64

Chapter two

Cultural and religious interactions between India and Sri Lanka during the ancient

period

It is an accepted fact that geologically and palaeoecologically the island of Sri

Lanka is essentially a detached piece of the Deccan, the Jaffna peninsula of northern part

of the island lying within 20 miles of Cape Cormorin across the shallow Palk strait. This is

particularly evident by the fact that the Sri Lankan island of Mannar off the northwest

coast almost joins the mainland by a chain of sandy islets of Adam's bridge. 1In addition,

the occurrence of submerged river channels, cutting across the continental shelf which

separates north-west Sri Lanka from India, when considered in conjunction with the close

similarity between the fresh water fish of the two countries also suggests that the island

had been connected to India probably in Holocene times. ~he faunal evidence including

both extinct and present-day animal species as well as evidence from geology of both Sri

Lanka and India on the other hand su_ggest that the island was first separated from India

during the Miocene epoch. 3This happened in the very early period4 that has been termed

the Ratnapura phase in Sri Lankan prehistory and was probably contemporary with one or

more of the Himalayan glaciations, which were in all probability, accompanied by a

general drop in temperature and of the mean sea level. Hence, most probably this first

1
Kenneth AR Kennedy, "Palaeodemography of Sri Lanka and peninsular India: A cross-regional survey,"
Persj>ectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others,
Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya, 1990, p.29.
2
S Deraniyagala, "Prehistoric Ceylon: A summary in 1968," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.l, January 1971, p.23.
3
HS Gunaratna, Rocks and minerals of Ceylon, The Department ofNational Museums, Colombo, 1967,
pp.2-3.
 65

separation occurred in the Miocene when the sea invaded the mainland between the

regions of present-day Madras and Puttalam, thus severing the southeast extremity of the

peninsula and making of it a continental island. 5This disjunction was in fact momentary

because of land fluctuation that was the primary influential factor in the geography of the

regwn.

However, given this geographical proximity of Sri Lanka and India and their long

historical association, cultural links are in the natural order of things. This is evident by

the fact that any major. upheaval in India, whether political, religious or cultural was

bound to generate repercussions in Sri Lanka eventually. Consequently, it is obvious that

Sri Lanka is both an island and a part of the Indian sub-continent. The interplay of these

two factors has been important in forming its cnaracter. Therefore, scholars of history,

culture, art, religion, language and human biology of the island are frequently asked to

assess the nature and extent ofbio cultural relationships between Sri Lanka's ancient and

modern peoples and their contemporaries in India. Unfortunately, both these questions

and their answers have been interpreted in the light of political theories, nationalism and

an ethnocentric basis, even_ sometimes by persons belonging to the academic and research

oriented disciplines.

It is hence apparent that there has been a great deal of historical writing on the

subject of Indo-Sri Lankan relationship in the ancient period. But, it is significant that a

majority of scholars have emphasised Indian political impact on Sri Lanka, while some

have focused attention on the cultural relations of the two countries. In almost all these

4
The faunal evidence suggests that this last separation had occurred about 25,000 years ago. Ibid, pp.2-3.
 66

writings, relevant details on the subject, particularly on the cultural relations of the two

countries, have been discussed according to information obtained from the ancient Sri

Lankan and Indian literary texts and very little attention has been given to the

archaeological evidence, especially that revealed by recent archaeological excavations. It

is obvious that the story is incomplete without focus on the evidence revealed by such

excavations, since there are many apparent imperfections in the descriptions given in

these literary sources and sometimes even in the epigraphical evidence too. It is to be

noted at this point that these literal interpretations of early texts were compiled centuries

after the events they report and personal memory has difficulty with intervals of time and

the sequence ofhappenings. 6

Nevertheless, it should also not be forgotten that a chronologically detailed and

coherent history of cultural interactions of the two countries cannot be presented with the

help of archaeological evidence alone. Hence, in this chapter a synthesis of both the

literary and archaeological sources is being attempted. In contrast, it is significant that not

only the descriptions given in the ancient literary works but also in recent scholarly

interpretations, the cultural relations between the two countries have often been presented
7
as an one way movement in the direction of Sri Lanka. 0n the contrary, quite a different

picture has been demonstrated by the recent archaeological findings. Therefore, it is

appropriate to start this analysis with an introduction of early historical settings of the

island, as revealed by recent archaeological excavations.

5
Kenneth AR Kennedy, "Palaeodemography of Sri Lanka and peninsular India: A cross-regional survey,"
Pers,pectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others,
Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya, 1990, p.29.
6
Diane E Greenway, "Dates in history: Chronology and memory," Historical research, Vol.LXXII, No 178,
June 1999, pp.127-139.
 67

Prehistory of Sri Lanka:

Apart from the vanous interpretations of historians, archaeologists and

anthropologists on ancient Sri Lanka, it is evident that recent archaeological excavations

in the island have provided a more reliable radiometric chronology of the prehistoric age

of the country based on several radiocarbon dates on charcoal from the caves ofFa-Hien,

Kitulgala, and Batadombalena all in the lowland or wet zone. Of these, the Fa-Hien cave

has yielded a series of three dates ca. 34,000-31,000 BP; and another three for the upper

contexts ca 7900-5400 BP.!J.Iuman remains were found at least in the context dated to ca.

31,000 BP and could well represent one of the earliest assemblages of anatomically

modern man known to science. 9

The Kitulgala Belilena comprises 25 dates, from older tllan 27,000 upto ca. 3400
10
BP. It was reported that an excellent series of human skeletal remains was found from

there dated to ca. 13,000 BP. 11Batadombalena has provided a series often dates from ca.

7
See W.H. Siddiqui, "Some aspects of architecture in South Asia," Cultural interactions in South Asia: A
historical pewective, ed., S.A.I Tirmizi, Hamdard Institute ofHistorical Research, New Delhi, 1993, p.57.
8
S. Deraniyagala, "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. VI, No.l2, 1990, p.215;
"The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake
Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others, Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya,
1990, p.3; Kenneth KRKennedy and Joanne L Zahorsky, "Trends in prehistoric technology and biological
adaptations: New evidence from Pleistocene deposits at F ahien cave, Sri Lanka,;; South Asian Archaeology
1995, Proceedings of the 13th conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists,
Cambridge 5-9 July 1995, ed. RaymondAllcb.iaand.Bridget Allchin, The ancient Indiaand.Iran trust,
Cambridge, Oxford, IBH Publishing co, New Delhi, Vol.II, 1997, pp.83 9-840.
9
KAR. Kennedy, SU Deraniyagala W.J. Roertjen, J. Chiment and T.Disotell, "Upper Pleistocene fossil
hominids from Sri Lanka," American Journal ofPhysical Anthropology, Vol.LXXII, 1987, pp. 441- 461;
See also KAR. Kennedy and SU Deraniyagala, "Fossil remains of 28000-year-old hominids from Sri
Lanka," Current Anthropology, Vol.XXX, No.3, 1989, pp.394-8; Kenneth KR Kennedy and Joanne L
Zahorsky, "Trends in prehistoric technology and biological adaptations: New evidence from Pleistocene
deposits at F ahien cave, Sri Lanka," South Asian Archaeology 199 5, Proceedings of the 13th conference of
the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists, Cambridge 5-9 July 1995, ed. Raymond Allchin
and Bridget Allchin, The ancient India and Iran trust, Cambridge, Oxford, IBH Publishing co, New Delhi,
Vol.II, 1997, p.840.
10
S. Deraniyagala, "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylo!!, Vol. VI, No.12, p.215.
11
KAR. Kennedy, T. Disotell, W.J. Roberljen, J. Chiment and J Sherry, "Biological anthropology of upper
Pleistocene hominids from Sri Lanka: Batadombalena and Belilena caves," Ancient Ceylo!!, Vol. VI,
pp.67-168; KAR Kennedy, SUDeraniyagala W.J. Roertjen, J. Chiment and T. Disotell, "Upper Pleistocene
 68

1
28,500 to 12,500 BP for the earlier range at Kitulgala. Zrhe occurrence of bone points

throughout the sequence is noteworthy and the beads (on shell) from ca. 28,500-16,000

BP constitute some of the earliest specimens of bone points and beads known from

anywhere in the world. 1 ~esides, a very satisfactory sample ofhuman remains was also

found in the cave and one assemblage-dated ca. 28,500 BP represents the oldest
1
anatomically modem humans (Homo Sapiens) known from south Asia. '1n addition, in
the lower most levels of the caves were found geometric microliths, the earliest
15
occurrence of this type of tools in south Asia. Interestingly enough in India, charcoal

from microlithiferous deposits has yielded a radiocarbon date of 10,645-9654 years BP at

16
Baghor II in the Son valley of north-central India, though Todd had recognised the
17
similarity of Sri Lankan microliths to those of peninsular India nearly fifty years ago.

In contrast, it is clear that all these three caves of Fa-hien, Kitulgala and

Batadombalena are exceptional in south Asia in having yielded large quantities of

organic remains from the upper Pleistocene and much can be expected from their

interpretation. Of such explanations, probably the most fascinating interpretation is that

there is no doubt that technologically the Mesolithic assemblages date back at least to ca.

fossil hominids from Sri Lanka," American Journal of Physical Anthropology, Vol.LXXII, 1987, pp.441-
461.
12
See Kenneth KR Kennedy and Joanne L Zahorsky, "Trends in prehistoric technology and biological
adaptations: New evidence from Pleistocene deposits at F ahien cave, Sri Lanka," South Asian Archaeology
1995, Proceedings of the 13th conference of the European Association of South Asian Archaeologists,
Cambridge 5-9 July 1995, ed. Raymond Allchin and Bridget Allchin, The ancient India and Iran trust,
Cambridge, Oxford, IBH Publishing co, New Delhi, Vol.ll, 1997, p.840.
13
S. Deraniyagala, "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. VI, No.l2, p .215.
14
KAR. Kennedy and S. Deraniyagala, "Fossil remains of28,000-year old hominids from Sri Lanka,"
Current Anthropolo!O', Vol.XXX, No.3, 1989, pp.394-399.
15
SU Deraniyagala, "Mesolithic stone tool technology at 28000 BC in Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V,
pp.l05-108.
1
"K.enneth AR Kennedy, "Palaeodemography of Sri Lanka and peninsular India: A cross-regional survey,"
Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna. and. others,
Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya, 1990, p.30.
 69

28,500 BP in the island although the date of original settlement is unknown. 18But, it is

interesting to note that quite a different story is told in the ancient literary sources of Sri

Lanka. These suggest that the earliest habitation of the island was at Anuradhapura in the

dry zone, under the leadership of Vijaya, a north Indian prince and his followers

somewhere in the sixth century BC as will be discussed later. Hence, at this point it is

necessary to examine the chronology and the specific features of the early habitations of

Anuradhapura region (certainly, where the earliest centre of power of the island was) as

revealed by the recent archaeological explorations. Interestingly enough archaeologists

suggest that about six or seven thousand years ago Anuradhapura was inhabited by
19
Mesolithic Balangoda man, the ancestor of the present day Yedda aborigine, instead of

this so-called first Indian colonisation of the island in the sixth century BC. This has been

confirmed by the fact that the artefacts from phase 1 of Gedige of the citadel of

Anuradhapura are assignable to the Mesolithic Balangoda culture, which has been dated

to ca. 4500 BC. 20 In addition, it is noteworthy that according to Deraniyagala's

interpretation, the periodisation of history of Anuradhapura region and the conspicuous

characteristics based on calibrated dates obtained from the five sites of Gedige (1986)

Dingiribandagewatta (1987/88) Salgahawatta (1988) Mahapali Hall (1988) and

17
KRU Todd, "A Microlithic industry in eastern Mysore," Man, Vol XL VIII, 1948, pp.28-30.
18
SU Deraniyagala, "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. VI, No.l2, 1990,
pp .215-216; "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda
Prematila.ke Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others, Department of Archaeology, University of
Peradeniya, 1990, p.3.
19
S Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 196.9: Excavation in the Gedige area," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol.ll, 1972, p.50.
20
Ibid, p.159. In fact, the Balangoda culture comprises the Mesolithic and Neolithic phases of Sri Lanka's
stone age. The two C 14 dates obtained for the culture are suggesting that Balangoda man had survived well
into the historic period, which commenced ca. 500 BC. S Deraniyagala, "Prehistoric Ceylon: A summary in
1968," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.l, January 1971, p.25.
 70

Sanghamitta Mawata (1989),21 all located in the ancient citadel of Anuradhapura is as

follows:
22
The earliest phase: Ca. 3900 BC, Mesolithic with geometric microliths; in

certain respects, the Sri Lankan Mesolithic was comparatively more highly developed

than its mainland counterparts and All chin interprets this as evidence of a long period of

relatively uninterrupted cultural development. 23However, the absence of rapid cultural

modifications taking place in Sri Lanka, as was the case in.south India after 2,500 BC, till

the fifth century BC, led many scholars writing in the 40s and 50s to regard the island as

a cultural backwater whose inhabitants lacked initiative in cultural progress because of

withdrawal of competitive factors. 24

The second period: Undated Mesolithic and Iron age transition; 25 it is noteworthy

since the stone tools found in association with Iron Age burials at Pomparippu have been

interpreted as being in secondary contexts. 26The suppression of stone tool technology

with that of iron appears to have been a rapid process, thereby leaving few discernible

vestiges of this transition in the archaeological record.Z7

2
i S. Deraniyagala, "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. VI, No.l2, 1990,p.215;
"The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake
Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others, Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya,
1990, p.20; S. Deraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient
Ceylon, 1990, Appendix, p.276. ·
22
S. Oeraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol. VII, pp.268-9. The most recent date available is for the site ofMatota at ca. 1800 BC. Ibid, p.252.
23
B Allchin, "The late stone age of Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute,
Vol.LXXXVIII, No.2, 1959, p.201.
24
PEP Deraniyagala, "The stone age and cave men of Ceylon," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon
Branch), Yo LXXXIV, No.92, 1940, p.361; MR Sahni, Man in evolution, Oriental Longmans, Calcutta,
1952, p.185; 1956, p.48.
25
SU Deraniyagala, (Reprinted from) The prehistory of Sri Lanka: An ecological perspective; Addendum
ill, Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka, 1992, pp.740-741; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in
Sri Lanka 600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, No.ll, 1990, pp.l50-151.
26
VJR. Begley, Lukacs and KAR Kennedy, "Excavations of iron age burials at Pomparippu," Ancient
Ceylorr, Vol.IV, 1981,pp.51-132.
27
S. Deraniyagala, "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. VI, No.l2, 1990, p.253.
 71

The third period: Protohistoric Iron Age ca. 900--600 BC; is distinguished by the

appearance of iron technology, wheel made pottery, horse and domestic cattle and paddy
8
cultivation.Z It is interesting to note that the excavations in the citadel of Anuradhapura

since 1984 have vindicated the assertion that there was indeed a town, if not a city, in

Anuradhapura by 700-600 BC during the protohistoric iron a_ge. The sonda_ges have

revealed substantive evidence of an area of at least 50 ha being encompassed by the

citadel at this date. 29

The fourth period: The dawn of the historical period ca. 600-500 BC was

marked by the use of an early Brahmi script in Anuradhapura region, which will be

discussed later in detail. In addition, two ceramic traits also occur for the first time.

Consequently, it is hypothesised that the occurrence of the Brahmi script and these

ceramic traits are linked in some manner to a nonessential cultural- impulse which

reached the island during this period and it is temptin_g to see a connection with the

legend ofVijaya (so-called first colonisation.o£the island) an event attributed to the sixth

· · tury BC .30
cen

28
SU Deraniyagala, (Reprinted from) The prehistory of Sri Lanka: An ecological peooective; Addendum
Ill, Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka, 1992, p.7 44; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in Sri
Lanka 600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, No.ll, 1990, pp.l49-l7l; "The proto and early historic
radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.Vll, 1990, pp.253-254.
29
SU Deraniyagala, (Reprinted from) The prehistory of Sri Lanka: An ecological pers.pective; Addendum
Ill, Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka, 1992, p.7 44; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in Sri
Lanka 600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, No.ll, 1990, pp.l49-171. See also S. Deraniyagala, "The
proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. VII, 1990, p.260; "The
prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylo!!, Vol. VI, No.l2, 1990, p.215; "The prehistoric
chronology of Sri Lanka," Pers.pectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake Festschrift 1990. ed. S.
Senaviratna and others, Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya, 1990, p.20.
30
S. Deraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol. VII, 1990, pp.255-6; The prehistory of Sri Lanka: An ecological perspective: Addendum Ill,
Archaeological SurVey of Sri Lanka, 1992, p.744; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in Sri Lanka
600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, No.ll, 1990, pp.l49-171.
 72

The fifth period: Lower early historic ca.500-250 BC; No specimens of scripts

have been recorded from this period at any site of Anuradhapura, though the Brahmi

script found on a seal at Anaikkoddai could be of this period. Nevertheless_, contact with

the Ganga valley is evidenced by the occurrence ofNorthemBlackPolished ware in this

period? 1Although the cultural interactions of the two regions are not obvious, it is to be

noted that the early historic sites in southern India have radiocarbon dates which fall

within the range of this period at Anuradhapura: e.g. Kanchipuram at ca. 500 BC and

Amaravati at 400 BC? 2

The sixth period: Mid early historical period ca. 250 BC to 100 AD: Historically

this period is relatively well documented both by literary and epigraphical records with
33
extensive evidence of close cultural interaction with.the Mauryan Empire.

