of the city Malizi Narrow gorge of the river.
Arnuwantis, grandson of IsPeKr Stele, discovered in broken form (4 fragments) at Middle Tohma Su valley. Settlement policy of the king Arnuwantis. Early 11th c.
Kuzi-Teub, the Hero, son (Sivas Museum the village of spekr. 4-sided stele is sculpted on 3 Village of spekr, 20 km bc(?)
of Pugnus-mili, Country- Inv. 342) sides, with the three figures engaged in ceremonial downstream from Darende.
Lord of the city Malizi activity in various spatial contexts. One is probably
goddess Hepatu (standing against an architectural
background), the second the god Sarruma (beard-
less, fringed long robe, curved lituus, shoes with
Moving Landscapes, Making Place

upturned toes) and (side C) the king Arnuwantis
(making libation).
Arnuwantis, grandson of DarenDe Stele. 4-sided stele, round-topped and small, taper- Middle Tohma Su valley. Foundation and settlement of a city [...]tumani Early 11th c.
Kuzi-Teub, the Hero, son (Ankara Anato- ing. On large side depicts goddess Hepatu of the Spolia from Ulu Cami in Eski bc(?)
of Pugnus-mili, Country- lian Civilizations City (with cartouche also in a banquet scene), on the Darende.
Lord of the city Malizi Museum) narrow side Sarruma and a deified ancestor king,
standing on a lion, making libation in front of the
two gods.
Taras, the Hero, Country- IzgIn Stele, tall and obelisk-like, with two sets of inscrip- Elbistan plain, in the cem- Building activities and settlement policy of the 11th-10th c.
Lord of the city Malizi (Ancient Oriental tions. etery of the village Izgn. Malatya king. Foundation of the city of Taita(?) and bc (?)
Museum, Istan- the settlement of Malizeans to that city. Extension
bul, inv. 7693) of frontiers and settlement in the towns of yalIyasa-
and the city of Pythos.gryllus are also mentioned.
Dedicated to the Storm-God.
Sa(?)tiruntiyas, the Hero, IrzI Rock inscription (labelled as IPa-tarPaMI- in the Upper Kuru ay valley. Near The commemoration of a construction of a Early-mid-8th
Country-Lord of Malizi, inscription) in situ. modern Malatya-Sivas road, monument related to the site, possibly the rock c. bc.
the Hero Sahwiss son, carved on a rocky hillside. monument itself or some architectural complex
Runtiyass dear servant. associated with it.
73
74 Harmanah
299-301, pls. 139-41). The Grn rock inscrip- suggest the continued importance of the Tohma
tion commemorates the kings settlement of new Su valley during his reign.
frontier lands including the city of Taita(?) and spekr is a four-sided 2.27-m-tall obelisk-
others, while Ktkale records the construction like limestone stele with pictorial representa-
of a royal road by the same ruler. At the time of tions of three standing human figures on three
Runtiyas in the 12th century bc, the Malizean sides of the stele, all depicted as involved in
regional state appears to be expanding west- some sort of ceremonial activity and in various
wards and controlling the Middle and Upper spatial contexts (Figure 8) (Hawkins 2000: 301;
Tohma Su valleys, which connected the Malatya Orthmann 1971: 117). The stele was reportedly
plain to Tabal and to the central Anatolian seen in the village of spekr in 1907 by the
plateau (Figure 3). The ruler Arnuwantis (early Cornell Expedition, and it was found broken in
11th century bc), also son of Pugnus-mili and four fragments in Gk Medrese, in Sivas, later
brother of Runtiyas, seems to have preferred to in 1935 (Gelb 1939: 30-31, no.28). darende
commission a series of commemorative monu- is a much smaller (ht. 79 cm) round-topped
ments in the form of steles with inscriptions and basalt stele but with similar reliefs on three sides
pictorial representations. The findspots of his (Figure 9). The Darende stele had been used
two prominent steles at spekr and Darende as a spolia in the wall of Ulu Camis minaret in
Figure 8. spekr stele with hieroglyphic Luwian inscription (Malizi/Melid) (Hawkins 2000: pl. 143).

