T Anedo Alexander Alfred Onukwube

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“AFA” (DIVINATION): THE MOUTHPIECE OF THE

UNSEEN
BY
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ANEDO, ALEXANDER ALFRED ONUKWUBE
2004017001F
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THE DISSERTATION SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL
FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENT FOR THE AWARD
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OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, Ph.D. (IGBO)

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IN THE
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DEPARTMENT OF AFRICAN AND ASIAN STUDIES

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NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY, AWKA.
SEPTEMBER, 2008
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APPROVAL PAGE
This dissertation has been approved for the award of
Doctor of Philosophy, Ph. D (Igbo) for Department of African
and Asian studies in the faculty of Arts, Nnamdi Azikiwe
University, Awka.
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…………………………… …………………………..
Prof. O. M. Anizoba Prof. G.O. Onyekonwu
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Supervisor Head of Department African
IBand Asian Studies

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…………………………….. ………………………………
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Prof. Dukor Prof.(Ichie) P.A.Ezikeojiaku

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Internal Examiner External Examiner

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………………………….. ……………………………….
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Prof. Okey Umeh Prof. O.L. Anike

Dean, Faculty of Arts Dean, School of Post Graduate
Studies.
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DEDICATION
This dissertation is dedicated to my father, Ogbuefi

Anedo Igweagu and my mother, Iyom Unoaku Theresa
Anedo both of who are late. My mother strived to see me
through academically but could not live to enjoy the fruit of
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her efforts. May the good Lord preserve their souls; Amen
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
The journey to the successful completion of this work
was long and the task enormous. The researcher could not
have brought this study to a successful end without the
assistance of various individuals and organizations.
His gratitude goes first and foremost to the Almighty
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God who was and still is instrumental to his upliftment and
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sustenance of his life throughout the enormous task. The
researcher is indeed immensely grateful to Him.
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The researcher also owes a lot of thanks to his
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academic father, Prof. Obed Muojekwu Anizoba (Ozonwa)
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who never gets tired in his efforts to see that he (the
researcher) is relevant in Nigerian Society. In-fact, the
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researcher is really in need of appropriate word to express

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his gratitude to Ozonwa for his fatherly care for him (the
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researcher). The researcher therefore prays that God may

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continue to bless him and his off-springs without end.

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His gratitude also goes to the Executive Secretary and

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members of the Council for the Development of Social

Science Research in Africa (CODESRIA), Dakar, for taking
the huge financial burden of this work away from him. He
prays that the Good Lord may replenish the members of this
organization and the sponsors.
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The researcher must not fail to remember his

daughters, Mmesoomachukwu Raphaela and Fidelia
Somtoochukwu, his wife, Edith Ngozi (Iyom Mmaafuluanya),
his friends in-need: Mrs. Ebele Ethel Obiakor and Mr. &
Mrs. Chuba Clement Udokwu (Ajibusu) whom God used to
sustain him when the going was rough. He prays that the
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Ever Blessed Virgin Mother may not leave them empty
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handed.
Anedo, Alex. Alfred Onukwube.
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Abstract
Among the Igbo people of Nigeria, afa (divination) had been
useful in all spheres of their lives. Unfortunately, with the
advent of Christianity and subsequent conversion of some
Igbo people, it was seen as unchristian. This had
contributed to many problems facing the Igbo culture.
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Consequent upon these, the United Nations had once said
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that in fifty years time, the language and culture might fizzle
out. Now, to protect this ugly development, the researcher
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embarked on the research, to find out the truth in afa, the
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system of operation, how it affected the lives of the Igbo
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people viz political, social, economic, religious, and moral
lives. In afa two or more people were involved, that were the
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professional and the client(s). The professional was the

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dibia afa (diviner).The diviner normally did his work of

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divination with certain instruments depending on his

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methodology. This was to say that there were many methods

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of divination. These were ugiri (beads) method, water

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method, palm reading method, cola nut method, et cetera.

These were studied. It was found that divination was a call,
not all comers affair and false diviners gave rise to false
interpretation of afa messages. For one to become a diviner
after confirmation of one’s call, one had to undergo training
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and initiation proper. The training affords one, the

opportunity to be able to understand the alphabets (in case
of bead readers) and or the language of the agwu (spirit).
Agwu was the spirit that controlled divination. It’s
possession of one, marked the beginning of the individual’s
journey into the profession. It was the spirit that revealed
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the concealed. The rejection of its call signified invitation to
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confusion in one’s life and acceptance meant better life. It
was therefore advised that the Igbo people especially the
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modern Igbo, should begin now to give afa a place in all
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affairs of their endeavours. In conclusion, afa was found not
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to be devilish rather it helped in establishing a healthy
environment for peaceful coexistence of the society.
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Approval page - - - - - - i
Dedication - - - - - - ii
Acknowledgement - - - - - - iii
Abstract - - - - - - - - v
Table of Contents - - - - - - vii
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Chapter One 1
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1.0. Introduction - - - - - - 1
1.0.1. Background of the Study - - - 3
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1.0.2. Statement of the Problem - - - 6
1.0.3. Purpose of the Study
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1.0.4. Significance of the Study - - - 9
1.0.5. Scope of the Study - - - - 11
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1.0.6. Research Questions - - - - 11

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1.0.7. Hypotheses - - - - - - 12
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Chapter Two 14
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2.00. Literature Review - - - - - 14

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2.01.01. Meaning of Divination - - - 14

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2.01.02. Types of Divination - - - - 19

2.01.03. Reasons for Divination - - - 32
2.01.04. Works of Divination - - - 37
2.01.05. Instruments for Divination - - 46
2.01.06. Spirits in-charge of Divination - - 51
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2.01.07 Method of Divination - - - - 57

2.01.08. Literary Studies on Afa Chants - - 60
2.01.09. Empirical Studies on Divination - - 62
Chapter Three 65
3.00. Research Methodology - - - - 65
3.01. Design of the Study - - - - 65
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3.02. Area of the Study - - - - 65
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3.03. Population of the Study - - - - 66
3.04 Sample and Sampling Technique - - 66
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3.05. Instrument for Data Collection - - 67
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3.06. Reliability of the Instruments - - - 67
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3.07. Validation of the Instruments - - - 68
3.08 Method of Data Collection - - - 68
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3.09. Administration of the Instruments - - 69

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3.10. Method of Data Analysis - - - 70

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Chapter Four 71
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4.00. Data Analysis and Presentation of Results - 71

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4.01. Research Question 1 - - - - 74

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4.03.01. Origin of Divination in Afikpo - - 88
4.03.02. Origin of Divination in Ikem - - 91
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4.04.01. Agwu Shrine - - - - - 101

4.04.02. The Structure of Agwu Shrine - - 103
4.04.03. Ilu Agwu Ritual - - - - - 104
4.04.04. Aro (The Great Agwu) Festival - - 107
4.05.01. First Initiation - - - - 112
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4.05.02. Inu Okuku (Consecration of Calabash)- 113
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4.05.03. Training of Diviners among the Igbo - 118
4.05.04. Afa Instruments - - - - 124
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4.05.05. Methods of Divination - - - 138
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4.05.06. Onu Afa (Afa Language) - - - 144
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4.05.07. A Typical Divining Session - - - 162
4.05.07b. Divination for a Client - - 169
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4.05.08. Afa Ikpo (Group Divination) - - 171

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Chapter Five 186

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5.01. Summary - - - - - - 186

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5.02. Findings - - - - - - 191

5.03. Recommendations and Suggestions - 194
5.04. Conclusion - - - - - - 198
References - - - - - - - 201
Appendix - - - - - - - 213
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CHAPTER ONE
1.0 INTRODUCTION
Ever since man found himself in this universe, he has
been confronted with many problems. These problems were
psychological, economical, socio-political and religious in
nature. One of the problems was psychological in the sense
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that man began to think why he was here on this wide
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immeasurable empty space called earth. He thought of what
would happen to him could the sky that seemed hanging,
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happened to fall upon him. Man also saw himself being
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consumed by wild animals and or swallowed by rivers. When
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night came, there was fear. Sometimes, man saw moon and
stars. Sometimes, he could not see them. He therefore
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became more unbalanced.

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Some of the problems of man were also economical as

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he thought of what to eat and how to preserve his food.

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Socially, man was afraid to move about. He was afraid of the

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environment. He could not understand how to interact with

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his environment. He then began to think about how to

conquer his environment. In this process, man began to
think that something, who must be a god, was behind the
creation of the things around him. He then became more
worried on how to reach the creator.
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All these were sources of worry to man and as such,

there were needs to ask questions: about the happenings in
one’s environment. This was so because man was not stable.
He was in a state of disequilibrium and therefore he needed
stability. He needed satisfaction from these questions. To get
satisfaction, man needed a second or third person to
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interpret the minds of the gods. The second or third person
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here in Igbo world view was the diviner whose work was
divination.
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This was how the Igbo people of Nigeria came to
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embrace afa (divination). Divination according to Hornby
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(1974: 341), is “… the act of finding out and saying what will
happen in the future.” Divination involved two or more
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people. These were the diviner (expert) and the client(s). The
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diviner normally did his work of divination with certain

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instruments depending on his methodology. This implied

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that there were many methods of divination. They included

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ugiri (beads) method, water method, palm reading method,

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cola-nut method, et cetera.

This was why Anielo (1992:18) says, “… divining
instruments are complex starting from natural objects to
non-natural instruments. To the diviner, each item carries a
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lot of meaning and helps to wake agwu into action, while

some serve as his messengers.”
The dibia afa (diviner) was never alone in his divining
work. There were spirits that guided him in the
interpretation of afa beads. The spirits therefore revealed
the concealed to the dibia afa who then, through the
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interpretation of the afa beads, rendered solutions to his
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clients’ problem(s).
1.01 Background of the Study:
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Divination in Igbo society was very well established and
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it was very much believed in. The day-to-day life of an
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average Igbo man was consciously or unconsciously guided
by the quest for the knowledge of the future. The Igbo
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strongly believed that, whatever happened to them must

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have some link with the spirit world hence the need for
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inquiry into the causes of events.

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Divination according to Whitehall (nd: 538), is “… the

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act or practice of trying to foretell future events or the

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unknown by occult means.” This was to say that divination

was the act of foretelling future events or discovering things
secret or obscure by supernatural means, unusual insight
and or intuitive perception.
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Mbiti (1982:178) sees it as “… that which links together

in its own way, the physical and the spiritual worlds,
making it a religious activity.” The act of divination was a
common practice among the Igbo. It connoted that “medicine
men” possessed the inspiration of reading the future
through their oracles and that such inspiration came from
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God. Diviners were therefore regarded by the Igbo as either
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priests or medicine men.
There were various methods of divination among the
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Igbo. They ranged from interpretation of dreams, water
gazing to the use of
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divinatory objects and simple
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psychology.
The act of divination was not practiced by every
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member of the society. It was rather practiced by those who

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had special calling either by the spirit of divination (agwu)

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or by graduating after years of apprenticeship under a

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renowned diviner. Furthermore, others inherited the

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profession. The training for divination involved learning the

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names and signs of divination, the proverbs and stories

associated with it, the practices, rites and cult of divination.
The Igbo nation was a sizeable country of seven states
with so many autonomous communities. The people had a
strong cultural background which was rooted in divination.
510
Consequently they had a large number of diviners and

medicine men. Whatever happened to them whether
naturally or by accident, its cause must be known by
consulting a diviner. Examples included causes of
barrenness, ogbanje (changeling), death and certain
abnormalities in life.
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A client who needed the diviner’s services normally
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took akilika (one piece of roofing grass) and or little money
like kopo (one kobo), tolo (three kobo), sisi (six kobo), ovu
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ego (ten kobo) and ego naabo (twenty kobo), to the dibia
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afa (diviner) who then disclosed the future or cause(s) of the
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clients’ problems. Diviners did not make so much profit
because they saw their services as a sacred duty which they
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performed for the sustenance of their communities as

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directed by agwu - spirit of divination. To make more profit

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was to invite the anger of agwu to them.

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Among the Igbo people, diviners were directed by the

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spirit of divination. The spirit normally took possession of

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them after their initiation into the profession. They normally

lived solitary lives because they were always isolated from
the public immediately after being possessed by the spirit of
agwu. Usually such possessed persons behaved like people
who were mentally deranged. It was believed that during this
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period of withdrawal from the public, they were taught the

art of divination. The spirit also revealed the herbal
usefulness of herbs, barks and roots of trees together.
Proverbs, incantations and all esoteric languages useful for
the profession were also revealed to them. Such possessed
persons then wandered about in the bush and slept in
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unusual places for a period ranging from 98 to 196 Igbo
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indigenous weeks. That was between one to two years
depending on the degree of the force of the spirit in the
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possessed persons. After the period of solitary life, such
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possessed persons put up shrines for the agwu and there
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after they became diviners. However, those who inherited
the profession at the death of their fathers must get the
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approval of the agwu - spirit of divination before they were

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initiated into the profession.

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1.02 Statement of the Problem:

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The Igbo people were curious by nature, seeking to

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know and understand occurrences around them. Divination

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was a manifestation of the Igbo people’s innate quest to

unravel the unknown and establish cause and effect of
social and metaphysical phenomena. Divination was an art
that was shrouded in secrecy. It therefore became obvious
that any study about divination would be confronted with
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series of problems because of the nature of the art and the

society in which it operated. The professional ethics
restricted diviners from revealing some classified information
concerning the practice of divination for obvious reasons.
Despite this, among the Igbo people of Nigeria, the diviners
commanded immense patronage. Also “… in the West many
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people consult the Chinese ‘Book of changes’ (yijinll-ching)”
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(Oxtoby, 2002: 332). Indeed, the art was subsumed in myths
dating back to the early history of various Igbo societies.
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Consequently, diviners did not use universal or standardized
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paraphernalia and could not reach a consensus on cross-
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cultural issues.
With a plethora of ideas and belief systems engendered
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by social dynamics in contemporary Igbo society, divination

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had been faced by challenges of acceptability hence the

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question, “Does divination really work?” (Oxtoby, 2002: 331).

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A more problematic obstacle was the question of whether or

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not divination satisfied the standard scientific

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methodological procedures and epistemology which required

that any proposition be empirically demonstrable to be held
as truthful. In the face of these problems, the centre piece of
this dissertation was to investigate how divination managed
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to hold its ground in such an unstable socio-cultural

environment prevalent in Igbo society of today.
1.03 Purpose of the Study:
The objective of the study is to situate the practice of
divination within the context of contemporary Igbo society.
In the face of rising religious conflicts leading to loss of lives
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and property in addition to the attendant social instability, it
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became pertinent to examine the concept of divination, its
essence, its limitations and ways of managing the practice to
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enhance social harmony and sustainable development. The
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quest to understand current events and predict future
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occurrences was strong among the Igbo people. The socio-
cultural, political, economic, psychological and metaphysical
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implications of divination for contemporary Igbo society

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needed to be explored against the backdrop of present day

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realities where many people still relied on divination to make

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key decisions in their private, family, and public life despite

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the overwhelming manifestations of science and technology.

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Furthermore, as the ever active effect of death continued

taking away the old people, who were the custodians of Igbo
cultural issues, the need to discover and document every
thing about afa and preserve them for posterity became
more obvious hence this research effort.
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1.04 Significance of the Study:

Since the advent of Christianity in Igbo culture area,
the region witnessed several inter-religious conflicts leading
to loss of lives and property. These conflicts were connected
with crises of confidence as each sect tried to impose its
world view on others whom they often snob or denigrate.
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Adherents of Christianity were the most active offenders in
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this regard. They regarded divination as uncivilized way of
life among the adherents of traditional religion. It is
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therefore hoped that a successful completion of this study,
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would help disabuse the people’s mind and throw more light
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on the practice of divination. This would thereafter reduce
and eliminate suspicions and conflicts in various Igbo
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communities and villages.

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The knowledge of the truth about afa would stimulate

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the Igbo people into engaging afa in all affairs of their lives
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irrespective of their religious affiliations.

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The acceptance of afa by modern Igbo would

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henceforth help in solving various economic, medical,

psychological, religious, cultural and socio-political
problems prevalent in Igbo nation.
On the other hand, the unearthing of falsehoods and
fraudulent manipulations inherent in divination, would help
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to expose the bad eggs, enlighten the public and reduce

corruption in the profession.
There were certain illnesses beyond laboratory
investigation. The acceptance of afa would help the medical
personnels in the treatment of such patients.
The government at all levels would quicken
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investigation of crimes by police, fight against corruption
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and dispensation of justice in the law court especially the
ambiguous cases if divination was co-opted into the
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‘modern’ processes of settling disputes, investigation of
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crimes and governance. Oaths administered by diviners were
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rarely broken among the Igbo while people lied under oath
using Bible or Koran at the law courts regularly.
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The infiltration of quacks into the art of divination (as

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in most professions) was worrisome. This research work

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would provide an insight into the management of such

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malaise in the society.

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Official involvement of diviners in the governance of

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modern society as a result of this research would also help

the government in their prudent management of the people’s
resources. The government would not engage in any
wasteful projects or be deceived by sycophants.
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The study therefore is significant in this present day

society bearing in mind its potentials in managing social
problems and engendering cultural harmony and revival.
1.05 Scope of the Study:
This study was an attempt at looking at divination
generally among the Igbo. The investigation covered every
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aspect of divination. These included origin and types of
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divination, training of diviners, reasons for divination,
language, works and instruments for divination. It also
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studied the spirits in-charge of divination, methods of
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divination and the effect of afa chants in realizing the
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message of agwu.
1.06 Research Questions:
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The following research questions were designed to

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guide and facilitate the study:

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1. What really is divination?

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2. What are the reasons for divination?

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3. When and how did divination start?

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4. Which spirit is in-charge of divination?

5. How is divination practiced?
6. How does afa chant affect the realization of the
message of spirits of divination?
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7. What are the effects of divination in the life of Igbo

people?
1.07 Hypothesis:
The following hypotheses were formulated to give a driving
and controlling guide to the research efforts.
a. The day-to-day life of an average Igbo person is
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guided by the guest for the knowledge of past, present
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and future events.
b. Some of the divining instruments help to stir agwu
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into action.
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c. Divination lacks empirical proof and is thus
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manipulative and susceptible to fraudulence.
d. The work of a diviner is analogous to that of a
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Psychologist.
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e. Divination is a veritable means of social organization,

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crises management and cultural preservation.

