Burgess 2009
Burgess 2009
Burgess 2009
77–92
Introduction
Australia has a mosaic of anti-discrimination and equal employment opportu-
nity (EEO) laws covering the workplace, designed to provide protection against
direct and indirect discrimination for such groups as women, the disabled,
older employees and gays and lesbians, as well as other legislation designed to
promote career opportunities for women. These legislative requirements are
in turn supported through industrial agreements, and through organisational
policies. Often, the resulting policies and programs within organisations pro-
claim workforce diversity as an asset, and are based on the claim that diversity
can be harnessed towards organisational objectives. Thus increasingly, work-
place equity programs have been brought under the broad label of managing
diversity (MD). Yet, there have been few attempts to evaluate the ‘big picture’
of diversity management in Australian organisations. Here, the aim is to review
MD in Australia, place it in its legislative context, examine the drivers for MD,
discuss their relationship to legislative measures promoting equity, and exam-
ine the practice of MD. Shifting responsibility for achieving equality objectives
to organisations makes sense in terms of efficiency. However, the practice of
MD is itself diverse (Strachan et al 2010), and even where there is some pre-
scription and guidance such as in the Australian EEO legislation, the outcomes
are variable (Burgess et al 2007). We thus explore the rationale of MD, examine
the legislation support equity in the Australian workplace and discuss some
organisations that have been selected as ‘best practice’ exemplars in terms of
their EEO reporting.
What is MD?
Managing diversity (MD) has its origins in the USA in the context of affirma-
tive action policies and a rapidly changing workforce demographic (from white
males to increasing numbers of women, Hispanics and Afro Americans). In
the words of Thomas (2001), anti-discrimination and affirmative action legis-
lation had provided the ‘entry tickets’ into the workforce, while MD was about
productively building on this entry. Kirton and Greene (2005) point out that
the US context of MD is very specific to legislative, political and demographic
conditions, and that MD as a business process is not necessarily transferable
to EU nations. Similarly in Australia, one has to be cognisant of the specific
legislative and demographic context of MD policies. MD is also organisation-
ally specific. MD is confined to those organisations that are sufficiently large
to have diverse workforces and to have an HR division that is responsible for
workforce management and development. MD is individualised in the sense
that each organisation develops its own program subject to its own needs and
those of its employees. Indeed, the programs could be individualised to sat-
isfy the diversity needs of each employee. While programs must conform to
universal legislative conditions such as anti-discrimination laws, the authority
for MD comes from within the organisation. In this context, MD can be said
to be fluid and evolving, subject to development and change as the organisa-
tion evolves in terms of its employees, business conditions, and the prevailing
organisational objectives. It follows that MD is inexorably linked to organisa-
tional goals, and hence discussions of MD are invariably linked to the ‘business
case’ for MD (Holterman 1995).
Diversity itself remains an unclear concept. It is contextually specific and
linked to demographic and socio-political features of the population and the
workforce. Diversity is a selective concept in that some but not all physical
characteristics are incorporated into MD programs (Moore 1999). Diversity
also has invisible and hidden aspects that include culture and attitudes (Moore
1999). MD programs in general mimic or reflect legislative programs that pro-
hibit discrimination and encourage EEO opportunities within the workplace,
and hence many MD programs support such groups as women, ethnic mi-
norities, older workers and people with a disability. There is a tension between
diversity as a factor that generates forms of exclusion and inferior material out-
comes in the labour market, and diversity as a factor that can be harnessed
symbolic effect as it identifies ‘that there are certain actions and forms of behav-
iour which the majority of society no longer find acceptable’.
In Australia there are practical problems in taking an anti-discrimination
case, resulting from the array of inconsistent legislation available; complexity
of definitions and interpretation, including issues of coverage; exemptions and
redress available (Charlesworth et al 2002). The possibility of remedy is also
questionable as direct, intended discrimination is less likely to occur than dis-
crimination that is unintended, indirect and systemic.