Eski Darende and transferred to Gk Medrese river and Hurman Suyu, and only 5 km south-
in Sivas (Gelb 1939: 27-28; no. 18). The west of Karahyk. The lengthy hieroglyphic
inscriptions of both monuments commemorate Luwian inscription is worth quoting here at least
Arnuwantiss accomplishments of settlement in in part since it commemorates the expansion of
the region with special reference to the organiza- Malizean settlement into the Elbistan plain and
tion of mountainous landscapes, which may be the foundation of new cities:
associated with pictorial depiction of the hilly izgn 1
landscapes on the spekr stele and the three 4 wa/i-ta- [mi-ia-za t]-[... ...]-za
mountains mentioned in Grn inscription. REGIO-za FINES + ha-zi POST-n a-t i-zi-i-
The author of the Izgn stele, Taras (written ha
crus+RA/I) the Hero, the Malizean Country- In my pa[ternal grandfatherl]y (?) countries, I
Lord, cannot be related easily to the Pugnus- added frontiers upon frontiers.
mili dynasty since he does not give his genealogy. 5 FLUMEN.REGIO-zi-pa-wa/i-ta FLUMEN.
The inscription, however, is still dated to the REGIO-za POST-n a-t i-zi-i-ha
11th10th centuries bc, based on its palaeogra- and I added river-lands upon river-lands
phy in agreement with the Grn and spekr 6 *428-t-wa/i (URBS) AEDIFICARE-ha
monuments (Hawkins 2000: 314-18). Izgn is I built the city Taita (?)
7 MAX.LIX.-zi-pa-wa/i (URBS) SOLIUM
another obelisk-like monument of substantial
-wa/i-ha
height (2.45 m), inscribed on all four sides (Fig- and I settled the Malizi(eans)
ure 10). It was found in the midst of the Elbistan 8 [X-wa/i] FLUMEN-na SUPER+ra/i
plain, re-used in a modern cemetery at the vil- *85-li-ia-[sa?]-sa URBS+MI-na-z<a> SOLIUM-
lage of Izgn near the confluence of the Ceyhan wa/i-ha
Figure 9. Darende stele with hieroglyphic Luwian inscription (Malizi/Melid) (Hawkins 2000: pl. 146).

76 Harmanah
I settled the ...river (people) up in the towns
of yaliyasa-,
9 PITHOS.GRYLLUS-pa-wa/i-mi (URBS)
mi-ia-ti- LEPUS+RA/I-ti h-sa?-tara / i-ti-ha
and the city pithos.gryllus by my author-
ity...
(Hawkins 2000: 315).
The city of Taita was also mentioned in the ear-
lier Grn inscription (2), which suggests that
this city was a place of renewed royal building
activity and should be placed somewhere in the
Tohma Su valley or the Elbistan plain.
The Country-Lords of the city Malizi in the
Malatya plain gradually incorporated the Tohma
Su valley and the Elbistan basin, which consti-
tuted strategic landscapes to control the overland
route to the central Anatolian plateau and even
north Syria and Cilicia. The prominence of this
micro-region in the Early Iron Age is further sup-
ported by Tiglath-Pileser Is visit to Melid/Malizi
on his return to Aur from his campaign to the
Mediterranean, and his inscription of his own
rock-cut monuments at the Source of the Tigris
(Harmanah 2007b). Unfortunately the regions
of the Malatya plain, the Tohma Su valley and
the Elbistan plain were subject to only limited
archaeological research, except for excavations
at Arslantepe and the emergency (salvage) sur-
veys related to dam construction. The survey
in Sivas and Malatya provinces carried out by
Yakar and Grsan-Salzmann (1979: 38; see also
Yakar and Grsan-Salzmann 1978) used only
extensive survey methods and was published
briefly. Nonetheless they report rather intense
settlement between Eski Malatya and the conflu-
ence of the Euphrates and the Tohma Su valley.
zdoan (1977: 25-28) and his teams much
more intensive survey in the Lower Euphrates
Basin in the area later flooded by the Karakaya
Dam had identified 40 archaeological sites in
the central district of Malatya. At least 15 of
the surveyed sites had evidence for Middle-Late
Bronze Age occupation, while 17 are reported Figure 10. Izgn stele with hieroglyphic Luwian inscrip-
for the Iron Age, suggesting a substantial conti- tion (authors photograph), Istanbul Archaeo-
nuity of settlement in the landscape, especially logical Museum, Inventory no. 7693.