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f. Observation of certain taboos helps diviners to strengthen

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their inward vision.

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g. The diviner is always in the company of an omnipresent

spirit exclusive to their calling.
h. Messages of divination are real and adhered to.
I. Divination is truly the mouthpiece of the unseen.
j. Divination has suffered bastardization in recent
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times.
k. The influence of Christianity and Islam affects the art
and profession of divination negatively.
l. Messages of divination are doubtful and lead to
conflicts with members of other religious sects.
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CHAPTER TWO
2.00 LITERATURES REVIEW
Divination as a concept has been a controversial issue
especially among the Christian faithful in Igbo land.
Nevertheless, the urge to discover or demystify the unknown
remained strong among the adherents of various religions
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and this was why ambivalence was now in vogue in Igbo
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land. Indeed, divination has become the basis for various
human actions and decision making in both traditional and
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modern Christian societies. Many of the day-to-day
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problems of village and city life were resolved by consulting
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the diviner who “…will guide them through to a solution”
(Booth 1977:98). Yet the results of many divination acts
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have, in many societies, led to social conflicts with far-

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reaching implications. Controversy not withstanding, many

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people have written on this issue. For the progress of this

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work therefore, there was a review of related literatures on

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divination. The purpose of the review of both theoretical and

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empirical related literature was to widen the horizon of the

researcher on the chosen topic of this research effort.
2.01.01 Meaning of Divination:
As was noted during the introductory part of this work,
Igbo forebears sought to control their environment. They did
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this through manipulating the supernatural, through the

practice of magic, through the explanation of how or why
things happened the way they did, and through the
prediction of future events. Prediction of future events was
done through divination.
Oxtoby (2002:331), describes divination as “…the
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search for information about the causes of present
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conditions or about what to expect in the future.” The
information was sought from the spirit through the medium-
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ship of an expert known as a diviner. Understandably, the
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diviner had a special ability, including extra-super-sensory
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perception of symbols and events which enabled him to
make utterances that disclosed certain patterns of actions
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that those who consulted him or her should follow.

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Parrinder (1949:137) sees divination as “…the means

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through which the diviners seek to interpret the mysteries of

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life, give guidance in daily affairs and settle disputes to

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uncover the past and look into the future.” The implication
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was that they did not only interpret the minds of the spirits,
they also advised, prescribed and even treated their clients
where necessary. “It entails the practice of attempting to
penetrate the past, decipher the present, and foretell the
future, in moments of personal and public crises and
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darkness” (Ifemesia, 1979: 107). It was discovered that
divination involved some form of supernatural manipulation
to unravel the unknown. Thus Njoku (2002:130) explains
that “… divination entails the use of spiritual foresights to
reconnect the past, foretell the future, and read the figure
both on earth and in the spirit world.” The spiritual foresight
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was really what made the diviners different from ordinary
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person because the ordinary person needed to possess the
spiritual foresight in order to decipher any spiritual
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message.
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As the result of the diviners’ spiritual foresight,
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“Africans recognize them among religious specialists-
individuals who by virtue of their innate abilities or
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extensive training have the power to mediate between

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humanity and supernatural being” (Bently & Ziegler,

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2003:510). The diviners were regarded as intelligent people,

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usually men though sometimes women as well, who

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understood clearly the networks of political, social, economic

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and psychological relationships within their communities.

Divination according to Miller (1931:300), is “... the
manipulation of the supernatural to discover concealed
information.” From the above, it was seen that divination
was a particular category of ritual that functioned to
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maintain social order. This was why Read (1999: 373) sees
divination as “…the act or art of trying to foretell the future
or the unknown.” The future was unknown and therefore
bleak and insecure. Only divination could dispel the
insecurity of the future. In concert with Read, Benton
(1964:506) sees divination as “…the process of obtaining
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knowledge of secret or future things from contact with
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supernatural or divine sources.” It was a process in that the
diviner used to undergo several stages of actions in order to
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achieve the result for which the clients(s) came to him. The
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stages involved: the diviner making inquiry of his or her
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safety in performing the duty, asking the client to say his or
her name (if possible), asking the client to mention his or
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her problem and giving him or her an ene (antelope’s) horn

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to touch while saying his or her problems, inviting the

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spirits to come around and then throwing the problem(s) of

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the diviners’ client(s) to the spirits for solution.

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In support of Read also O’Boyle (1966:913) says,

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“Divination is the practice of foreseeing or foretelling future

events or of discovering hidden or secret knowledge.” The
practice of foreseeing future events or obtaining secret
knowledge through communication with divine sources was
based on the belief in revelations offered to humans by the
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gods and in extra rational forms of knowledge. It attempted

to make known those things that neither reason nor science
discovered.
Consequently, Bridge (1963:579) observes that
“Divination is the searching out of the mysteries of human
destiny through omens, oracles, signs and portends.” It was
Y
a prediction of future things which cannot be known by any
AR
human means. Something that was secret and hidden was
equivalent to something that was covered and therefore
R
needed to be uncovered. This time, it was not by ordinary
IB
means rather by supernatural means. Uncovering such an
-L
event if it was a problem made the solution close at hand
since it had been far from sight. However, Brandon
IA
(1970:320) admits that “Divination is roughly the attempt to

R
discern events that are distant in time or space, and that

ES
consequently cannot be perceived by normal means.” By

D
Brandon’s explanation, it implied that divination was

O
approximately and not exactly an effort to recognize or

C
understand events that are still far away from ordinary

human being. However, everyone was entitled to her or his
own opinion. What was clear here was that in divination, the
ambiguous was disambiguated and thereby giving stability
to unstable mind.
19
10
2.01.02 Types of Divination:

Variety was said to be the spice of life. This exactly
happened in divination. There were several methods of
divination just as there were many people in that profession.
Recognizing many methods in the profession, Turnbull
(1976:131) says:
Y
There are innumerable forms of divination,
AR
mostly involving actions and manipulations
designed either to impress the gullible or to
actually invoke spiritual assistance. Others
R
may be ‘scientific’ in that they are thought to
IB
rely on inherent qualities of objects (shells,
stories, bits of wood) that always fall in
-L
certain patterns under certain circumstances.
Some of these actions and manipulations were used by
IA
the diviners to excite their clients about their

R
pronouncements over the clients’ problems. On the other

ES
hand, some actions and manipulations were initiated only to

invite super human forces to aid them in conducting a
D
successful search into their clients’ problems. Meanwhile,

O
some other forms were scientific in that they were

C
investigatable. Another diviner could come and get to the

same answer given by one diviner on same matter using the
same method.
There are several types of divination, for instance,
Abani (1988:14) studied divinatory phenomena among the
20
10
Igbo of Nigeria and observes that “…there are basically two

types of divinatory system common in Afikpo, namely:
mechanical and invocatory or incatational system.” The
mechanical system was an explanationary devise involving
the use of special objects such as okwe, cowry shells, cola
nuts, ugiri (beads), et cetera. Invocatory or incatational
Y
system involved series of passionate calls upon either the
AR
deity or ancestors. This was one of the essential parts of
worship in either Christianity or traditional Igbo religion.
R
Anielo links the proliferation of divination techniques
IB
in Africa to economic reasons. Thus:
-L
With the increase in the economic gain
associated with divining exercise, many
IA
people have drifted into the profession using

different styles and patterns to accomplish
R
their lot. In Africa, thousands and one style

ES
appears in divination process each claiming

to excel the others (1992:20).
Indeed, the economic angle remained one of the strong
D
O
reasons why people cast doubts on the sincerity and efficacy

C
of divination in contemporary times. But the proliferation of

techniques had been linked to lineage, sex and heredity
rather than materialism, Anekwe (1992:19) argues that
“Divination could be practiced through different techniques
depending on the lineage.” It could be understood here that
though there were many types of divinatory techniques,
21
10
whichever one practiced signified inheritance from the

family.
Whether the proliferation of afa techniques was linked
to materialism or inheritance, it was discovered that
proliferation in afa was due to involvement of many people
in the profession hence various ideas and beliefs. In support
Y
of proliferation in afa, Anedo (1987:49) explains that
AR
“Divinatory instruments vary in many towns and among
individuals. Some use cola nuts, some use water where
R
others use mirror, reading of palm, animal entrails and
IB
beads.” Such instruments were considered as “…Mediators
-L
between the diviners and the gods” (Zahan, 1979:86) so as
to help diviners “… to commune with the ancestors and to
IA
relate the problems of their clients to them” (Booth,

R
1977:47). These statements of Zahan and Booth respectively

ES
implied that Sandals as divinatory instruments, that could

D
be listened to, however, showed the presence of spiritual

O
beings who were talking to the diviner.

C
To Turner (1968:301), “Divination is a widespread

practice that takes many forms.” Making wide consultation
with several diviners engaged in the various forms of
divination in a critical situation, afforded one the
22
10
opportunity of getting the real solution to one’s problems(s).

These various forms included:
…the throwing of cowry shells and the
interpretation of the ensuring pattern; the
rubbing oracle in which the diviner rubs his
finger up and down a moistened stick, the
point at which his fingers stick indicating
the answer, and heruspication, in which the
Y
diviner examines the entrails of an animal or
AR
bird, nowadays usually as chicken. He then
gives his answer (Beattie, 1965:228).
The diviner might say that his client’s trouble was due to the
R
practice of sorcery or witchcraft by some living persons; if he
IB
did, he would be careful not to be too specific but would
-L
leave his client to draw his conclusions, for to impute
sorcery was a serious matter.
IA
Another type of divination according to Bascon

R
(1959:274) “… is the practice of some priestesses of holding

ES
their hands like an open book while they are under

D
possession.” While they did this, they revealed the

O
communication from their gods as if they were reading from

C
a book. To Kalu (2002:361), “Others use mystical means”

which entailed practice of incatational or invocatory form of
divination where the diviner invited the spiritual force to
expose whatever secret he wanted him to unravel. In
recognition of this, Dennett (1968:28) admits that “Mystical
23
10
means is obtainable if there should be any need of divine

interference” especially when matters go wrong with the
people. In some cases, if it was a collective problem, they
cried to their king who summoned his court to advise him
on the affair. It then might be decided that the question was
one that man could not settle, and then dibia afa was
Y
called in and asked to consult his magic mirror and so
AR
divine the cause of the evil weighing so heavily upon the
people.
R
Ugonna (1984:30) explains that “In Ozubulu as in most
IB
towns, in the central Igbo, two forms of divination (afa) are
-L
practiced.” He went further to list the two forms as: (a) the
Ikpukpara based on the principles of the sixteen
IA
configuration of mkpuru afa (afa seeds), namely: ogbi,

R
akwu, ogoli, odii, ululu, agali, obala, okala, ijite, osa,

ES
aka, atokpa, ete, ose, ovu, otule, and (b) okwe based on
D
the principle of direct vision. These two forms of divination

O
practiced among the central Igbo people according to Dorson

C
(1979:31), “…involve interpretation of the future through

supernatural means.”
In his own contribution, Philips (1971:249) mentions
many forms of divination and the places where they were
practiced. These were mediumistic method, oneiromancy
24
10
(divination by dreams), necromancy, haruspication and

omithomancy practiced by Babylonia and Greece. “Dreams
were normal psychological states, used often in the Bible to
foresee and prevent future events, as in the cases of Joseph
in Gen. 40:41, and St. Joseph in matt. 1:20, 2:13. In like
manner, Dominguez (2000) mentions “Zodiac” as a form of
Y
divination on the web (www. religion. cult.
AR
com/occult/Asho/divination/htm retrieved on 27th march,
2007). He further says that: “… 40 million Americans
R
consult it.”
IB
Other forms of divination some of which have been
-L
mentioned were; reading auspices or omens, hanispication,
ornithomancy and the interpretation of dreams and visions
IA
practiced in Rome. According to Philips (1971:249), “It is

R
understood that no Roman would embark upon a major

ES
undertaking unless the augers decided that the auspices are

D
favourable.” For instance, “When one’s life was threatened

O
and one wanted to run, his friends would ask him where he
C
wanted to go, he replied that he did not know yet but would
find out by divination” (Werner, 1968:133). Once one’s life
was threatened, one’s environment was no longer safe for
one. One was therefore left with an option of leaving the
environment. In doing so, one had to consult a diviner
25
10
whose duty it was to tell the unsafe one where to go and be

saved. O’Boyle (1966:913) groups divination into two main
forms - natural and artificial or inductive divination. Natural
divination was that based on interpretation of dreams and
on oracles while artificial or inductive was that based
primarily on the observation and interpretation of certain
Y
actions of man; animals or other living beings and on
AR
human contacts or employment of certain inanimate objects.
However, Charles Mackey (2007) gives a typology of
R
divinatory techniques on the web, retrieved on the 20th
March, 2007 as listed below:
IB
-L
• Aeluromancy (dropping wheat cakes in water and
interpreting the result)
IA
• Aeromancy or acromancy (divination by examining

R
what the air does to certain things)

ES
• Alectromancy or alectryomancy (divination by a cock:

D
grains of wheat are placed on later and the cock

O
“spells” the message by selecting grains)

C
• Alphitomancy (dropping barley cakes in water and

interpreting the result)
• Anthropomancy (divination by interpreting the organs
of newly sacrificed humans)
• Arithmancy (divination by numbers)
26
10
• Astragalomancy or astragymancy (using knuckle

bones marked with letters of the alphabet)
• Astrology (arrangement of the stars, planets, and
constellations at the time of one’s birth)
• Astromancy (by stars)
• Axinomancy (divination by the hatchet; interpreting
Y
the quiver when whacked into a table)
AR
• Belomancy (divination by arrows)
• Botanomancy (divination by herbs)
R
IB
• Bonchiomancy (divination by studying the lungs of
sacrificed white Ilamas)
-L
• Capromancy (divination by the smoke of an attar or
IA
sacrificial incense)
R
• Cartomancy (by cards, e.g. playing cards, tarot cards,

ES
and non-tarot oracle cards, see also Taromancy).

• Catoptromancy or aystallomancy (using mirrors or
D
lenses)
O
• Cephalomancy or Cepthaleonomancy (divination by a

C
donkey’s head)
• Ceromancy (by the melting of wax)
• Chalcomancy (by vessels of brass or other metal)
• Chiromancy (palmistry) cleidomancy (divination by
interpreting the movements of a key suspended by a
27
10
thread from the nail of the third finger on a young

virgins hand while one of the psalms was recited)
• Coscinomancy (divination by a balanced sieve)
• Cromniomancy (divination by onions)
• Crystallomancy (by crystals)
• Dactylomancy (divination by means of rings put on
Y
the fingernails or the number of whorls and loops on
AR
the fingers)
• Daphromancy (divination using the laurel branch;
R
how did it crackle when buried)
IB
• Dowsing (reaction of water when stone is thrown
-L
underground of water)
IA
• Extispicy (divination by examining entails)

R
• Fractomancy (interpreting the structure of fractal

ES
geometric patterns)
• Gastromancy (by the sound of or marks on the belly)
D
• Geomancy
O
• Gyromancy (divination by walking around a circle of

C
letters until dizzy and one falls down on the letters or

in the direction to take)
• Haruspicy (inspecting the entrails of slaughtered
animals)
28
10
• Hepatoscopy or hepatomancy (divination by

examining the liver of sacrificed animals)
• Hydromancy (divination by examining what certain
things do in water or when taken out of water, such
as coffee grounds or tea leaves); hydratoscopy (if
rainwater is used); pegomancy (if spring-water is
Y
used)
AR
• Kapnomancy (by smoke)
• Katoptromancy (by looking at glasses)
R
• Kephalonomancy (burning carbon on the head of an
IB
ass while reciting the names of suspected criminals, if
-L
you’re guilty, a crackling sound will be heard when
IA
your name is spoken)

• Koskinomancy (by sieves)
R
ES
• Lampadomancy (interpreting the movements of the

flame of a lamp)
D
• Libanomancy or knissomancy (interpreting the smoke

O
of incense)
C
• Lecanomancy (dropping precious stones into water

and listening for whistles)
• Logarithmancy (by adding and subtracting numbers)
• Macharomancy (by knives and swords)
29
10
• Margaritomaancy (divination by the pearl: if it jumps

in the pot when a person is named, then he is the
thief)
• Metoposcopy (interpreting frontal wrinkles)
• Molybdomancy (divination by method lead
interpreting its noises and hisses when dropped into
Y
water)
AR
• Myrmomancy (divination by watching ants eating)
• Necromancy (communicating with spirits of the dead
R
to predict the future)
IB
• Oinomancy (divination by wine)
-L
• Omphalomancy (interpretation of the belly button)
IA
• Oneiromancy (interpretation of dreams)

R
• Onomancy (divination by names)

ES
• Onychomancy (interpreting the reflection of sun rays

of fingernails)
D
• Ornithomancy or orniscopy (interpreting the flights of

O
birds)
C
• Ovomancy or Oomancy or Ooscopy (breaking eggs

into a container of water and interpreting the shape of
the egg white)
• Papyromancy (divination by folding paper)
• Podomancy (by the feet)
30
10
• Psychometric (divination by touching objects)

• Pyromancy or pyroscopy (divination by fire)
• Rhabdomancy (using divining rod or magic wand)
• Rhapsomancy (divination by a line in a sacred book
that strikes the eye when the book is opened after the
diviner prays, meditates or involves the help of spirits)
Y
• Rumpology (divination by the sepal-bone or shoulder
AR
blade in divination by foot prints in ashes, here the
diviner must take active steps to secure the
R
conditions necessary to divination)
• Scapulamancy IB
( divination by the seaborne or
-L
shoulder blade in divination by foot prints in the
IA
ashes, here the diviner must take active steps to

secure the conditions necessary to divination )
R
ES
• Sciomancy (shadows)
• Scrying
D
• Sideromancy (interpreting straws thrown on a red-hot

O
iron)
C
• Skatharomancy (interpreting the tracks of a beetle

crawling over the grave of a murder victim)
• Stereomancy (divinity by the elements)
• Spatilomancy (by skin, bones, etc)
• Spalnchnomancy (reading cut sections of a goat liver)
31
10
• Stichomancy
• Sternomancy (divination by the marks from the breast
to the belly)
• Sychomancy (by figs)
• Tasseography (reading tea leaves)
• Tephromancy (by ashes)
Y
• Therimancy (divination by breasts)
AR
• Tiromancy (interpreting the holes or mold in cheeses)
• Mineralogy (by numbers)
R
IB
• Oneironmancy (by dreams)
-L
• Onomancy (by names)
• Ouija (board divination)
IA
• Podomancy (by the soles of one’s feet)

R
• Palmistry (by palm inspection)

ES
• Phrenology (by the shape of one’s head)

• Pyromancy, or Pyroscopy (by fire)
D
• Rune Casting/Runic divination (By Runes)

O
C
• Scatomancy (by droppings, usually animals)

• Sternomancy (by marks & bumps on the chest)
• Taromancy (by specially designed cards: tarot).
The list of divinatory techniques retrieved from the web
implied that really “…divination took many different forms”
(Fried, 1968:292) as a result of involvement of many people
32
10
in the profession. The list was inexhaustible. It was as many

as different societies in the world. Recently, according to
Bascon (1959:293), “Diviners have adopted new techniques
as the result of European influences; they employ dice,
playing cards, and dominoes in a variety of ways to
prognosticate. It was understood that dice, playing cards,
Y
and dominoes were not being used by Igbo diviners. Some
AR
diviners adopted them as a result of acculturation going on
among the Igbo people of Nigeria and therefore contributed
R
to the proliferation of divinatory techniques in Igbo culture
area.
IB
-L
2.01.03 Reasons for Divination:
The practice of divination constituted a cord that
IA
bound many people; exacting compliance to norms and

R
ethics, form concerned parties who lived in distant locations.