Affirmative action (since 1999 more commonly referred to as equal oppor-
tunity) legislation is also based on opposition to the neo-classical economic
view of a free and competitive market system, but in contrast to the anti-dis-
crimination approach, it seeks to move beyond individual, universal solutions
and reactive methods of addressing unfair discrimination. Instead, it encour-
ages the analysis of systemic or structural discrimination in order to design
appropriate proactive remedies at an organisational level (Ronalds 1991). The
recommended approach to systemic change is one based on different treatment
of individuals within a collective group, in order to overcome natural or social
difference (Poiner and Wills 1991).
Australia’s principal affirmative action/equal opportunity legislation, the
Equal Opportunity for Women in the Workplace Act 1999, was not intended to
provide positive discrimination for women but to ensure that women were not
disadvantaged by virtue of their sex through biased terms, conditions and en-
titlements in employment (Strachan and Burgess 2001). Individual enterprises
(with more than 100 employees) are responsible for the implementation of an
equal opportunity/affirmative action program. The Act includes the requirement
of a regular analysis of current employment statistics and workplace practices.
Accountability is ensured through direct reporting to a government agency, and
the penalty for non-reporting is being named in Parliament and being ineligible
for federal government contracts or specified industry assistance.
Rather than being an alternative approach to anti-discrimination, Poiner
and Wills (1991) suggest that affirmative action/equal opportunity is an um-
brella term that includes a range of corrective responses to discrimination,
past and present. Implemented through what Konrad and Linnehan (1995)
determine as identity conscious structures, it requires decision makers to
consider both individual merit and demographic group identity in order to
remedy current discrimination, redress past injustices and achieve fair and
visible representation across all positions. This occurs by monitoring person-
nel decisions made about members of protected groups more stringently;
comparing the numbers, experiences and outcomes of protected groups with
those of others and making special efforts to employ and promote the career
progress of disadvantaged groups.
MD programs have to take place within this legislative context. How does
MD differ from anti discrimination and EEO? First of all, MD is voluntarist,
whereas legislation is compulsory for those organisations that fall within its
ambit. Second, MD is potentially available to all organisations, whereas EEO
programs only apply to those organisations employing over 100 persons. Third,
whereas the legislation regulates conditions for those who are currently em-
ployed, MD programs could be linked to the engagement of groups who are
currently under-represented in employment. Fourth, the scope of MD pro-
grams is extensive in terms of identified groups and organisational policies, but
EEO is confined to women employees, and anti-discrimination provisions tar-
get a number of specific groups such as older workers, women, workers with a
disability and Indigenous Australians. However, as we will demonstrate, those
organisations that have been recognised for their EEO programs invariably
have formal MD programs.
Approaches to MD
Two major implementation approaches for managing diversity are presented
here to explore the distinctions within diversity management. One approach,
named here as ‘productive diversity’, is based on a business case for diversity
management, and the other, named here as ‘valuing diversity’, is based on a hu-
man resource/organisational development approach.
the utilisation of individuals for increased productivity are seen as useful when
priorities are in conflict and when there is no clear way of fulfilling everyone’s
needs and goals. Utilising the organisation’s human resources to the best pos-
sible advantage appears to be a providential solution.
However, addressing any unfair disparity by acknowledging diversity for
reasons of increased productivity has severe limitations, due in part to the fact
that not all individual rights or abilities can be reduced to tangible productivity
gains. Dickens (1999) suggests that the business case for equality is contingent
upon the profitability of the firm and the vagaries of the product market. This
becomes dangerous if and when inequality is judged as productive. If diversity
policies are introduced only to support a business objective, there will be times
when a homogenous workplace further sustains the business objective or worse
when ambivalence results in limited improvement.
A utilitarian approach does not attempt to address current inequalities.
Without recognition that the social structure itself is unequal and unjust, the
possibility of achieving equality is questionable (Poiner and Wills 1991). The
business case for managing diversity is acknowledged to offer a narrow approach
to achieving equity. Rarely does the business case consider such inequalities as
low pay, the rights of part time workers, power differentials or the sexual divi-
sion of labour. Dickens (2000) thus challenges the notion that the business case
for diversity can be an efficient means of achieving equal opportunity. Without
legislative and social regulation, the business case cannot result in other than a
constricted implementation of managing diversity: ‘State intervention is central
to an equality agenda because the market tends to produce discrimination, not
equality’ (Dickens 2000: 13).