The seventh period: Upper early historic a_ge ca. 100-300 AD was when burnt

brick achieved prominence, at least in the citadel of Anuradhapura Coins also tended to

be rather numerous in this era. In addition_, this u_pper early historic period indicates the

31
S. Deraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol. VII, 1990, pp.256-7; The prehistory of Sri Lanka: An ecological perspective; Addendum Ill,
Archaeological Sutvey of Sri Lanka, 1992, p.744; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in Sri Lanka
600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, No.I I, 1990, pp.l49-171.
32
S. Senaviratna, "The archaeology of the megalithic black and red ware complex in Sri Lanka," Ancient
Ceylon, Vol.V, 1984, pp.237-303.
33
S. Deraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol. VII, 1990, pp.257 -258. It is noteworthy that the chronology of Anuradhapura that has been calculated
by Deraniyagala himself particularly based on the information revealed by the excavation of Gedige site of
Anuradhapura is somewhat different. Accordingly, ca. 3900 BC Mesolithic period, ca. 800-500 BC.
Protohistoric Iron Age period, ca 500 BC transition between the prehistoric Iron Age and the lower early
historic period. Ca. 500-250 BC lower early historic period and ca. 250 BC-1 00 AD mid early historic
period. See SU Deraniyagala, "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Cev Ion, Vol. 'v1, No.12,
1990, p.215; "The prehistoric chronology of Sri Lanka," Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda
Prematilake Festc;chrift 1990, cd. S. Senaviratna and others, Department of Archaeology, University of
Peradeniya, 1990, p.l5.
 73

use ofRed Polished Ware, Sassanian blue glazed roof-tiles and evidence of trans-oceanic
4
contact as in frequent finds ofRoman and Indo-Roman coins?

The eighth period: Middle historical ca. 300-1250 witnessed the commencement
35
of the final devolution of the civilisation of ancientSri Lanka.

In contrast, it is clear that particularly Sri Lanka's prehistory, most recently

investigated in comprehensive studies~ differs significantly from that of the heartlands of

continental Asia. For instance, Sri Lankan archaeological record shows no evidence of

occupation by early man or other hominids from aperiod earlier than the late Pleistocene

and lacks the typical chopper or hand-axe cultures associated wiili earlier phases of the

prehistory of the subcontinent. Similar!y, in later phases, Sri Lanka shows no clear

indication at present of a pre-iron age development of agriculture or of the existence of a

specific stone tool assemblage associated with such a transition. Instead_. we find an

apparently rapid and scarcely investigated transition from a monolithic or late stone age

hunter-gatherer culture to iron a_ge farmif!g, with no intervening st!ge of 'Neolithic'

'Chalcolithic 'or 'Bronze age' developments. 36

Nevertheless, it is obvious that conventional historical writing_ has often asserted

that the initial colonisation of Sri Lanka by civilised man was effected by Aryan speakers
37
from northern India and that contact was subsequently established with the. south

34
SU Deraniyagala, (Reprinted from) The prehistory of Sri Lanka: An ecological perspective; Addendum
J11 Archaeological Survey of Sri tanka, 1992, pp.7 40-741; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in
Sri Lanka 600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, No.ll, 1990, pp.l50-151.
35
S. Deraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol. VII, 1990, pp.258-259.
36
Senaka Bandaranayake, 'The periodisation of Sri Lankan history and some related historical and
archaeological problems," Asian panorama: Essays in Asian history, past and present, ed. KM De Silva and
others, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1990, p.9.
37
S Paranavitana, "Aryan settlements: The Sinhalese," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray
and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, pp.82-97; CWNicholas and S
Paranavitana, A concise history of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961, p.22.
 74

somewhere in the sixth century BC, which will be discussed later in detail. But, the

archaeological evidence presented above clearly indicates that this was not the case and

these stories of first colonisation of the island provide us with a series of problems arising

from their interpretation for historical and archaeological works thoughit is obvious that

the archaeological record so far throws very little light on these processes. According to

these investigations, it is however, certain that human habitation in Sri Lanka dates to at

least 31,000 BP with increasing evidence of internal complexity and cultural

developments. In addition, the data obtained from pioneering excavations such as those at

the Anuradhapura Gedige, 38 Kantarodei 39 and Pomparippu 40 and research on the

megalithic burial complexes41 and pottery sequences of the protohistoric and early historic
42
period, give us an insight into similarities and differences between the Sri Lankan and

the subcontinental developments, in the second half of the first millennium BC, though

these do not go very far in solving the major problems of Sri Lankan protohistory,

38
SU Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige area," Ancient Ceylon,
VoLIL 1972, pp.48-169.
39
V Begley, "Archaeological exploration in northern Ceylon," Expedition, Vol.IX, No.4, 1969, pp.20-29;
"Prehistoric material from Sri Lanka (Ceylon) and Indian contacts," Ecological backgrounds of South Asian
prehistory, ed. KAR Kennedy and GL Posehl, Cornell University South Asia Programme, 197 6,
fcp.l91-196.
0
V Begley, JR. tukacs and KAR Kennedy, "Excavations of Iron Age burials at Pomparippu 1970," Ancient
Ceylon, Vol.IV, 1981.
41
Though etymologically the word Megalithic is composed of two Greek wordsMegathos, meaning huge
and Lithoi meaning stone, neither all megaliths are built of huge stones; nor can all structures built of
enormous-sized stones be called megalith. Megaliths are indeed built of stones, but their prime
characteristic is that they are sepulchral in nature. See KR Srinivasan and NR Baneijee, "Survey of south
Indian Megaliths," Ancient India, No.9, Special Jubilee Number, 1953, p.l 08. It is noteworthy that though
the megaliths do not follow the same pattern even at the same site and are marked by structural differences,
they have defmite common features, which make all of them representative of one common culture, i.e. the
megalithic culture. The common features consists of the use of iron implements, which at least at one site,
viz. Brahmagiri in India, was an intrusion into the earlier stone axe culture which it ultimately supplanted,
the wheel-turned black and red ware and post-excamation fragmentary and collective burials. Ibid, p.115.
42
Sudarshan Senaviratna, "The archaeology of the megalithic black and red ware complex in Sri Lanka,"
Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, 1984, pp.237-307.
 75

However, it is to be admitted at this point that if the early man of the island

originally migrated from India, then it is natural to expect contemporaneous Indian and Sri

Lanka prehistoric people to possess strikin_g points of similarity. Interestin_gly enough, it

becomes immediately apparent to any researcher of the Mesolithic and Iron Age

archaeology of Sri Lanka and peninsular India that similarities in form and function of

tool manufacture are shared across the region. 43 The same degree of similarity is reflected

in the ceramic artefacts of the megalithic and early historic periods, a black and red ware

being predominant in association with megalithic deposits in both countries. 44

Nevertheless, it is to be noted that particularly the megalithic burial complex and

the Iron Age cannot be separated in the context of peninsular India. In fact, most of our

knowledge about the Iron Age comes from burial sites. 45The dating of the Iron Age also

hinges upon the dating of the burial complex, which is quite widespread over south India.

However, a recent study, which has evaluated carefully all the accumulated evidence, puts

the beginning of the Megalithic culture to c 1200 BC and the terminal date around 300 BC

after which there occurs the Brahmi writing. 46 But, it is noteworthy that in most of the

sites, potsherds with Brahmi writing appear very early in the cultural deposits, if not from

the beginning itself In addition it is evident that the Tamil literature ofearly centuries AD

43
ND Wijesekara, ''Prehistoric age," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others,
Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, p.79; Kenneth ARKennedy, "Palaeodemography of
Sri Lanka and peninsular India: A cross-regional survey," Pewectives in archaeology: Leelananda
Prematilake Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others, Department of Archaeology, University of
Peradeniya, 1990, p.34.
44
V Begley, "Prehistoric material from Sri Lanka (Cey Ion) and Indian contacts," Ecological backgrounds of
South Asian prehistory, ed. KAR Kennedy and GL Posehl, Cornell University South Asia Programme,
1976, pp.l91-196; P Ragupathy, Early settlements in Jaffua: An archaeological suiVey, Surdarsan Graphics,
Madras, 1987; S Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige area,"
Ancient Ceylon, Vol.ll, 1972, p.159.
45
Y Subbarayalu, Trends in archaeology of Tamil Nadu, Presidential Address, Association for the Study of
History and Archaeology, Third session, Calcutta, February 26-28, 1999, p.5.
 76

is also quite familiar with the megalithic and urn burials. 47These facts obviously raise a

problem regarding the dating of the megalithic burials. 48

However, it is evident that the Prakrit names, though not many, have parallels in

Sri Lankan rock inscriptions of the contemporary centuries. Hence, some have concluded

that this would suggest that Kodumanal, an active industrial settlement for sem~precious

stone bead making and also for iron working was involved in long distance trade. 49

Interestingly enough some archaeologists have also suggested that most of the beads

found at the megalithic sites like lbbankatuva of Sri Lanka (ca. 770-350 BC) were

imported from India. 5° In addition, it is believed that the Pomparippu burial ware and the

ceramics of Gedige of Anuradhapura generally adhere to the forms and shapes ofthe early

Iron Age ware in peninsular India, though the quality of_production and the raQge of the

Megalithic ware in Sri Lanka cannot parallel the standarcl of its counterpart in the

peninsula. 51 Thus, it is evident that as far as megalith burials of peninsular India and Sri

Lanka are concerned, these seem to belongto a common_ cultural tradition, sharing almost

all the cultural traits including the chronological span. 52 Due to all these facts, it is

46
Udayaravi S Moorti, Megalithic culture of south India: Socio-economic perspectives, Ganga Kaveri
Publishing House, Varanasi, 1994.
47
KR Srinivasan, "The megalithic burials and urn-fields of south India in the light ofTamilliterature and
tradition," Bulletin of the Archaeological Survey oflndi!!, No.2, July 1946, (reprinted) 1970, See. pp.l-9.
48
Y Subbarayalu, Trends in archaeology of Tamil Nadu, Presidential Address, Association for the study of
history and archaeology, Third session, Calcutta, February 26-28, 1999, p.5.
49
Ibid, p.7.
50
Osmund Bopearchchi, "Seafaring in the Indian ocean: Archaeological evidence from Sri Lanka,"
Tradition and Archaeology: Earlv maritime contacts in the Indian ocean, Proceedings of the International
seminar Techno-Archaeological perspectives of seafaring in the Indian ocean, ed. Himanshu Prabha Ray
and Jean-francois Salles, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1996, pp'~59-77.
51
S Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige area," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol.II, 1972, pp.l20-122 and V Begley, "Excavations oflron Age burials at Pomparippu 1970," Ancient
Ceylon, No.4, 1981, p.85.
52
BK. Thapar, "Archaeology of South Asia: A perspective in interrelationship," Cultural interaction in
South Asia: A historical pers.pective, ed. SAl Tirmizi, Hamdard Institute ofHistorical Research, New Delhi,
1993, p.l; Kenneth AR Kennedy, "Palaeodemography of Sri Lanka and peninsular India: A cross-regional
 77

presumed that the megalithic monuments of Sri Lanka can be understood only in the light

of their archaeological parallels on the Indian mainland since a single megalithic zone is

apparent to many scholars. 53 Consequently, some scholars have suggested that it is fairly

certain that the burial culture of northwest Sri Lanka received its impetus from the

urn-cairn burial complex in the Vaigai-Tambapanni plains of south India and it is also

quite likely that the cist burials in north central Sri Lanka may have received its impetus

from the primary cist burial complex extending from Pudukkotai (Tamilnadu) to the

Chittor area in south Andhra Pradesh. 54

Accordingly, the most pertinent question to raise at this point is are the Iron Age

people of the island indigenous or are they derived primarily from iron using people

coming from the mainland oflndia. Besides the remains ofmaterial culture of the period,

the information revealed by the investigations on the skeletal remains at Pomparippu and

Bellanbandipalassa is also very important in this regard, since it has been revealed that

the Iron Age people of Pomparippu of Sri Lanka possessed some biological features

establishing their probable affinities to south Indian community. 55 Similarly, some level

of biological affinity between the Stone Age people ofBellanbandipalassa and the Iron

swvey," Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and
others, Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya, 1990, p.34.
53
KAR Kennedy, The physical anthropology of the megalith-builders of south India and Sri Lanka,
Australian National Museum, Canberra, 1975; Kenneth AR Kennedy, "Palaeodemography of Sri Lanka and
peninsular India: A cross-regional swvey," Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake
Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others, Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya,
1990, p.34; SK Sitrampalam, "Swvey of pre-and proto history in Sri Lanka," Bulletin of the Deccan College
Postgraduate and Research Institute, VoLXLV1, 1981, pp.137-l49; RL Kirk, "The legend of prince Vijaya-
a study of Sinhalese origins," American Journal of Physical Anthropology, Vol.XL V, 1976,pp.91-100; GC
Mendis, "The Vijaya legend," Paranavitana felicitation volume, ed. NA Jayawickrama, Colombo, 1965,
pp.263-279.
Sudarshan Seanaviratna, "The archaeology of the megalithic-black and red ware complex in Sri Lanka,"
Ancient Ceylon, No.5, 1984, pp.282-3.
55
JR LUkacs and AR Kennedy, "Biological anthropology of human remains from Pomparippu," Ancient
Ceylon, No. IV, 1981, pp.l06-107.
 78

Age people under consideration is especially noted with respect to genetically

determined morphological traits. 56 But, it should also not be forgotten that in cqmparing

the skeletal remains of Balangoda man with those of people of Sinhalese, Tamil and

Yedda descent, as well as with a number of specimens from India (tribal, rural and urban

populations), it becomes apparent that most of the biological similarities that were found

in the prehistoric Bellanbandipalassa specimens occurred in highest frequency among

the tribal people ofthe island the Veddas. 57

However, according to all these evidences it is certain that some of the cultural

features of the Iron Age India can be seen even in the contemporary Sri Lanka to a certain

extent although it is not clear whether these people primarily migrated from

contemporary India or they belong to an indigenous source. But, it is important to note at

this point that megalithic structures closely similar to some of those of the Indian

peninsula have been found even in other parts of Asia, Africa and Europe too. The

possibility of an integral unity of ideas and expression over a large part of the earth's

surface from 2,000 to 4,000 years ago lends to the enquiry an unusual potential

importance. 58 Hence, it is interesting to note that apart from neighbouring India, the

material from the earlier hiStoric sites in Sri Lanka, such as Bellanbandipalassa does

show an intriguing resemblance to the materials from Hoabinhian sites in southeast Asia

56
Ibid, pp.l 06-107.
57
KAR Kennedy, "Human skeletal material from Ceylon, with an analysis of the island's prehistoric and
contemporary populations," British Museum Geological (Palaeontological) Series, Vol.II, No.4, 1965; S
Deraniyagala and KAR Kennedy, "Bellanbandipalassa 1970: A Mesolithic burial site in Ceylon," Ancient
Ceylon, Vol.II, 1972,p.44.
58
KR Srinivasan, "The megalithic burials and urn-fields of south India in the light of Tamil literature and
tradition," Bulletin oftht: Archaeological Survey oflndi!!.. No.2, July 1946, (reprinted) 1910, p.9.
 79

also, 59 though the results of archaeological investigations of the possible presence and

influence of southeast Asian peoples in Sri Lanka during the prehistoric and early

historic times was largely negative. 60

However, in contrast, it seems that at least the cultural associations between the

inhabitants of Sri Lanka and India are very ancient and have been continuous since

prehistoric times, the geomorphology of the region permitting a relatively free flow of

peoples and their cultures. 61 Consequently, the general view is that a society of advanced,

socially differentiated, literate, iron using, farmers was superimposed upon an earlier

population ofmicrolithic using stone age hunter gatherers of the island and that this took

place mostly through processes of migration and implantation rather than through internal

development. But, in fact, we do not know exactly when and how the development of the

earliest food production took place and who were the people responsible for it The main

question that we cannot answer yet is whether the first agriculturists were longstanding

inhabitants of the island or one or more waves of migrants or some combination of the

former and the later. The one thing that is certain is that they were the ancestors of the

present day Sri Lankans and that they had passed through early phases and perhaps some

incipient aspects of later phase sometime before the third century BC. 62 Accordingly,

59
Wilhelm G Solheim, "Archaeological Survey to investigate Southeast Asia prehistoric presence in
Ceylon," Ancient Ceylon, No.I, August 1972, p.l.
60
For instance, the typical known tools of the Southeast Asian extensionistic period (about 8000 to 1 BC)
are ground and polished stone adzes, but nothing like these tools was seen in Sri Lanka. Certainly, only two
or three polished stone tools are known from Sri Lanka and these are also not at all similar to Southeast
Asian tools. Wilhelm G Solheim, "Archaeological Survey to investigate Southeast Asia prehistoric presence
in Ceylon," Ancient Ceylon, No.1, August 1972, p.7.
61
Kenneth AR Kennedy, "Palaeodemography of Sri Lanka and peninsular India: A cross-regional survey,"
Perspectives in archaeology: Leelananda Prematilake Festschrift 1990, ed. S. Senaviratna and others,
Department of Archaeology, University ofPeradeniya, 1990, p.34.
62
Senaka Bandaranayake, "The periodisation of Sri Lankan history and some related historical and
archaeological problems," Asian panorama: Essays in Asian history, past and present, ed. KM De Silva and
others, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1990, p.l 0.
 80

whether these cultural attributes were all introduced together following the so--called early

colonisation of the island, as described by the early historical records of Sri Lanka or

derived from the more gradual separate transference of the technologies of these

individual cultural attributes awaits further intensive archaeological investigation and

scientific chronological refinement.