ES
Hence, “… in the circle of life, the diviner is consulted in

D
time of trouble in order to understand why misfortune

O
occurred and how to prevent its future occurrence” (Sieber,

C
1988:74). Such misfortune used to come in form of storm,

unfortunate accident, condition or event. When such issues
became complex to a group of people, people sometimes
consulted diviners. Naturally, “…people want to know why a
relation is sick, why another has died, why a strange thing
33
10
happened” (Nwala, 1985:124). In modern societies, many

people combined divination with orthodox prayer to ensure
efficacy. To such worshipers according to Pelton (1980:133),
“The importance of divination in addition to prayer, is an
avenue to reach dorun who is in charge of one’s destiny.”
The role of divination and belief systems could not be
Y
ignored as it held a key position in understanding human
AR
actions, societal organization, and emergent cultures.
Anekwe (1992:24) admits that “…the problems of man
R
are reduced through divination.” Problems were made lighter
IB
or erased completely by divining rightly about them. This
-L
time, the spirits responsible for these predicaments would
be controlled. This was made possible because when one
IA
“…consults a diviner as to know which spirit he should

R
approach for a particular purpose” (Bascon, 1959:36) and

ES
eventually discovered it, one “…seeks the aid of good gods,

D
patron ancestors, magic, divination and elaborate

O
propitiatory rituals as counters to the evil forces” (Kalu,

C
1978:42). Without this, one would take a wrong approach to

one’s problem(s) because even “…the ancestors
communicate their wishes, vision, dreams and divination to
the living” (Anizoba, 2001:5).
34
10
On the strength of this, Werner, Thurman, Maxwell

and Dearson (1996:102) admit that “…most common health
problems could be handled earlier and better by people in
their own homes” if diviners were consulted.
Understandably, people did not engage the services of
diviners only for the existing problem(s). Hence Bascon
Y
(1959:283) says, “The person who desires knowledge of
AR
events to come, so that he may avoid harm and increases
the benefits in store for him, consults a diviner.” People
R
desire to know the future because of the future’s bleakness
IB
and insecurity. In concert with Bascon, Honigman (1977:57)
-L
confirms that “…just as under condition of uncertainty and
danger, magic enables man to feel that he can cope with
IA
threat, so divination, the clairvoyant view of the future,

R
allays uncertainty.” Honigman’s view implied that divination

ES
was a hope raiser to an unstabled person as he or she would

D
be psychologically strong enough to face his or her future.

O
However, though a bad prognosis gave some structure to an

C
otherwise totally ambiguous end. Kalu (2002:361)

emphasizes that “…man would want to know the course of
future events in order to be better able to control them.” One
ought not to forget that basically, afa art was founded on
man’s anxiety to understand the mind of the supernatural
35
10
beings whose actions were believed to impinge directly on

human welfare. Divination played an important role in the
Igbo attempt to explain, predict and control events around
him. Kalu (2002:361) further narrates that divination “…also
features prominently in the religious worship of the people
as the services of diviners are often sought to determine the
Y
nature of material forms of different types of ritual
AR
ceremonies, particularly sacrifices.” This was why Ilogu
(1974: 47) opines thus:
R
The religious aspect of marriage include the
IB
preliminary divination by which the young man who
seeks a wife is enabled to find out from what clan or
-L
lineage his ‘chi’ (guardian spirit) permits him to take
a wife of fortune.
IA
When the diviner pronounced the family, clan or lineage

R
from where the young man should take a wife, he also

ES
advised (according to revelation from the ancestors) on the

particular girl to marry. This pronouncement indicated that
D
the marriage would be a fruitful one devoid of impediments.

O
Apart from choice of life partner, Ifemesia (1979:73) says,

C
“Sometimes heads were chosen by divination.” This was to

avoid choosing a wrong person so as to maintain peace
among the people. Otherwise, when a wrong person was
chosen to lead the people, there would be lamentations
36
10
across the society. This was why Agwagwom (2002: 14)

observes that:
You have the greatest opportunity to save our
country from the cancerous corruption and pollution;
that has become our symbol. The law abiding and
progressive citizens of this country had great hopes
when you assumed power as the president of this
country on 29th May, 1999 but I am sorry that their
Y
hope has been dashed for lack of focus and
AR
consistency of action.
There was lamentation of this sort whenever in a traditional
R
setting; the people did not seek the aid of spirits in choosing
IB
their leaders- religious and political leaders. People usually
-L
sought the aid of spirits in a situation like this believing that
spirits unveiled the mind to the diviners through divination.
IA
As a result of this, Shorter (1974:103) comments that

R
“Divination brings fears, suspicions and conflicts into the

ES
light of the day and offers social approval for the course of
action that is afterwards taken to resolve the problem.” One
D
reason for divination was that the individual, in appealing to

O
diviner, wished to confirm his or her own suspicions. It

C
implied that human beings should not act on doubtful

conscience. To Brandon (1970:243), “Man plans for foreseen
contingencies, but is aware that much of the future is
menacingly unknown. He has naturally sought to penetrate
this unknown by various means.” One of these various
37
10
means adopted in attempt to penetrate the unknown was

divination. For instance, when efforts to get a sick person
back to his or her normal health position failed, “…
divination becomes necessary” (Gibbs, 1965:471). It then
entailed that divination served as the last resort in solving
problems.
Y
2.01.04 Work of divination:
AR
Divination was often dismissed by skeptics, including
the scientific community, as being mere superstition. In-
R
spite the disapproval by the scientists, its significance
IB
among the Igbo people was beyond any doubt. It touched the
-L
economic, religious, psychological and socio-political lives of
the people. This was why Anedo (1987:77) said that
IA
divination was like what should be done to foresee the

R
future or have insight in the future events through

ES
interaction between man and spirit and revelation from the

D
devil, answer of which was got from questions about deity,

O
magic and awful things. It was believed that the diviners and
C
spirits related for good and for bad intentions. This

relationship was achieved through divination.
For Pelton (1980:133), “The importance of divination in
addition to prayer, is an avenue to reach dorun who is in-
charge of one’s destiny.” There was strong belief in destiny
38
10
among the Igbo. That was why they used to go to the

diviners whose work it was to reveal to them the occupation
to take. Juhan Jayne (on the web retrieved on 20th March,
2007) confirms that Chinese governmental planning relied
on divination for long range strategy. The type of divinatory
technique recognized here was an omens and men text. It
Y
was believed that modern scientific inquiry began with this
AR
kind of divination.
Sometimes, people dreamt and dream was a drama
R
where the soul left the body, went to another place and later
IB
came back with a message. This was why Booth (1977:17)
-L
says, “Dream could be one of the ways messages and
protections come.” It implied that dream came and
IA
interpretation followed. But sometimes where the

R
interpretation was not clear due to ambiguous nature of

ES
such dream, the dreamer opted to divination. This was

D
where divination was seen as disambiguation of unclear

O
events. Events might be adventurous. Meanwhile, Zahan

C
(1979:88) opines that “Diviner is a traveler and as well

interprets man’s relationship with his neighbour on earth.”
The diviner was capable of predicting the outcome of a
pregnancy, name to be given to a new born (the reincarnate
ancestor).
39 10
In recognition of the above statement, Booth (1977:17)

says, “Whenever sickness or death befalls one or a
community, it is believed something caused it that needs
investigation.” The belief that sickness or death had a cause
did not negate the idea of sickness or death being caused by
germs. Nevertheless, Idowu (1973:104) agrees that despite
Y
that, “Diviners believe that they have power to bring to life a
AR
dead person through the instruments of divination.” This
was done in a special way if the diseased relations insisted
R
on knowing if a newborn baby was an incarnate of their
IB
dead relation. Among the Igbo, it was done especially when
-L
the child had a problem. The problem might be associated
with protracted illness, and or delay in development.
IA
Normally these and other problems were sources of worry to

R
parents that called for divination. However, Detton (1980:

ES
228) made it clear that divination by using a sacred

D
language to interpret the events beyond human

O
understanding and trying to forecast the future, was a

C
medication to social problem and remaking the world in

human relations. It was not unusual to witness disorder in
societal relation due to misunderstanding of certain events.
To restore normalcy in this situation people therefore
engaged divination. Traditional society resorted to divination
40 10
according to Honigman (1977:57), on the belief that “What

stops enmity is divination or communion sacrifice even
though a bad prognosis gives some structure to an
otherwise totally unknown end.” To this end, Kalu
(2002:361) emphasizes, “When every effort to get the facts
from divination fails, a given traditional group or individual
Y
would then plan to visit one of the famous oracles that
AR
thrived in the traditional Igbo society.” All that was needed
here was the truth and oracular institutions for the Igbo
R
being the more developed forms of divination; offered the
answer.
IB
-L
For one to embark on a safe journey, Zahan (1979:90)
asserts:
IA
There is need to consult a diviner to find out what

R
would become of the journey, different ways to

ES
safety and charms that would protect the traveler

in order to have faith in his return, say when he
would embark on the journey and the better route
D
to take in order to lessen the problems associated

O
with the journey.

C
Because the people were safety conscious and therefore

could not act on doubtful conscience, they usually embraced
divination for proper arrangement. Even when people
embarked on any journey or endeavour and did not succeed,
the question that followed was “…did he make any inquiries
before his actions?” So to avoid blames and ensure proper
41 10
way of solving problems, traditional society did not avoid

diviners. That was why Zuesse (1979:64) explains that “… a
community that has serious problems use to find out why
many things have gone wrong… they invite a diviner to
make charms for them.”
It was believed that nothing was too difficult for a
Y
diviner to solve because he worked with a supper human
AR
being. This was why Parrinder (1974:37) therefore states
that “…diviners give answers to all these problems.” Some
R
instances of these problems were sickness, awful dreams
IB
and cases of changeling. The problems were beyond human
-L
knowledge and control. But diviners according to Nwala
(1985:137) “…reveal all these and many more such things
IA
through divination …and dreams.” These diviners did not

R
perform only in time of distress. They operated “...both at

ES
the time of mourning and at the time of joy” (Onwuejeogwu,

D
1981: 10). In every society, consensus was not easily

O
reached during decision taking process. There were

C
dialogues and sometimes lobbying for certain decisions. But

when these failed, the leaders at intervals consulted the
dibia afa. The dibia afa according to Onwuejeogwu
(1981:141) “…accelerates or reduces the rate of the
42 10
crystallization of public opinion by directing their clients’

attention to specific issues.”
Accusations and counter accusations were prevalent in
the society today. This led the accusing parties to either
traditional court or law court. In such a proceeding, the
dispute was not between the crown and its subjects but
Y
between one of the crown’s subjects and another. The
AR
function of the public authorities was merely to judge. That
was to determine the merits of the controversy.
R
Consequently Ogg (1979:613) says that “The parties may at
IB
any time agree to give up litigation and reach settlement out
-L
of court” and the only option left for them for final
settlement was oracular institution (the more developed
IA
form of divination).
R
Similarly, Shelton (1971:31) explains that the proper

ES
time-aside from that which was regularly scheduled for

D
sacrifice to particular spirit to whom worship was not

O
regularly directed, was normally left to the diviner to

C
announce and no one else. In the traditional Igbo society,

there were many festivals, each having special time for its
celebration. Harvest festivals occurred when the crops had
been harvested. But ritual time varied in-so-far- as in many
instances it was directed by the ancestors obtained through
4342
10
divination. Sometimes, in many traditional societies

ordinary methods of investigation considered adequate for
detection of sorcerers were thought to be unable to reveal
the identity of witches. In such situation, Middleton and
Winter (1978:22) explain that “…the use of some other
techniques such as the poison ordeal was mandatory.” The
Y
use of the poison ordeal as an oracular form of divination
AR
was to give final verdict, from which there could be no
appeal.
R
That was why Miller (1931:300) opines that “Divination
IB
is often required in cases of individual affliction such as
-L
illness, death, and other life crises.” There were illnesses
which causes could not be easily detected by human
IA
reasoning and laboratory investigation. Sometimes when the

R
causes of such sicknesses seemed to have been found, it

ES
would be very difficult or impossible to cure. Such problem

D
sometimes left the physician in a state of confusion and

O
thereby resulting to the death of the patient. For instance, ‘a

C
typical pneumonia’ was an interim and not a final, definite

diagnosis. Its recognition might prompt the physician to
consider carefully what the most likely pathogen was. To
Ball (1982:149), “Diagnostic confirmation in the acute state
is unlikely because serology is the only routine method
44 10
available.” Furthermore, complications can occur in certain

atypical pneumonia; with neurological, renal, hematological
and other features which may bewilder the physicians. Since
therapeutic options were limited in these infections the only
option left to the infected was divination. It was because
sometimes some diseases were caused by spirits or
Y
ancestors due to one reason or the other. This was why
AR
Beattie (1965: 228) admits that “…in Bunyoro a man who
becomes ill or suffers some other kinds of misfortune is
R
likely to consult a diviner to find the cause of his trouble.”
IB
Sometimes it served as a first port of call in solving one’s
-L
problems. According to Bascon (1959:262) it implied that
“…divination usually reveals that the supernatural is in
IA
some manner invoked in the patient’s illness.” It was

R
because the person in one way or the other had disobeyed

ES
the gods in the past. For that Njoku (2002:130) averts that
D
“…with his spiritual foresight, the diviner can reconnect the

O
past, foretell the future and read the figure both on earth
C
and in the spiritual world.” To Mair (1980:240), in doing this

“…a diviner while remaining his normal self, manipulates
objects which are supposed to give the answer without
intervention.” These objects were the diviner’s instruments
for divination. The diviners would not perform without them
10
45
because they served as intermediaries between the diviners

and the spirits.
In human relation especially where there was need to
establish lasting relation, people consulted diviners. Such
relationships bordered on economic or social affairs. The
diviner therefore through the instrumentality of divination
Y
dictated on the future of that relationship. In recognition of
AR
this, Park (1967:234) says:
It may also be required for the corroboration of a
R
marriage-choice involving and in individual or
IB
collective moves involving some change in social
alignments, or perhaps, calamity, or unresolved
-L
conflicts, whether on a personal or a much larger
scale.
It was believed that wherever and whenever members of the
IA
society channeled their affairs to divination, they knew the

R
appropriate occasions of its use. For instance, “… among the

ES
Yoruba, divination is required for the selection of a site for

D
new house” (Miller, 1931:300). It gave society a clear way in

O
decision-making which otherwise was held to reflect the

C
particular interest of one group, community or individual in

locating a project. Park (1967: 301) points out that “…the
omission of divination in a situation that clearly calls for it
might well result in difficulties for the person or group who
acted without it.” Park (1967) further explained that
46 10
divination gave legitimacy to acts performed following

divination, and relieved anxiety by pinpointing a cause and
prescribing counteractive measures. Divination as a way of
determining serious and ambiguous cases was in essence
analogous to modern judicial process, in that its outcome
was a determination of guilt and provision for redress to the
Y
satisfaction of the injured party. It was therefore according
AR
to Turner (1968:26) “…peculiarly sensitive to changes, and
especially breakages in the network of existing social
R
relations.”
2.01.05
IB
Instruments for Divination:
-L
The act of divination was not practiced by every
member of the society. It was rather practiced by those who
IA
had special calling either by the spirit of divination (Agwu) or

R
by practicing as apprentices under renowned diviners. These

ES
diviners were not alone in their work. They used certain

D
instruments which according to Anielo (1992:18) were

O
“...complex, ranging from natural objects to non-natural

C
instruments.” Some of these natural objects mostly used

were animal teeth, fish bones, tortoise shells, seeds of trees,
wooden plates, earthen pot, calabash, wooden gong and
others. It was inexhaustible. It depended on the society and
religious denomination within which it was practiced. To the
47
10
diviner, each item carries a lot of meaning. Mbiti (1975:131)

confirms that “Diviners, oracle and medicine men use
various parts of plants and crops for divination and medical
practice.” They helped to wake god of divination into action.
However, the diviner according to Nwala (1985:124)
“…usually is not told why a client has come to consult him,
Y
rather by the process of manipulation of his divining
AR
instruments-charms, beads, nuts, etc, and …, he stumbles
on the clients’ problem(s).” Some of these instruments
R
served as messengers of diviners. It implied that without
IB
these instruments, the diviners would not see clearly. They
-L
usually got their information through the instruments. And
because these instruments were believed to be sacred and
IA
were capable of eliciting information from the spirits, the

R
diviners relied on them for proper information. Kalu

ES
(2002:361) observes the use of these instruments thus:

D
“Some diviners manipulate different types of material

O
objects, usually known as mkpulu afa (afa seeds).” Some

C
diviners used mystical means to ascertain information from

gods, “…some consult magic mirror” (Dennett, 1968:96) and
some others, “...use tortoise shells in addition to the
shoulder blades of Oxen” (Oxtoby, 2002:331).
48
10
During any diving session, these materials were

showcased for easy access. Each of them had a duty to
perform. Hence Bascon (1959:258) says, “Method of
divination is primarily the fall of cowries’ shells or kola
nuts.” The instruments used depended on the method
applied. Bascon (1959:283) further says that “…among the
Y
numerous divining techniques, the most common one is to
AR
throw a handful of palm nuts on the ground and
prognosticate by examining the pattern they form.” Recently
R
there were innovations in the instruments and techniques of
IB
divination. Some of these innovations were meant to lure
-L
some unbelievers into practicing divination and welcoming it
into their life affairs. For instance, Bascon (1959) mentioned
IA
among the instruments, a statue showing the face of Christ

R
and the Bible. In this aspect, divination was Christianized

ES
and as such many Christians directly or indirectly engaged

D
the services of diviners in their life affairs.