Valuing Diversity
Another perspective within the managing diversity framework involves the val-
uing of difference, with mutual adaptation of the individual and the organisa-
tion as a desired end result. The basic premise of this perspective for addressing
workplace disparity is the accommodation of different individuals and the ad-
aptation of organisation systems for reasons of best management practice and
mutual benefit and development. It involves including everyone in the process,
recognising diversity as good for business and relaxing assimilationist criteria
by changing the dominant culture (Thomas 1996). Cross-cultural education
including sharing, mentoring and networking is recommended as assisting in-
dividual and group change (Fine 1995). Liff (1999) notes that research indicates
that the bulk of policies utilised by organisations fits closer to the ‘valuing di-
versity’ approach.
The benefits of managing disparity through this approach are said to include
acknowledgement of the changes required to cultural, political and structural
systems within organisations, rather than to either individuals or disadvan-
taged groups or both. Without substantial change to these systems, different
individuals will continue to be indirectly discriminated against. This is rec-
ognised as a major deficiency of the legislated approaches that seek to force
employees to fit pre-existing structures and practices. In addition, the ‘valu-
ing diversity’ approach analyses workplace disparity issues and seeks to treat
the problem — namely, the structures — rather than addressing the symptoms.
Liff (1999) points out that this approach looks much like the proactive end
of equal opportunity (affirmative action) as it sees differences between peo-
ple in terms of their treatment and experiences at work based on their social
group membership. An alternative identified by Liff (1999: 71) is one based
on ‘dissolution of difference’. The ‘dissolving differences’ analysis is based on
the argument that there are multiple sources of difference just as important as
gender, and that people should not be confined by their social group member-
ship. This view privileges individuals as the object of policy rather than social
groups. Kirton and Greene (2005) argue however that there is an assumption
of ‘sameness’ implicit in the dissolving difference approach: a view that every-
one should be treated the same regardless of their group characteristics. Like
the liberal equality approach, this does not lead to equal outcomes. French
(2001) argues that there is little practical difference between equal and ‘same’
treatment of individuals, both in the anti-discrimination approach and in the
neutral treatment of individuals through the managing diversity approach.
A limitation in using the valuing difference approach is that any change
will be extremely slow, with no guarantee that the major changes required to
workplace systems can or will actually take place. Thomas (1996) believes that
an organisation may take several years to determine real needs and as long as
twenty-five years to realise true change. This of course does little to assist in-
dividuals in the workplace today. Liff and Cameron (1997) suggest that where
traditional equal opportunity strategies encourage a view that women have a
problem and need help, managing diversity encourages the view that organi-
sations create problems for some groups while advantaging others. Changing
organisations is more difficult and more time-consuming than offering extra
assistance and training to a group identified as deficient. In addition, the tradi-
tional equal opportunity strategies ‘pass the buck’ for any lack of success to the
individual, who is deemed to be not only deficient but also difficult to please.
The consulting engineering firm Connell Wagner identified ‘an ongoing percep-
tion within the industry that consulting engineering is difficult and demanding,
resulting in it being more challenging to recruit and attract engineering gradu-
ates (in particular women graduates) into the industry’. General Motors Holden
expressed ‘the very clear need to gain greater access to the talent pool … , as well
as the importance of attracting and retaining more women, particularly into non-
traditional roles such as engineering’. The law firm Henry Davis York reported
that ‘competition between law firms was, and remains, intense and HDY need-
ed not only to attract new recruits but also retain them and where appropriate,
promote them within the firm’. World Vision Australia and the consumer goods
manufacturer Wrigley’s wanted to attract a wider pool of applicants. Wrigley’s
expressed a common issue: attracting and retaining the best person for the job
‘has not been easy and the company has recognised a need to address the growing
shortage of skilled workers within the labour market by adopting more creative
solutions to its job design and selection criteria’. OneCare, a community services
organisation of 506 employees, operated in the highly competitive nursing sector:
‘Labour market forces in professional health dictate that we, as an organisation,
need to seek market advantage to attract and retain staff, particularly Registered
Nurses.’ At the same time, ‘[d]iversity is supported within our organisation and
we value the contribution that gender, cultural and religious diversity can make
to our organisation and our customers’ (EOWA 2009).