It is, however, evident that some of the cultural developments had close parallels

with those taking place on the Indian mainland at least from the early historical period

onwards. For example, the sixth period of the Citadel of Anuradhapura mentioned above

represents a cultural efflorescence, characterised by the introduction of coinage and use of

Brahmi scripts, which has been ascribed to Mauryan influence commencing ca. 250 BC. It

is also evident that there was an apparent transformation in the social organisation, which

was marked by the formal introduction of Buddhism. Similarly, there was substantial

urban growth at Anuradhapura, based on tank irrigation, monumental architecture with

burnt brick and a stratified society. 63 In addition, major developments in technology, in

methods of using iron, food production and a general efflorescence in the entire cultural

assemblage appear in the archaeological record, although the available data and its

interpretation are still scanty.

Historic periods:

It is thus evident that the clearest and the most dramatic developments in early Sri

Lankan history are those ofthe first phase of the historical period, from ca. third century

63
Senaka Bandaranayake, "The periodisation of Sri Lankan history and some related historical and
archaeological problems," Asian panorama: Essays in Asian history. past and present, ed. KM De Silva and
others, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1990, pp.ll-12; Sudarshan Senaviratna, "Iron technology in
 81

BC to first century AD and not the sixth century BC, as suggested in traditional writings

for the so-called first Indian colonisation of the island. Nevertheless, the information

provided by the excavation at Mahapali Hall of Anuradhapura (1988) is quite discordant

with this decision since some archaeologists have concluded that the discovery of writing

in Brahmi script64on five sherds (belonging to five different pots) is significant for the

periodisation of the sub-continent65and these have been dated to a very early period than

the generally accepted dates. Since the use of an alphabet in association with a language is

unquestionably an indication of an important change in any society, this discovery ofthe

Brahmi script has to be discussed in detail.

So far it was generally accepted that the earliest Brahmi stone inscription found in

Sri Lanka that can be dated with certainty, was discovered at Mihintale very close to

Anuradhapura where the earliest centre of administration of the island was located. The

king Gamani Uti appearing in this inscription can be definitely identified as king Uttiya

(207-197 BC), the successor ofDevanampiyatissa who was a contemporary of emperor

Asoka. 66 Many Brahmi inscriptions have been recorded during the subsequent periods

and these earliest writings in Sri Lanka record grants of caves to the Buddhist monks by

pious individuals. It is conspicuous that these earliest Brahmi scripts are, on the whole,

palaeographically similar to that of the edicts of Asoka; 67records found on the railings at

Sri Lanka: A preliminary study of source use and production techniques during the early Iron Age," Sri
Lanka Journal of the Humanities, Vol. XI, Nosl&2, 1985, pp.l29-178.
64
These belong to the above-mentioned fourth period.
65
S. Deraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol.Vll, 1990, Appendix, p.271.
66
S. Paranavitana, Archaeological Suxvey of Ceylon Annual Report, 1933, p.14; PEE Fernando, "The
beginnings of Sinhala alphabet,;' Education in Ceylon: A centenary volume, Ministry of Education and
Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka, 1969, p.20.
PEE Fernando, "Palaeographical development of the Brahmi script in Ceylon from third century BC to
seventh century AD," University of Ceylon Review, Vol. VII, No.2, 194 9, p.283; David Diringer, The
alphabet, Hutchinson, London, Vol.I, 3rd ed, 1968, p.305.
 82

Bharhut and Sanchi; and some of the other early Prakrit inscriptions discovered in

northern lndia. 68 Hence some have suggested that the art of writing and a readymade

alphabet came from Mauryan India with the Buddhist missionaries to the island in the

third century BC. 69

In this context, the statements by Deraniyagala are important since his chronology

on the early Sri Lankan script is quite different from that of the others. According to the

findings of the Brahmi script on pottery at the excavation site at Mahapali hall of

68
S Paranavitana, Inscriptions of Ceylon, Department of Archaeology, Colombo, Vol.I, 1970, p.xvii;
Wilhelm Geiger, "The linguistic character of Sinhalese," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (Ceylon
Branch), VoLXXXN, No.90, 193 7, p.20; CW Nicholas and S Paranavitana, A concise history of Ceylon,
Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961, second chapter; See also SR Goyal, "Brahmi- an invention of the
early Mamyan period," The origin ofBrahmi script, ed. SP Gupta and KS Ramachandran, DK Publications,
Delhi, 1979,pp.I-53.
69
See. S. Paranavitana lnscriptions of Ceylon, Government Press, Colombo, Voll, 1970; PEE Fernando,
"Palaeo graphical development of the Brahmi script in Ceylon from third century BC to seventh century
AD," University of Ceylon Review, Vol.VTI, No.2, 1949, pp.282-30I; GS Gai, Introduction to Indian
epigraphy, Occasional Monograph Series No.32, Central Institute of Indian Languages, Mysore, I 986,
pp .15-16 and 43. Thus although the earliest written records existing in Sri Lanka cannot be assigned to a
period earlier than the third century BC, some scholars believe that it is quite probable that when the first
Aryan speaking people migrated to the island from north India about six century BC, they brought with
them a knowledge of the writing. PEE Femando, "The beginnings of Sinhala alphabet," Education in
Ceylon: A centenary volume, Ministry of Education and Cultural Affairs, Sri Lanka, 1969, p.20; G. Buhler,
Indian palaeography, Second edition, Calcutta, 1962, p.33. Similarly, some others believe that the Brahmi
alphabet had several centuries of development behind it in the time of Asoka, since the literary sources
indicate that writing, probably at its inception, was known by the Vedic Atyans in India ca. I 000 BC. RB
Pandey, Indian palaeography. Denaras, I 952, pp.6- I4; S Paranavitana, Inscriptions ofCeylo!h Department
of Archaeology, Colombo, VoLI, 1970, p.xxii; KV Saundararajan, "Pre-Asokan writing in India," The
origin ofBrahmi script, ed. SP Gupta and KS Ramachandran, DKPublishers, Delhi, I979, pp.54-66. In
addition, there a few inscriptions of preAsokan period is also available in India. For instance, Mahastan
stone plaque inscription, Piprava Buddhist vase inscription (483 BC), Badhi inscription (443 BC) etc. See
TV Mahalingam, Early south Indian palaeography, University of Madras, I 967, pp. I 05- I 06. Nevertheless,
it is noteworthy that at least dming the subsequent period a parallel to the early Brahmi inscriptions of Sri
Lanka is offered by some Brahmi records discovered in South India also, occurring in a series of caves
found in Trichinapoly, Madurai and Tinnavelly all in the Pandyan country. (For the accounts of these
inscriptions please refer to Progress Report of the Assistant Archaeological Superintendent for Epigraphs,
Southern Circle, 1907, p.46; 1911-12, p.57; 1928, p.l. For further details of these similarity please refer to
PEE Fernando, "Palaeo graphical development of the Brahmi script in Ceylon from third century BC to
seventh century AD," University of Ceylon Review, Vol.VTI, No.2, 1949, pp.282-301) It is generally
believe that in the third or second century BC, the Brahmi syllabary was introduce into Tamil Nadu area.
See A descriptive catalogue of palm ]eafmannscripts in T!!mil, Institute of Asian Studies, Madras, Vol.I,
Part I, 1990, Introduction, p.x. Accordingly, though it is debatable some have suggested that the early
Brahmi inscriptions of Sri Lanka confirm the existence of cultural influences not only from north Indian
region but also from South India during the early historical period. Sudarshan Senaviratna, "The
 83

Anuradhapura he concludes that the associated cultural assemblage indicates

unequivocally that the use of the script dates to the transition from the Protohistoric to the

early historic period and hence these assignable to the basal early historic i.e. pre-Asokan
70
period. He further concludes in this regard that it is highly unlikely that five such

specimens derived from five different vessels could have been found in such close

association unless there was a functional relationship between these artefacts and their

matrix. The latter appeared homogeneous enough so as to preclude the possibility of the
71
sherds intruding en bloc from an overlying context. It is hence tempting to see a

connection between this archaeological evidence and the legend of Vijaya and his
72
followers as enunciated in the Mahavamsa an event attributed to the sixth century BC.

Thus, it is hypothesised that the co-evality in the first occurrence ofBrahmi and the two

ceramic traits is linked in some manner to an extraneous cultural impulse that reached Sri

Lanka during this period.

It is remarkable that the finds of Sri Lanka-British excavation team also confirms

the usage of Brahmi script in this pre-Asokan period in the island. According to the

information revealed by the excavation at the site of Salgahawatta in t.1.e citadel of

Anuradhapura, the early historic period (this has been termed as period J) represents 450-
73
350 BC and from this stratum, they have found four potsherds scratched with portions

archaeology of the megalithic black and red ware. complex in Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon, Vol. V, 1984,
fcp.237 -307.
0
S. Deraniyagala, "The proto and early historic radiocarbon chronology of Sri Lanka," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol VII, 1990, Appendix, pp.271-272.
71
Ibid, p.272. For the plates of these Brahmi scripts please refer to p.290.
n SU Deraniyagala, (Reprinted from) The prehistory of Sri Lanka: An ecological perspective: Addendum
ill, Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka, 1992, p.7 45; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in Sri
Lanka 600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon, Vol.V, No.ll, 1990, pp.l49-171.
73
They have presented these details thoroughly following the period names and numbers employed by
Deraniyagala in 1990. RAE Coningham and FR Allchin, "The rise of cities in Sri Lanka," The archaeology
 84

74
of Brahmi inscriptions cut in ill formed but nonetheless convincing letters. As they

have reported, the earliest indication comes from the first phase of this period, but it is

only a single letter; other examples come from later phases; while the first fragment of a

full inscription occurs in the uppermost fourth and fifth phases. This would indicate that

the use of writing began some two centuries earlier than the first datable inscriptions of

south Asia. 75 Hence, it can be reasonably concluded that the Brahmi script began to be

used in Sri Lanka at least a century or two before the rise of the Mauryan empire and

perhaps as early as three centuries before the traditional date for the introduction of

Buddhism into the island. Certainly, as its earliest manifestations indicate, Brahmi shows

some variations from the Brahmi script of the Mauryan period, not least in the

comparative irregularity, not to say ungainliness of some of its letters. However, the

language of these early inscriptions is perhaps, unexpectedly in this setting, a typical

north Indian Parkrit. 76

of early historic South Asia: The emergence of cities and states, FR Allchin, Cambridge University Press,
London, 1995, pp.162-163.
74
1bid,pp.l62-163. Seep.62 also.
75
1bid, p.l76. The inscriptions are found on sherds oflocal pottery, being throughout scratched with a sharp
point after firing and as such almost all are incomplete. Further, they are also regrettably short. None of
those discovered in Salgahawatta to date is of more than six syllables and many consist of only one or two
syllables. There can however be little doubt that these single or double letters or symbols are parts of an
inscription and are not to be confused with a second series of signs that are less certainly letters. The script in
all cases appears to be an early stage of the Indian Brahmi alphabet. With one or two problematic exceptions
the language where enough letters are present to make identification possible, appears to be Prakrit that is an
early middle Indo-Aryan language rather than a Dravidian or other language. RAE Coningham and FR
Allchin, "The rise of cities in Sri Lanka," The archaeology of early historic South Asia: The emergence of
cities and states, FR Allchin, Cambridge University Press, London, 1995, pp.176-178. However, it is
noteWorthy that contemporary inscriptions on potsherds are known from Indian subcontinent too. See SU
Deraniyaga1a, "Radiocarbon dating of early Brahmi script in Sri Lanka 600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylon,
Vol.V, No.l1, 1990, p.159.
76
FR Allchin, The archaeology of early historic South Asia: The emergence of cities and states, FR Allchin,
Cambridge University Press, London, 1995, p.336. It is to be noted that despite this appearance ofBrahmi
inscription, the remaining features of the material culture stay on largely as in the previous period. Ibid,
pp.l62-163. See also p.62.
 85

Thus, although the history ofBmhmi script of Sri Lanka goes at least as far back as

the sixth or fifth century BC, it is evident that these few Brahmi letters on potsherds and

even Brahmi inscriptions of the early historical period of Sri Lanka which belong to the

third century BC do not contain much information on the cultuml history or the

interactions of the two countries, since their epigmphic style is nearly always the same;

some inscriptions contain only three words of the cave of so and so, others contain also the

title of the donor and ofhis father and a dedication to the priesthood. 77 Nevertheless, taken

along with the Sri Lankan Chronicles these early Brahmi inscriptions of the island provide

valuable confirmation of information recorded in literature and sometimes even supply

new information on them. In addition. particJJlarly on some aspects of cultural history of

the island they fill gaps left by the chroniclers and they have the further advantage that

they are contemporary records to the events. 78

According to the descriptions giVen m ancient litemture, there was a quite

different, but rather close intercourse between India and Sri Lanka from very early

periods. Although this is mentioned by Sri Lankan litemry sources, hardly any Indian

treatise has left an account of this connection. Thus, incidental references are to be found

in some works such as the Ramayana, Lamkavatara Sutra, Diyyavadana, Rajatamngani,

Jatakas and in the Tamil treatises of south India such as the Silappadikamm, Manimekalei,

Pattinappalai and the Padirrupattu etc79 of the various periods. It is noteworthy that aside

from these literary sources, with the rise of the first Pandyan empire in south India and

77
David Diringer, The alphabet, Hutchinson, London, Vol.l, 3rd ed, 1968, p.304.
78
1t is to be noted at this point that judging by these standards, the literary sources have obvious limitations
as a source for the earliest period of Sri Lankan history -that covered by the Brahmi inscriptions. In fact, it
shares almost all the weaknesses of a literary source.
79
LS Perera, "The sources of Ceylon history," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and
others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 19 59, p .65
 86

gradual entanglement of Sri Lanka in the politics of the south Indian regiOn, few

epigraphical records of the Pandyas and the Cholas also contain references to the political

fortunes of the island. Hence, it is clear that even in these epigraphical sources of south

India were also mainly focussed on political events than cultural affairs of the two

countries. Besides, a few inscriptions such as at Bodh Gaya and Nagarjunakonda that will

be discussed later are important to this study since these are basically religious m

character.

On account of this apparent scarcity of information from India, it is clear that more

attention has to be given to the details supplied by the Sri Lankan chroniclers when

examining the cultUral interactions of the two countries during the ancient period. When

considering these historical writings of early Sri Lanka, it has to be realised at first that

these have been entirely the works ofBuddhist monks. Among such works the three early

Pali treatises, the Dipavams~ the Mahavamsa and the introduction to the

Samantapasadi~ the commentary to the Vinaya Pitaka of the Pali canon are the main

sources of history of the island during the earliest period. 8<Jn fact, these are not the earliest

records of the history of Sri Lanka, nor can these be understood apart from the traditions

that lie behind them and the other works based upon them. In this context, it is evident that

these were for a long time handed down by word of mouth. As Geiger correctly pointed

out, these works were in addition closely related to one another, drew upon a source, now

lost, which has been termed variously as Poranattakatha, Sihalattakatha or simply

w See GC Mendis, "The Pali chronicles of Ceylon: An examination of the opinions expressed about them
since 1879," University of Ceylon Review, ed. JLC Rodrigo and OH de A Wijesekara, October Vol.IV,
No.1, 1946, p.l; LS Perera, "The sources of Ceylon history," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed.
HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, I 959, p.SO.
 87

Porana. 81 The various references suggest an earlier source, thought to be an historical

introduction that was part of the old Sinhalese commentaries to the Buddhist canonical

works. 82

Of these literary works, the earliest remaining record of the historical tradition of

the island is the Dipavamsa83 compiled by an unknown author or authors and completed

about the middle of the fourth century AD. 8'1t is conspicuous that being unused to the

language, they wrote in inelegant, halting Pali verses. The so-called "memory verses" the

double versions of some events and the numerous repetitions clearly show that it is very

close to the original source though containing some legends.

According to the chronological order, the next document is the introduction of the

Samantapasadika. which was compiled by the famous Buddhist commentator

Buddhaghosa. 85It is believed that this was written in the twenty-first reigning year of

Sirinivasa and he has been identified from the inscriptional and other evidence as king

Mahanama of the Mahavamsa (406-428 AD). 86The descriptions given in the introduction

of the Samantapasadika deal only with the history of the island's Buddha Sasana from the

beginning upto the event ofthe death ofMahinda thero sometime in the third century BC.

Its main aim was to establish the authority ofthe Vinaya and therefore it does not deal
87
with the subsequent history of the island in detai1.