O
Other instruments for divination according to Benton

C
(1964:506) were “…the divining rod, water, suspended ring,

Bible and key.” These instruments were mainly found from
Europe to China and Japan and had now been adopted by
some Igbo diviners. Benton (1964) further mentioned dice,
knudle bones and coconut among divination instruments. In
49
10
addition to these, Hastings (1954:778) confirms that

“Northern Asian use drum in divining, but in some other
cases the possessing spirit speak by the mouth of the
wizard, as among the Tehi-speaking people, whose priests
are possessed, not by spirit, but by gods.” Drum here acted
as a mover to the gods of divination. It rekindled the spirits’
Y
interest during the divination session. It then served as a
AR
medium to welcoming the gods to participate in the
divination. The participation of the gods therefore added to
R
the efficacy of the instruments and the divination proper. To
IB
confirm this, Bascon (1969:13) affirms that “…the god is
-L
consulted by means of palm nuts”, a kind of divinatory
instruments. The use of palm nuts among the Yoruba was
IA
believed to have come with the sixteen persons who founded

R
Yoruba. They were said to have brought palm nuts that

ES
produced a tree with sixteen branches on mountain Ado,

D
which was the residence of the chief priest of afa (god of

O
divination). Similarly, the Igbo used four chains of sixteen

C
seed each of which has a name.

To Okodo (1991:30), “Divination uses shells as its main
paraphernalia.” These shells mostly chained were cast on
the ground and from the configuration, the diviner obtained
information which he interpreted to his clients. In concert
10
50
with Okodo, Basden (1966:51) avers: “The diviner

commences operations by placing an inverted tortoise shell
on the ground which contains the afa, the medium of
divination commonly called ‘charms’. In some instances, the
tortoise shell served as a container into which the afa seeds
were collected while at some other areas it served as a
Y
medium through which the diviner received information
AR
from the gods. To engage in more serious consultation of the
spirits, Oxtoby (2002:334) says:
R
There is the divination chair. A miniature modern
IB
chair held upright before an altar while incense is
burned and the spirit is asked to descend into the
-L
chair, which then crashes into a prepared table
and traces messages from the possessing deity.
IA
This assertion got to explain that some instruments

R
were used to invoke spirits capable of giving out information

ES
to the diviners. As a result of this, there was invocatory or

incatational system of divination different from mechanical
D
system.
O
In a further explanation of the instruments used in

C
divination, Williamson (1972:4-5) admits that the “…objects

include human and animal teeth, cowries, seeds, coins,
pieces of bones, and seeds of certain plants.” It should be
noted that this collection was kept in a container. Then at
the beginning of divination, the diviner dropped them on the
10
51
floor. He picked them up and repeated the throwing, one or

several times. He then gave his verdict.
In what seemed a summary of instruments of diviners,
Anielo (1992:18-19) gave the list of agwu’s instruments
thus: ugiri, ikenga agwu, iyi agwu, ufo, ekpili, mpi ene
(the horn of a antelope) tortoise shell, ofo, udene agwu
Y
(vulture) and nkita agwu (dog). These personal and non
AR
personal instruments were believed to be of help to both
agwu and the diviner in deciding the secret information.
R
According to Anielo (1992:8), “While some people use beads,
IB
cowries, many use mirror and water, sticks, divining boards
-L
and other materials.” It was therefore noteworthy that the
different types of material for divination were as a result of
IA
involvement of different types of people and culture or

R
religion in the profession. But whatever object people used,

ES
the common term was divination.

D
2.01.06 Spirit in Charge of Divination:

O
Most definitions of divination pointed to the fact that

C
divination had super natural backing. The dibia afa

(diviners) believed that they were never alone in their
divining work because there were spirits that guided them in
the interpretation of afa beads. Such spirits therefore
revealed the concealed to the dibia afa who then through
10
52
the interpretation of afa beads, rendered solution to the

clients’ problem(s). Considering this, Arinze (1970:155)
confirms that “The vocation to be a dibia is possession by
agwu spirit, who is the special spirit of ndi dibia, healers.”
Agwu therefore was the patron spirit of divination and
diviners.
Y
Abani (1988:3) studied divination in Afikpo and
AR
observes that “In Afikpo, diviners are trained by the spirit of
divination and also by renowned diviners under whom they
R
serve as apprentices.” Among the Igbo people of West Africa,
IB
diviners were either ‘trained’, ‘inspired’ or called by the spirit
-L
of divination. In case of those “trained” by ‘the spirit of
divination”, they were normally possessed by the spirit and
IA
were always isolated from the public. Usually such

R
possessed persons behaved like people who were mentally

ES
deranged. It was believed that during this period of

D
withdrawal from the public, the spirit taught them the act of
O
divination, knowledge of curative herbs, barks and roots of

C
trees, proverbs, incantations and all it entailed to be a dibia

afa. Consequently Mbiti (1975:156) affirms that “…diviners
normally work also as medicine men.” Such persons then
wandered into bush, slept in unusual places from a certain
period. Mair (1980:242) confirms thus:
53 10
They must be able readily to fall into a condition

of dissociation and speak as though with a voice
entering them from outside, they commonly find
their vocation after a period of disturbance which
a psychiatrist probably call a mental illness.
The period depended on the degree of force of the spirit
on the person concerned. After this, such possessed persons
put up their own shrines and practiced as diviners.
Y
AR
This god of divination had different names in different
cultures. Among the Igbo of West Africa, it was called agwu.
R
Ogbalu (1981:54) takes note of this thus: “Agwu is the god
IB
of medicine and divination …Agwu chooses his own priests,
-L
prophets and all those who become afa men or medicine
man.” Here Ogbalu tried to portray agwu as the deity or
IA
spirit which had the sole responsibility of making one a

R
diviner. Lending his credence to Ogbalu’s claim, Ilogu

ES
(1974:74) explains that “Agwu is seen as god of divination

D
and herbal medicine that belongs to one of the innumerable

O
minor deities which are some times personifications … of

C
nature and daily life.” It implied that there were other minor
deities inhabiting the spiritual world. Of all these deities
among he Igbo, agwu was the only one bestowed with the
power to choose a diviner and guided him in all his
deliberations. This was why Bentley and Ziegler (2003:511)
54
10
state thus: “When afflicted by illness, sterility, crop failure,

or some other disaster, individuals or group consulted
diviners to learn the cause of their misfortune. Diviners then
consulted oracles, identified the causes of the trouble …
brings about a return to normality.”
To Metuh (1985:162), “The gift of divination is inherited
Y
from one’s maternal clan if one is possessed by agwu.”
AR
Observation here was that agwu which followed a woman to
her matrimonial home, exercised more power in making one
R
a diviner. Arinze (1970:64) made the position of agwu
IB
concerning divination clear. According to him, “The clearest
-L
and indispensable sign of vocation to be a dibia afa is
possession by the spirit of agwu who is the special spirit of
IA
(ndi dibia) healers.” Following all these utterances, one

R
would easily say that this vocation called divination was not
ES
all comers affair. It was rather for those specially chosen by

D
the god of divination itself. Meanwhile Basden (1982:54)

O
explains that; “The dibia agwu, medicine man like diviners

C
is called on his profession by agwu the patron spirit of

diviners and medicine men.” This assertion was true in the
Igbo cosmology as the Igbo believed that it was agwu who
called the dibia to their profession.
10
55
For the Yoruba, an ethnic group in Nigeria, the god of

divination was called Orumila while divination was afa. To
Abimbola (1977:1), “Orumila was put in charge of divination
because of his great wisdom which he acquired as a result of
his presence by the side of Olodumare when the later
created the universe.” Olodumare in Yoruba meant the
Y
Supreme Being. Therefore, one here saw Orumila as a
AR
messenger of Supreme-Being. Because of the evidence of
divination having supernatural backing, Basden (1982:224)
R
concerned himself with the much respect accorded any deity
IB
that had the power of divination. He therefore states that
-L
“…the deities in-charge of divination serve as the last
arbiters.” In any situation, divination was believed to be the
IA
last hope of man. Any verdict or solution as a result of

R
divination was not in doubt in that it came from the spirit

ES
whose duty it was to give the final verdict.

D
In his contribution, Nwala (1985:125) states; “The

O
calling to divination is a special one too. An individual may

C
be elected to be one. His agwu may insist on his becoming

one.” Involvement of agwu in choosing a diviner made it a
special vocation. It was not by personal volition. Even
sometimes when one wanted to enter into it without
recourse to possession, there was crash. The person was
56
10
bound to fail because he or she had no base. One’s base in

this aspect was the spirit of divination who possessed
whoever he needed his or her service. In his view, Fried
(1968:29) explains that “In contrast to the position of priest,
who learns his religious knowledge through a formal
training period, in many societies, there is a religious
Y
specialist whose powers come directly from the supernatural
AR
forces, spirits, or gods.” The religious specialist here was the
dibia afa (among the Igbo) or shaman (among the Zulu).
R
This led to the concept of divination as “…the
IB
manipulation of the supernatural to discover concealed
-L
information” (Miller and Miler, 1931:300). It was the practice
of foretelling the future by means of preternatural powers.
IA
There were events that affected human beings believed to

R
have a supernatural, mystical, or other than human cause.

ES
Benton (1964:506) confirmed this and says that ‘Divination

D
is the process of obtaining knowledge of secret or future

O
things from contact with superhuman or divine sources.”

C
Future things were far and obscure to human sight but not
to divine beings. So in support of Benton, Philips (1971:248)
affirmed that it was the “…practice of attempting to acquire
hidden knowledge and insight into events … through direct
57
10
or indirect contact of human intelligence with the

supernatural.”
From the evidences in the literatures so far reviewed, it
was hard to dispute the involvement of a supernatural being
in the art of divination. It implied that divination relied on
the wisdom of the spirit no matter the culture or religion
Y
under which it was practiced.
AR
2.01.07 Methods of Divination:
Divination was practiced in all grades of culture.
R
Information received during divination was believed to have
IB
come from superior, non human sources. There were
-L
methods of getting this information from the superhuman
beings. According to Okodo (1991:29), “One of them is the
IA
case whereby the findings are relayed to the client through

R
the possessed.” It was a situation whereby the superhuman

ES
being reveals the information through the diviner.

D
Sometimes it came in form of vision. Sometimes it came as a

O
result of series of actions by the diviner.

C
However, Benton (1964:506) explains that “Divinatory

methods may be classified as internal, conditioned by
change in the consciousness of the soothsayer and
external.” There were situations when the diviner went into
trance and began to reveal whatever information he received
58 10
from the supernatural. This situation was the internal

method because it was within. But in external divination the
process was by inference from external facts. These
explained that there were basically two methods of
divination. Supporting dualism in divinatory method,
Hastings (1954:778) says: “Northern Asia use a drum in
Y
divining but in some other cases the possessing spirit speak
AR
by the mouth of the wizard, as among the Tehi-speaking
people, whose priests are possessed, not by spirits but by
R
gods.” The other was the passing of the information by the
IB
superhuman being which might or might not be understood
-L
by the client. In some instances the diviner underwent
changes in his physical or psychological conditions so that
IA
he served the divinatory power as a medium or vehicle. In a

R
situation like this, the diviner was under possession.

ES
On the other hand, Bergher (1978:287) says “Many

D
divinatory techniques are basically by mechanical devices

O
that result in predictable statistical distributions of events.”

C
An example of this was Yoruba Ifa divination based on 256

“heads or tails” contributions of eight sequentially ordered
seeds, and “Ikpukpara based on the principle of the sixteen
configuration of Mkpuru afa (afa seeds)” (Ugonna, 1984:30).
To each combination was attached a set of verses which
59
10
were interpreted by the diviner. Ugonna (1984) actually

confirmed dualism in divinatory method among the Igbo.
According to him, “In Ozubulu, as in most towns in the
central Igbo, two forms of divination (afa) is practiced.” The
two forms were Ikpukpara and okwe. Ikpukpara was a
mechanical form based on the principle of the sixteen
Y
configurations of seeds. This was said to be scientific in that
AR
it was traceable. It was practiced the same way any time,
any where; giving the same result as far as it was observed
R
and interpreted by experts. Okwe on the other hand, was
IB
based on the principle of direct vision either by gazing into a
-L
mirror, water, empty pot or any thing else.
In most societies according to Fried (1968:292), all
IA
these forms of divinatory methods “… can be considered a

R
religious activity in the sense that it deals with the

ES
supernatural, and involves an attempt to control the

D
universe.” To control the universe, many things were

O
involved. There were many forms of rites and manipulations.

C
This informed Turnbull (1976:131) to state that “There are

many forms of divination, mostly involving actions and
manipulations designed either to impress the gullible or to
actually invoke spiritual assistance.” Others were scientific
in that they were believed to rely on inherent qualities of
60 10
objects that always fell in certain patterns under certain

circumstances. The objects included the shells, ugiri, cola
nuts, stones, bits of wood, et cetera. However, whichever
method one adopted, Ekwealor (1988:64) says “… the
ultimate goal is to communicate with the supernatural being
to obtain solution to man’s problems.”
Y
2.01.08 Literary Studies on Afa Chants :
AR
Diviners usually started their work with invocation of
many deities existing within that culture area. They
R
beckoned on the deities to come and preside over the
IB
divining sessions. This prayer in form of poetry, to
-L
Preminger (1965:639) “… is a fabricated thing, not found in
nature, and therefore contingent on number of factors.”
IA
Preminger was saying that poetry was not natural rather it

R
was something external.

ES
Ogunyemi (1976:1) sees poetry as “… the spontaneous

D
overflow of powerful feelings, it takes its origin from emotion

O
recollected in tranquility.” It was a retrospect of feelings in

C
form of sound. This was why Ogunyemi (1976:1) goes

further to call it “… emotion put into measure.” Words were
the basic properties of poetry. These words were either oral
or written. Those observations pointed to the fact that poetry
was the result of the curative effort that was caused by
10
61
innate tendency to put pictures of reality or imagination in

well chosen words. To Okodo (1991:54), “Poetry is not
natural because it is the imitation of real while in turn is an
imitation of nature, ideal.” So poetry was far away from
nature. Finnegan (1970:167) classifies this type of poetry as
“mantic”. But Hastings (1954:792) equates this classification
Y
with the Egyptian divination thus:
AR
From more than one point of view, it seems
impossible to bring Egyptian divination under the
R
classification of general use in the study of
mantic, we cannot make either the ordinary
IB
definitions, or the purpose, or even - to a certain
extent - the means employed fit in exactly.
-L
Igwe (1988:20) precisely summed up the contents of
IA
divination poetry in Akaeze as “… the problem of life and

R
death, religion and traditional values and norms.” In

ES
divination chants, the people’s problems were x-rayed before

the gods.
D
O
To Okodo (1991:42), “From the divination poetry,

C
nobody is in doubt as to whether Ede Oballa people believe

in God.” In divination poetry, evidences of people’s concept
of God were revealed. It was a condition under which the
diviner called on various names of their gods and objects of
worship, to come in readiness of the work. Obasi (1985) also
studied divination in Ekwereazu and observes that “…
62 10
divination chants contains information about the people’s

belief and mythology.”
One would rightly say here that collection of chants
were re-affirmation of people’s firm belief in God. This also
served as a prayer of solicitation to the gods. To Obasi
(1985:8), “Divination is not a profession which anybody is
Y
free to take to. It is a profession for men; hence it is only
AR
men that perform divination chants.” Any way, as this work
progressed one should find out if it was really only for men.
R
2.01.09 Empirical Studies on Divination:
IB
Empirical work done on divination has not been much.
-L
However, effort was made to study the little number
available. One of such studies was Anedo (1987) who said
IA
that the root of divination was based on the fact that

R
nothing happened for nothing. He said that it was in effort to

ES
get the root of a problem that led one to diviner. According to

D
him, “… the diviner had the power and ability to dig out the
O
cause of a problem and offered solution to that.”

C
Anielo (1992) was another study on divination.

According to him, “…divination serves some cultural
purposes. It carters for the emotional, physical, spiritual and
moral needs of the individual within her cultural setting.”
10
63
To Anielo (1992), “Divination whether true or false had

been deep into the minds of ninety-nine percent of the
African world with some degrees of telepathy and
extrasensory perception of work.” He went further to say
that the great popularity of the diviner showed that he had a
leading function to perform in a society. This according to
Y
Anielo, he did as a mediator and guide in many a quarrel,
AR
trouble and sickness. He made one to understand that
diviners were sacred people that they helped to solve
R
people’s problems at least emotionally and psychologically.
IB
Though the main theme in Okodo (1991) was afa
-L
poetry, he made little attempt on other aspects of afa. From
his findings, he stated: paramount in the content were
IA
religion, other cultural beliefs, social, relationships and

R
problems of life and death: finding out problems and offering

ES
solution to them.
D
Another writer with a message on afa was Ekwealor

O
(1988). To him, the ordinary man saw the dibia as one living
C
in two worlds- human world and the spirit world. He was

seen as wise and intelligent man who had solution to almost
all human problems. Hence, the public expectations of dibia
afa were so high that the society demanded that his training
should be a very elaborate one.
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10
Obasi (1985) also added his contribution but on afa

chants. He stated that divination chants from Ekwereazu
contained information about the people’s belief and
methodology. To Ezikeojiaku (1996:385), “The two major
types of the Igbo traditional ritual poetry, which is deeply
rooted in the worldview of the Igbo and dated from antiquity,
Y
is concerned with divination.” Abimbola (1977) studied
AR
divination among the Yoruba. He observed that Ifa was the
mouthpiece of the divinities and the ancestors. Abimbola
R
went further to say that it was through the “Ifa system that
IB
human beings communicated with the divinities and the
-L
ancestors.”
There was need to mention Igwe (1988) who precisely
IA
summed up the contents of divination poetry in Akaeze as

R
“… the problem of life and death, religion, traditional values

ES
and mores.” These contents very much applied to the

D
divination poetry from other parts of Igbo land.