The organisations judged as ‘best practice’ tended to integrate MD with
standard human resource management functions such as recruitment and
selection procedures, and particularly the instigation or expansion of flexible
work arrangements. For example, IGT, a firm of 250 employees that develops
and manufactures entertainment games, was committed to providing ‘a flexible,
family-friendly and balanced environment which allows IGT to recruit and re-
tain the best employees. IGT’s philosophy is that is our employees understand
that we have a vested interest in their personal growth, career development
and their life outside of work, that their loyalty and productivity will be of a
consistently high standard within the organisations’. In addition, the majority
of EOWA case study organisations (10 out of 15) specifically identified the low
numbers of women in senior management as a factor driving their MD pro-
grams. From these case studies, we can observe the appeal to good corporate
citizenship through the promotion of equity principles coupled with the reality
of an increasingly feminised workforce and a tight labour market.
All the large organisations (those with over 4,000 employees) specifically
linked MD strategy with overall business goals. Coles Group Diversity Strat-
egy ‘was determined by the desire to make Coles a place where people want
to work and an awareness that the workforce needs to reflect the diversity of
both customers and the wider community’. The outcome was that ‘diversity
is increasingly being melded into the culture of the organisation, thanks to a
clearly defined strategy with accountability at executive level and the integra-
tion of diversity into a range of cultural programs, as well as recruitment and
development’. Westpac, a bank with more than 22,000 employees, explained
that ‘attracting, retaining and, importantly, advancing women helps us deliver
against our strategic objectives for our employees, our customers, our share-
holders and for the community.’ The CEO said ‘It’s not a compliance issue; it’s
not a diversity issue, and it’s not a social responsibility issue. Yes, it’s the right
thing to do, but it’s also the strategic thing to do for Westpac.’
All but two of the smaller organisations also made the link with organisa-
tional strategy. Henry Davis York ‘developed and implemented an extensive
“people focus” strategy linked to the goals and values of the firm.’ In World Vi-
sion Australia, the initiatives were driven by the People, Culture and Learning
Department which assisted business units ‘to develop appropriate practices for
managing and retaining staff ’. All organisations framed their programs within
an organisational business case. Most quantified savings to the organisation
in some way, citing more female recruitment, increased retention and higher
return rates from maternity leave. GM Holden had increased its paid mater-
nity leave from 6 weeks to 14 weeks after two years service. This and flexible
working options such as part time work and job sharing had increased the
return rate of women from 67 per cent to 92 per cent. Henry Davis York had
achieved a 100 per cent return rate with similar strategies and had reduced
recruitment costs through internal recruitment, a strategy also successfully
used by other organisations. Mounties, a community recreation club, said they
had the ‘highest profit in the industry, best safety record, lowest staff turnover
rates and lowest absenteeism rates’ (EOWA 2009).
At one level then, MD and EEO represent a form of public relations and can
be placed within the context of good corporate citizenship. Large organisations
are expected to enshrine basic principles such as equality and to embrace anti-
discrimination in the workplace and MD gives substance to these principles. At
another level, MD reflects the realities of a changing workforce composition: as
Thomas (2001) noted in the USA, the reality is that the Australian workforce
is becoming more feminised, older and with growing numbers of immigrant
workers from non-European origins (Sappey et al 2006: ch.3). Up until 2008,
and in the context of a tight labour market and a very diverse labour supply,
embracing MD reflects the shift away from the traditional norms and com-
position of the labour supply that was prevalent in previous eras (Watson et al
2003). MD enables organisations to build upon the legislative base and develop
programs that are innovative and attractive for employees, especially where
there are labour shortages or high labour turnover. For example, programs that
address work and family balance can enable organisations to retain valued em-
ployees (Sappey at el. 2006: ch.3).
