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A 12,000-year-old Shaman Burial from the Southern Levant (Israel)

Article  in  Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences · December 2008

DOI: 10.1073/pnas.0806030105 · Source: PubMed

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A 12,000-year-old Shaman burial from the southern
Levant (Israel)
Leore Grosmana,b,1, Natalie D. Munroc, and Anna Belfer-Cohena
aInstitute
of Archaeology, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Mount Scopus, Jerusalem 91905, Israel; bDepartment of Physics of Complex Systems, The
Weizmann Institute of Science, Rehovot 76100, Israel; and cDepartment of Anthropology, University of Connecticut, Storrs, CT 06269

Edited by Ofer Bar-Yosef, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA, and approved September 29, 2008 (received for review June 23, 2008)

The Natufians of the southern Levant (15,000 –11,500 cal BP) Results
underwent pronounced socioeconomic changes associated with The Archaeological Background. Hilazon Tachtit is a small cave site
the onset of sedentism and the shift from a foraging to farming in the Galilee region of Israel (Fig. 1) that functioned first and
lifestyle. Excavations at the 12,000-year-old Natufian cave site, foremost as a Natufian burial ground for at least 28 individuals.
Hilazon Tachtit (Israel), have revealed a grave that provides a rare Facing east, the cave is located on an escarpment ⬇150 m above
opportunity to investigate the ideological shifts that must have Nahal (river) Hilazon, 14 km from the Mediterranean shoreline.
accompanied these socioeconomic changes. The grave was con- The site provides a wide view of the Mediterranean shore to the
structed and specifically arranged for a petite, elderly, and disabled west and the upper Nahal Hilazon to the east. The single
woman, who was accompanied by exceptional grave offerings. prehistoric Natufian occupation inside the cave is dated to
The grave goods comprised 50 complete tortoise shells and select 12,400–12,000 cal BP (RTT 3760, RTT4592, RTT 4593), within
body-parts of a wild boar, an eagle, a cow, a leopard, and two the later stage of the Natufian period (12).
martens, as well as a complete human foot. The interment rituals The prehistoric activity inside the cave was spatially confined
and the method used to construct and seal the grave suggest that to a shallow depression formed by the natural contours of the
this is the burial of a shaman, one of the earliest known from the bedrock in the middle of the cave (⫽ 30 m2). The excavations
archaeological record. Several attributes of this burial later become unearthed 2 small structures (ca. 1 m in diameter) built of
central in the spiritual arena of human cultures worldwide. undressed, limestone cobbles (Fig. 2). Both structures are cir-
cular and are delineated by large stones transported from outside
Hilazon Tachtit Cave 兩 Natufian 兩 mortuary practices 兩
the cave and positioned along the natural outline of the bedrock.
origins of agriculture
Next to the structures are 3 small burial pits (Pit I, Pit II, and Pit
III, ⬇0.5 m2 each) that occupy an area of 5 m2 to a depth of 80

T he Natufian culture in the southern Levant (ca. 15,000–

11,600 cal BP) is marked by significant changes in human
burial practices (1, 2). More than 400 individuals have been
cm (Fig. 2). The pits contained the remains of at least 25
individuals representing an array of ages. In Pit III, some bodies
had to be pushed aside to squeeze a number of individuals (n ⫽
recovered from organized Natufian cemeteries signifying a 5) into the small space. Apart from the hands and feet, the
dramatic increase in the number of dead recovered in compar- skeletons were not articulated, although size and age estimates
ison to any preceding cultural period. This new burial practice is suggest that elements of single individuals were clustered to-
related to a dramatic socioeconomic change associated with the gether. Because many skeletal parts are missing from the pits,
central role of the Natufian culture in the transition from specifically long bones and skull elements, these collective graves
foraging to farming. The Natufians were the first society to adopt likely served as primary burial areas that were later re-opened
a sedentary lifestyle (3–5) and thus, experienced substantial to remove skulls and long bones for secondary burial—a practice
socioeconomic reorganization and innovation necessitated by common to the Natufian and the following Neolithic cultures
the demand of aggregation for long periods of time. First and (13). Only 3 partially complete primary burials were recovered
foremost amongst these changes is the beginning of the shift at Hilazon Tachtit. The first was located at the top of the
from a foraging to a farming economy (6). Sedentism undoubt- Natufian sequence in the cave. This skeleton is of a young adult
edly created new demands regarding social behavior as well. (sex unknown) reposed in a flexed position on its right side with
Intensified social activity may, in part, explain the unprece- both hands under its face. Unfortunately, many of the bones were
dented fluorescence of symbolic activity observed in the Natu- missing, probably because of historical disturbance. The scat-
fian (7). Nevertheless, to date there are nearly no indications of tered bones of a newborn were found in the area of the missing
institutionalized social stratification (5, 8) and most researchers pelvis and it appears that the newborn and the young adult,
have assumed that the Natufians maintained an egalitarian social possibly the mother, were buried together. The 2 other complete
system, typical of most past and present hunting-gathering burials belong to an earlier phase and are interred in graves
societies [but see (9) and discussion in (10)]. Still, to enable within structures A and B (Fig. 2). The burial in structure B
people to share their living space and daily life with nonkin group postdates the use of the structure, while the burial of the
members for prolonged periods, there was a need to incorporate individual interred in Structure A, the topic of the present
new social regulatory mechanisms into the belief system (11). discussion, predates the use of Structure A. Thus, it appears that
Tracing the development of past human belief systems is a this particular burial is the earliest Natufian manifestation on
demanding task as the archaeological record preserves only site.
material aspects of the social and spiritual domains. Although
burial practices do provide unequivocal data pertaining to
prehistoric beliefs, they are rarely observed in Paleolithic
ANTHROPOLOGY