HI Mahavam~ ed. Wilhelm Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1908, Introduction, p.l 0;
V amsattappakasini, ed. GP Malalasekara, Pali Text Society, London, 1935, Introduction.
82
Lakshman S Perera, "The Brahmi inscriptions as a source for the study of the early history of Ceylon,"
Ceylon Historical Journal, Vol.I, No.I, 1951, pp. 78-95.
83
The Dipavamsa, ed. Hermann Oldenberg, London, 1879.
84
LS Perera, "The sources of Ceylon history," University of Ceylon Histoty of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and
others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Yol.l, Part I, 1959, p.48.
85
Samantapasadika, ed. J. Takakusu, Pali Text Society, London, 1924.
86
I$ Perera, "The sources of Ceylon history," University of Ceylon Histoty of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and
others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, p.49.
87
Ibid, p.49.
 88

According to general acceptance, the most important literary work is the

Mahavamsa by Mahanama. 8 ~o doubt portions of the treatise that deal with the ancient
89
period may be important as an example of ancient historiography. Although scholars

like Geiger, 90 Malalasekara, 91 Adikaram 92 and Men dis 93 have studied the chronology,

authorship and the sources of the Mahavamsa in detail, neither they nor the others have
9
had the last word regarding the date and authorship of the Mahavamsa. 'Nevertheless,

Paranavitana identifies thera Mahanama as the author of the Mahavamsa, who received

from Moggallana I the temple founded by the latter at Sigiriya. 95

It has been generally assigned to the period of sixth century AD,~ut it can be

argued that it is an even later work. 97However, it is certain that this was not compiled all at

once, for it exists in four recognisable sections. Of them, only the first two compilations

that cover the period of ancient history of the country are relevant to this study. The first

part that consists of the first thirty-seven chapters is commonly known as the Mahavamsa

88
Mahavamsa, ed. Wilhelm Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1908. Geiger no doubt felt that there was
ample scope for a deeper investigation and even before be brought out his edition of the MabavamSll. he
published a small treatise, which forms a critical evaluation of the Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa with special
reference to their sources. See W Geiger, The Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa, tr. EM Coomaraswamy,
Government Printer, Colombo, 1908. Although Geiger once changed his stance regarding the sources of the
Mahavamsa (See Cu1avamsa, ed. Wilhe1m Geiger, Pali text Society, London, Volf, p.ll), his conclusion
was that the two early chronicles go back to a common source (See W Geiger, Culture of Ceylon in
medieval times, ed. Heinz Bechert, Wiesbaden, I %0, p.72), a view that has still not been seriously refuted.
S Kiribamune, "Geiger and the history of Sri Lanka," Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies,
Vol VII, No.I, 1977, p.55.
89
Lakshman S Perera, "The Brahmi inscriptions as a source for the study of the early history of Ceylon,"
Ceylon Historical Journal Vol.I, No.I, 1951, p.82.
90
W Geiger, The Dipavlinisa and Mahavams!!, tr. EM Coomarasv•amy, Government Printer, Colombo,
1908.
91
Vamsattappakasini, ed. GP Malalasekara, Pali TeA1 Society, London, 1935.
92
EW Adikaram, Early history of Buddhism iu Ceylon, Gunasena, Colombo, Second impression, I 9 53.
93
GC Mendis, "Pali Chronicles of Ceylon," University of Ceylon Review, Vol.IV, I 946.
94
S Kiribamune, "Geiger and the history of Sri Lanka," Ceylon Journal of Historical and Social Studies,
Vol. VII, No.I, 1977, p.55.
95
S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the period: Religion, literature and art," University of Ceylon History of
Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, I 959, p.392.
96
W Geiger, Mahavamsa (ed.), Pali Text Society, London, I 912, p.xii.
 89

98
and the rest of the chronicle is usually referred to as the Culavamsa. According to the

references given in the Vamsattappakasini, the commentary on the Mahavamsa, also

written in Pali not earlier than the end of seventh century AD and dated as being compiled

between the eighth and the twelfth centuries, 99the text is a translation into elegant Pali of

the historical material in the Poranattakata or ancient commentaries of the dwellers of the
100
Mahavihara in Anuradhapura. Thus, it is clear that there existed an older Mahavamsa in

Sinhalese prose, which was referred to as Sihalattakatha Mahavamsa and was included in
101
the commentary variously referred to as Attakatha, Porana and Poranattakatha. It is

believed that this early version of older Mahavamsa was placed on record very probably

in the reign of Vattagamini Abhaya (89-77 BC) when the hitherto oral tradition of the

Sinhalese commentaries was put to writing. 102

97
RALH Gunawardana, "The people of the lion: The Sinhala identity and ideology in history and
historiography," The Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities, Vol.V, No.1 & 2, 1979, p.4.
98
Since the author of the Culavamsa has started his work with the last verse of the Mahavamsa, it is obvious
that the former is continued the later that stopped at the end of the reigning period ofMahasena of the fourth
century AD. This continued up to the reign ofParakramabahu I of the twelfth century AD and it is
conspicuous that with the sixty-second chapter, the author introduces a new method, and dealt with king
Parakramabahu I in the manner in which Indian writers dealt with epic heroes, and reminiscent of the style
in which the author of' the Mahavamsa dealt with Duttagamini. LS Perera, "The sources of Ceylon history/'
University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I,
Part I, 1959, p.52. It is an established fact that a Buddhist monk named Dhammakitti wrote this chronicle
(Wilhelm Geiger, Culavamsa. ed. Pali Text Society, London, Vol.I, Introduction, p.iii) although some have
attributed this to Moggallana who also wrote the Abhidanappradipika and lived during the reign of King
Parakramabahu I. Yagirala Pannananda, Mahavamsa: The third part, Colombo, 1935, Introduction.
99
V amsattappakasini ed. GP Malalasekara, Pali Text Society, London, 1935, pp.civ-cix.
100
It is Mteworthy that the Mahavihara was the seat of the orthodox, Hinayana doctrine, but after the
foundation in 89 BC of the Abhayagiriya temple, which became the centre of the heterodox, tended to be
Mahayana doctrine, its supremacy was often challenged.
101
Ibid, Introduction. It is to be noted at this point that the Attakatha or commentaries was a compilation
maintained through the centuries till it took its final form containing historical material up to the time of
Mahasena of the fourth century AD. It is evident that the Attakatha was available to the great Indian
commentator Buddhaghosa when he visited Sri Lanka in the fifth century AD and to the author of the
Vamsattappakasini It may be concluded that the sources of the present Mahavamsa and the Atthakatha,
were compiled almost contemporaneous with most of the events they relate and handed down orally in the
Mahavihara until the first century BC when these oral traditions were placed on record. Ibid, Introduction.
102
Ibid, Introduction.
 90

However, it is evident that the author of the Mahavamsa makes use of various

literary devices such as puns and alliterations, and presents his material as a well-balanced

whole. 103But, it is significant that the Mahavamsa is religious in its outlook even when

describing secular matters. As a result, the strong didactic purpose running through it is

summarised in the phrase that ends each chapter, "compiled for the serene joy and

emotion of the pious." Thus, parts of it were no doubt read for the edification of the

faithful. It is also obvious that this chronicle represents fourth and fifth century claims

about Buddhists and the history of Anuradhapura region. 104Consequently, it reveals that

the Buddhist connection is the major preoccupation of the early historiography of the

island as far as an Indian cultural relation is concerned. This link is evident in attempts to

show that not only is the last Buddha made to visit Sri Lanka, but three other previous

Buddhas are also said to have sanctified the island with their presence, having come over

from lndia. 105Accordingly, Sri Lanka's affinity to the Buddha is emphasised so much that

it even includes a family connection between the Sakyan royal dynasty to which the

Buddha belonged and the royal family of the island, a subject which has been dealt with in

depth by some scholars. 106Consequently, it is significant that the history of Sri Lanka

mentioned in these Pali works came to be closely linked with the history of Buddhism in

the island too. For the fulfilment of this amalgamation, the history of Sri Lanka from its

103
LS Perera, "The sources of Ceylon history," University of Ceylon History of Ceylo!!, ed. HC Ray and
others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, p.SO.
104
Jonathan S Walter, The Mahayana origins of the Theravada, Discussion paper of the Ceylon Studies
Seminar, University ofPeradeniya, Sri Lanka, 1997, p.2.
105
See the first chapter ofMahavamsa, ed. Wilhelm Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1908.
106
RALH Gunawardana, "The kinsmen of the Buddha: Myth as political charter in the ancient and early
medieval kingdoms of Sri Lanka," The Sri Lanka iournal of the Humanities, Vol.II, No .I, 1976, pp.53 -62.
 91

earliest times upto the reigning period of Devanampiyatissa was added. 107It is further

evident that materials were gathered from whatever traditions, legends or myths that were

current to fulfilling the aspiration of the author. 108Ultimately, it is obvious that these Pali

chronicles of Sri Lanka without doubt, added the descriptions reign by reign, so that no

section can be said to actually date from the given period.

Thus, although certain imperfections can be noted among the descriptions given in

these chronicles, it is noteworthy that a majority of these have been confirmed by the

epigraphical records at least from the period of third century BC onwards when Brahmi

inscriptions are available abundantly. But it is to be noted that according to the

descriptions given in these ancient chronicles, the unbroken and detailed history of the

island runs at least as far back as the incident of landing ofVijaya, a north Indian prince

and his followers some time in the sixth century BC. 109 But, some of the early historians

107
Consequently, it is evident that an examination of the reigning periods of the early kings of the island
from the time ofVijaya's period shows that these were artificial creations. For instance, the nine kings of the
earliest twelve are allotted round numbers. Of them, Pandukabhaya and Mutasiva are given impossible
reigning periods (seventy and sixty years respectively). Besides, Pandukabhaya is born just before the death
of his father Panduvasudeva. He ascends the throne at 37 and rules for 70 years until he is I 07. His son
Mutasiva is born of Suvannapali whom he married before he was twenty. Nevertheless, he, who must have
been advanced in years at his accession, reigns for another sixty years. His second son Devanampiyatissa,
who too must have been old at his accession, reigns for another thirty years and fourth brother reins for
another ten years after Sena and Guttika. Thus, it is clear that no value can be attached to the chronology of
Sri Lankan kings at least from the period ofVijaya to Elara's time. The reigning periods seem to have been
artificially fixed to illl the gap between the death ofBuddha and the reign ofDuttagamini. GC Mendis, "The
chronology of the early Pali Chronicles of Ceylon," University of Ceylon Review, Vol.V, pp.39-54. It
should be noted at this point that there are two schools of thought, one following that there was an
approXimatdy 2 I 8 years' in!t:rval belwt:t:n the dt:alh of Buddha and the conStX-ntion of Asoka which look
place 268 BC and the other chronology placing the interval between these two events about I 00- I I 0 years.
See H. Bechert, "The date of the Buddha reconsidered," Indologia Jaurineasi!!, Vol.:X, 1982, pp.29-36.
108
LS Perera, "The sources of Ceylon hist01y," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and
others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, p.47.
109
Mahavams!!, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Tex1 Society, 1912, chap. 6; 37- 47vv. According to this story given in
the Mahavamsa in detail, the daughter of the king ofVanga runs away from the palace and joins a caravan
heading for Magadha territory. Nevertheless, on the way, in the Lala country, the caravan is attacked by a
lion and abducts this princess. Ultimately, from the union of the princess with the lion are born a son and a
daughter named Sihabahu and Sihasivali. However, when the children grow up, they flee with their mother
from the lion's den and reach the frontier region of their grandfather's kingdom. Here a relative who rules
the frontier province befriends them. The lion ravages villages in his search for his offspring. Consequently,
 92

Men dis, for instance, strongly suggested that it was a synthetic account, a product of the

mind 110 and dating not earlier than the first century BC. Certainly, a detailed examination

of the Vijaya legend at least reveals that it was a creation after the introduction of

Buddhism and was fashioned by adapting stories from the Jatakas and further

embellishing them with details from others. 111 Besides, the story of next three kings,

Panduvasudeva, Abhaya and Pandukabhaya also seem to have been adopted mainly from

the Jatakas and they have been further transformed with the object of connecting the royal

dynasty of Sri Lanka on the one hand with the Pandavas, the heroes of the Mahabharata

and on the other with the Sakyas, the clan of the Buddha. 112 It is interesting to note at this

point that the Vijaya story contains some elements that are discordant with the other

stories given in the same chronicle too. For instance, during the first visit to the island,

the son Sihabahu kills the further the lion. Ultimately, on the death of his grandfather, he is offered the
kingdom ofVanga, but he prefers to found a kingdom with a new capital city, Sihapura where he reigns with
his sister as his queen. They have sixteen pairs of twins. Vijaya, the eldest, is of violent disposition. He and
his seven hundred followers harass the people. When the enraged people demand the Vijaya be put to death,
the king exiles him, together with his followers. Their ship touches at Supparaka, but because of their
misconduct, they are driven away again and fmatly they land in Sri Lanka. On the day of their arrival in Sri
Lanka, the Buddha lay dying, but his thoughts were on the satiety ofVijaya and his followers. The Buddha
assigns god Sakra to protect them and the letter sends the God Uppalavanna to the island. Ibid, chap. 6; 37-
47vv. Although the Dipavamsa also gives the same story in short (See. The Dipavamsa, ed. Hermann
Oldenberg, London, 1879, chap.9, 1-8 vv), Mahavamsa added an extra event to the story i.e. the marriages
ofVijaya to indigenous Kuveni and daughter ofPandyan princess of Madura etc. The story further says that
the other women who accompanied the princess were married to the followers of Vijaya and consequently
colonised the various partS of the islali.d. (For the critical analysis ofVijaya story ofMahavamsa, refer to GC
Mendis, "The Vijaya legend," Paranavitana felicitation volume, ed. NA Jayawickrama, Colombo, 1965).
Nevertheless, it is very interesting to note that this story was not the only description of the so-called first
colonisation of the island of Sri Lanka, since Divyavadana presented another story, <Divyavadana, ed. E.B.
Cowel and R.A. Neil, Cambridge, 1886, pp.523-529) and Hiuen Tsang described still another two stories
almost different from the Vijaya legend given in the Sri Lankan chronicles. (S. Beal, Travels ofHiuen
T' sang, Calcutta, Vol.IV, 1958, pp.435-442). However, it is interesting to note that this frrst so-called
colonisation of"Merchant Simhala" to Sri Lanka given the "Simhala Avadana" is pictorially represented
among the paintings of cave no 17 at Ajanta. J. Griffiths, The paintings in the Buddhist cave temples of
Ajanta Khandesh, London, Vol.I, 1896, see p.38. This story is believed to be the landing ofVijaya. See DB
Dhanapala, The stozy of Sinhalese painting, Saman Press, Maharagama, 1957, p.42).
110
GC Mendis, "The Vijaya legend," Paranavitana felicitation Volume ed. NA Jayawickrama, Colombo,
1965, pp.263-279; Problems of Ceylon history, Apothecaries, Colombo, (n.d).
111
GC Mendis, "The Mahabharata legends in the Mahavamsa," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
(Ceylon Branch) New Series, 1956, p.81.
 93

Buddha is said to have expelled the inhabitants, the Yakkhas of the island to the Giridipa
113
though subsequently Vijaya and his followers find their kingdom in the island.

But it is to be noted that some scholars did not reject these traditional tales

completely as non-history. Geiger, for instance, states that if we bear in mind the tenacity

in the east of the traditions connected with certain localities, we cannot merely ignore such

traditions, but should try to discover the kernel of historical truth that they

contain. 114Beyond these limits, it is interesting that as for the Vijayan hypothesis, the

so-called first colonisation of the island to popular and semi-scholarly belief, few more
115
modern historians would disagree with the notion that the story is legendary, a myth of

origin or charter of legitimisation. In addition, it is noteworthy that on the basis of Sri

Lankan chronicles, the early Brahmi inscriptions and certain linguistic characteristic of

the island, some other scholars believed that the credit of beginning the earliest civilised

habitations has to be given to a group that arrived from northwest and east India. 116

It is interesting to note that though some recent historians have pointed out that the

use of legend given in the chronicles was a political charter, m some other contemporary

historians believe that these can also be seen as a reflection of the cultural identities of the

people, realistic or imaginary as the case may be. Accordingly, it is implicit in the legend

ofVijaya who peopled the island is the belief that Sri Lankan culture owes its origins to

112
Ibid, p.81.
113
See. Mahavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, 1912, chap. 6.
114
W Geiger, Culture of Ceylon in medieval times, ed. Heinz Bechert, Wiesbaden, 1960, p.22.
115
CR de Silva, Sri Lanka: A history, New Delhi, 1987, pp.I9-21; KM de Silva, A history of Sri Lanka, New
Delhi, 1981' pJ.
116
See. PEE Fernando, "Palaeographical development of the Brahmi script in Ceylon from third century BC
to seventh century AD," tfniversitv of Ceylon Review, Vol. VII, No.2, 1949, pp.282-301; See also David
Diringer, The alphabet, Hutchinson, London, Vol.I, 3rd ed, 1968, pp.303-304.
117
See. RALH Gunawardana, "The kinsmen of the Buddha: Myth as political charter in the ancient and
early medieval kingdoms of Sri Lanka," The Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities, Vol.ll, No.1, 197 6,
pp.53-62.
 94

118
Indian culture. The belief is the same when considering the recent works of

archaeologists. For example, the above-mentioned earliest Brahmi scripts found on

pottery at the excavation site ofMahapali hall of Anuradhapura has been assigned to the
119
so-called first colonisation of the island by Deraniyagala.

Thus, it is clear that some of the historians as well as archaeologists still tend to

accept the basic premise that civilisation in Sri Lanka had its origins in groups or waves of

migrants from north India settling down in the island somewhere during the first

millennium BC an amalgam of their Indo-Aryan dialects producing the early Sinhalese

language. 120 Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that, in addition to the north Indian

role, south India is also credited with playing an equal role in this so-called 'first

colonisation' of the island since the story mentions the connection of a Pandyan

princess. 121 It is interesting to note that some archaeologists also believe that it is fairly

::ertain that some cultural and political elements of protohistoric and early historic periods

)fSri Lanka, particularly the megalithic culture received its impetus from south India, 122

IS we have already discussed above. But, in contrast, it is obvious that the descriptions

18
Sirima .Kiribamune, "Buddhist historiography: Sri Lankan perception," Cultural interaction in South
~sia: A historical pers,pective,
ed. SAl Tinnizi, Hamdard Institute of Historical Research, New Delhi, 1993,
.9.
19
SU Deraniyagala, (Reprinted from) The prehistocy of Sri Lanka: An ecological perspective; Addendum
[I, Archaeological Survey of Sri Lanka, 1992, p.745; "Radiocarbon dating of early Brabmi script in Sri
anka 600-500 BC," Ancient Ceylo!!, Vol.V, No.ll, 1990, pp.l49-171.
0
Senaka Bandaranayake, "The periodisation of Sri Lankan history and some related historical and
:-chaeological problems," Asian panorama: Essays in Asian history, past and present, ed. KM De Silva and
thers, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1990, p.l 0; See also David Diringer, The alpha be!, Hutchinson,
ondon, Vol.I, 3'd ed, 1968, pp.303-304.
1
Sirima .Kiribamune, "Buddhist historiography: Sri Lankan perception," Cultural interaction in South
sia: A historical peeyective, ed. SAl Tirmizi, Hamdard Institute of Historical Research, New Delhi, 1993,
10.
1
Sudarshan Seanaviratna, "The archaeology of the megalithic black and red ware complex in Sri Lanka,"
ncient Ccylo!!, Vol.V, 1984, pp.237-303, particularly, pp.282-283; "Pre-state chie~.ains and servants of
ite: A case study ofParumaka," Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities, Vol.XV, Nos I & 2, 1989,
1.99-132.
 95

given in these Chronicles, particularly as regards the earliest phase of the island, quite

discordant with the information revealed by the recent archaeological explorations.