It is apparent that the formal EEO programs listed on the EOWA website
serve as a demonstration for organisations as to what can be done to attract
and retain not only women staff, but also staff from other groups who may be
disadvantaged or marginalised in the labour force. This becomes an important
issue in periods of tight labour markets. The nature of EEO programs and the
best practice guides and examples used by the EOWA demonstrate to organisa-
tions not only how an EEO program can be developed and implemented for
women employees, but how such programs could be used for other workforce
groups. Hence we find that EEO and MD programs are reported side by side
in many organisations.
At another level, the rise of MD and formal EEO programs is also linked
to the rise of human resource management (HRM) programs and strategic
HRM within large organisations. MD programs originate within organisations,
are managed by organisations and are linked to organisational goals. MD pro-
grams are directed by management and stress individual difference. This gives
a strategic edge to MD programs and links MD to organisational performance.
However, the HRM driver is not without its limitations, especially if the HR
programs are of the ‘hard’ variety where cost and efficiency goals take prec-
edence over equity objectives (Kirton and Greene 2005: ch. 9). Here, there is a
gulf between the claims of MD and EEO, and the outcomes.
In their organisational case studies of EEO programs in the workplace, Bur-
gess et al (2007) found that there was a gap between the official organisational
statements surrounding MD and EEO and actual workplace practice. Specifi-
cally in the case of women employees who sought programs to facilitate work
and family balance, many workplace initiatives were blocked by line managers,
the pressures of production schedules or ignorance. Few EEO programs were
converted into industrial instruments (workplace agreements), and in the main,
trade unions did not see these issues (especially flexible working arrangements)
as priorities in the bargaining round. In many of the case studies, female workers
depended upon informal arrangements to manage work and family responsi-
bilities. They found that having an organisational EEO program and workplace
agreement was no guarantee that work and family measures will be introduced at
the workplace. Legislated minimum standards that protect workers against overt
discrimination and harassment effectively motivate companies, but only in es-
tablishing a baseline. Neither the industrial agreements accessed, nor the reports
to EOWA, offered more than token acknowledgement of work and family issues.
Some organisations embraced more elaborate or sophisticated ways of enticing
workers or retaining them. This was largely in response to labour market forces,
such as a shortage of workers with the appropriate skills, or the costs to business
of losing highly trained personnel, which are important determinants of work-
place policies and practices (Burgess et al 2007).
The experience with MD and EEO is patchy. Some organisations are bet-
ter than others in terms of translating intentions into practice. Here, we have
only reported on those organisations that are regarded as exemplars in terms of
EEO programs, many of which are linked to MD programs. Within this context,
there is an obvious business case supporting the programs. While the EOWA
provides examples of best practice organisations, there is limited auditing of
the organisational processes and outcomes. As the labour market has tightened,
many organisations have become more conscious of the need to attract and re-
tain quality labour, and this is undoubtedly a major factor driving MD and EEO
programs. Burgess et al (2007: 430) conclude that ‘[t]he EEO and workplace
bargaining regime are both very dependent on the “business case” for family
friendly employment measures, one which is supported by Government and its
agencies (for example, EOWA) but is in tension with other ideas based on argu-
ments from equity and social justice’. In turn, this means that such measures are
unevenly distributed within and across workplaces, and that development and
implementation becomes very dependent upon managerial prerogative. While
businesses may deploy ‘flexible’ employment arrangements, these are not neces-
sarily compatible with integrating work and family responsibilities.
Here we have the nub of the problem: the norms of the business case are not
those of underlying equity principles that support MD and EEO. The business
case assumes convergence; this is not always the case. In addition, sustaining
MD becomes difficult where business conditions are changing — it seems that
strong economic growth fits within the business case MD agenda, but what
happens now that these conditions have altered world-wide? The fragility of
the business case can be seen in comments such as ‘KPMG built a business case
for diversity focusing on the labour shortage phenomena which had become a
reality for the firm’ (EOWA 2009).