at large mound sites such as Pirot Hyk, Cafer systems of imperial power to regional kingdoms
Harabesi, Kadoturan Tepesi and Kkerbaba of local landholding dynasties.
Hyk (zdoan 1977: 50-56). Sevins (1987) The story of the beginnings of the Iron Age in
survey of the Urartian frontiers on the Euphrates these territories, however, would be incomplete
in Malatya, Elaz and Bingl provinces focused if we were to neglect the evidence from the com-
only on the eastern bank of the river. memorative monuments, both at the time of the
The most recent surface survey in the vicinity late Hittite Empire and those raised in the after-
of Arslantepe by an Italian team reports a dearth math of its collapse. These monuments appear
of Iron Age settlements, although this might be as steles, rock reliefs, spring monuments and
a result of the projects specific focus on the pre- city gates that often feature hieroglyphic Luwian
historic periods and the difficulties in identifying inscriptions and pictorial relief programs, and
Iron Age ceramics (Di Nocera 2005). When they speak to an official ideology of the state.
the non-inscribed monuments of the Early and In many instances it is clear that, in the context
Middle Iron Age, such as the lion sculpture in of such a fluid politically contested world, these
Sevdiliky (Eralp 1998) and Aslanta (zg and monuments appropriate places and landscapes
zg 1949: 11-15, figs. 16-17), are brought that are culturally invested with meaning or sim-
into the picture alongside the survey data for ply sacred to local populations, hence considered
mapping the Malizean kingdom, the concentra- as places of power (ivkovi 2010). Excavations
tion of monuments in the Middle Tohma Su and at Elbistan Karahyk and Malatya Arslantepe
Elbistan basins is distinctive (see Figure 3 above). (discussed above) demonstrate how places of
Furthermore, the marking of narrow river val- certain importance during the Late Bronze Age
leys in the frontiers of the kingdoms territories in the Elbistan and Malatya plains were incorpo-
with rock reliefs and inscriptions also seems to rated into the Early Iron Age kingdom of Malizi
be significant in the organization of Malizean through the raising of monuments and the con-
landscapes. struction of towns. Further archaeological field-
work is necessary to understand this relationship
between Bronze Age places and settlements and
Conclusions: Moving Landscapes, Making
their monumentalization in the Iron Age.
Place
Monumentalization of places usually takes
The restless times during the Late Bronze Age- place with the benefaction of the ruling elite,
Early Iron Age transition in northern Syria and and can be understood as an intervention of
southern Anatolia presents us with moving land- political power to the long-term biography
scapes and changing practices of place-making. of places. These building projects transform
In the last century of the Hittite Empire, one places into sites of memory, to borrow a term
sees a gradual shift of territorial power from the from Nora (1989). While creating a break with
empires central Anatolian core in the Kzlrmak the past locally, they institutionalize particular
bend to its fringes around Karkami in north ways of connecting with that shared past by
Syria and Tarhuntaa in Cilicia, and eventually favoring specific practices while hindering oth-
Tabal in Cappadocia and Malizi on the upper ers (Nixon 2004). In this way, one could argue
Euphrates. The hallmark of these geo-political that the making of commemorative monu-
transformations, as archaeological survey evi- ments is the political act of (re)making places,
dence suggests, is a reconfiguration of the settle- narrating history and configuring landscapes.
ment landscape from an urban-focused pattern In the Malizean kingdom of the Early Iron
to a dispersed and rural one, from territorial Age, a local dynasty seems to have established a