However, it is noteworthy that in addition to this so-called colonisation and other

close cultural contacts, various references have been made in Sri Lankan literature in

relation to the ancient trade connections between the two countries, which have been

examined by various scholars in detail. 123 Besides these references in Sri Lankan literature,

both eastern and western historical records also recount the role of Sri Lanka as an

important centre in the long distance trade of the Indian Ocean at least from the beginning

of the Christian era. 12'1n this process, it is evident that Sri Lankan products like precious

stones, pearls, chanks, turtle shell and cloth were in demand from a very early time. Apart

from such luxury goo<is, it appears that Sri Lanka provided certain essential facilities for

mariners of the Indian Ocean too. For instance, besides food and pure drinking water, a

wide variety of timber used for making frames, planking, masts, spars and oars of boats

123
For instance see BJ Perera, "The foreign trade and commerce of ancient Ceylon," (4 pt.) Ceylon
Historical Journal, Vol. 1, 1952, January pp.l 09-119, pp .192-204, April pp.30 1-320, July-August pp.l4-22;
M Prickett, "Sri Lanka's foreign trade before AD 600: Archaeological evidence," Asian panorama: Essays
in ancient history. past and present, ed. KM de Silva, S Kiribamune and CR de Silva, 1990, pp.l51-190;
"Durable good: The archaeological evidence of Sri Lanka's role in the Indian ocean trade," Asian
panorama: Essays in ancient histo:ry. past and present, ed. KM de Silva, S Kiribamune and CR de Silva,
1990, pp.61-85; "Mantai-Mahatitta: The great port and entrepot in Indian trade," Asian panorama: Essays in
ancient histo:ry. past and present, ed. KM de Silva, S Kiribamune and CR de Silva, 1990, pp.ll5-l22; WI
Siriweera, "Pre-colonial Sri Lanka's maritime commerce with special reference to its ports," Sri Lanka and
the silk road of the sea, ed. S. Bandaranayake and others, The Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO
and the Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, 1990, pp .125-13 3; RALH Gunawardana, "Seaways to Sielediba:
Changing patterns of navigation in the Indian ocean and their impact on pre-colonial Sri Lanka," Sri Lanka
and lht: silk road of tht: St:!!, ed. S. Bandaranayakt: and otht:rs, Tht: Sri Lanka National Commission for
UNESCO and the Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, 1990; Osmund Bopearachchi, "Seafaring in the Indian
ocean: Archaeological evidence from Sri Lanka," Tradition and Archaeology: Early maritime contacts in
the Indian ocean, Proceedings of the International seminar Techno-Archaeological perspectives of seafaring
in the Indian ocean, ed. Himanshu Prabha Ray and Jean-francois Salles, Manohar Publishers and
Distnbutors, 1996, pp.59-77.
124
See DPM Weerakkody, "The foreign relations and trade of ancient Sri Lanka from Greek and Latin
sources," Silver Jubilee commemoration volume of the University ofKelanjya, Sri Lanka, ed. SGM
Weerasinghe and others, Kalaniya, 1986, pp.447-463.
 96

and oars of boats and ships was available in Sri Lanka, particularly in the southwestern

parts of the island. 125

It is certain that in this ancient trade pattern, Sri Lankan's earliest and closest

tmding partner was neighbouring India. Consequently, severn} early records describe Sri

Lankan mariners who engaged in western part of India as early as the fourth century BC

and the Sri Lankan ships coming to India. 1 ~ addition, it is quite clear that the Sri Lankan

polity was concerned about the hold of the Indian merchants as intermediaries and was

trying to gain access to the western Indian Ocean trade. 1271t is also evident that their

involvement in foreign trade persisted even at the end of the twelfth century AD and in the

beginning of thirteenth century AD. For instance, in one of the inscriptions of queen

Lilavati, who ruled intermittently from 1197 to 1212, she refers to the presence ofthe

south Indian tmding guild in her kingdom. 128The record is particularly significant since it

directs our attention to the continuing prominence of south Indian merchants in the island

long after the termination of the Cola occupation. 129

tis RALH Gunawardana, "Seaways to Sielediba: Changing patterns of navigation in the Indian ocean and
their impact on pre-colonial Sri Lanka," Sri Lanka and the silk road of the sea, ed. S. Bandaranayake and
others, The Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO and the .Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, 1990,
E.31.
26
For the details of these references please refer to DPM Weerakkody; Taprobane: Ancient Sri Lanka as
known to Greeks and Romans, Brepols, 1997 and Osmund Bopearchchi, "Seafaring in the Indian ocean:
Archaeological evidence from Sri tanka,;; Tradition and Archaeology: Early maritime contacts in the
Indian ocean, Proceedings of the International seminar Techno-Archaeological perspectives of seafaring in
the Indian ocean, ed. Himanshu Prabha Ray and Jean-francois Salles, Manohar Publishers and Distributors,
1996, pp.59-77.
127
RALH Gunawardana, "Seaways to Sielediba: Changing patterns of navigation in the Indian ocean and
their impact on pre-colonial Sri Lanka," Sri Lanka and the silk road of the sea, ed. S. Bandaranayake and
others, The Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO and the Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, 1990,
f:.38.
28
DM de Z Wickramasinghe, "The slab inscription marked of queen Lilavati," Epigraphia Zeylanica, ed.
DM de Z Wickramasinghe, Oxford University Press, Vol.I, 1912, epigraph no.14, p.l80.
129
RALH Gunawardana, "Seaways to Sielediba: Changing patterns of navigation in the Indian ocean and
their impact on pre-colonial Sri Lanka, Sri Lanka and the silk road of the sea, ed. S. Bandaranayake and
others, The Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO and the Central Cultural Fund, Colombo, 1990,
p.36.
 97

Apart from the evidence of literary sources and also the rare epigraphical records,

the archaeological excavations done at Mahatitta, the main port of ancient Sri Lanka also

shows evidence of far-flung Indian Ocean trade from the last few centuries before the

Christian era up to the end of tenth, eleventh century, with a very diminished trade

continuing until the thirteenth century AD when the port functioned more as a military
130
and naval base. In this context, it is noteworthy that the port of Mahatitta was

strategically placed for the exchange of goods between the eastern and western blocks of

the Indian Ocean, as well as the north-south exchange between the Indian mainland and

Sri Lanka. Located in the shallow seas on the eastern side of the underwater reef-barrier,

Adam's bridge, the small Mantai channel particularly allowed goods to be transhipped to

the emporium, a fact remarked upon by Eratosthenese in the third century BC. He

_ mentions that the seas between India and Sri Lanka were very shallow, but that there were

channels through which ships could navigate with two bows, so that they need not tum

around. 131

It is to be noted that the excavations at the site, have enabled the identification of

four archaeological periods defined by bone and shell material, radiocarbon dates on

carbon and chronologically diagnostic artefacts, mainly imported ceramics, glass, coins

and other datable artefacts. Accordingly, in the Mesolithic period; the site was a

marine-resource oriented camp-settlement in the middle of the second millennium BC. In

the early historic period; there are indications of south Indian trade connections with

130
See Moira Tampoe, "The spice island route: Sri Lanka's participation in maritime trade and the
archaeological evidence from Mantai and Galle harbour," Sesquicentennial commemorative volume of the
Royal Asiatic society of Sri Lanka 1845- I 995, ed. GPSH de Silva and CG Uragoda, Royal Asiatic Society
of Sri Lanka, Colombo, 1995, pp.167-168.
 98

rouletted ware and black and red ware. This period is broadly dated from the second

century BC to second century AD. During the third phase there are no distinctive imports

other than Indian Red Polished Ware, including some sherds with moulded scenes from

the Buddhist Jataka tales. This period is dated from the late second century to mid eighth

century AD. In the next period, the five or six phases coincide with intensive occupation

of all areas of the site, with Chinese and Islamic glazed wares occurring in nearly equal

quantities in all phases. 132In this context, is the archaeological evidence, such as minor

objects that have been found during excavations. Ceramics and beads, for example,

provide information relating to contemporary trade connections of the two countries.

Hence, it is to be noted that the following objects have been discovered in other recent

archaeological excavations in various parts of Sri Lanka and have further revealed that the

ancient Indo- Sri Lankantrade pattern was close.

Name of the item Place of Place of fmdings Chronology

origin
Northern North Indian Gedige Around 250 BC
Black Polished of Anuradhapura 133
Ware
Black Hellenistic Greco-Indian Same site134 200-lOOBC
with fine incision

131
As quoted by JW McCrindle, Ancient India as described in classical literature, Archibald Constable,
Westminster, 1901, p.xv.l.l5; Pliny, Natural history, ed. H Rackam, WHS Jones and De Eicholz,
Cambridge University Press, Vol. VI, 1940-1958, p.81.
132
See Moira Tampoe, 'The spice island route: Sri Lanka's participation in maritime trade and the
archaeological evidence from Mantai and Galle harbour," Sesquicentennial commemorative volume of the
Royal Asiatic society of Sri Lanka 1845-1995, ed. GPSH de Silva and CG Uragoda, Royal Asiatic Society
of Sri Lanka, Colombo, 1995,pp.l67-168.
133
S.U. Deraniyagala, "Excavation in the citadel of Anuradhapura Gedige 1984; A preliminary report,"
Ancient Ceylon, Vol. VI, 1986, pp.39-47.
134
SU Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige area," Ancient Ceylon.
1972, sites 23A, 23B, 24A; W. Wijepala and M. Prickett, "Sri Lanka and the international trade," An
exhibition of ancient imported ceramics found in Sri Lanka's Archaeological sites, archaeological
Department, Colombo, 1986, p.2.
 99

Black partial slip Greco-Indian Anuradhapura Same period

on red-to-black Citadel
Hellenistic and Kantarodei 135
Carinated and
Grooved
Roulletted Ware South Indian Anuradhapura 200 BC - 200
ADI36
Citadel,
Jetavanarama
dagoba, Kantarodei
and Mantai
Indo-Sasanian Indian Anuradhapura and Third century
ADI3s
fines Jetavanarama
dagoba 137
Red Polished Ware Gujarat Anuradhapura First to seven
and Citadel, Centuries AD 140
Maharastra Sigiriya,
Dagobas of
Jetavanarama,
Abhayagiri
and Mantai 139
Fine red painted Indian Anuradhapura, Fourth to
white kaolin fabric Abhayagiriya, Seventh centuries
Sigiriya AD
and Mantai 141

135
SU Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige area," Ancient Ceylon,
1972; W. Wijepala and M. Prickett, "Sri Lanka and the international trade" An exhibition of ancient
imported ceramics found in Sri Lanka's archaeological sites, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1986,
p.3.
136
SU Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige area," Ancient Ceylon,
1972, p.16; K Michal, J Walter and S Santoso, "Romano-Indian Rouletted pottery in Indonesia," Mankind,
Vo1XI, 1971, pp.39-4.S.
137
W. Wijepala and M. Prickett, "Sri Lanka and the international trade," An exhibition of ancient imported
ceramics found in Sri Lanka's archaeological sites, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1986, pp.ll-13;
Hema Ratnayake, Jetavanaramaya project, Anuradhapura: First archaeological excavation and research
rrfort (January-July 1982}, Colombo, Central Cultural Fund, 1984, p.l88.
1
Martha Prickett, "Sri Lanka's foreign trade before AD 600: Archaeological evidence," Asian panorama:
Essays in ancient history, past and presented. KM de Silva, S Kiribamune and CR de Silva, 1990, p.l63.
139
W. Wijepala mid M. Prickett, "Sri Lanka and the international trade," An exhibition of ancient imported
ceramics found in Sri Lanka's archaeological sites. Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1986, pp.S-8;
David Whitehouse and Andrew Williamson, "Sasanian maritime trade," Irn!, Vol.XI, 1973, pp.29-119.
140
Martha Prickett, "Sri Lanka's foreign trade before AD 600: Archaeological evidence," Asian panorama:
Essays in ancient history, past and presented. KM de Silva, S Kiribamune and CR de Silva, 1990, p.l63.
141
W. Wijepala and M. Prickett, "Sri Lanka and the international trade," An exhibition of ancient imported
ceramics found in Sri Lanka's archaeological sites, Archaeological Department, Colombo, 1986, pp.S-8;
Martha Prickett, "Sri Lanka's foreign trade before AD 600: Archaeological evidence," Asian panorama:
Essays in ancient history, past and presented. KM de Silva, S Kiribamune and CR de Silva, 1990, p.163.
 100

Intaglio Seals North-western Anuradhapura Third century BC

143
India or and Citadel. orAD
142
Sri Lanka
Carnelian stone Deccan, Citadel Fifth century BC
beads and seals Gujarat or Sri and and onwards
Lanka Jetavanaramaya 144

Accordingly, it is clear that no imported Indian products were evident before ca.

250 BC except carnelian beads and seals, the origin of which is uncertain whether Sri

Lankan or Indian. But, it is obvious that the first imports at least begin with the

appearance of the Northern Black polished ware of North Indian origins at the end of the

protohistoric period, a time of strong Mauryan influence as described by Sri Lankan

chronicles. Thus, North Indian contacts are visible from the end of the protohistoric

through the early historic and middle historic period onwards through the evidence of

Northern Black polished ware. In addition, the Rouletted ware had primarily eastern and

southern Indian contacts and exchanges. 145

Apart from these, Indian coins found in Sri Lanka also indicate that the earliest

coins of Sri Lanka, the punch-marked coins were influenced by the Indian punch-marked

coins. The absence on some of these coins of any symbol that can be attributed to Sri

Lanka alone provides the space to further conclude that all the genuine punch-marked

142
Ibid, p.166.
143
Henry Parker, Ancient Ceylon, Asian Educational Series Report, New Delhi, (reprinted) 1984, p.494; S
Paranavitana, The excavations in the citadel of Anuradhapura, Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of
Ceylon, Vol.III, 1936.
144
SU Deraniyagala, "The citadel of Anuradhapura 1969: Excavation in the Gedige area," Ancient Ceylon,
1972, pp. 134-137; Hema Ratnayake, Jetavanaramaya project, Anuradhapura: First archaeological
excavation and research report (January-July 1982), Colombo, Central Cultural Fund, 1984, p.128; RAE
Coningham, "Dark age or continuum: An archaeological analysis of the second emergence of urbanism in
South Asia," The archaeology of early historic South Asia: The emergence of cities and states, ed. FR
Allchin, Cambridge University Press, London, 1995, p.64. .
145
Martha Prickett, "Sri Lanka's foreign trade before AD 600: Archaeological evidence," Asian panorama:
Essays in ancient history, past and present, oo. Ki'\11 de Silva, S Kiribamune and CR de Silva, 1990, p.l69.
 IV 1

coins found in Sri Lanka were imported from India. 146Besides, it is conspicuous that with

a few exceptions all the Indian coins that are found in Sri Lanka belong to the middle and

late Mauryan period. 147The indications are therefore that coinage only became current

around the time ofMahinda' s mission to Sri Lanka and of the expansion of north Indian

or more precisely Mauryan influence there. 148In contrast, it is apparent that although a

certain number of coins belonging to the succeeding.Kshatrapa and Kushana dynasties

are found in the island, they are quite rare. 149Apart from these, it should not be forgotten

that the presence of a good_ number of south Indian Pandya coins in the excavations at

Anuradhapura and other places of the northern part of the island indicates that Sri
150
Lanka's ancient trade activities were with south Indian region too. lt is equally

important to note that Sri Lankan coins were also found in south India.lSIUr.doubtedly,

all these physical material evidences clearly indicate the close Indian contacts of Sri

Lanka during the ancient period.

i<l6 H.W. Codrington, Ceylon coins and currency, Memoirs of the Museum, Series A, No3, Colombo, 1924,
p.l6; Osmund Bopearchchi, points out that the discovery of many terracotta moulds with Karshapana
imprints in the excavations at Gedige site Anuradhapura and many other places, shows that some of these
coins were cast in Sri Lanka. The moulds he could examine are identical to the ones found in Haryana in
North India. See. "Seafaring in the Indian ocean: Archaeological evidence from Sri Lanka," Tradition and
archaeology: Early maritime contacts in the Indian ocean, Proceedings of the International seminar
Techno-Archaeological perspectives of seafaring in the Indian ocean, ed. Himanshu Prabha Ray and
Jean-francois Salles, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1996, pp.59-77, especially p.66.
147
Ibid, pp.59-77.
148
FR Allchin, The archaeology of early historic South Asia: The emergence of cities and states, FR
Allchin, Cambridge UniversitY Press, London, 1995, p.l79.
149
Osmund Bopearchchi, Seafaring in the Indian ocean: Archaeological evidence from Sri Lanka,"
Tradition and Archaeology: Early maritime contacts in the Indian ocean, Proceedings of the International
seminar Techno-Archaeological pen.-pectives of seafaring in the Indian ocean, ed. Himanshu Prabha Ray
and Jean-francois Salles, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1996, pp.59-77.
150
Ibid, pp.59-77.
151
LS Perera, "The sources of Ceylon history," University of Ceylon History ofCeylo!!, ed. HC Ray and
others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, p.72
 102

Buddhist interactions:

It was mentioned above that as there are certain imperfections in the accounts

given in the early chronicles especially of the beginning of the history of the

country, 152many historians had to rely on contemporary epigraphs, the history of which

undoubtedly runs at least as far back as the reigning period of king Devanampiyatissa

somewhere in the third century BC. 153 Consequently, it is evident that a majority of the

descriptions of the Mahavamsa and the other early literary sources of the island have been

confirmed by these epigraphical records, as very reliable narrations at least from the third

century BC onwards. Based on this fact, it is not unreasonable to conclude that the

. "historical Sri Lanka" or the "reliable history of the island" commences from the period of

king Devanampiyatissa, 154 which is marked by the official introduction of Buddhism.