O
C
65
10
CHAPTER THREE
3.00 RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

The strategies and procedures employed in this study
were presented and prescribed in this chapter as follows:
Research Design
Area of the Study
Y
Population of the Study
AR
Sample and Sampling Techniques
R
Instruments for Data Collection
IB
Reliability of the Instruments
-L
Validation of the Instruments
Method of Data Collection
IA
Method of Data Analysis

R
3.01 Design of the study:

ES
The researcher used survey design. The survey design

was adopted because of its invaluable help in collation of
D
large quantities of data emanating from the field.

O
3.02 Area of the Study:

C
The area of study was Divination in entire Igbo nation

of Nigeria. The Igbo people occupied the five South-East
States of Nigeria and some parts of delta, Rivers, Cross River
and Akwa Ibom States.
66
10
3.03 Population of the Study:

The main sources of data for this research were
diviners, their clients and some other female and male
members of their communities.
3.04 Sample and Sampling Technique:
Three out of the five main Igbo states and one sub-Igbo
Y
state of Nigeria were sampled. The randomly selected
AR
samples were Anambra, Ebonyi, Delta and Imo States. In
each of the three main Igbo States, two local government
R
areas were selected and three towns sampled from each of
IB
the local government areas. In the one sub - Igbo State,
-L
Delta, one local government area was selected and one town
sampled from that local government area. The total number
IA
of towns sampled was nineteen. Twenty individuals (fifteen

R
adult clients and five diviners) were used in each of the

ES
towns sampled bringing the total sample size to three

D
hundred and eighty (380) individuals – ninety-five (95)

O
diviners and two hundred and eighty five (285) adult clients.
C
The selection of five diviners from each town of study

enabled the researcher to study a reasonable number of
forms of divination available and interact with both male
and female diviners. On the other hand, the selection of
fifteen adult clients from each study town helped the
67 10
researcher to ascertain plausible information from men and

women, old and young people of all walks of life regarding
divination.
3.05 Instruments for data Collection:
The instruments used in this study were of two types:
The questionnaire and interview questions. The questions
Y
were both unstructured and structured. For the
AR
questionnaire (structured), part A of it sought the personal
data of the respondents which included: name (optional),
R
age brackets, occupation, sex, marital status, locality and
religion.
IB
-L
Part ‘B’ of the questionnaire was divided into three
sections. Section ‘A’ was rated on a 4- point modified Likert
IA
type opinion/attitude scale of ‘Agree’, ‘Strongly Agree’,

R
‘Disagree and Strongly Disagree” abbreviated as A, SA, D,

ES
SD, (Nwogu, 1991). Section ‘B’ was rated on a 3 – point

D
nominal scale ranging from “Very frequently” to “Not at all”,

O
while section ‘C’ was rated on a 2 – point scale of ‘Yes” or

C
‘No’. The questionnaire consisted of forty-two (42) items.

3.06 Reliability of the Instrument:
Trial testing was conducted to ensure that the
instrument was reliable. Test-retest method of reliability
testing was used. The validated copies of the questionnaire
10
68
were administered to ten individuals and the completed

questionnaires were collected and their responses recorded.
After two weeks, the same procedure was repeated using the
same respondents as in the first test. Their responses were
again recorded.
3.07 Validation of Instrument:
Y
The instrument (questionnaire) was validated through
AR
number of approaches. It was given to the researcher’s three
colleagues for scrutiny to check and return feedback on the
R
clarity, comprehensiveness, appropriateness and
IB
arrangement of the items. Only items agreed upon by two of
-L
the three colleagues were retained. Others were either
modified or dropped.
IA
The rectified draft of the questionnaire was given to

R
other two colleagues in library science for further

ES
modification. Corrections arising from the comments on the

D
draft of the instruments were effected. The modified draft

O
was presented to the thesis supervisor for approval.

C
3.08 Method of Data Collection:

The instruments used for the collection of data from
the source were interview questions administered to the
randomly selected diviners and individual clients who could
not read and write. The sampled diviners and clients were
10
69
interviewed separately at different locations and periods

convenient to them. The interviews were oral but the
responses were recorded on tape and traversed later. This
was augmented with personal notes by the researcher and
his assistants. The transcribed and translated responses
provided the key materials for analysis.
Y
On the other hand, the questionnaires were
AR
administered to the randomly selected individuals and
diviners who could read and write. The responses from the
R
respondents were collected and collated to serve as
IB
additional data from the source. These responses from the
-L
respondents formed the additional materials for analysis.
3.09 Administration of the Instruments:
IA
As earlier stated, the instruments of this research were

R
of two types – interview questions (unstructured) and

ES
questionnaire (structured). The unstructured types of the

D
questions were given to the selected diviners and individual

O
clients for immediate answers. Their responses created room

C
for follow-up questions and responses were collected

immediately.
On the other hand, the structured questionnaire was
given to the selected respondents for them to tick the
70
10
appropriate answers. After two weeks, the responses were

collected for analysis.
3.10 Method of Data Analysis:
Divination was grouped into two major forms-
mechanical and invocatory. The possible reasons for
divination, significance of divination and instrument for
Y
divination were identified. Also identified were the spirits in-
AR
charge of divination, method of divination and the extent to
which chants elicited information from Agwu, the spirit off
R
divination. These constituted the unit of analyses of
collected data.
IB
-L
Other informations were the myths on the origin of
divination, the extent to which Agwu spirit controlled
IA
divination, and the effect of divination on the life of the Igbo

R
people. They were used in providing answers to the research

ES
questions and eventual proof or disproof of the hypothesis.

D
O
C
71
10
CHAPTER FOUR
4.0 DATA ANALYSIS AND PRESENTATION OF RESULT

In this chapter, the data collected were carefully
presented and analyzed. Various types of divination were
identified and collected from the responses of the sampled
adult and younger individuals during oral interviews and
Y
from the collected questionnaires. There were two basic
AR
types of divinatory systems common among the Igbo. These
R
were mechanical and invocatory or incatational systems
IB
under each of these two types of various other forms. The
-L
reason for this, according to Anielo (1992:20), is that:
With the increase in the economic gain associated
IA
with divining exercise, many people have drifted

into the profession using different styles and
R
patterns to accomplish their lot. In Africa,

ES
thousands and one styles appear in divination

process each claiming to excel the others.
a. The Mechanical System:
D
The mechanical system was an explanatory device

O
involving the use of special objects which served as the

C
agencies through which particular effects were produced

and a purpose accomplished. It involved the devising and
utilization of such objects as cowry shells, tortoise shells,
armlets, charms, owl skulls and skeleton of various
animals and birds. Others were nzu (Igbo native chalk),
72
10
and ogwu (symbolizing the soul of a client). Nzu and ogwu

were used under necessary conditions to make the
mechanical objects active.
There was common agreement among diviners who
employed this system to the effect that these objects
represented certain forces. It was discovered that the
Y
diviners would not either singly or collectively reveal,
AR
whether these forces were magical, diabolical or psychic.
Generally they held that these forces were residents in these
R
objects symbolizing the spirits of either their dead ancestors
or dead predecessors.
IB
-L
The tortoise shell for instance when drummed with the
help of two sticks exuded certain powers capable of charging
IA
the environment to make it suitable to accommodate the

R
spiritual agents so invited. The cowry shells when jingled

ES
from one hand to the other produced a finer and more

D
subtle tone, which when mixed with a skillfully produced

O
whistling by the diviner, conditioned the heart of the spirits

C
and made them to be in friendly moods. This was why

Zahan (1979:86) describes these instruments as “…
mediators between the diviners and gods.” A piece of cola or
a piece of traditionally made chalk (nzu) which were
scattered around part of which was eaten by the diviner,
73
10
was a kind of communion which ensured peaceful co-

existence between these instruments and the diviners. This
was because it was believed that the scattered cola or nzu
were consumed by the spirits inhabiting these instruments.
As Anekwe (1992:19) says, “Divination could be
practiced through different techniques depending on the
Y
lineage.” In support of this, Anedo (1987:49) says that “…
AR
divination instruments vary in many towns and among
individuals. Some use cola nut, some use water where
R
others use mirror, reading of palms, animal entrails and
IB
ugiri beads,” all these helped the dibia afa (diviner) in
-L
discharging his or her duties. Among the people of Ikem (a
town in Omambala culture area of Igbo land), ugiri (bead)
IA
type of divination was more popular. In making it clear,

R
Booth (1977:47) affirms that ugiri helps the diviners to

ES
commune with the ancestors and to relate the problems of

D
their clients to them. It was this ugiri form of divination that

O
Ozubulu people (a town in central Igbo) called ikpukpara.

C
According to Ugonna (1984:30), “Ikpukpara lies on the

principles of the sixteen configurations of mkpuru afa (afa
seeds), namely; ogbi, akwu, ogori, odi, ululu, ogali,
obala, okai, ijite, osa, aka, atokpa, otule, ete, ose, and
ovu.”
74
10
b. The Invocatory or Incatational System:

This system of divination involved series of passionate
calls upon either the deity or dead ancestors or those dead
colleagues or both, for aid, protection, inspiration and
guidance, made by the diviner under controlled conditions
on demand by client(s). This was achieved through chanting,
Y
singing or recitation of words supposed to carry magical or
AR
spiritual powers. In Afikpo (a Southern Igbo town), according
to Abani (1988:16), “The majority of diviners employing this
R
system are women.” Some performed outright rites with or
IB
without some dramatic ceremonies. These dramatizations
-L
were designed to transplant the diviner into the presence of
the ancestors. Fundamental to the belief system among the
IA
Igbo was the understanding that through proper relations

R
with their ancestors, life would be most meaningful and

ES
freedom inevitable hence their readiness to consult the

D
oracles.
O
The extent of involvement of various peoples of Igbo

C
culture area in divination and the effects of divination on

their lives were presented below as directed by the research
questions used in data collection for this study.
4.01 Research Question 1:
What really is divination?
75
10
Igbo traditional society was filled with confusion. There

were crises everywhere and people saw their environment as
insecure. As no one liked to be imprisoned in an unsecured
environment, there arose the need for freedom. Such
freedom was thought to be possible if the minds of the gods
were ascertained. Since they could not go to the gods
Y
directly, the need for a medium arose. The medium was the
AR
diviner, seer, sorcerer, prophet, shaman or sibyl who had
the powers to interact with the occupants of the spirit world.
R
The medium was called such names as dibia afa, igbo and
IB
onuigbe in various parts of Igbo land. It was discovered that
-L
there was no gender discrimination as whoever possessed
the power was approached for revelation of secrets. His or
IA
her profession was afa –divination.

R
Divination according to Philips (1971:248) is, “Practice

ES
of attempting to acquire hidden knowledge and insight into

D
events past, present and future – through the direct or

O
indirect contact of human intelligence with the

C
supernatural.” It was the attempt to discern events that

were distant in time and space and which could not be
perceived by normal means. Contact with the supernatural
was usually sought through a medium- a person supposedly
endowed with supernormal receptivity by the Igbo people.
10
76
Brandon (1970:242) says, “Man’s time-consciousness,

from dawn of culture, has caused preoccupation with the
future.” Though the Igbo man planned for foreseen
contingencies, he was aware that much of the future was
menacingly unknown and insecure. He has naturally sought
to penetrate this unknown by various means. These means
Y
were supernatural in nature. These means used were
AR
divided into two main types. The first was automatic
interpretation while second was interrogation of divine
R
intent. The first included – astrology, augury, and auspices.
IB
The principle involved was that the pattern of future events
-L
was adumbrated in various ways. For example, in celestial
phenomena, the entrails of sacrificial victim, flight of birds,
IA
or forms taken by oil when dropped in water (mesopot

R
practice) were interpreted. The second had to do with -

ES
critical observation and interpretation of falls of divinatory

D
objects such as ugiri beads, cowry shells, chains of broken

O
calabash, and pieces of cola nuts by the diviner. Here the

C
diviner threw the objects down, observed the pattern it fell,

and asked questions. After the diviner has asked questions,
he or she threw the objects down again for observation and
interpretation. If he or she was not satisfied with the answer
received, there was need for a follow-up question after which
77
10
he or she would throw the objects down again. It was a kind

of probing questions through which the diviner got to the
final answer to the client’s problem(s). So in this cases the
omens given by such, required expert interpretation by a
diviner.
Following these explanations, divination would be seen
Y
as any action embarked upon in order to unravel or bring to
AR
light what darkness covered. For instance, when one used
charm (ita) as seen among the Omambala people of Igbo, to
R
let loose the knowledge of unknown actor in a murder case,
IB
such action was divination. Very often when there was a
-L
case of robbery where no one could be held responsible, the
suspects were taken to ita for proper screening. That action
IA
was divination because the covered was uncovered. This was

R
why Hornby (1978:154) describes divination as “… discovery

ES
of what is hidden or obscure by supernatural or magical

D
means.”
O
According to a respondent, divination was not peculiar

C
to Igbo traditional belief system alone, it was found at all

places and at all times. One reason was that divination was
an effective way of giving confidence to people in trouble or
uncertainty. Another reason was that the individual in
appealing to divination, wished to confirm his own
10
78
suspicion. This was why the Western Igbo people normally

consulted Onuigbe (seer among the Igbe religious group of
the Delta Igbo and the Urhobo) for any thing which was not
clear to them for clarification. So as a matter of fact, when
one went to the Igbe for problem solving, one has indulged
oneself with divination. From this practice among the
Y
Urhobo of the Delta State of Nigeria, one could understand
AR
Benton probably. To him, (1964:506) “Divination is practiced
in all grades of culture, the information received being
R
commonly held to come directly or indirectly from superior,
IB
non human sources.” Divination included all methods of
-L
fortune-telling such as card reading, crystal gazing,
palmistry, et cetera. In astrology, the general direction of
IA
person’s life was read from the position of the stars at the
R
time of one’s birth. An example of this was seen in Matt 2:2,

ES
which says “We saw his star when it came up in the east.”
D
Among the Igbo, divination was therefore a means

O
through which people investigated hidden events or

C
happenings between people or families. People believed that

certain things, such as severe sickness, disunity or strange
occurrences in certain quarters would be unveiled through
divination. Among the Igbo, it was believed that the outcome
of divination was authentic hence they never disputed its
10
79
pronouncements. In this regard, Booth (1977:98) says,

“Many of the day to day problems of village or city life are
resolved by consulting the diviner. He will guide them
through to a solution.”
The diviners by virtue of their function were regarded
as medicine men or women. Through divination therefore,
Y
they contacted agwu – guardian spirit of the medicine men,
AR
to find out the causes of the problems before them. They
also were led by the same spirit to the best remedies to
R
apply. According to Mbiti (1969:178) “Divination is area
IB
which adds to the complexity of African concepts and
-L
experiences of the universe. It links together in its own way,
the physical and the spiritual world.” This was because most
IA
times, the hidden knowledge of the unseen world evoked

R
panic in the physical world.

ES
Divination was therefore the endeavour to foretell the

D
future, reveal the unknown and find their wishes. It was

O
also the means of finding an outlet for feelings of joy or

C
tension generated by a particular crisis or an important

event. In the early days of the Igbo people, before the
invasion of the West, there were no police men and there
was no need for them. The gods were the policemen. And the
quickest way of finding out the minds of these gods was
10
80
through divination. This was the reason behind observation

made by Parrinder (1949: 137) when he says, “Divination is
the means of which the diviners seek to interpret the
mysteries of life, to convey the message of the gods, gives
guidance in daily affairs, and settle disputes to uncover the
past and look into the future.”
Y
It was discovered that divination was always associated
AR
with a situation in which a client or an investigator, wanted
a decision to be taken in solving a problem.
R
4.02. Research Question 2:
IB
What are the reasons for divination?
-L
Among the Igbo, it was discovered that nothing
happened without a cause. An Igbo proverb which made this
IA
clear ran thus: Awo anaghi agba oso ehihie n’efu – A

R
toad does not run in day light without a cause. There were
ES
so many reasons why Igbo people resorted to divination. One

D
of the reasons was to help them maintain favourable

O
relationships with their ancestors in order to be sure of the

C
ancestors’ help in solving their numerous problems. This

was because in most cases, diviners helped people in
different dimensions to get rid of their problems. For
example, if a particular god was offended, the diviners
helped the affected person to solve the problem likely to
81
10
result from that. The problem of man was reduced through

that way. To the Igbo people, diviners were indispensable
and that was why they sought the diviners’ help whenever
the need arose. Sieber (1988: 74) understands it well as he
says, “In the circle of life, the diviner is consulted in time of
trouble in order to understand why misfortune occurred and
Y
how to prevent its re-occurrence.” When issues became
AR
complex to a group of people, they always consulted
diviners.
R
Some of those complex life issues included barrenness,
IB
death during child birth, miscarriage, disaster in business
-L
like loss of money, theft and illness. Other situations
included wooing a girl for marriage and embarking on any
IA
project. Sometimes the diviners prescribed some propitiatory

R
sacrifices either to ward off the evil or to appease the

ES
disembodied spirits which were believed to cause the

D
misfortunes. It was discovered that sometimes some spirits

O
such as wicked deities, charms and human souls separated

C
from the bodies inhabiting them caused havoc throughout a

community. To stop this, the answer was to consult a
diviner whose work it was to prescribe propitiatory sacrifice
to settle the spirits so that they would remain calm. This
was why Anekwe (1992:24) admits that “…the problems of
10
82
man are reduced through divination.” Problems were made

lighter or erased completely by divining rightly about them.
Among the Igbo, child bearing was given preference
among other achievements of man. This emanated from the
people’s belief in extended family hence a barren woman in
Igbo society was adjudged “a liability.” In support of this,
Y
Ogbalu (1981:31) says, “When a girl is married, what is
AR
expected of her is to get pregnant and bear a child.” When
this expectation was not met, the couple affected sought the
R
help of a diviner who through his magical or mysterious
IB
power would identify the cause of such problem.
-L
In same manner, any woman who encountered series
of miscarriages always sought the help of diviners. This was
IA
so because it was believed that a particular spirit or evil