Author contributions: L.G., N.D.M., and A.B.-C. designed research, performed research,
periods. Recent excavations at the Natufian site of Hilazon analyzed data, and wrote the paper.

Tachtit in the western Galilee region have revealed a unique The authors declare no conflict of interest.

burial of an elderly woman. The grave portrays several at- This article is a PNAS Direct Submission.
tributes that later become central in the spiritual arena of 1To whom correspondence should be addressed. E-mail: lgrosman@mscc.huji.ac.il.
human cultures worldwide. © 2008 by The National Academy of Sciences of the USA

www.pnas.org兾cgi兾doi兾10.1073兾pnas.0806030105 PNAS 兩 November 18, 2008 兩 vol. 105 兩 no. 46 兩 17665–17669

 of the cave (the FTIR analysis was carried out by R. Shahack-
Gross and L.G.). Small limestone slabs were pressed into the
mud walls to create a strong foundation, and several large
limestone slabs lined the floor.
At the time of burial, ⬎10 large stones were placed directly on
the head, pelvis, and arms of the buried individual (Fig. 3).
Following decomposition of the body, the weight of the stones
caused the disarticulation of some parts of the skeleton, includ-
ing the separation of the pelvis from the vertebral column. The
body was buried in an unusual position; it was laid on its side with
its spinal column, pelvis, and right femur resting against the
curved southern wall of the oval-shaped grave. The legs were
spread apart and folded inward at the knee.
The human remains were analyzed by L.G. and A.B.-C., and
indicate that the burial is of a gracile female, ⬇45-years-old and
estimated to be 1.5-m tall [based on long bone and skull
measurements (14)]. Sex was determined primarily on the basis
of the pelvis and femur [sciatic notch score 1 (15); curvature
index 40, after (16); femur vertical diameter 39 mm; length ⬍390
mm]. Several skeletal pathologies including vertebral lipping,
osteophytes, and heavy erosion of the teeth are consistent with
pathologies accrued during life, indicating that the woman was
relatively old. In addition, congenital pathologies were observed
including the fusion of the coccyx and the sacrum, and defor-
mations of the pelvis and the lumbar and sacral vertebrae (Fig.
4). Pathologies of this nature would have affected the woman’s
gait (i.e., limping or foot dragging) and would have given her an
unnatural, asymmetrical appearance. The woman was interred
with a number of highly unusual grave goods. A fragment of a
worn, basalt bowl (14-cm long) was recovered above her left leg,
Fig. 1. The location of the site of Hilazon Tachtit Cave and other sites with
cemeteries in the Natufian core area.
as was a complete articulated human foot (Fig. 3). The foot
belonged to an adult individual who was substantially larger than
the interred woman. A pointed bone tool was placed perpen-
The Burial in Structure A. The grave in structure A is located in an dicularly to the left tibia and a round pebble with two knapping
oval basin that was intentionally cut into sterile breccia situated scars (10-cm in diameter) was placed on the left side of the pelvis.
beneath the Natufian levels. A large triangular limestone slab (40 Most remarkably, the female was buried with ⬎50 complete
cm ⫻ 75 cm) sealed the top of the grave. The walls of the oval tortoise shells (Mediterranean spur-thighed tortoise; Testudo
basin show clear evidence of special treatment before burial. graeca). The carapaces from ⬎15 of these individuals were
Fourier-Transform Infrared (FTIR) mineral analysis of sedi- articulated when exposed during excavation (Fig. 5), but most of
ment sampled from the grave walls indicates that the grave was the shells had separated along their natural sutures as a result of
intentionally plastered with mud collected immediately outside decomposition. Although the carapaces were buried intact (dis-

Fig. 2. Plan and features of Hilazon Tachtit Cave. (A) Plan of the cave indicating the excavation area. (B) The Natufian features at Hilazon Tachtit Cave including
the burial pits (pit I, II, and III), Structure A, and Structure B. The burial was located in structure A (Photograph by N. Hilger, Tel Aviv, Israel).