Hence, it is certain that this reigning period marks the turning point of early Sri Lankan

history.

In this context, it is noteworthy that according to the descriptions given in these

ancient chronicles very close cultural and political relations prevailed between India and

Sri Lanka during this period. As it was recorded, for instance, the king of Sri Lanka sent a
155
group of envoys with large presents to India. King Asoka bestowed gifts and honours

and sent back the envoys. 151t is interesting to note at this point that the place name of

152
Please see. RALH Gunawardana, "The kinsmen of the Buddha: Myth as political charter in the ancient
and early medieval kingdoms of Sri Lanka," The Sri Lanka Journal of the Humanities, Vol.TI, No.I, 1976,
pp .53-62; "The people of the lion: The Sinh ala identity and ideology in history and historiography," The Sri
LankaJoumaloftheHumanities, Vol.V,No.l and2, 1979,pp.l-39.
153
See. S. Paranavitana Inscriptions of Ceylon, Government Press, Colombo, Vol.I, 1970; PEE Fernando,
"Palaeographica1 development of the Brahmi script in Ceylon from third century BC to seventh century
AD/; University of Ceylon Review, Vol. VII, No.2, 1949, pp.282-301.
Mahavam~ tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, 1912, chap. 11 (247-207BC).
154

155
1bid, chap 11; 18v.
156
1bid, chap. II; 37v.
 103

Tambapanni as taken to mean Sri Lanka is mentioned at least twice in the inscriptions of
157
king Asoka too. It is also to be noted that the Mahavamsa itself records that at the

conclusion of the third council of Dhamma that was held under the sponsorship of King

Asoka missionaries were dispatched to various directions to spread Buddhism. Of these,

one of the most fruitful missions was the one sent to Sri Lanka, which was headed by

Mahinda thero, the son of emperor Asoka158and historians believed that the historicity of

the introduction of Buddhism in Sri Lanka is not in any doubt. 159 Nevertheless, it is

significant that in Asoka's own inscriptions no mention is made of his son or of the

mission headed by the latter. Hence, Asoka's obvious silence regarding such an important

mission headed by his own son has led scholar to express doubts regarding the

Mahavarnsa account ofMahinda's mission to Sri Lanka. But, it is to be noted that the

Mahavamsa account of the mission to the Himalayas has received striking corroboration

from archaeological evidence at Sanchi. Similarly, an inscription on a relic casket at

Sanchi reads "Sapurisa Mogaliputasa," 160 proving beyond doubt that Moggaliputta Tissa

157
These occur in the Rock edict II amongst those lands for which he had provided for the distribution of
medicine and in the edict XIII amongst the countries to which he had sent envoys. See. Second rock edicts of
Girnar, Kals~ Shahbazgarhi, Mansehra and thirteenth rock edicts ofKalsi and Shahbazgarhi. E Hultzsch,
Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum: Inscriptions of Asoka, Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, Vol.I,
(reprinted) 1991, pp. 3, 29, 51, 72, 48,68 and 70 respectively. Though Tambapanniis one of the ancient
names of the island of Sri Lanka, it is the name of a river in the Tinnevelly district that was known to the
author of the Ramayanaya too, Ibid, p.3; See also VV Mirash~ ''Rewah stone inscription of the time of
Karana," Epigraphia Indic!!, Voi.:XXIV, No. 13, Archaeological Survey of India, (reprinted), 1984,
pp .I 01-115, particularly p .I 03; KV Subrahmanya Aiyar, "Tinnevelly inscription ofMaravarman Sundara
Pandya II," Epigraphia Indic!!, Vol.XXIV, No.22, pp.l53-172, particularly pp. 162 and 166. Nevertheless,
there is a consensus of opinion that the Tambapanni of the Asokan edicts is Sri Lanka. SeeR Mookeiji,
Asok!!, Macmillan and co, London, 1928, p.l32 and its footnote no.2; J. Ph. Vogel, "Prakrit inscriptions
from a Buddhist site at Nagargunakonda," Epigraphia Indic!!, Vol. XX, 1929-30, No.1, p.36.
158
Mahavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, 1912, chap 12; 2-IOvv.
159
For instance see Sirima Kiribamune, "Buddhist historiography: Sri Lankan perception," Cultural
Interaction in South Asia: A historical perspective, ed. SAl Tirmiz~ Hamdard Institute of Historical
Research, New Delhi, I 993, p .12.
Mahavam~ tr. W Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1934, introduction, pp.x.ix-xx.
160
 104

who according to the Mahavamsa was the convenor of the third council was a historical

figure.

Interestingly enough, the Mahavamsa further states in this regard that theri

Sanghamitta, the daughter of King Asoka also brought the sacred Bodhi sapling of
161
Bodhagaya to the island. It is also said in the chronicle that many groups of people were

said to have been sent to protect this Bo sapling and among them were the weavers and

potters and other guilds. Nevertheless, as in the case ofMahinda's mission to Sri Lanka,

some scholars have expressed doubts about the historicity of Sanghamitta and the arrival

of the Bodhi tree because there is no other evidence to corroborate the Sri Lankan Pali

. chronicles. But, Geiger who firmly upholds the tradition is of the opinion that the

archaeological evidence at Sanchi, the birthplace ofMahinda and Sanghamitta, confirms

it. According to him Grundwedel, has pointed out that the carvings of the lower and

middle architraves of the east gate of the San chi stupa depict representations of this event

and since t~e Sanchi carvings belong to the second century BC, the representation is

distant from the event by roughly speaking only 100 or at most 150 years. 162

In these carvings, in the middle of the lower scene is the Bodhi tree, as it stood at

Gaya with Asoka's chapel, rising halfway up the tree. A procession with musicians is on

both sides of it. To the right, a royal person, perhaps Asoka, is getting down from his. horse

with the aid of a dwarf. In the upper picture, there is a small Bodhi tree in a pot and again

a procession moving towards a city, perhaps Anuradhapura or perhaps Tamralipti to

which the young tree was taken before it went to Sri Lanka. The decorations on either side

161
Ibid, chap 18; 6-8vv
See. Albert Grunwedel (tr. Agnes C Gibson), Buddhist art in India, Cosmo Publications, New Delh~
162

1985, See Chapter 2; Mahavamsa, Lr. W Gt:iger, Pali Text Society, London, 1934, introduction, p.xx.
 105

of the lower bas-relief are peacocks, symbolic of Asoka's family, the Mauryas and lions,

symbolic ofSri Lanka or the royal family of the island. 163It is significant thatas in the case

of Geiger's assumption, Rhys Davids also concluded that the opinions may differ as to the

meaning of some of the details, but there can be no doubt as to the main
164
subject. Accordingly it seems that even the arrival ofTheri Sanghamitta with the sacred

Bodhi sapling cannot be dismissed as a mere legend.

According to further descriptions given in the Sri Lankan chronicles, during this

period, the king and the people of the country embraced the new religion ofBuddhism and

its order of monks was consequently established. 165As a resuit, Buddhist religion became

firmly established in Sri Lanka and with the adaptation ofBuddhism as the religion of the

state, followed by changes consequent on it in the religious and social life of the people,

Indian influences began to pervade the cultural life of Sri Lanka. For instance, it is an

established fact that the people of Sri Lanka during this period put up buildings of brick,

began to carve in stone, learnt the art of writing and benefited from the teachings of

Buddhism. Consequently, the period witnessed the first blossoming of art in the island as

well. Correspondingly, the theme of these early stories is that the roots of Sri Lankan

culture go back to the Buddhist ethos of the sub-continent.

Although the Indian and Sri Lankan historical records do not provide direct

evidence of Buddhist intercourse of the two countries during the subsequent periods, the

chronicles present some indirect information on the subject. In the second century BC,

during king Duttagamini 's time, for instance, it is mentioned in the Mahavamsa that at the

163
Albert Grunwede1 (tr. Agnes C Gibson), Buddhist art in India, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1985,
See Chapter 2.
164
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, 1971, p.303.
 106

inauguration ceremony of the Mahatupa, the Ruvanvalisaya in Anuradhapura, a large

number of monks from the Buddhist centres of lsipatana, Rajagaha, Savatti, V esali,

Ujjeni, Kosambi, Pataliputra, Kasmira and Vindhya came to the island with gifts for the

king. ~esides these descriptions given in the chronicles, it is noteworthy that during the
1

second and third centuries AD, evidence of Buddhist, intercourse between Sri Lanka and

the lower Krishna valley is furnished by a Prakrit inscription discovered at the Buddhist

site of Nagarjunakonda, which describes the erecting of Buddhist temples there by Sri
167
Lankan Buddhists. In addition, the donative inscriptions at Nagarjunakonda and at other

sites in the Vengi region further testify to the closeness of relationship that existed

between the Buddhists of that region and those of Sri Lanka during the ancient period. 168

Similarly, it is obvious that Sri Lankan Buddhist pilgrims, like those from other

Buddhist countries, made the round of the holy places in Magadha. Of these, Bodh Gaya,

the site of the Buddha's enlightenment, was a particularly important pilgrim centre.

Conseqqently, an Indian document mentions a communication between king Meghavanna

(301-328) and king Samudragupta169of the two countries leading to the erection of a

16
sMahavamsa, tr. W. Geiger,Pali Text Society, 1912, see chapters 12-16.
166
lbid, chap 29; 29-43vv.
167
J. Ph. Vogel, "Prakrit inscriptions from a Buddhist site at N agargunakonda," Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX,
1929-30, pp.l-37.
168
lbid, pp.l-37, especially pp.9-l 0.
169
lt is evident that duri..ng the fou:rt.h, frll.h 11.nd sixth centuries AD, no:rt.h India passed under the sway of the
imperial Guptas. Of these, Samudragupta who came to the throne in the beginning of the fourth century AD
was renowned for his military exploits, his cultural accomplishments and his name and fame spread far
beyond the confmes of his dominions. His Sri Lankan contemporary Sri Meghavarna (30 1-328 AD) had
established friendly relations with his illustrious neighbour according to the Sri Lankan sources.
Nevertheless, the Allahabad Pillar inscription of Samudragupta mentions that the people of Saimhala among
those who paid tribute to the Gupta emperor. See JF Fleet, "Allahabad posthumous stone pillar inscription
of Samudragupta," Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Vol. III, Varanasi, 1963, pp.1-17, particularly pp.8 and
14. It is possible that many of the neighbouring kings including Sri Meghavarna sought to maintain close
contact with the most powerful empire in the mainland and thought it politic to win the good graces of the
great emperor by sending rich present or showing respect in some other way. For further details see
Majumdar RC and Pushalkar AD, The classical age: The history and culture of the Indian people, Vol. III,
Bharatiya Vidya Bhavan, Bombay, 1962, pp.ll-12.
 107

residence particularly for Sri Lankan monks visiting Bodhgaya. 17ort is interesting that the

same incident or another exactly similar, 171 relating to the same two sovereigns has been

recorded in a Chinese document too. The story says that a king of Sri Lanka named Sri

Meghavama sent two monks to visit the monastery built by Asoka to the east of the Bodhi

tree at Gaya. The said two Sri Lankan monks paid their respects to the Bodhi tree but the

monastery did not offer them hospitality. Hence, the two monks reported this to the king

on their return and on hearing, the complaint, Sri Meghavama, sent envoys with gifts of

precious stones to Samudragupta requesting his permission to build a Sri Lankan

Monastery at Bodh Gaya. 172In this connection reference could be made to a Sanskrit

inscription found at Bodh Gaya, which records that a monk named Mahanama from Sri

Lanka caused a shrine to be built at the site. 173Although this well-known inscription of

Mahanama stavira of Sri Lanka is dated in accordance with the year 588-9 AD 174it is

interesting to note that Sri Lankan sources do not make any reference to this activity.

i?o DR Bhandarkar and B Chhabra, "Introduction," Comus Inscriptionum Indicarum, Archaeological

SUIVey of India, New Delhi, Vol.III, (reprinted) 1981, pp.l-84, particularly, pp.30-31; Vincent A Smith,
Early history of India, fourth edition, Oxford, 1924, p.303.
m M Sylvain Levi, "Chino-Sinhalese relations in the early and middle-ages," Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society. (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XXIV, No.68, 1915-16, pp.7 4-123; Mahavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text
Society, London, 1912, introduction, p.xxxix.
172
S Beal, Buddhist records of the western world, New edition, Calcutta, VoLlli, 1951, pp.351-359; See
also M Sylvain Levi, "Chino-Sinhalese relations in the early and middl~ages,"' Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Society, (Ceylon Branch), Vol.XXIV, No.68, 1915-16, pp.74-123; A. Cunningham, Archaeological Survey
Report, Vol. XIX, p.60; V.A Smith, Early historv of India; Oxford, 1924, p.303; RC Majumdar,
"Foundation of Gupta imperial power in India and its relations with Ceylon," University of Ceylon History
of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, p.270; B Barna,
Gay a and Buddha-Gaya, Calcutta, Vol.J, I 934, p.l95; DR Bhandarkar and B Chhabra, "Introduction,"
Corpus Inscriptionum lndicarum, Archaeological SUIVey of India, New Delh~ Vol.lll, (reprinted) 1981,
p_g.30-31.
1
Archaeological Survey of India Annual Reports, I 908-9, p.l53; A Cunningham, Mahabodhi or the great
Buddhist temple at Buddhagava, London, I 892, p.58; See also JF Fleet, "Budh-Gaya inscription of
Mahanaman," Corpus lndicarium Inscription urn, Vol. III, No. 71, pp.27 4-278.
174
Archaeological Survey oflndia Annual Reports, I 908-9, p.l57; B Barna, Gaya and Buddha-Gaya,
Calcutta, Vol.I, I 934, p.l97.
 108

In addition, there is another Sanskrit inscription of seventh or eighth century date,

which records the devotion of a distinguished Sri Lankan pilgrim, Prakhyatakirtti. 175 The

inscription is written in Nagari characters on the coping stone of the ancient railing at the

Mahabodhi temple. Besides, a votive inscription cut on the broken pedestal of a Buddha

image in Nagari characters of the ninth century form at the site records the piety of the

Sinhalese layman, Udayasri, who commissioned the image in order to escape from the
176
world ofwoe. In addition, it is noteworthy that a slab inscription, datable to the tenth or

eleventh century AD, records the gift of a pious king and was written by a Sinhalese monk

named Ratnasrijnana. 177It is interesting to note that during the same period the Culavamsa

also describes that king Vijayabahu I on several occasions sent costly offerings to the
178
Mahabodhi at Bodhgaya. Meanwhile, the "Sinhala sangha adayas" 179 has been

mentioned in another Gaya inscription of the eleventh or twelfth century AD. Perhaps this

indicates the income that the Mahabodhi derived from the Sinhalese pilgrims of whom

evidently there was a large number. 180It is to be noted at this point that based on these

175
Archaeological Smvey oflndiaAnnualReports, 1908-9, pp.156-157; B Barna, Gaya and Buddha-Gaya,
Calcutta, Vol.!, 1934, p.196.
176
DM de Z Wickramasinghe, "Jetavanarama Sanskrit inscription," Epigraphia Zeylanica, ed. DM de Z
Wickramasinghe, Oxford University Press, Vol.I, 1912, Epigraph No.1, p.2; See also Diran Kavork
Dohanian, The Mahayana Buddhist sculpture of Ceylon, Garland and Publishing Inc, New York and
London, 1977, pp.25, 130.
177
R Mitra, Buddha Gaya, Calcutta, 1878, pp.I94-197.
178
Culavamsa, ed. Wilhelm. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, chap. LX, 23v.
179
Vinoda Vihari Vidyavinoda, "Two inscriptions from Bodh-Gaya," Epigraphia lndic!!, Vol.Xll, No.6,
pg.27-29.
1
Ibid, pp.27-29. Thus, it is evident that the script ofNagari was the vehicle for these donative records of
the Sinhalese pilgrims at Budh Gaya. RC Majumdar, "Foundation of Gupta imperial power in India and its
relations with Ceylon," Uniwrsity of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University
Press, Colombo, Vol.!, Part I, 1959, p.273; A Ariyappan and PR Srinivasan, Stocy ofBuddhism with special
reference to south lndi!!, Madras, 1960, p.70.
 109

epigraphical sources, Barua goes to the extent of arguing that Sri Lankan monks were in

control of the Mahabodhi at least up to Pala period. 181

According to all these evidences, it is clear that since this was the ultimate place of

pilgrimage for the Buddhists of Sri Lanka, many undertook the journey despite severe

odds. No doubt that even today, this place retains its enchantment. To the average

Buddhist, this is pilgrimage to the land of Buddhism. Hence, the above references would
182
prove that there had been regular visits by pilgrims at least to the major Buddhist sites.

Obviously, these contacts further testify to the vital and continuing communications

between the holy places and the monasteries of Sri Lanka too. These religious missions

must have been instrumental in establishing contacts with the various schools of

Buddhism that were at that time in a flourishing condition under the Pala rulers of

Magadha. 183

In addition, it is evident that Sinhalese monks and nuns had special dormitories

near Vijayapuri and were present at other religious centres, such as Kaveripattinam, Kanci

and some in central and north Indian regions too. 1 ~us it is obvious that the monasteries

in Sri Lanka had enjoyed close contacts with institutions in various parts of India. As a

result, in times of trouble at home, Sri Lankan monks habitually sought sanctuary there.