R
person could be responsible for such misfortunes. Such

ES
spirits could be the disembodied spirits of evil men or the

D
witches that went about in the universe. Often times, when

O
diviners were consulted, the causes of ill-luck were

C
uncovered and the right sacrifice offered. On this, Bascon

(1959:36) says that “…one may consult diviners as to know
which spirit one should approach for a particular purpose.”
Without this, one might take a wrong approach to that
problem.
10
83
In Igbo social life with particular reference to Ikem, a

community in Omambala area of central Igbo, an ita
operator (a type of diviner) was always visited if there were
frequent theft in the clan, family, village or town. This was
done to detect the culprit. Although divination provided
answers to questions about event that were affecting an
Y
individual’s life, the diviner was rarely asked an open
AR
question and he never gave direct answers. Such questions
from clients like “who is harming me?” was never asked.
R
Rather he would present the problem thus, “One of my
IB
following relations and friends, all of whom I have reason to
-L
think dislike me, steal from me is harming me, which one is
it? At times the client who wanted to find out fact about his
IA
life problem would ask such questions like, “Am I alive?” If

R
the question was more general, the diviner might answer

ES
elliptically, often in a trance or uttering strange words, and

D
the client himself would interpret the reply to confirm his

O
own beliefs.
C
Among the Igbo people, young men went in for

divination when they wanted wooing a girl for marriage. In
Nri, the ancestral home town of the Igbo race, according to
Anielo (1992:25), “It is believed that before ever couples
come in contact, the spirits of our fore fathers must be
10
84
consulted.” This was because they believed that the

ancestor’s decisions should be final with regard to the
marital problems. Where the diviner recommended such
marriage, the couple to be would go on to fulfill all rights
and live together. But if the couple could not make a happy
home, the marriage proposed should be cancelled. Here,
Y
Mbiti (1982:104) does not mince words by saying, “When a
AR
major family decision is about to be made, or when there is
a major illness, we consult the diviner.”
R
Among the Igbo people, people resorted to divination
IB
when any particular family, clan, village, or town was
-L
lagging behind others economically, socially or otherwise.
Such community did that in order to find the cause of their
IA
problems.
R
Furthermore, the Igbo people went for divination when

ES
they wanted to embark on projects like building of houses,

D
buying a car and traveling to far place like overseas. They

O
consulted the diviner to find out the prospects of such

C
projects.
Nwala (1985:124) says, “People want to know why a
relation is sick, why another has died, why a strange thing
happened.” When a person fell ill according to Gibbs
(1965:471),
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10
The Suku will not immediately resort to

divination. It is accepted that illness may be
‘natural and the patient will at first be recovered,
nothing more was thought of it, and whatever
latent suspicions of witchcraft that might have
been conceived were abandoned.
But if the patient grew worse, suspicions that other

causes were at play according to a respondent would be
Y
AR
investigated. Public warning would be given to unnamed
witches to desist from its evil acts and people would begin
R
to speculate about the possible taboos that might have
IB
been broken. The goodwill of living elders was secured for
-L
the patient by having them express it publicly. Should all
these efforts failed, divination became the next option.
IA
Here, among the Igbo, a professional diviner was selected

R
and diagnosis made. All efforts would be made to do all

ES
that the diviner said in order to solve the problem. Should

all these attempts failed, another diviner would be tried,
D
O
and sometimes a third. If in the end the patient died, it

C
was said that the cause was beyond the ken of any one,
and it was referred to the unknowable Supreme Being as
the ultimate source of all things.
On the other hand, once the cause of the problem was
ascertained, the problems would be handled and controlled
as the spirit responsible for the problem was appeased.
10
86
Regarding these uncontrollable natures of forces, Kalu

(1978:42) asserts:
In our traditional setting, men were faced with
uncontrollable forces of nature; their reason was
to imbue these with spirits and to seek the aid of
good gods, patron ancestors, magic, and
divination and elaborate propitiatory rituals as
counters to the evil forces.
Y
To get rid of these forces, one first of all engaged the services
AR
of a diviner in order to know the exact spirit that was the
source of the problems. This was because according to
R
Anizoba (2001:5), “The ancestors communicate their wishes,
IB
vision, dreams and divination to the living.”
-L
The course of a person’s life would be altered not only
by freely perpetrated acts and the uncontrolled assaults of
IA
malignant entities but also through prognostication. Igbo

R
people were always on their guard to prevent such in their

ES
lives. That was why they consulted diviners even when they
D
had no problem. That was why Bascon (1959: 283) says,

O
“The person who desires knowledge of events to come so

C
that he may avoid harm and increase the benefit in store for
him, consults a diviner (abia idizn).” This diviner gained
insights from Abasi through the intercession of the spirits of
divination. However, success at foretelling the future
10
87
depended upon previous acts of the client as well as upon

ritualistic perfection exercised by the diviner.
In his contribution, Ifemesia (1979: 73) says,
“Sometimes heads were chosen by divination.” Of course
this step was normally taken in most communities among
the Igbo whenever succession for a vacant seat existed.
Y
According to a respondent, the occupant of the vacant office
AR
of a chief priest of a deity was normally determined through
divination otherwise the wrath of the god would befall both
R
the chosen person and the community for choosing an
IB
undesired candidate. Thus diviners were consulted to avoid
-L
choosing a wrong person and therefore maintain peace in
the society. Another reason for divination was to confirm
IA
people’s suspicions that a particular candidate has been

R
chosen by a deity. It was the belief of the Igbo, once a sacred

ES
animal belonging to a deity was seen in the compound of a

D
man, that deity has chosen the person as a successor to the

O
vacant post of the priest of the deity. That was why

C
Encyclopedia Americana (1976:197) says, “The individual in

appealing to divination wishes to confirm his own
suspicions.” By this action, any obscurity in one’s view
about any thing was cleared and progress ensured.
88 10
However, in any circumstance, divination served as the last

resort in solving problems.
4.0.3 Research Question 3:
When and how did divination start?
Divination according to O’ Boyle (1966:913) is “…the
art or practice of foreseeing or foretelling future events or of
Y
discovering hidden or secret knowledge.” This art had no one
AR
account of origin. There were several accounts of how
divination started in Igbo land. Its origin and accounts of its
R
origin were as old as man. Here, two investigated accounts
IB
of origin of divination among the Igbo were discussed. These
-L
were the origin of divination in Afikpo, Ebonyi State of
Nigeria and the origin of divination in Ikem, Anambra State
IA
of Nigeria. Both were communities in Igbo land.

R
4.03.1a. Origin of Divination in Afikpo:

ES
According to a respondent, this was more popular than

D
the other. It traced the origin of divination in Afikpo to one

O
man called Ukpaka Egwu, a fisherman by profession and a

C
member of the Amma Matrilineal descent group. Like one

Igbo saying, “A traveler is more knowledgeable than a grey
hair man”, he received the vocation for divination during one
of his regular fishing trips. A strange object imbued with the
10
89
power of speech was trapped in his net. Death awaited him

whether he took this strange object home or tarried.
Faced with this labyrinthine dilemma, a rescue team
was dispatched from home and headed by his son, Egwu
Ukpaka. The object was brought home by the son and the
father, Ukpaka Egwu, paid for this bravery with his life. Just
Y
as Nwoga (1984:35) says, “Thoughts and wishes can also be
AR
transformed into alusi or agbara”, it was the fear of death
which the strange object infused in Ukpaka Egwu that threw
R
the fisherman into confusion on what to do with the strange
IB
object. Later the son died and he was held responsible for
-L
his strange death. But verdict belonged to “Chukwu Ukpabi”
who was consulted through divination. Ukpaka Egwu was
IA
not responsible for his son’s sudden death. Chukwu Ukpabi

R
directed that some rituals should be performed, a shrine

ES
constructed and Ukpaka Egwu installed as the diviner since

D
his catch was divination spirit objectified.

O
4.03.01b. The Oha-Odu Version:

C
In Afikpo, the word oha was literally interpreted to

mean “a people” or “a medieval horde”. Odu means tail. In
its complete formation, oha-odu was a medieval horde,
nomadic in character and spiritually inclined
temperamentally. So many popular myths had been
90 10
associated with these strange people in the whole of Afikpo

belief system. According to a respondent, one of these myths
was that they brought with them the spirit of divination into
Afikpo.
When these two versions of the origin of divination
were subjected to more analytical scrutiny, one uncovered
Y
some disturbing inconsistencies and contradictions not
AR
worthy of being glossed over. The first puzzle was this: If
origin was traced to Ukpaka Egwu, why was Chukwu
R
Ukpabi consulted? This opposing thought sprang up
IB
bearing in mind that “Divination is the art of finding out the
-L
future and hidden things” (Sarpong, 2002: 101). It was
argued that consultation of Chukwu Ukpabi through
IA
divination to unravel the mysteries behind the death of

R
Ukpaka Egwu’s son meant that there had been divination in

ES
existence before the Ukpaka Egwu’s fishing incidence.

D
Therefore portraying Ukpaka Egwu as the first diviner ever

O
lived was not in order. There should not have been anything
C
like consultation of any sort with a view of finding any thing

hidden, before origin of divination itself.
However, divergent explanations had been given by
different interviewees. Some held that the story was in order.
According to these interviewees, Chukwu Ukpabi was the
10
91
Supreme Being, the Omnipotent and Omniscient.

Divination, being art of foretelling future events through
supernatural means like augury, prophecy and instinctive
prevision, constituted media of communication with the
absolute Being (God).
Following this version, people then claimed that what
Y
they did when they consulted oracles or diviners was to call
AR
on the spirits of their ancestors to come to their aid. The
credibility and reliability of these beliefs did not raise any
R
traces of controversy among the people of Afikpo. But they
were questionable
IB
when subjected to scientific
-L
methodological procedures which prescribed that a
statement was to be taken as meaningful only if it was
IA
capable of empirical verification.

R
The second principle or puzzle was predicated on the

ES
question as to whether or not any of the versions was

D
sufficiently credible to falsify each other.

O
4.03.02. Origin of Divination in Ikem:

C
In Ikem, an Igbo community in Omambala area of

Anambra State of Nigeria, the origin of divination was traced
to one man named Igweagu Akwuo. He was from Idaligwe
village of Ikem. According to a respondent, Igweagu was one
of the earliest descendants of Ikem. He therefore did not see
10
92
the light of formal education but has the ability to counsel a

confused person in order to gain stability in life. It was said
that Igweagu Akwuo used to receive some messages from
unknown being in the night. The unknown being said that
she was a deity call okuku (Arobinagwu). She also said that
Igweagu Akwuo would be her priest and should give her a
Y
chick. She told Igweagu Akwuo that he would experience
AR
different thing again in the night after he might have offered
her a chick. When Igweagu Akwuo carried out the
R
instruction given to him, he was shown in a dream, some
IB
leaves which once the liquid from that was dropped into the
-L
two eyes, one would be seeing many different secret things.
Conjured with these leaves were igbo (a tiny clever type of
IA
fish) and uburu (a chick) used for spiritual sight. Igweagu

R
dropped the liquid from the leaves into his eyes and started
ES
revealing those that were ogbanje (changeling) and those

D
that engaged in witchcraft (amosu). After some time, people

O
advised him to use something to protect himself against

C
possible attack from those evil spirits being exposed. He

therefore made for himself oba (broken calabash) which he
dropped on ground and said his mind as if he was
interpreting the fall of the calabash.
10
93
Later in a dream also, Igweagu was asked to consecrate

his divining materials (oba) with some leaves
(mkpakaakwukwo) shown to him. This would help him in
revelation of secrets. According to a respondent, Igweagu
brought the roots of ekwu and abo (kinds of trees), ofo
(symbol of truth), oseoru (alligator pepper) and uburu
Y
(chick). He put all these in the oba (broken calabash) and
AR
tied them together. He then left them in ajoohia (evil forest)
for one week (otu izu). That was four days. After four days of
R
isolating the tied objects in the evil forest, Igweagu then
IB
brought it home and started using them in divining. In
-L
addition to this, Igweagu employed the efficacy of the leaves
shown to him in a dream when he was about to divine for
IA
people.
R
The reason for leaving the objects for four days in the
ES
evil forest was for the object to learn and understand the
D
language of the spirits which disturbed people. According to

O
Anedo (1987: 28), “The language the spirits speak on eke

C
day is different from the one on oye, the one on oye differs
from that on afo day and so is that spoken on afo day
different from that of nkwo days.” Strong deities of many
types have visited Igweagu while divining and he recognized
them. Since then, any one that lost his or her possession
94 10
always went to Igweagu to be told where the lost possession

was. Sometimes, if there was any impending danger before
the client, Igweagu would tell the person. Because of this,
more people started visiting him for solution to their
problems.
There was one incidence of divination by Igweagu
Y
which earned him greatness in divination. The appropriation
AR
of all he divined about one man called Enemmuo earned him
the praise Ogbawaokwe n’Idaligwe. Enemmuo was a great
R
dibia, herbalist from Nando to move outside the shores of
IB
Nando to cure people of their ailments.
-L
According to a story, there was one trip which
Enemmuo made but he could not come back for thirty
IA
years. His people searched far and wide for him and could
R
not get any information about him. They thought he had

ES
died. When Enemmuo’s relatives went to Igweagu, he told

D
them that their brother was alive. They had doubts because
O
it had been long since he left the town. Their visit to Igweagu
C
was in line with the view expressed by Zahan (1979:89) who

says, “Up till now, as we have seen in the diviner’s daily life,
people visit him whose duty it is to say what would happen
or what has happened in future.”
95 10
In-spite of Igweagu’s pronouncement on Enemmuo’s

condition, Enemmuo’s relations went ahead and organized
his piacular rites. After some times, Enemmuo came back
and panic ensued within the entire Nando town. People
thought they had seen a ghost and flew Nando. They later
came back from where they flew to as a result of fear and
Y
Enemmuo explained everything to them. The news of
AR
Igweagu went far and near. Some people started visiting him
for solution to their problems while some others sent their
R
wards to be trained in the art of divination because of his
exceptional intelligence
IB
and wisdom. That was why
-L
Onwuejeogwu (1981:11) says “The diviners are exceptionally
intelligent and lucky and are custodians of wisdom in Nri.”
IA
This was an attribute to Igweagu among the people of Nando

R
and environs.
ES
The earliest recorded evidence of divination was seen in

D
the Greek tradition. This was during the time of Homer,

O
when the services of a seer was sought to find out the fate of
C
going to war. Hastings (1954:796) records the history of this

consultation by saying:
Agamemnon, for example, does not appear to have
consulted any one but the seer of Kalchas with
regard to the Trojan War. The famous portent of the
serpent and the rest of swallow are interpreted by
him, and Odysseus bids the discouraged army –
96 10
wait a while and see whether Kalchas prophesied

alright or not.
Divination passed through the Roman culture to the
modern age. That was why Shakespeare reported that a
soothsayer warned Caesar to beware of the 15th March.
Caesar not only ignored him but also called him a dreamer.
The Igbo people believed that dream was a form of
Y
divination. They believed that dream was part of the ways
AR
through which their ancestors revealed the concealed events
R
of their lives. They did not therefore ignore the messages of
IB
dream. And even when the messages were not clear to them,
-L
they went to diviner(s) for proper interpretation. To this end,
Okodo (1991:27) says, “Perhaps it could be the handwork of
IA
God that brought divination into existence.” He narrated one

R
Yoruba myth of creation. The myth had it that orumila was

ES
the god of divination because it was beside the Supreme

Deity, Olodumare, during creation and as such it became
D
wise. It became in-charge of divination because it had the

O
wisdom to supply information or messages that were sought.

C

Which spirit is in-charge of divination?
Igbo adage says, “For a little bird to dance in the
middle of the road, it has a drummer in the bush.” This was
exactly what happened in divination. Diviners did not act
10
97
alone. There was a super human being that controlled them.

According to Okodo (1991: 24), “Every definition of
divination points to the fact that divination has a
supernatural backing.” The superhuman was the god of
divination. Among the Yoruba of Western Nigeria, this god of
divination was known as orumila (Abimbola, 1975:1). In
Y
support of this, Bascon (1969) explained that among the
AR
Yoruba, divination was ifa and what was in-charge of it was
orumila. Consequently, Abimbola (1975:1) admits Bascon’s
R
statement and says:
IB
According to Yoruba belief, ifa (otherwise
-L
known as Orumila)… was put in-charge of
divination because of his great wisdom which
he acquired as a result of his presence by the
IA
side of Olodumare when the later created the

R
universe.
For the Igbo people, god of divination was called agwu.
ES
They believed that agwu has control over people’s

D
behaviours especially the diviners. This was why Ogbalu

O
(1981:54) says, “Agwu is the god of medicine and divination

C
who has responsibility for the behaviours of men who act as

if they have no common sense.”
The responsibility of making one a diviner depended on
the type of spirit that lived in one’s agwu. This was because
agwu generally, was believed to be the minister of God in-
98 10
charge of the wellbeing of a family. Agwu, a minister of God,

practiced devolution of power in his ministry. He therefore
assigned certain responsibility to certain heads of
departments within the ministry assigned to him by the
Supreme Being. These heads of departments were aro, udo,
ogwugwu, ovuve, ngene and other lesser deities. One of
Y
these assignments was ime dibia (herbalism) and igba afa
AR
(divination) which agwu assigned to aro sometimes called
arobinagwu. Arobinagwu according to Anedo (1987:33),
R
“…is a deity in-charge of herbalism and divination in
IB
Nando”. Among the Omambala people of central Igbo, there
-L
were many other deities but the greatest of them was aro.
It was discovered that whenever aro: the head of
IA
department in-charge of herbalism went and lived in agwu,

R
it became arobinagwu. This meant that aro was living in

ES
agwu and supervising diviners and herbalists. To

D
understand when and how aro: found its way into agwu a
O
respondent explained that it was a gradual process. Thus,

C
once one had invited or installed agwu in one’s life or

homestead, four things awaited one. First if akpu tree
germinated at the site of where ilu agwu ritual was
performed, it meant that aro had come to stay in that
agwu. If eventually ogilisi (neoboulder) sprang up there, it
10
99
was udo. If what germinated there became oji (iroko) it

signified ogwugwu deity where as nkwu (palm tree) meant
ovuve. According to Anedo (1987:34), “… since oji signified
ogwugwu and nkwu signifies ovuve when akpu
germinated, it then meant that aro had come to live in
agwu.” It was normally a joyful incident for akpu to
Y
germinate at the site of one’s agwu. This was because aro
AR
was believed to mean greatness among the Omambala
people of central Igbo. This was because aro meant oke
R
(male) and to the people of Omambala, only males among
IB
God’s creatures were great. To them one of the qualities of
-L
greatness was ability to give confused ones qualitative
counseling. This was why Onwuejeogwu (1981:11) asserts,
IA
“Agwu tells the diviner the secrets of the world.”