Conclusions
In Australia, organisations are largely left to make their own judgements about
what is equitable for employees and profitable for the business. It is not surpris-
ing that organisations are really only certain about what to do when policies
are clearly spelt out in legislation (Liff 1997; Strachan et al 2004). Australia
has a mix of legislated standards and voluntary codes that support EEO in the
workplace. The EEO regime is largely a reporting one. From the 1980s the main
concern was with directly addressing discrimination in the workplace and later
with promoting EEO for women employees. Over the past decade the emphasis
has shifted more towards corporate responsibility and organisations doing the
right thing in terms of broader equity objectives. This voluntarism has been
boosted by the tightening labour market that puts pressure on organisations
to acknowledge and address the diversity of their workforce. As Burgess et al
(2007: 535–36) comment:
Organisations are able to choose the policies and practices that they
believe are appropriate to their particular business situations, and the
extent to which they will implement them. This might include; attention
to workers’ preferences in relation to individual work arrangements and
career paths; emphasis on recruiting and/or training women in non-tra-
ditional roles; increasing ‘flexibility’ in the span of hours worked, length
of shifts and other temporal arrangements; or any one of a number of
other priorities. Organisations can portray many different policies and
practices as related to EEO without assessing outcomes against specified
criteria or undertaking any measurement of change. Organisational eq-
uity policies and practices are determined by ad hoc business and labour
force demands which may be coloured by the organisation’s own ethics
and values.
Subtle forms of discrimination continue somewhat insidiously in organisations
with systems and practices that seemingly fulfil equal opportunity prescriptions
or anti-discrimination legislation or managing diversity recommendations, yet
with outcomes that continue to demonstrate that people remain unfairly dis-
advantaged, based on unrelated and unalterable attributes or characteristics
(Burgess et al 2007). Neither anti-discrimination, affirmative action, equal
opportunity, nor managing diversity, offers a cure-all for the inequality many
people experience in the workplace. The different approaches to managing in-
dividual and collective ‘sameness’ and ‘difference’ and any related disparity at
work result in different structures and different policies for implementation.
Even within the same industry and in the same labour market, organisations
can have very different approaches and programs towards EEO (Burgess et al
2010). These different structures and policies are predictive of different out-
comes on many of the measures of employment of individuals. We argue that
effective equity management that brings substantive change to unfair work-
place disparity is not a ‘one size fits all’ model. It needs to be an individually
tailored model that encourages strategic change and which involves analysis of
specific contextual issues in addition to analysis of current structures and sys-
tems. Yet, little is known of the factors of influence on management choice in
determining their organisation’s stance. Further, real change requires analysis
of social issues including the ‘male stereotype’ as the dominant work model.
Changes in state provisions and organisation structures and practices are re-
quired but these often lag behind the need for real change.
While considerable research continues in the area of workplace disparity
and difference at an individual and collective level, there has been little research
focusing on the strategic implementation of policies designed to address dispar-
ity, and more importantly the related outcomes, in order to develop models of
excellence. The EOWA case studies present only a small sample of organisations
that formally meet and go beyond EEO guidelines. The case studies demonstrate
the important demonstration and experiential effects of formal EEO programs
in being extended into broader MD measures that take in a range of different
groups in the workforce. It continues to be vital to ponder the issues, explore and
probe new ideas thoroughly and to fully comprehend the intricacies of social
and individual inequity if there is any hope of redress. Despite the exploratory
nature of equity at work, many organisations continue to explore the means of
achieving it. The use of various approaches, including a range of structures and
policies for implementing equity management, is increasingly being reported,
not only through the EOWA but through various public reporting and awards
systems and on organisational web sites. Liff (1999) notes that those organisa-
tions receiving awards in Britain for their opportunity policies are those that
are implementing side-by-side policies that show positive action with those that
present a more radical challenge for organisation culture and practice. In fact,
the multiple implementation of different equity management strategies is in-
creasingly recommended (Sheridan 1998; Liff 1999; Dickens 2000; French 2005).
This point comes through in the organisations reported on from the EOWA
website. However, against these activist equity programs, at the other end more
than ten per cent of organisations are doing nothing and approximately half the
reporting organisations are undertaking a minimalist approach towards equity
programs (French 2001).
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