On the other hand, foreigners found their way to Anuradhapura, also, for it lay on one of

!81 .
B Barna, Gaya and Buddha-gaya, Calcutta, Vol.I, 1934, p.203.
182
Himanshu Prabha Ray, "Maritime archaeology of the Indian ocean: An overview," Tradition and
Archaeology: Early maritime contacts in the Indian ocean, Proceedings of the International seminar
Techno-Archaeological perspectives of seafaring in the Indian ocean, ed. Himanshu Prabha Ray and
Jean-francois Salles, Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1996, p.S.
183
S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the Polonnaruva period: Religion, literature and art," University of
Cevlon Historv of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part II, 1960,
pg.S64-565.
A historical atlas of South Asia, ed. Joseph E Schwartzberg, University of Chicago Press, Chicago and
London, 1978, p .177.
 llO

185
the southern routes travelled by pilgrims gomg from India to China. In fact,

Anuradhapura, by the fifth century AD, had become a chief centre for Buddhist study, as

Fa-hsien was careful to point out, the early canonical texts had been committed to

writing. 18 ~ addition, the fame ofBuddhaghosa, who had come there to translate the Pali

and Sinhalese books, added to the lustre of its reputation. Besides these references, Sri

Lankan literature frequently mentions the coming of Indian monks 187to Sri Lanka and

particularly the Mahavarnsa records that the queen ofUdaya I (797-801 AD) had built in

Mihintale a temple, which she granted to the monks of the Tamil community. 188

Without doubt, all these facts reveal that religious exchanges with mainland India

were frequent during the ancient period. Consequently it is significant that the impact of

many new ideas that developed in India was soon felt in Sri Lanka. For instance, in the

reign ofVoharaka Tissa (263-285 AD)'89yaitulyavada, identified as Mahayana/ 90 made

185
See Diran Kavork Dohanian, The Mahayana Buddhist sculpture of Ceylon, Garland and Publishing Inc,
New York and London, 1977, p.17.
186
S Beal, Buddhist records of the western world, New edition, Calcutta, Vol.III, 1957, pp.44 and 55.
187
See Diran Kavork Dohanian, The Mahayana Buddhist sculpture of Ceylon, Garland and Publishing Inc,
New York and London, 1977, p.17.
188
Mahavamsa, tr. W. Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1934, chap. 49; 24v.
189
lbid, chap.36; 40-41 vv.
1
90paranavitana has shown that the periods when the Vaitulyas w~ active in Sri tanka synchronise with the
dates assigned to some significant development in Mahayanism in India. SeeS Paranavitana, "Mahayanism
in Ceylon," Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, ed. A.M. Hocart and S. Paranavitana, Vol.II, December
I 928- February 1933, p.35. The spread of Buddhism far and wide and the introduction into it of various
adventitious elements led to its great re-organisation, and it was near about the beginning of the Christian
era the two categories of the Buddhist order were gradually evolved as the Hinayana and the Mahayana. JN
Banqje, "Developments in Indian Buddhism," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and
others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.l, Part I, 1959, p. I 94. The Mahayana in India first came into
prominence about the beginning of the first century AD, though it is probable that its doctrines were
prevalent in an under developed form even in earlier times. About the latter half of the second century AD,
its doctrines were given an authoritative form by the genius ofNagaJjuna who is generally believed to have
been a native of the Andhra country of South India. S. Paranavitana, "Mahayanism in Ceylon," Ceylon
Journal of Science Section G, ed. A.M. Hocart and S. Paranavitana, Vol.II, December 1928- February
I 933, p.35. Consequently, its main centres were Amaravati, Dhanyakataka and Nagrujunakonda in the
Andhra country. Interestingly enough, the Mahayana and Tantric beliefs were in fact the result of Buddhism
conceding to the strength of resurgent Hinduism. The main features of the Mahayana Buddhism are as
follows. Strong belief in number of Buddhas and Bodhisattva concept-and in the ability of human beings to
became Bodhisattva status. Code of altruistic ethics, which teaches that every one, must do well in the
 111

its appearance in Sri Lanka too. The centre of this revolutionary doctrine in the island was

the Abhayagiriya temple and king Gothabhaya (249-262 AD) had to take drastic action

against 60 monks dwelling in Abhayagiriya. 191 Nevertheless, they were active again in the

reign of Mahasena when a monk from south India curried favour with the king and

instigated him to do immense damage to the Mahavihara. 192

Later, in the time of Silakala (518-531 AD) the Dhammadatu, a Mahayana text

was brought to Sri Lanka from Varanasi by a merchant and the king housed it near the

royal palace. He ordered that every year the Dhammadhatu be taken to the Jetavana

temple where a festival was held in its honour. 193But it is recorded that in the reign of

Aggabodhi I ( 571-604), the Vaitulyas were humiliated in a public debate. 194Although this

was an indication of an official victory for Theravada Buddhism, Mahayana ideas had

infiltrated into orthodox Buddhism and .the .theistic and Iitualistic .tendencies became

popular. An eighth century fragmentary Mahayana inscription written in Sanskrit

characters found at Mihintale, the cradle. of Theravada Buddhism. establishes this fact

unmistakably. 195m addition, it is evident that in the ninth and the tenth centuries AD

interest of the whole world and make over to others any merit he may acquire by his virtue. The aim of the
religious life is to become a Bodhisattva, not to become an arahat. Doctrine that Buddhas are supernatural
beings distributed through infinite space and time and innumerable. In the language of later theology, a
Buddha has three bodhies (Kayas) and still later, there is a group of five (afterwards six) Buddhas (Dhyani).
Various system of idealist metaphysics, which tend to regard the Buddha essence or Nitvana. Canon
composed in Sanskrit and apparently later than the Pali canon. Habitual worship of images and elaboration
of ritual. Special doctrine of salvation by faith in a Buddha, usually Amitabha and invocation of his name.
Sec. JN Banetje, "Developments in Indian Buddhism," Universitv of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray
and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, p.200. Mahayanism encouraged the
worship of certain gods and goddesses and recommended the chanting of mantras for attaining
emancipation from life as in the case of Hindu practice. See I-Tsing, A record of the Buddhist Religion, tr. J.
Takakusu, Oxford, 1896, p.39.
191
Mahavamsa, tr. W Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1934, chap.36; 112v.
192
Ibid, chap.36; l-16vv.
193
Ibid, chap.41; 37-40vv.
194
Ibid, chap.42; 35v.
195
S Paranavitana, "Mahayanism in Ceylon," Ceylon Journal of Science Section G, ed. A.M. Hocart and S.
Paranavitana, Vol.II, December 1928- February 1933, p.42.
 112

Mahayanism was particularly strong in Sri Lanka. 1 ~esides, it is apparent that even the

extreme form known as Vajiriyavada, which made the distinction between Buddhism and
197
certain forms ofSaivism nominal, appeared in Sri Lanka in the ninth century AD. Thus,

it is evident that all the principle changes in the doctrine and practice of Buddhism

appeared simultaneously in India and Sri Lanka.

In this context, it is noteworthy that unlike the Mahavihara, Abhayagiriya was

devoted to knowing and mastering the latest trends in a sophisticated, global Buddhist

world. As a result, Abhayagiriya connected Anuradhapura with Indian universities,

Chinese imperial courts, Javanese trading communities and brought Indian scholars,

Chinese ambassadors and Javanese traders to Anuradhapura Consequently, Abhayagiriya

made Sri Lankan Theravada - Mahayana - Theravada - a real player in the bigger

cosmopolites of the day. 198Nevertheless, it should not be forgotten that Abhayagiriya so

far as we know never denied the relative value of the Lesser Vehicle. They sported their

own canon of the Lesser Vehicle, probably not much different from the Pali canon except

in minor details. It is evident that at least the Chinese knew that Abhayagiriya

disseminated its own Lesser Vehicle canon throughout Asia. 1990n the other hand, it is to

be noted that though some of the Mahayana doctrines differ from Theravada Buddhism,

Mahayanist monks who followed almost the same rules of discipline as the monks of the

Theravada sect in Sri Lanka were able to live in the same temple and influence the monks

of the Theravada sect. Consequently, Mahayana Buddhism did not replace the Therevada

196
See Ibid, pp. 35-71; Nandasena Mudiyanse, Mahayana monuments in Ceylo!!, Gunasena, Colombo,
1967.
197
S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the period: Religion, literature and art," University of Ceylon Historv of
Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt. I, 1959, pp.383-384.
198
For further details please refer to Jonathan S Walter, "The Mahayana origins of the Theravada," Ceylon
Studies Seminar, Discussion paper, University ofPeradeniya, Sri Lanka, 1997, p.13.
 113

tradition. Indeed, it only added something to it and the only thing it did replace sometimes
00
was the worship oflocal gods, for whom Bodhisattavas were substituted?

In north India, Buddhism continued to flourish under the Pala dynasty of Bengal

and Bihar till the Palas and their faith were both uprooted by the Muslim conquest of
201
twelfth century AD. At the same time, the victorious armies ofRajaraja Cola dealt the

final blow to Anuradhapura at the beginning of the eleventh century AD and having made

Polonnaruva their capital, the Colas ruled Sri Lanka for a period of half a century during
202
which time south Indian Hindu influence became stronger than ever before. Thus, it is

clear that no new influences from north India had any effect on Sri Lankan Buddhism after

eleventh century AD and the island's Buddhists began more and more to turn towards the

other Theravadian countries of the Buddhist world in their religious matters. In this

context, it is obvious that the most important centre of the Theravada Buddhism in the

eleventh and twelfth centuries AD was Southeast Asia and therefore the Buddhists of Sri

Lanka had begun to tum away from India to this region.

Of these, certainly the relations with Burma are significant.203It is known that ever

since the time ofBuddhaghosa, the famous Buddhist commentator, Burmese monks were

in the habit of coming over to Sri Lanka especially to the Mahavihara of Anuradhapura to

199
lbid, p.l3.
200
GC Mendis, Ceylon today and yesterday: Main currents of Ceylon History, The Associated Newspapers
of Ceylon, Colombo, 1957, p.45.
201
S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the Polonnaruva period: Religion, literature and art," University of
Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part II, 1960,
p.565.
202
Lorna Dewaraja, "Cultural relations between Sri Lanka and north India during the Anuradhapura
period," Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. X, Nos. 1 & 2, 1987, p.l9.
203
Sri Lanka's relations with Cambodia also seem to be implicit in a few references in the chronicles and
inscriptions, but whether they were of any religious character, it is difficult to determine. Vincent Panditha,
"Buddhism during the Polonnamva period," The Ceylon Historical Journal ed. SD Saparamadu, Special
Number on the Polonnaruva period, Vol. IV, No.1-4, July-October 1954 and January-April, 1955, 1958,
p.l27.
 114

imbibe the orthodox tradition and continue it in their own country .Z04But later, Sri Lankan

Buddhists suffered great calamities during the Cola occupation and the extensive

monasteries that flourished at Anuradhapura and other places of the island in the tenth

century AD were abandoned. As a result, most of the Buddhist monks were unable to

maintain themselves even in the southern part of the island and large numbers of them

migrated from the island to Southeast Asian countries where Buddhism was flourishing

particularly to Burma. 205 After liberation from the Cola power, it was the timely help from

Burma to Sri Lanka that helped to revive the higher ordination in the time ofVijayabahu I

(1056-1111). 206Subsequently, although Parakkramabahu's invasion ofBurml07 (1165 or

1166) somewhat strained this relationship. the common Theravada Buddhism that closely

knit the two countries was strong enough to overcome all such minor differences.

However, it should not be forgotten that as in the case of the Indo-Sri Lankan

association, the cultural relations of these two countries were also bilateral. One of the

services provided by Sri Lanka to Burma was the help granted by Vijayabahu to establish

a common authoritative Canon for both countries. Next is the interesting episode of the

establishment of the Sihala Sangha sect in Burma. 208It is said in this connection that in

the reign ofParakkramabahu I. the elder Uttarajiva from Pagan visited the Mahavihara

bringing with him one of his pupils. the novice Chapata. He received higher ordination

204
Ibid, p.l26.
205
S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the Polonnaruva period: Religion, literature and art," University of
Ceylon Historv of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part II, 1960,
p.563.
206
Culavams!!, ed. Wilhelm Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, chap. LX, 4-8vv; See also "Polonnaruva: A
slab inscription ofNissankamalla," Epigraphia Zeylanic!!, Oxford University Press, London, Vol.II, 1928,
Epigraph No. 27, p.253.
20
S Paranavitana, "Devanagala rock inscription," Epigraphia Zeylanica, Oxford University Press, London,
Vol.III, 1933, Epigraph No. 34, p.317.
 115

from the Sinhalese monks of the island and lived for several years ardently studying the
209
doctrine at the Mahavihara. Chapata next returned to Pagan taking with him four

Sinhalese monks on a mission of orthodoxy. Thus it is evident that deeply convinced of

the fact that the Mahavihara alone had kept the unbroken and legitimate line of descent

and that the valid ordination could only be received in Sri Lanka he sought to form a

nucleus of the orthodox tradition in Burma by establishing the Sihala

210
Sangha. Consequently, it is evident that the artistic traditions of Burma were also
211
influenced by the Sinhalese traditions during this period.

fhe traditional view and the sphere of art:

According to the above-mentioned discussion, it is clear that the geographical

ocation of Sri Lanka in relation to India is such that any major upheaval in the mainland,

¥hether political, cultural or religious was bound to generate repercussions in the island,

~ventually. Due to this close proximity of the two countries and resultant impact of India

m Sri Lanka, some of the early historians of Sri Lanka and also the scholars oflndia have

~one to the extreme limit of terming the periods upto the colonial time as the Indian period
21
>f Sri Lankan history. Zrhey have further divided this into northern and southern Indian

~ Vincent Panditha, ''Buddhism during the Polonnaruva period," The Ceylon Historical Journal, ed. SD
:aparamadu, Special Number on the Polonna..'1lva period, Vol. IV, No.l-4, July-October 1954 and
anuary-April, 1955, 1958,pp.l26-7.
:1) Ibid, pp.l26-7.
10
Ibid, pp.l26-7.
11
For further details please refer to WM Sirisena, Sri Lanka and Southeast Asia: Political, religious and
ultural relations from AD c.l 000 to 1500, EJ Brill, Leiden, 1978, pp.58-168; Ananda Coomaraswamy,
listory oflndian and Indonesian art, Dover Publication, New York, 1965, p.177; Silpa Bhivasri, The origin
nd evolution of Thai murals, Fine Arts Department, Bangkok, 1959, p.l3.
12
For instance see GC Mendis, The early history of Ceylon, YMCA Publishing House, fifth edition,
:alcutta, 1948, pp.65-66; Ceylon today and yesterday: Main currents of Ceylon History, The Associated
~ewspapers of Ceylon, Colombo, 1957; MD. Raghavan. India in Ceylonese history society and culture,
 116

periods of the island mainly based on the belief that Sri Lanka was largely influenced by

north India upto the Cola conquest of 1017 and by south India from that date upto the

arrival of the Portuguese in 1505. Of these, the north Indian period is further sub-divided

into two: The first period begins with the reign ofDevanampiya Tissa (250-21 0 BC) and

ends with the reign ofMahasena (274-301 AD). The second period begins with the reign

ofMahasena's sonKirtisri Meghavama (301-328) and ends with the Cola conquest of Sri
213
Lanka in the reign ofMahinda V (982-1 029).

. tren d 1Igures
T hIS c: .
promment . th e stu d.Ies o f Ge.Iger,
1y m 214 Rag havan, 215

216 2 7
Mendis and Ellawala I etc. For example, Ellawala suggests that the social organisation

of Sri Lanka in early times was modelled on that of the Indo-Aryan kingdoms of northern
2 8
India I and Mendis concludes that the economic, political and social background of Sri

Lanka was particularly the same as that of India and the modifications, which it went

through till the end of the fifteenth century AD and to a limited extent after that, were

mainly due to Indian influences. Thus, he believes that till the end of the fifteenth century

Indian Council for Cultural Relations, Asian Publishing House, New Delhi, 1969, especially the fourth
chapter titled "The Indian period of Ceylon history."
213
GC Mendis, The early history of Ceylon, YMCA Publishing House, fifth edition, Calcutta, 1948,

fR·i~-b:iger, Sinhalese literature may be said to be a respectable offshoot of Indian literature and in his
evaluation of the architectural achievements of the countcy he seems convinced that for the most part the
architects came from 1ndia. W Geiger, Culture of Ceylon in medieval times, ed. Heinz Bechert, Wiesbaden,
1960, pp.75 and 92
215
M.D. Raghavan, India in Ceylonese history society and culture, Indian Council for Cultural Relations,
Asian Publishing House, New Delhi, I 969, especially the fourth chapter titled "The Indian period of Cey Ion
history."
216
GC Mendis, Ceylon today and yesterday: Main currents of Ceylon Historv, The Associated Newspapers
of Ceylon, Colombo, 1957.
217
Hem a Ellawala, Social history of early Ceylon, Department of Cultural Affairs, Government Printers,
Colombo, 1969.
218
Ibid; Nicholas's view is also the same. See CW Nicholas, "Professions and occupations in the early
Sinhalese kingdom," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch) New Series, 19 56, p. 70.
 ll7

AD Sri Lanka was a unit of the civilisation of India. 219 According to these scholars, the

major reasons for this view of the Indian cultural influence on the Sri Lankan society are

as follows. The main religions of the people of the island, Buddhism and Hinduism came

from India. The Sinhalese and Tamil scripts and the Sinhalese and Tamil languages are

also derived from the same source. 220 0f these particularly, the Sinhalese language is

closely related to the Indo-Aryan tongues of northern India and it has descended through

Pali, Prakrit from old Sanskrit. Its evolution proceeds on the same lines as that of the

modern Indo-Aryan vernaculars such as Hindi, Gujarati, Marathi and Bengali

221
etc. Besides Sinhalese literature, in subject matter and style also shows itself strongly

influenced by Pali and Sanskrit literature. In addition, the Sri Lankan styles of architecture

and sculpture of the ancient period can also b~ traced to India. 222

Nevertheless, as some of these scholars themselves admitted that in India itself

owing to its vast size the culture of the people varied from area to area due to differences

in the physical background, racial types, economic and social systems and religion etc.