R
It was discovered that what actually possessed

ES
herbalists and diviners was aro (the great deity) living in

D
agwu. Therefore whenever aro living in agwu worked, it

O
became the handwork of agwu. But one thing worthy of

C
note was that whoever that was neither herbalist nor a

diviner could own agwu. However, whenever the great deity,
aro came into the agwu, it became arobinagwu which was
in-charge of divination. This was why sometimes when
Omambala people wanted to discuss one as a great herbalist
10
100
and or diviner; they would say that arobinagwu was in

possession of one. This meant that the person had been
called to be a herbalist and or diviner.
In support of this, Arinze (1970:64) says, “The clearest
and indispensable sign of a vocation to be a dibia is
possession by the spirit agwu, who is the special spirit of
Y
ndi dibia, the spirit of giddiness, rascality, discomposure,
AR
confusion and forgetfulness (mmuo kpasa uche).” Arinze
went further to say that one possessed by agwu could hold
R
a key and kept on looking for it inside the house. Speaking
IB
while asleep was a sign of agwu possession. Presence of
-L
agwu was a sort of distraction; hence agwu was also called
spirit of confusion.
IA
Ogbalu (1972:59) lends his credence to Arinze’s

R
declaration and says, “Agwu as a god of divination chooses

ES
who becomes a diviner.” He went further to say that the call

D
of agwu was by possession especially where some were

O
called to be diviners by undergoing training for it. So

C
divining work was by possession.

However, among the Igbo, every community, clan,
kindred, family had several names for their various deities.
But according to a respondent, attribution of powers to any
deity as being in-charge of divination, depended on such
10
101
deity’s ability to exhibit such powers during divination or

revealing itself in a cure of ailment. Whichever name a deity
answered, depended on the worshippers and what the deity
did for them.
Y
AR
R
IB
-L
IA
Agwu (god of divination)

R
A ( d f di i i )
4.04.1 Agwu Shrine:
ES
When Arinze (1970) was talking about arobinagwu, he

D
said that in a family, sacrifices to the ancestors were done in

O
the head of family’s house. Among the Igbo, the head of

C
family’s house was called obi (house of authority). Obi was a

house where ancestral cult objects, okpesi, ikenga, ofo,
were also kept. But the shrines of some deities like ifejioku
and arobinagwu were found in the nearby bush of the
family’s compound. It was discovered that the shrine of
10
102
agwu was never situated in the town rather in the bush.

The reason for this according to a respondent was for it to
protect the family from mischief of bad spirits and enemies.
It also helped to maintain its holiness and to punish the bad
elements among the people. This was because people
especially women could not get there easily and defy it.
Y
Another reason for this situation according to a respondent
AR
was to help it be conversant with the languages of both bad
and good spirits.
R
So like all other divinities, agwu had its own shrine.
IB
Any ritual for it therefore was done in its shrine. An example
-L
was the ilu agwu ritual. Every kindred or village among
various Igbo communities had a place mapped out for the
IA
deities of the area called ohia alusi (deity forest). Every

R
family had its own portion in such ohia alusi. Some shrines
ES
of agwu were also located within the family compound but

D
should be beside a bush.

O
It was observed that trees like abosi, ogbu, oha and

C
ogilisi were used for agwu shrine. In support of this,

Ogbalu (1982:56) says,
Some plants are used in offering worships to the
idols e.g.; ogirisi, ogbu. Ogirisi is particularly
very important, all okpesi are made from it,
many idols including Ikenga are carved from it
10310
and pieces of it are placed in front of idols before

sacrifices are offered to them.
Those plants used for the shrines differed according to
towns. Some used two or more, others used as many as they
liked. The shrines were regarded sacred and were out of
bound to women. Mbiti (1975:22) contends that “…they
regard such places as holy and sacred places where people
Y
meet with God.” This was significant in the calmness of the
AR
area. Some times, due to the bushy nature of some of the
R
shrines, one felt frightened if one was left alone in the
IB
shrines. In-fact, from the researcher’s observation, if only
-L
the stranger could see some of the shrine forests, the
stranger would be marveled.
IA
4.04.2 The Structure of Agwu Shrine:

R
There were two stages of agwu shrine. The stages were

ES
the primary or early stage and the secondary or later stage.

The primary or early stage of the structure of the shrine
D
differed from that of secondary or later stage. In the first

O
instance, the shrine was constructed with only sacred

C
plants. Such sacred plants were ogilisi, abosi, ogbu and

oha. The plants were cut into eight pieces. These pieces of
plant cut were usually tied round with white clothes. But
one significant event in the structure was the later
germination of akpu tree or oji (iroko) tree within the
104
10
precinct of the shrine which signified greatness to the

owner.
Later, for the fact that those plants were lively, they
grew into big trees which covered those shrines and made
the structure bushy. This was why sometimes, “… when
there is ceremony or ritual to be performed there, people
Y
would be asked to tidy up the shrine” (Anedo, 2006:23). The
AR
structure of the agwu shrine showed that it was man made.
Most shrines of other gods and deities of the Igbo people
R
were found nearby forest or even in forest. Some were beside
IB
rivers and streams, some on mountains, valleys and other
-L
places. Mbiti (1975:19) acknowledges this thus:
Some of these religious places are man made
IA
and may be large enough to look like a big

R
house (which is called a temple). Others are

simple natural from people’s homes and
ES
fields. Even some carved objects like dogs

and ofo stick are also kept there.
D
4.04.3 Ilu Agwu Ritual:

O
Agwu was seen by the Igbo people as the god of

C
divination. It was therefore needed in Igbo man’s life for

man’s optimal performance in life. When one was possessed
by agwu, there was need for one to accept agwu’s hands of
fellowship to avoid disaster in one’s life activities. It was this
10510
acceptance of agwu into the possessed one’s life that was

called ilu agwu ritual. Arinze (1970:64) explains thus:
The person so possessed (onye agwu walu) at
once consults a fortuneteller who explains to him
that Agwu takes no refusal! The possessed
person has simply to choose between accepting or
running mad or at least being a little insane. He
has to accept and perform the preliminary
Y
sacrifice (Ilu agwu) before beginning his training
AR
and initiation.
This ritual was performed for one who was being
influenced by agwu so that he would be free from the
R
IB
embarrassment of agwu. When any abnormal behaviour
-L
was noticed in a person, his kinsmen took him to a diviner
who divined the will of the gods and made it known to the
IA
people. The person who came to the diviner would then

R
know what to do. Ogbalu (1982:72) shares this view by

ES
saying that “... some worship idols in the time of sickness.

They go to diviners and the diviners assign them sacrifices.”
D
It was the Agwu personnel (Ezeagwu or Onyeisi Agwu)

O
who were responsible for ilu agwu ritual. It was his duty to
C
collect all that was marked for the ritual performance. The
following were used for the ritual: eight pieces of yam, a
chick, eight pieces of coins, round dry fish (mgbakolu azu),
salt, bottle of palm oil, small earthen pot and or plate and a
cock (egbene).
106
10
According to a respondent, when these were complete

and placed in ukpa in front of the ogilisi trees already
placed on ground, some incantations were made by the
agwu personnel (being the officiating minister then) while
preparing some concoction. This eventually was put inside
the small earthen plate and placed at where one should call
Y
“the seat of the agwu”. This was believed to be the spirit of
AR
the invoked deity from the maternal home of the possessed.
Having done the above, the fowl (cock) and all that
R
were brought for the ritual were then slaughtered and
IB
cooked or roasted. Normally the sacrifice food was placed on
-L
ogilisi leaves on ground. It was this that the children
around had to share among themselves. The aged then
IA
shared the bigger part not placed on the ogilisi leaves.

R
Now, if one was to become a dibia (herbalist) or

ES
diviner, another ritual had to be performed for him. This was

D
called inu okuku (consecration of calabash). In appreciation

O
of this, Arinze (1970:155) declares, “… the vocation to be a

C
dibia is possession by agwu spirit, who is the special spirit

of ndi dibia, healers”. Agwu therefore was the patron spirit
of divination and diviners. In this situation where the
possession of one by agwu was for that person to become a
dibia after inu okuku proper, one had to go in for training
10
107
though sometimes, certain things were revealed through

dreams and at times when one was in trance. In support of
Arinze, Metuh (1985:164) adds:
Training is done by a more experienced “Dibia”,
under whom a trainee must work as apprentice
for several years until he can put forward claims
to recognition of his own behalf. The initiation
ceremonies include the setting up of shrine for
Y
one personal ‘Agwu’
AR
4.04.4 “Aro” (The Great Agwu) Festival:
In-spite of the fact that both men and women could
R
become dibia (herbalists or healers) among the Igbo, not
IB
every dibia could divine and heal the sick, the same time.
-L
Some actually combined both healing and divination. This
one was a special call. When one had a special call like this,
IA
he stood above others hence the saying: Aro na-eme onye

R
ahu (The great agwu spirit controls the person). Obasi

ES
(1985:8) observes that “Divination is not a profession which

D
anybody is free to take to.” It was also said that aro (the
O
great agwu spirit) led the diviner or herbalist who was

C
progressive in his mbia dibia (healing and divining

adventure). To this type of diviners, the society accorded
them great respect. In concert with this, Basden (1982:224)
concerned himself with the much respect accorded any
deities that had the power of divination. He also stated that
10
108
the deities in-charge of divination served as the last arbiters

thus: “These deities inspire great awe and they are consulted
on various pretexts, and in case of serious disputes, they are
the final courts of appeal, and no one dares question their
verdict.”
In appreciation of the great works of Agwu to the
Y
diviners, they usually offered sacrifices to agwu. They did
AR
this either before embarking on mbia dibia (divining
adventure) or after their return. When they did this, they did
R
it in hurry. It was because agwu was always in hurry. He
IB
did not cool down in taking sacrifices offered to it especially
-L
the one that had taken long time in preparation. That was
why sometimes, the object of sacrifice was roasted else it
IA
would be given to agwu alive. Some of the objects of

R
sacrifice to agwu included: ram, cock, cola nut, yam, and

ES
white soup (ofe nsala). It should be noted that women did

D
not take part in such sacrificial meal. It was strongly

O
believed that agwu was so strong that herbalists and

C
diviners used to cut its friendship before embarking on

divining adventure (ije mbia dibia).
However, the most appropriate time when everyone
inevitably sacrificed to one’s agwu was in the first month
(ona nge) of the native Igbo year, this period fell within the
10
109
months of April and May. It was the time when aro (the
great deity) physically appeared to worshippers in form of
ichakpa (bush baby) in the night. Ajamma (2005:88)
confirms this thus:
At Abubeagu, the Aro deity was in full control
of the night. Aro deity was considered to be
god of good fortune, good luck and protection,
Y
who accompanied Abubeagu people on their
AR
famous journeys across nations, where they
practiced traditional medicine.
The deity was reputed to be sneaking up on people at night
R
in the form of a child or a short man, for the greater part of
IB
ona nge (first month). For that reason, nobody dared go out
-L
late in the night for fear of meeting aro. An example of this
situation was on (Exodus 20:18-19) thus: “When the people
IA
heard the thunder and the trumpet blast and saw the
R
lightening and the smoking mountain, they trembled with

ES
fear and stood a long way off.”

D
Once in a while, there was a claim that someone saw it

O
or that it slapped somebody. This used to go on for about

C
three or four native weeks, that is 12 or 16 days. According

to a respondent, ona nge was a dreamy month for the
youths because with the fear of aro the great, no one would
venture out for play in the moonlight.
110
10
After halving of the moon (izu ato or 12 days of a

month), aro would one day visit the head of Abube
community of Igbo nation (where this happened) in his obi,
where he was sitting or taking a pinch of snuff by the
fireside, during the drowsy part of the night. At that period
of the moon, the community head was already on the alert.
Y
True to expectation according to an interviewee, one day,
AR
aro would sneak into the obi and moved straight towards
the fireside (usoekwu). The community head would then
R
react promptly by picking up burning firewood (onoko), and
IB
aro would instantly vanish into thin air.
-L
The community head would then move out immediately
to the street to throw up the burning firewood shouting; …
IA
aro bulu puo, aro bulu naa enu ora. Soon after, his wife
R
or wives would respond by beating their mortars with

ES
pestles, echoing … aro bulu puo. The neighbours would

D
afterwards follow suit, and very soon all the villagers would
O
be up beating their mortars and shouting aro bulu puo.

C
Then a member of every family would carry a burning

firewood to the village square to throw it up, still echoing
aro bulu puo.
Ajamma (2005:89) recalls that “…it was a memorable
experience witnessing such galaxy of lights, beaming like
10
111
search lights in the dark serene night of the village, with

echoes of aro bulu puo piercing the still of the night.” To
the adults according to an interviewee, it was an occasion to
relish because aro had collected and gone with all the evil
things that were lurking around in the New Year. But the
very little ones shrank in fear under the bosom of their
Y
mothers. The process described above was called isu aro. It
AR
derived its name from the beating of the mortars. Aro bulu
puo was supplication that aro should remove all evil things
R
from the community in the New Year. This marked the end
of the aro festival.
IB
-L
How is divination practiced?
IA
It was discovered that as a profession, divination was

R
not what one could just wake up one day and enter into. For
ES
one to practice divination, one had to be trained so as to

D
acquire all the skills in the profession. This was why Mbiti
O
(1982:166) said that he would call the people specialists

C
whose status was special, their wisdom and role in worship

exposed them as people of importance, special people and
holy ones. Mbiti further said that it was pertinent to point
out that since these specialists had outstanding quality in
their own group, they had language, symbol, wisdom, role,
11210
learning and what he could call their personal prestige

unknown to lay people.
In his contribution, Ekechi (1972: 16) said that the
herbalists especially the priests and diviners were
specialists, who have got handworks after they have gone
through hard and costly training and initiation, and difficult
Y
apprenticeship that was so confusing. Based on these
AR
statements, Zahan (1979:82) adds his view and says, “A
diviner supposes to undergo a long and difficult
R
apprenticeship. It is even necessary to be initiated in a
IB
group well investigated and found worthy of changing one
-L
who is about to lead a holy life.” Among the Igbo, especially
the people of Afikpo in Ebonyi State, Nando, Ikem, Unubi,
IA
Nri (all in Anambra state) and Ogwa in Imo state of Nigeria,

R
even if one inherited divination as profession or not, there

ES
were vital areas of the profession one had to be trained in

D
and there-after undergo initiation therein. Concession there

O
was that such person would not take the same period of
C
apprenticeship as one who was not an heir.

4.05.01. First Initiation:
For hereditary divinatory system among the people,
preparation to be a diviner ought to be immediately one was
born. It was the belief that any one born in such a divination
10
113
society automatically belonged to the clan of diviners. This

was explained that when a male was born, the parents took
cock to arobinagwu (aro deity) to inform it that a potential
diviner was born. This practice was compulsory especially in
Ikem (a town in Omambala area of Igbo land). According to a
respondent, if the parents of the child failed to do this, the
Y
aro deity would be visiting the child whenever he was lying
AR
alone in bed. And as a result, the child would cry on seeing
a strange and frightening object. Sometimes when the baby
R
continued crying in that manner, the parents would look for
IB
the services of diviner whose work, was to tell them what
-L
arobinagwu wanted.
However, sacrificing a cock to arobinagwu would not
IA
make the child a dibia, rather it was in fulfillment of the

R
promise that the child belonged to the clan of diviners. If he

ES
was later found to be destined to be a diviner, he would be a

D
great one in-deed after he was initiated. The initiation

O
usually started with a ritual called inu okuku.

C
4.05.02 Inu Okuku (Consecration of Calabash)

Inu Okuku was a rite performed by potential diviner in
preparation to be a diviner. After the initiation rite, the
initiate would be possessed by the spirit of divination and he
would start to behave abnormally. Among the diviners, the
10
114
abnormality of behaviour by the possessed one was caused

by agwu. Okonkwo (1976:132) was of the view that “Agwu
usually was responsible for misbehaviors in man and that
was why he calls it god of mischief …” In view of this,
Onwuejeogwu (1981:10) says, “To become a diviner is a
thing of confusion. The person, not withstanding his or her
Y
age, must be possessed by agwu before going for training.”
AR
It was not always difficult for agwu to possess
someone. This possession was usually manifested in many
R
problems which normally confronted its victim. It was
IB
because of this that Skeultons (1974: 85) said that spirit
-L
possession of human being resembled sickness such as
madness. He says, “This madness may be in different forms.
IA
It may be a complicated one and as such prolonged. The

R
seriousness of the problem may range from insanity in one

ES
aspect to a mere headache, and body pains on the other

D
end.” Among the Igbo people it was same. It was the belief of
O
the Omambala people that when aro possessed one, one

C
began to be weak: the weakness would at times develop into

fever, stomach pain and others. Such illness would defy all
medication and the victim would continue to deteriorate.
This unusual phenomenon would force the family members
to make inquiries from diviners. The inquiries corresponded
10
115
to Turner’s (1968:301) statement that “At the point where we

might call on the psychotherapist or the lawyer (depending
on the manifestation), the Ndembu call in the diviner.” The
diviner would then interpret the minds of arobinagwu
concerning the sick person. The Igbo people embarked on
such inquires because according to Nwala (1985:118) “Every
Y
major and mysterious happening - misfortune, famine,
AR
disasters, death, sickness, drought, floods, etc, are
attributed to the action of one deity or the other.” When it
R
was discovered that all the problems were signs of a call by
IB
the spirit of divination, people would start calling the victim
-L
a favourable one. This was why the Igbo say Arobinagwu
na-eme ya (he is under the possession of aro deity). This
IA
implied that arobinagwu was calling the person to get

R
prepared to serve him. One could resist this one but once
ES
the call was confirmed, one had no option other than to

D
accept. This was in consonance with Nwala’s (1985:125)

O
view that, “An individual may refuse to be one. His agwu

C
may insist on his becoming one.”