17666 兩 www.pnas.org兾cgi兾doi兾10.1073兾pnas.0806030105 Grosman et al.

Fig. 3. X-ray of the fragmented right and left pubis, body, and spine of a lumbar vertebra showing lipping and osteophytes (Photographs by M. Lavi, Institute
of Archaeology, The Hebrew University, Jerusalem, Israel).

articulated segments were rarely broken and segments from sources (17). Two stone marten (Martes foina) skulls (Fig. 5), one
different parts of the shell were equally represented), the complete and one anterior half, were interred in the grave. The
anterior plastron was repeatedly broken in the same location. complete skull was located directly above the third human foot.
The resulting spiral fracture crossed multiple segments and is The absence of skinning marks typically found on the premaxilla
consistent with human breakage by using a hammerstone while of these fur-bearing animals, suggests that the crania were buried
the shell was still fresh. Repeated breaks also occur along the with their skins attached. A carpometacarpus and first phalanx
lateral margins of the plastron where it meets the carapace, of digit II constitute the wing tip of a golden eagle (Aquila
indicating that the plastron was removed from the carapace chrysaetos) (Fig. 5). The wing tip supports the eagle’s large and
leaving the carapace intact. The plastron (Fig. 5) was likely colorful primary feathers. Several articulated caudal vertebrae
broken to remove the tortoise from its shell, potentially for from the tail of an aurochs (Bos primigenius) represent the only
consumption as part of a feast surrounding the interment of the aurochs body-part found in this grave. The near complete pelvis
deceased. High representation of limb bones (from ⱕ30 indi-
viduals) indicates that most tortoise remains were thrown into
the grave along with the shells after consumption or that the
tortoises were placed in the grave inside their shells despite
removal of the anterior plastron. The recovery of the limb bones
also indicates that entire tortoises, not only their shells, were
transported to the cave for the burial. The collection of at least
50 tortoises at the time of burial would have required a signif-
icant investment, as these are solitary animals. Alternatively,
these animals could have been collected and confined by humans
for a period preceding the burial event.
The grave also contained body-parts of several animals that
are unusual either because the taxa or body-parts rarely occur in
Natufian assemblages, or because they were largely complete.
Unbroken bones are extremely uncommon in Natufian sites, as
the Natufians intensively processed bones to acquire essential fat

Fig. 5. The animal body-parts present in the Shaman grave. The location of
the body-part represented is indicated on the animal illustration with a red
dot. (A) Caudal vertebrae from an auroch’s tail (Bos primigenius); (B) complete
marten (Martes foina) skull; (C) carapace of a spur-thighed Mediterranean
ANTHROPOLOGY

tortoise (Testudo graeca) and examples of the anterior plastron which was
repeatedly broken in the same location; (D) carpometacarpus and first pha-
lanx of digit II from the wing tip of a golden eagle (Aquila chrysaetos); and (E)
articulated forearm (radius and ulna) of a wild boar (Sus scrofa). (Photographs
Fig. 4. An artistic reconstruction of the Shaman grave. (Illustration by P. by G. Hartman, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge,
Groszman, Jerusalem, Israel, drawn to scale.) MA; Illustrations by P. Groszman.)