Certainly, this difference applied to Sri Lankan culture as well. 223 This would indicate that

the culture of Sri Lanka was not uniform with that of India. In this context,. though some

critics have wrongly concluded that Sri Lanka has nevertheless made her own what she

has adopted; she has stamped with her own personality all that she derived from India, and

219
GC Mendis, Ceylon today and yesterday: Main currents of Ceylon History, The Associated Newspapers
of Ceylon, Colombo, 1957, p.29.
220
GS Ga~ Introduction to Indian epigraphy, Occasional Monograph Series No.32, Central Institute of
Indian Languages, Mysore, 1986, pp.l5-16 and 43.
221
Wilhelm Geiger, "The linguistic character of Sinhalese," Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, (Ceylon
Branch), Vol.XXXIV, No.90, 1937, p.l8; See also CE Godakumbura, "The Dravidian element in
Sinhalese," Bulletin of School of Oriental and African Studies, I 946, pp.837-4l ;David Diring~r, The
alphabe!, Hutchinson, London, Voi.I, 3rd ed, 1968, pp.303-304.
222
GC Mendis, The early history of Cevlon and its relations with India and other foreign countries, Asian
Education Series, New Delh~ 1985, pp.9-1 0.
 118

so intensive and far-reaching has been the process, that Indian origins of Sri Lankan art

can scarcely be distinguished as such today, 224 it is fairly certain that Sri Lanka's

development differed culturally from that of India. For instance, the most outstanding

feature in Sri Lankan civilisation at least during the first ten twelve centuries is the

irrigation system which alone formed the basis of the renowned hydraulic structure giving

life and water to the plains which nature had condemned to lie parched and desolate is

entirely the product of Sri Lankan genius owing nothing to Indian influences. Regarding

Buddhism too, though it was an Indian import, it soon became indigenised. It is also to be

noted that though Buddhism disappeared from India, yet Sri Lanka enshrined the faith in

her bosom never to be forsaken, thus evolving culture entirely her own.Z25 Therefore, it

cannot be said that the whole culture of ancient Sri Lanka was a replica oflndian culture in

every sense though early islanders borrowed some of the cultural elements oflndia, due to

close interactions between the two countries that had started from very ancient times.

But, it is to be noted at this point that it has often been accepted that the cultural

relations of the two countries were one-sided or there was only a one-way movement in

the direction of Sri Lanka. Certainly, there are not enough evidences to show how far Sri

Lankan society or the people influenced Indian culture or the people except in the case of

a few examples like Sri Lanka developed Buddhist Commentaries on the Pali canon in

Sinhalese that were later translated into Pali for the use of Buddhist monks in the Indian

223
GC Mendis, Ceylon todav and yesterday: Main currents of Ceylon History, The Associated Newspapers
of Ceylon, Colombo, 1957, p.29.
224
M.D. Raghavan, India in Ceylonese history society and culture, Indian Council for Cultural Relations,
Asian Publishing House, New Delhi, 1969, p.94.
225
Lorna Dewaraja, "Cultural relations between Sri Lanka and north India during the Anuradhapura
period," Sri Lanka ioumal of Social Sciences, Vol. X, Nos. I & 2, 1987, p.2.
 119

subcontinent, 226 Sri Lankan Buddhist monks have spread their faith in north India and the
227
Deccan region, the Buddhist sacred places like Bodh Gaya have been controlled by the

Sri Lankans throughout the ages and Sri Lankan Buddhist nuns cast themselves in the

role of missionaries in India.Z28Hence it is clear that the civilisations of India and Sri

Lanka followed lines of historical development, which were both interdependent and

resonant though this has not been accepted by the ancient literary traditions of both

countries.

Besides these ancient literary interpretations, it is significant that the early

historians have also sometimes been shown to be erroneous particularly when speaking of

the facts on Indo-Sri Lankan cultural relationship during the ancient period. This of course

is in the natural order of things. With the increasing volume of new archaeological data

and with more sophisticated techniques of historical research, earlier beliefs can become

out dated. Hence, modern scholars will no doubt disagree with the early historian's above

periodisation of the history of the island and the interpretations of the Indo-Sri Lankan

cultural relations where the discussions follow the pattern of the early chronicles. 229As a

result, modern scholars are inclined to view the history of Sri Lanka from a different

stance. Particularly historians today are looking more at the inner dynamism, which

226
"It was found necessary to have the canonical literature that had till then existed in the form of Sinhala
commentaries translated in to Pali and treatises of exegetical nature compiled for the use of students of
Buddhism in Sri Lanka and abroad. This responsible task was entrusted to a versatile scholar-monk named
Buddhaghosa who came from the Tamil country" Gunapala Senadheera, "Cultural contacts between India
and Sri Lanka through bhikkhus, scholars and pilgrims," Sri Lanka and the silk road of the sea, ed. S.
Bandaranayake and others, The Sri Lanka National Commission for UNESCO and the Central Cultural
Fund, Colombo, 1990, p.l37.
m J. Ph. VogeL ''Prakrit inscriptions from a Buddhist site at Nagargunakonda," Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XX,
1929-30, pp.l-37 & especially pp.9-IO.
228
"Pasadika Jambudlpe sasanena bahu }ana" The Dipavamsa, ed. Hermann Oldemberg, London, 1879,
~hap.18; 31-33vv. For further details please refer to RALH Gunawardana, "Buddhist nuns in ancient and
early medieval Sri Lanka and their role in ihe propagation of Buddhism," The Sri Lanka Joumal of the
HumanitieS, Vol.XIV, No. 1&2, 1988, pp.l-60.
 120

shaped the history and culture of the island and more importantly there is increasing

evidence that the cultural horizons of Sri Lanka extended far beyond the confmes of

India. 230

However, as in the case of the overall history or the cultural history of the island, it

is evident that the situation is the same when considering the artistic traditions of Sri

Lanka too. The descriptions given in the Mahavamsa are particularly important in this

respect. Accordingly, king Asoka is said to have sent to Sri Lanka sixteen guilds of

artisans with the sacred Bodhi tree in the third century BC. 231 Interestingly enough, this

belief is recorded in some of the land grant manuscripts of the medieval and late medieval

periods of Sri Lanka al~o. The information presented in these, particularly in relation to

the Nilagama generation of painters is very important though the descriptions are

legendary in nature. 232Based on such random references it is generally believed that it was

the contact with Mauryan India and the enthusiasm for the new faith of Buddhism that

first inspired the Sri Lankan people to creative activity in the fields of art, architecture and

sculpture. For instance, it is said that with the possible exception of a single dolmen and

three groups of cists there are no structural remains so far brought to light that can be dated

as pre-Buddhist remains. 233It is also believed that the idea of using stone for building

purposes and rock cave abodes for monks was also introduced from Mauryan

229
W Geiger, Culture of Ceylon in medieval times, ed. Heinz Bechert, Wiesbaden, 1960, pp.xxii-xiii.
230
Senaka Bandaranayake, "The periodisation of Sri Lankan history and some related historical and
archaeological problems," Asian nanorama: Essays in Asian history, past and present, ed. KM De Silva and
others, Vikas Publishing House, New Delhi, 1990, p.5.
231
Mahavamsa, tr. W Geiger, Pali Text Society, London, 1934, chap.19; l-4vv.
232
M Somathilake, An inquiry into the social status of the Buddhist mural painters of l::te medieval period of
Sri Lank!!, Paper read at Jawaharlal Nehru University, 28th August 1999, pp.2-6.
233
S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the early period: Religion and art," University of Ceylon History of
Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt. I, 1959, p.256.
 121

234
India. Interestingly enough, due to this belief it is evident that some writers have arrived

at entirely wrong conclusions too. For example, though nothing has been mentioned

regarding the representation of the life story of the Buddha in any source of India or Sri

Lanka during this period, some writers have wrongly concluded that after Buddhism

became established in Sri Lanka, artists came from India, sent by King Asoka, to depict

the life of the Buddha. 235

At the same time, it is to be noted that many scholars have expressed the view that

a very close affinity can be seen between the extinct artistic traditions of the two countries

also. 236 According to them, this close affinity is confirmed by the earliest Sri Lankan

sculptures found at Kantaka cetiya in Mihintale, which are similar to the earliest schN~ l of

Indian sculpture at Barhut and Sanchi. 237It is also believed that one can notice the

connection with the mainland in sculptures now exhibited in the National Museum in

Colombo and the archaeological museums at Anuradhapura and elsewhere in the island.

Accordingly, these sculptures found in Sri Lanka are in the Amaravati style, for instance

the Mahailuppallama image is in the style which is characteristic of the standing Buddha

images of Anuradhapura; there is no doubt. that it. was fashioned in the Amaravati (Vengi)

region and imported to Sri Lanka.238In addition, it is said that the fragments of Buddha

images in Amaravati style and in the marble distinctive of that school, have also been

234
Andreas Nell, "The influence of Indian art in Ceylon," The influence of Indian art ed. F.H. Andrews,
The India Society, London, 1925, p.l46.
235
Argus John Tresidder, Ceylon: An introduction to the resplendent land, D Van Nostrand co, Canada,
1960,p.199.
236
For further details please refer to M.D. Raghavan, India in Ceylonese history society and culture, Indian
Council for Cultural Relations, Asian Publishing House, New Delhi, 1969, pp.94-113; Andreas Nell, "The
influence of Indian art in Ceylon" The influence of Indian Art, ed. F.H. Andrews, Delhi Printers Prakashan,
Delhi, 1978.
237
S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the early period: Religion and art," University of Ceylon History of
Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt. I, 1959, pp.264-265.
238
S Paranavitana. Sinblllavo, Lake House Inves1ments, Colombo, 1967, p.l8.
 122

found at other places in the island and a number of bas-reliefs in this same marble,
239
imported from the same source, have been found at Anuradhapura and other sites.

Besides, it is believed that the bronze Buddha statue from Badulla is also not very
40
different from some of the metal images of Buddha of the Amaravati Schooe and the

figure of the so-called king Duttagamini from Anuradhapura too recalls contemporary
41
Amaravati models, as does the monolithic seated Buddha? It is further assumed that

under the influence of the mainland, especially from the early Buddhist art of Amaravati,

there are beautifully proportioned guard stones, dwarfs, snakes, with three, five or seven
42
hoods, of exquisite workmanship at Anuradhapura?

In this context, it is noteworthy that there is another belief that the Gupta imperial

impulse was also as strong and enduring in its effects as the Asokan imperial
43
impulse? Consequently, it is presumed that the influence of the Indian Gupta sculpture

was felt in the Isurumuniya elephant reliefs 244and the well-known relief of the Isurumuni

lovers and other sculptures found at the same premises has the vigour and refinement of

the Gupta period?45In addition, it is believed that carved on the face of a low cliff of

granulitic boulders overhanging a partly artificial tank at the site, we may observe

239
Ibid, p.18.
240
C Sivaramamurti, The art of India, (Translation ofL'Art en Inde, 1974), Harry N Abrams Publishers,
New York, 1977, p.196.
241
Ibid, p.l96.
242
Mulk Raj Anand, India in colour, Themes and Hudson, London, 1958, pp.75-76.
243
Andreas Nell, "the ini1uence oflndian art in Ceylon," The influence of Indian ;ill, ed. F.H. Andrews,
The Indian Society, London, 1925, pp.145-151.
244
Mulk Raj Anand, India in colour, Themes and Hudson, London, 1958, pp.75-76.
245
In addition to these artistic works of carvings and statues, it is a common assumption among scholars that
this period witnessed the glory of classical Sanskrit literature too. S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the
period: Religion, literature and art," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon
University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, Part I, 1959, pp.393-394. Consequently, it is believed that a highly rated
Sanskrit wmk composed in S1i Lanka by Kumaradasa known as the Janakiharana bears unmistakable
influence ofKalidasa 's Raghuvamsa. See Lorna Dewaraja, "Cultural relations between Sri Lanka and north
 123

carvings in a 'pure Pallava style.' According to such critics, isolated in a kind of niche is a

relief of the sage Kapila, seated on the plains ofhell and not only are the proportions of the

figure remarkably close to the work at Mamallapuram, but the suggestion of the form's

emergence from the matrix of the rock is also in the same technique. Due to this belief,

even contrary to the above assumption of the so-called Gupta influence on the

Isurumuniya carvings, some others have concluded_ that the carvings of elephants at the

site, submerged in a nearby pool of lotus-filled water, look like early Pallava
246
carvings. Similarly, though chronologically later, some have presumed that at

Anuradhapura a dagoba of the first century BC has elephants as caryatids, a feature that is

also found at Mahabalipuram and at Ellora belonging to the later periods. 247

According to such critics, this close similarity between the artistic traditions of

India and Sri Lanka is demonstrated not only through the stone sculpture, carving or

architecture alone, but through the Buddhist wall painting tradition also, as discussed in

the first chapter in detail?48It is evident that in this assumption, some critics have gone to

India during the Anuradhapura period," Sri Lanka Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. X, Nos. I & 2, 1987,

fM> ~~jamin Rowland, The art and architecture of India: Buddhist Hindu Jain, Penguin Books Ltd, USA,
1

1953, p.370.
247
C Sivaramamurti, The art of India. (Translation of L' Art en Inde, 197 4 ), Hany N Abrams Publishers,
NewYork, 1977,pp.195-196.
248
Benjamin Rowland, The Art and architecture of India Buddhist, Hindu, Jain, Penguin Books, USA, 1953,
pp.216 and 370; For further details please refer to Nandadeva Wijesekara,Earlv Sinhalese paintings, Saman
Press, Maharagama, 1959, (especially second and sixth chapters); "Sinhalese art with special reference to
Sigiriya," Selected writings, Tisara Press, Dehivala, 1983, pp.252-257; S Paranavitana, "Civilisation of the
early period: Religion and art," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others, Ceylon
University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt. I, 1959, pp.407-409; C.W. Nicholas & S. Paranavitana, A concise
history of Ceylon, Ceylon University Press, Colombo, 1961; RC Majumdar, "Foundation of Gupta power in
India and its relations with Ceylon," University of Ceylon History of Ceylon, ed. HC Ray and others,
Ceylon University Press, Colombo, Vol.I, pt. I, 1959, p.273; M.D. Raghavan, India in Cevlonese historv
society and culture, Indian Council for Cultural Relations, Asian Publishing House, New Delhi, 1969, p.94;
Krishna Chaitanya, A history of Indian painting: The mural tradition, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,
1976, p.51; V.A. Smith, A history offme arts in India and Ceylol!, D.B. Tharaporevala sons & co, Bombay,
(reprinted) 1969, p.lOO; A Ghose, Ajanta Murals: An album of eighty five reproductions in colour,
Archaeological Survey of India, New Delhi, 1967, p .17; Andreas Nell, "The influence of Indian art in
 124

the extreme to express the view that not only the painting tradition of ancient Sri Lanka

borrowed from India, but that Sri Lankan artists were also trained by Indian artists.

Nevertheless, though the discussions are very short some other scholars have argued that

there is no such very close connection or affinity between the two painting traditions of
49
ancient India and Sri Lanka.Z The next few chapters of the thesis, mainly focus on the

styles, techniques, themes, social context and the material culture of the Buddhist mural

painting traditions of the two countries of the ancient period and show that these are two

distinct traditions to a large extent, though some minute similarities can be noted among

these. Certainly, such minute similarities can be seen even among any different artistic

traditions as in the case of Ajanta murals and Chinese-Japanese and early renaissance

paintings as discussed in the first chapter in detail. In addition, it is worthy to note that

though obvious dissimilarities can be seen between the paintings and the reliefs of Ajanta,

most of the writers have noticed some similarities between these two artistic traditions and

have compared the murals even with the carvings of Barhut, Sanch and Amaravati etc

while some others have gone to the extreme limit to discuss the similarities between the

Buddhist art of Ajanta and Christian art ofSopocani in Yugoslavia.Z50

in Ceylon" The influence of Indian Art, ed. F.H. Andrews, Delhi Printers Prakashan,. Delhi, 1978; (]<:
Mendis, The early hi:;1oty of Ceylon and its relations with India and other foreign countries, Asian
Education Series, New Delh~ 1985.
249
See Philip Rawson, Indian painting, Paris, 1961, p.56; Nandadeva Wijesekara, Early Sinhalese painting,
Maharagarna, 1959, pp.88-90; Siri Gunasinghe, "Buddhist paintings in Sri Lanka: An art of enduring
simplicity," Spolia Zeylanica, Vol.XXXV, No.l&2, 1980, p.479; Aibert Dharmasiri, The oainters and the
~aintings of the school of Sigiriy<!, Sigiriya seminar, Colombo, 15 October, 1983, Mimeograph, pp.2-3.
50
Please refer to OM Datta Upadhyaya, The art of Ajanta and Sopocani: A comparative study (An inquiry
in Prana aesthetics), Mothilal BanarsidassPublishers, De~ 1994.