78 Harmanah
unique landscape of power in the Malatya plain, mia during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Ages.
the Tohma Su valley and the Elbistan plain by This is a dynamic time period punctuated by a
appropriating previously settled places such as major systemic collapse in the eastern Mediter-
Arslantepe and Karahyk, yet maintaining a ranean but it is also marked with radical changes
public discourse of renewal and regeneration. in material culture. In addition, I focused on the
In the commemorative inscriptions, one finds local articulations of landscapes in the confines
an intriguing royal rhetoric of founding cit- of the regional state of Malizi/Melid in eastern
ies, settling populations in the agriculturally Turkey. Discussing the variety of building
cultivated frontiers, and the construction of projects and monument-making activities of
royal roads in an attempt to connect those the country lords of Malizi, I pointed to the
peripheral landscapes to the core of the regional intimate relationship between founding cities,
state. This formed the ideological content and cultivating newly acquired agricultural land,
historical context of the Malizean commemo- settling populations and commemorating all
rative monuments. As evident from the only those on steles, rock reliefs and the architecture
archaeologically excavated monument from the of city gates, which themselves became hubs of
region, karahyk, the sites of the commemo- cult activity. The evidence suggests that such
rative steles remained loci of cultic and cer- state-sponsored activities of building landscapes
emonial activity at the very center of the urban and making places do not necessarily take place
landscapes, while rock reliefs and inscriptions in a barren topography, but rather take over
marked important passes in the mountainous and appropriate an already sedimented cultural
landscapes of Malatya region. In the case of landscape. This can only be demonstrated con-
the Malizean kingdom in particular and for the vincingly, however, through regionally focused
other Iron Age states of Upper Mesopotamia in archaeological landscape projects with specific
general, it seems possible to draw the conceptual research questions, and a critical reading of epi-
correlation between the setting-up of commem- graphic sources in tandem.
orative royal monuments and the foundation
of cities, both of which were important tools
Acknowledgements
in the cultural politics of territorial organiza-
tion. The earliest building activities in Iron Age This paper was developed from a short sec-
centers of Karkami, Hama, Aleppo, Ain Dara tion in my PhD dissertation Spatial Narratives,
and Zincirli in the 12th11th centuries bc were Commemorative Practices and the Building
contemporaneous with developments in the Project: New Urban Foundations in Upper Syro-
Malizean kingdom (Mazzoni 2000: 31-37), and Mesopotamia During the Early Iron Age (Uni-
arguably one could suggest that comparable set- versity of Pennsylvania 2005). It was finalized
tlement strategies and commemorative activities during my fellowship at Ko Universitys Research
were carried out across the region. Center for Anatolian Civilizations (Istanbul,
In this study, I have advocated the adoption Turkey) in the academic year 2010-2011. I am
of a landscape approach in archaeology that grateful to Scott Redford and the RCAC staff
is sensitive both to the local politics of place- for providing an excellent environment to work.
making in micro-regional contexts and to long- I am equally grateful to the editors of this jour-
term changes and fluid connections in broader nal, particularly A. Bernard Knapp and John F.
networks of settlement. I attempted to draw Cherry, for their patience and meticulous edito-
attention to the moving landscapes and shifting rial work on this paper. I also would like to thank
geographical imaginations in upper Mesopota- the two anonymous readers whose comments

were most helpful and constructive. I thank Peri 1996. In XV. Aratrma Sonular Toplants, vol-
Johnson who kindly prepared the base map for ume 2: 105-20. Ankara: T.C. Kltr Bakanl
figures 1 and 3. Antlar ve Mzeler Genel Mdrl.
Bartl, K.
About the Author 2001 Eastern Anatolia in the Early Iron Age. In R.
Eichmann and H. Parzinger (eds.), Migration
mr Harmanah is Assistant Professor of und Kulturtransfer: Der Wandel vorder- und
Archaeology and Egyptology and Ancient West- zentralasiatischer Kulturen im Umbruch vom 2.
ern Asian Studies at the Joukowsky Institute for zum 1. vorchristlichen Jahrtausend. Kolloquien
Archaeology and the Ancient World at Brown zur Vor- und Frhgeschichte 6: 383-410. Bonn:
University. His research focuses on questions of Rudolf Habelt GmbH.
place and landscape in archaeology, and he writes Beckman, G.
on cities, monuments and architectural tech- 1992 Hittite administration in Syria in the light of
nologies in the ancient Near East. He is currently the texts from Hattua, Ugarit and Emar. In
directing the Yalburt Archaeological Landscape M.W. Chalavas and J.L. Hayes (eds.), New
Research Project in west central Turkey. Horizons in the Study of Ancient Syria, 41-49.
Malibu: Undena Publications.
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Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology 24.

Moving Landscapes, Making Place: Cities, Monuments and Commemoration

The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011

The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011

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Moving Landscapes, Making Place

The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011

The Fund for Mediterranean Archaeology/Equinox Publishing Ltd., 2011

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Ir-Teub, Great King

Runtiyas, Arnuwantis (I)

PUGNUS-mili (II) Potent (?) king

Taras (?), The Hero, the Malizean Country Lord

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Ruler Commemorative Monument type and Location in Inscription content Date

Moving Landscapes, Making Place

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