Grosman et al. PNAS 兩 November 18, 2008 兩 vol. 105 兩 no. 46 兩 17667
of a leopard (Panthera pardus), an extremely rare animal in act as messengers, healers, and magicians, and serve both the
Natufian contexts, was found between 2 articulated tortoise community and its members. Although shaman graves are highly
shells. The articulated forearm (radius and ulna) of a wild boar variable, and thus, there are no standard criteria to identify a
(Sus scrofa) was directly aligned with the woman’s left humerus. shaman in the archaeological record, a number of generaliza-
Unlike all other ungulate long bones recovered from the site, the tions about shamans can be surmised from cross-cultural re-
wild boar bones are complete, except for a long thin segment search: (a) shamans are associated with spiritual, magical, and
removed from the anterior shaft of the radius when the bone was healing powers; (b) shamans engage the help of spirits in animal
still fresh. This break would have enabled the extraction of bone form; (c) shamans are keepers of specialized knowledge; (d)
marrow although leaving the fused radio-ulna largely intact. shamans are ascribed high status within their communities; and
Finally a complete, male gazelle horn core was found in direct (e) the status of shamans is reflected in their special treatment
association with the fragment of a basalt bowl and 3 Cerasto- at death—their burials often contain artifacts reflecting their
derma shells, directly under the human pelvis. Male gazelle horn role in life (i.e., remains of particular animals and contents of
cores have both functional and spiritual uses in Natufian con- healing kits) (20, 24, 25).
texts, and have appeared in other Natufian graves (18). Ethnographic records describe a variety of ways to bury a shaman
(21), but because shamans are always considered privileged per-
Discussion
sons, who therefore enjoy a different kind of afterlife from other
The burial of the woman in Structure A at Hilazon Tachtit is members of their group, unusual features of their graves mark their
unlike any burial found in the Natufian or the preceding special status. This is clearly the case with the burial discussed here.
Paleolithic periods. As the Natufian is a revolutionary cultural The elaborate and invested grave at Hilazon Tachtit confirms the
entity marked by new economic and social practices, it is not special status of the buried individual and her high standing within
surprising that it is associated with new burial traditions. For the community. Moreover, although pathologies are not universally
example, the Natufians were the first people to routinely bury characteristic of shamans, there are numerous cross-cultural ac-
their dead close to or within their living sites. The burials occur counts of physically disabled individuals being ascribed healing and
both alone and in groups, and in many instances, human spiritual powers (26, 27). The goods accompanying the burial are
body-parts were removed either at the time of burial or after also typical of shaman burials. Tortoises, cow tails, eagle wings, and
decomposition had set in (19). Some of the burials were accom- fur-bearing animals continue to play important symbolic and sha-
panied by a variety of grave inclusions comprising ornaments, manistic roles in the spiritual arena of human cultures worldwide
bone and stone tools and occasionally complete animals or their
today [e.g., (28)]. It seems that the woman in the Natufian burial was
body-parts. Although these traditions are reflected in many
perceived as being in a close relationship with these animal spirits.
Natufian graves, the combined characteristics of the grave in
Shamans are universally recorded cross-culturally, in hunter-
Structure A place it well outside of the norm of Natufian burials.
gatherer groups and small-scale agricultural societies (25). Nev-
Clearly, a great amount of time and energy was invested in the
ertheless, they have rarely been documented in the archaeolog-
preparation, arrangement, and sealing of the grave. This was
ical record [but see (29)], and none have been reported from the
coupled with the special treatment of the buried body—the
placement of stones directly on the woman to protect/keep the Paleolithic of Southwest Asia. Perhaps, it is not surprising if clear
body in a desired position or to hold it in the grave. The unique evidence for a shaman comes from the Natufian, as the profound
grave goods accompanying the burial, in particular the many social and economic changes associated with the transition to
tortoises carefully arranged in relation to the body (under the agriculture [the Neolithization process (6)] surfaced during the
skull, the pelvis, and at the perimeter of the grave) are substan- Natufian and undoubtedly entailed equally substantial ideolog-
tially more numerous and diverse than those that have been ical changes (30, 31, 32). Whether the changes in the spiritual
recovered from other Natufian graves. Finally, the stratigraphy outlook preceded and triggered the economic changes (33) or
and construction sequence at the site suggest that the grave in vice versa, an inseparable interplay is clearly observed between
Structure A represents the first use of the cave by the Natufians. ideological and socioeconomic change across the forager-to-
The site is located 150-m up a steep escarpment, and at this point, farmer transition. The unique grave at Hilazon Tachtit Cave
the closest known Natufian domestic site, Hayonim Terrace, is provides us with rare concrete evidence for those processes in
10-km away. Significant investment was required for the trans- their initial stages at the termination of the Paleolithic on the eve
portation of the body to Hilazon Tachtit for burial. All of these of the Neolithic transformation.
efforts were invested in the burial of an elderly disabled woman.
Together the evidence suggests that this woman held a unique ACKNOWLEDGMENTS. The authors are grateful to Baruch Arensburg, Uzy
Smilansky, and Ofer Bar-Yosef for their help. Special thanks are due to R.
position in the community. Shahack-Gross for the FTIR analysis. We thank Naama Goren-Inbar and Erella
We argue that this burial is consistent with expectations for a Hovers for critically reading the manuscript, and Peter Groszman for the
shaman’s grave. Although the term shaman derives specifically illustrations. We also thank Talia Goldman for her assistance with the graphics
from the Tungus people of Siberia (20), shamanistic figures are and Brian Hayden and two anonymous reviewers for their thoughtful re-
marks. Excavation was financed by the Irene Levi-Sala Care Foundation and
well-known from hunter-gatherer and small-scale agricultural the National Geographic Foundation (to L.G.). Research was supported by the
societies world-wide. The shaman’s primary role is to mediate Israel Science Foundation (202/05 to A.B.-C.) and National Science Foundation
between the human and the spirit worlds (21, 22, 23). Shamans (BCS-0618937 to N.D.M.).

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ANTHROPOLOGY

Grosman et al. PNAS 兩 November 18, 2008 兩 vol. 105 兩 no. 46 兩 17669

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