An Igbo adage has it that “… when the cause of
sickness is known, the solution is assured.” Thus when one
discovered that arobinagwu wanted one’s service, one
started preparing for “consecrating of calabash” (inu okuku).
10
116
Things used in performing the rite of inu okuku

included uburu okuko (a chick), egbene (a cock), ji ano
(four tubes of yam), eju (a piece of broken clay pot), ovu obi
akwa ocha (a piece of white cloth) and oji (cola nut). The
possessed in company of four diviners or herbalists would
take all these to arobinagwu.
Y
On getting there, the white cloth would be tied round
AR
the arobinagwu and the cola nut would be broken and
eaten after using it to inform the arobinagwu about the
R
objective of their visit. At the end, the cock was killed and
IB
the blood was used to smear the body of the arobinagwu.
-L
The remains of the cock and the yam would be roasted and
eaten by the diviner and the chick would be tied to the
IA
arobinagwu while its severed head would be left to the aro

R
deity, the head of the chick would be put inside a clay pot at
ES
the shrine. This done, some herbs called owube and owagu
D
would be in the same clay pot. Finally, the pot would be put
O
on fire. It would be on fire till all the things inside it turned

C
into ashes. The ashes would then be collected and put inside
the calabash which would be wrapped with white cloth,
smeared with the cock’s blood and beautified with the
feathers. It was this rite that was called inu okuku
(consecration of calabash). Having finished the consecration,
10
117
the okuku (calabash) would be sacred and so would be ofo

(a symbol of truth and authority) which was also
consecrated after being smeared with the cock’s blood and
beautified with feathers. Later, all these would be handed to
the possessed one and he was expected to be sacrificing to it
from time to time to ensure its efficacy. That was why
Y
Onwuejeogwu (1981:11) says, “Every diviner owns agwu,
AR
his family and children offer sacrifice to them to make them
become aggressive.”
R
A respondent said that the reason behind giving a new
IB
diviner the okuku was to remind the newly initiated that the
-L
efficacy and sacredness of the okuku which visited the
founder and originator of divination- Igweagu Akwuo in a
IA
dream was still what it was. It was also the same thing with
R
the okuku, which Ojenammuo brought from God. With the

ES
assurance of the efficacy of the okuku, the new diviner could

D
carry his okuku along any time he was giving divination

O
services to his clients. The arobinagwu which inhabited the

C
okuku would also protect the diviner from any evil. The ofo,
which he also carried along any time he was practicing his
profession, was a symbol of authority and justice to
convince his client that his revelations to them would not be
in doubt.
10
118
The inu okuku –consecration of okuku – acted as a

launching pad which shot the new or young diviner into his
profession. Immediately after the consecration rites, the new
diviner was possessed by the spirit that revealed herbs,
roots and branches of trees with which he could solve all
problems. The revelation often took place when he was in a
Y
dream or a trance. It was discovered that the rite of
AR
consecration of okuku was normally performed by both
herbalists and diviners. The real training in the profession
R
by both the diviner and the herbalist would commence after
IB
the performance of the rites of consecrating the okuku.
-L
4.05.03 Training of Diviners among the Igbo:
There were two traditions about how diviners were
IA
trained. The first tradition was latent and the second was
R
manifest.
ES
a. The Latent Training Method:

D
There was a dialectical relationship between the origin of

O
divinatory system and the method of training associated

C
with it. The latent training method logically was derived from
the hereditary divinatory system. In Afikpo according to a
respondent, the hereditary system was more popular. The
system involved choosing one to be a diviner or herbalist by
the spirit of ancestors at conception. In latent training
11910
method, therefore, the ingenuity to perform wonders, the

powers of extra sensory perception and other virtues were
hidden or intent in the person right from birth. This was
why Fried (1968: 291) states, “In contrast to the position of
priest, who learns his religious knowledge through informal
training period, in many societies there are religious
Y
specialists whose powers come directly from the
AR
supernatural forces, spirits or gods.” On this it was believed
that all the latent powers were present in the person but yet
R
unrealized. Although these qualities and possibilities which
IB
existed in an individual were still in an undeveloped state, it
-L
was thought of as capable of coming into full activity of some
future times. As the potential young diviner grew up many
IA
unusual phenomena usually took control of his psychic and

R
behaviour. According to popular diviner from Okpanam

ES
Nwokoacha Ugbode (a Delta Igbo town), the young man

D
displayed signs of being very prosperous from his youth: he

O
was adventuristic and risk- taking; he could get lots of

C
money but they would mysteriously disappear. He could

build a hut and storm would pull it down. He would
continue with a lot of ups and downs till an oracle were
consecrated and he was declared a potential diviner. He
refused to assume office on the ground that diviners were
120
10
dirty and striking. Eventually when he acquiesced, he would

have series of tutorial trances both in the day and more in
the nights. All these symptoms were what Turnbull
(1976:131) calls “… symptoms usually associated with
mental illness.”
Nwokoacha Ugbode further narrated how he sometimes
Y
in a dream or a trance saw himself feeling sick but could not
AR
be cured by all medicine men and diviners invited including
those he knew when they were alive as great herbalists.
R
Ugbode said that even his forebears appeared to him. As his
IB
forebears appeared according to Nwokoacha Ugbode, each of
-L
them strove to present to him special herbs and tree barks.
When he (Nwokoacha Ugbode) woke up, he rushed to the
IA
bush and got those that he could still recognize. He revealed

R
that when he got all these barks and roots of trees that were
ES
shown to him and mixed them, gave to whoever that was

D
sick, the sick person got healed. The diviner also confessed
O
that he used to attend sessions on herbs gathering in the

C
company of his father who was also a diviner when he lived.

He inherited some of his father’s paraphernalia and
apparatus.
A female diviner from Ikem in Anambra State narrated
her ordeal when she was called to divination. She lost four
121
10
male children and three female children soon after she was
called. The revelation started with violent and destructive
frenzies. She ran berserk and slept in bushes for eight days
with neither food nor drinks. She met with spirit of various
likenesses which asked her to pluck and chew a total of
twenty three leaves that bestowed on her the powers of
Y
extra-sensory perception. Initially, she was given eight
AR
pebbles which she placed on her hands and these increased
her visual perception.
R
The training continued when these same spirits asked
IB
her to sleep for some nights by the side of Ezu River. There,
-L
a water spirit emerged from the river and placed some
special pebbles into her palms. This encounter marked the
IA
day when her herbal medicine business began. She reported

R
that during trances and sleeps, the spirits waved green

ES
leaves and herbs across her face and she then started to use
D
these herbs according to the pharmaceutical prescriptions

O
given by these benevolent spirits. This female diviner’s

C
encounter was in line with the statement that “… symbols

and spirits tend to become relevant for human action when
scientific knowledge is inadequate” (Beattie, 1965:228). It
was discovered that the young dibia took along with him,
the okuku (calabash) consecrated for him to wherever he
12210
went for the purposes of healing. This was on the belief that
the spirit that led him would as well reveal herb, root and
true barks which he would use in healing sick people. A
herbalist could start practicing his profession soon after his
encounter with the spirit.
However when his function involved divination as well,
Y
it was imperative that the person must undergo training.
AR
The training involved learning afa language or slang. A
young diviner would take apprenticeship under a renowned
R
diviner to learn the afa alphabets, words, sentences and
IB
interpretation. In support of this, Mbiti (1982:178) says,
-L
“Diviners accept apprenticeship under others and as well
work for them for about three to seven years.” Mbiti further
IA
said that training of this form touched on names and

R
efficacy of afa beads. The training also involved learning

ES
how to offer sacrifices and methods of divination.

D
b. Manifest Training Method:

O
The manifest method entailed outward training of

C
apprentices by an older diviner. This involved teaching the

apprentice the art of medicine which included taking the
apprentice into the bushes and introducing known and
identifiable herbs to him. Such herbs were usually brought
home and all the ceremonies and rituals associated with it
123
10
were performed. Sometimes, some of the herbs required

being administered fresh dried while some were burnt and
administered in ashy forms.
The training would require certain level of dedication
and fellowship without which the apprentice could not go
on. Usually, there were certain behavioural traits expected of
Y
such apprentices. In Ogwa (Imo State), a respondent who
AR
was an apprentice listed some of the ways of life of an
apprentice. He said that one would not sleep with a woman
R
on some days, during certain ceremonies and must not eat
IB
meat of certain animals and foods. Also an apprentice and a
-L
diviner must not drink beer. It was because their deities did
not take pleasure in taking beer which was alien to the Igbo
IA
culture. One must not rape any women. To rape any woman
R
would make such a diviner unholy and therefore would not

ES
understand the spirits when they spoke. One must not steal
D
also. The reason for these restrictions according to Anedo

O
(2004:3) is “…to avoid the punishment and wrath of the

C
gods” which called him to serve the people.

During the period of training, the apprentice must
accompany his mentor to out-station clinical missions. He
was expected to stay close by and help in mini-medicinal
and divinatory procedures. He would also learn proverbs,
10
124
the rhetorics and poetic formations involved in incantations

and invocation.
The training was very strenuous and that was why
Onwuejeogwu (1981:11) said that some of the apprentices
sometimes discontinue without learning anything. To
prevent the apprentices from abandoning their trainings,
Y
their trainers normally prepared charms for them. This
AR
charm helped them stay and learn the needs of the
profession as fast as possible. One of the charms prepared
R
for an apprentice was called atu. This helped diviners in
establishing good
IB
relation, cursing someone and in
-L
prophesying.
The duration of the apprenticeship was not fixed. Any
IA
body could disengage from one’s master and stays on his

R
own. But there was need to reach an acceptable level of

ES
perfection on the job so as to reach a high level of credibility

D
and marketability.
O
4.05.04 Afa Instruments :

C
There were a lot of artifacts which a diviner made use

of in his profession. Some of these were peculiar to him.
These instruments varied according to the society in which
the diviner practiced. It also depended on the type or
method of divination being used by the diviner. For instance,
125
10
mechanical system of divination employed different

instruments from that used in invocatory or incatational
system.
In invocatory system, sometimes the diviner used
raffia fronds to demarcate the darker part of his shrine
where he stayed from the outside room meant for his clients.
Y
The client was only expected to hear and not see the diviner
AR
during the process of divination. It was only on special
arrangement and much persuasion that the diviner accepted
R
to show up his face from his hideout. Commenting on this,
Nwala (1985:124) says:
IB
-L
From early morning till perhaps the end of the
day, you find, in the chamber of the diviner,
IA
several people lined up and waiting in turns,

(as if in a waiting room of a medical consultant)
R
to consult the oracle.

ES
Some diviners used oji (cola nuts), some used water

while some used mirror, animal entrails, reading of lines of
D
human palms and interpretation of ugiri beads. All these

O
helped the diviner in the effective dispensation of his duty by

C
interpreting the minds of the spirits. Zahan (1979: 86) says

that “…afa instruments are like media between the diviners
and the Supreme Being.” Certain processes were involved in
using these instruments and each of them had its values. It
was discovered that:-
12610
a. A Calabash:
Small sized calabashes would be brought singly by the
clients who came to find out which of their ancestors
reincarnated into the newborn baby. A piece of this calabash
would be in turn given to clients who had new born babies
before they entered their homes.
Y
The piece of the calabash would be placed in front of
AR
the door to the woman’s house and water would be thrown
up to the roof of the house and be allowed to drop on the
R
calabash. The woman who had just given birth, would
IB
match on the calabash and smash it to pieces. This was
-L
believed to be capable of protecting the new baby and its
mother from evil spirits and people with evil intentions
IA
towards them.
R
b. Tortoise Shell:
ES
The diviner usually used a tortoise shell which was

D
claimed as the major instrument of divination. It was said

O
that spirit forces came to inhabit the shell immediately

C
diviner started beating it during divination. Philips (1971:

249) subscribes to this view hence his statement, “In the
shang dynasty, shoulder blades of oxen and the bottom
shells of tortoise were inscribed and heated.” A message was
127
10
derived from the pattern of cracks formed across the

inscription after heat was applied.
Y
AR
R
IB
-L
Okpokoro Mbe (Tortoise Shell):
IA
C. Surcer Full of Cowry Shells:

R
Cowry shells in a surcer were used by some diviners

ES
for divination. Some diviners put these in an earthen pot. In

certain areas especially the Delta Igbo people and the people
D
of Omambala in Anambra state, cowry shells were used to

O
determine who actually was called to serve the spirit of

C
divination.
During the process of confirming a person called by the
spirit of divination, the possessed would be pushed into the
place where the shells were dropped. The person then was
expected to use his animal skin fan (azuzu) to draw about
12810
forty pieces with one deep of the fan into the heap of
cowries. The cowries would be counted. If they were exactly
forty in number after they had been counted by a group of
seers, the person was confirmed to be true “seer”.
During divination, the cowries were believed to help in
the interpretation. The cowries performed the same function
Y
as the ugiri bead.
AR
d. Ugiri Shells:
In Igbo communities, ugiri is the most commonly used
R
afa instrument. Booth (1977:47) showcased ugiri as what
IB
helped the diviner to commune with the ancestors and
-L
thereafter interpret the problems of his clients. The shells
were made from ogbono seed. They were usually sown
IA
together with bones of a type of fish called usolo in four

R
rings.
ES
The shells that were sown in four separate ropes would

D
be sixteen in number. These were called ikpukpara or afa

O
seed. Ugonna (1984:30) rightly points out when he says,

C
“The ikpukpara is based on the principles of the sixteen

configuration of mkpuru afa (afa seeds). They were ogbi,
akwu, ogeli, odii, ululu, agali, obala, okala, ijite, ora,
aka, atulukpa, otule, ete, ose and ovu.”
10
129
After the preparation of afa seeds, the next was a rite

of consecration. This involved taking the mkpuru afa to the
market or village square where the dibia, medicine man,
would chew cola nut and spit on it, dig a hole at the center
of the square and bury it. This was to enable it to
understand the language of both the spirit and those people
Y
that passed through the square.
AR
The ikpukpara would stay in the hole for days after
which it would be collected and washed with egg (akwa
R
okuko). There after, the diviner would start using it in his
IB
divination to interfere and reveal the future. This was why
-L
Zahan (1979:86) says:
The interpretation of ‘afa’ seeds bring in ‘afa’
IA
instruments and things that help him to fulfill his

R
thought and the authority he has to reveal the

future. He solves the problems of the sick through
ES
the help of all these.

This interpretation involved reading and voicing out
D
whatever each of the ugiri shells said. Each of them

O
represented a word and at the same time meant something

C
to the diviner. A respondent was of the opinion that afa

was equivalent to reading a book. In doing this, diviners
displayed intelligence. As intelligence was important in
education so it was in the interpretation of afa because one
diviner could be said to know afa more than another.
130
10
A diviner could interpret the names associated with

these ugiri shells when they opened and when they closed.
The afa alphabets were: ogbi, ete, otule, obala, ora, ose,
okala, ijite, odii, ogute, ogheli, atulukpa, ovu, aka,
ululu and aghali. It was these alphabets that the diviner
interpreted as they fell and from there told his client what
Y
his or her problem was and how to solve it.
AR
R
IB
-L
IA
R
Mkpuru afa, (divination seeds).

ES
e. Feathers:
D
Diviners used bunch of feathers which was believed to

O
be aiding them during divination. The bunch of feathers

C
exposed the minds and thoughts of spirits during divination.

131
10
Ugbene Okuko (feather)
Y
f. Water:
AR
Benton (1964:506) says that “…water divining or
dowsing has been widely used”. Actually, even among the
R
Igbo, water was a very useful instrument of divination. It
IB
was believed that a greater number of strong spirits lived in
-L
the waters. That was why some diviners drew water from the
rivers and kept them either in a plate, clay pot or in the hole
IA
dug at the centre of their shrine. They did this on the belief
R
that since that water was drawn from the rivers where the
ES
spirits lived; there was the possibility that spirits were

D
drawn as well. These spirits usually stimulate the third eyes

O
of the diviners and helped them to understand and interpret

C
effectively the minds of the unseen.

g. Mirror:
Some diviners who made use of mirror in their work
claimed that they used the mirror to draw whatever spirit
they wanted closer to themselves. This was why they
10
132
normally focused their eyes on the mirror as they went on

interpreting the minds of the spirits to their clients.
h. Ofo:
Ofo was a symbol of truth and authority. It was
therefore used during divining session to intensify the
authority bestowed on the diviner. The diviner, realizing the
Y
implication of this, usually said nothing but the truth
AR
concerning the minds of the earth, ancestors, and spirits
during divination. He would be in trouble if he deviated from
R
the truth.
IB
-L
IA
R
ES
D
Ofo (symbol of authority)

O
i. Gong:
C
Gong was used to wake the spirits up and to call their

attention to the questions being directed to them by the
diviner. According to Hornby (2001:511), “Gong is a round
piece of metal that hangs in a frame and makes a loud deep
133
10
sound when hit with a stick.” When this was hit in order to
make sound, it elicited information from the spirits.
Y
AR
R
Ogene (gong)
j. Ogwu:
IB
-L
This was any type of small stick picked to represent a
suspect during divination.
IA
k. Ufo or Okwa:
R
Ufo or Okwa was a type of carved wooden plate used in

ES
storing the local chalk called nzu

D
O
C
Okwa nzu na oji (bowel of cola nut)

134
10
I. Nzu:
Nzu was a symbol of cleanliness, open mindedness
and purity. It therefore signified the purity, cleanliness and
open mindedness of the diviners. Diviners used it to draw
four lines on the ground signifying four Igbo market days;
Eke, Orie, Afo, and Nkwo. The nzu therefore was used to
Y
invoke the spirits that owe the four days so that they would
AR
contribute to the solution of the problem being sought. The
diviners also used it to paint their eye lids because it was
R
believed to be capable of ensuring clearer spiritual vision
during divination.
IB
-L
IA
R
ES
D
O
C
Nzu (Igbo native chalk: symbol of purity)

m. Ekpili:
Ekpili was made of ekpili bean seeds. It introduced
melodious music which the diviner usually employed
during divination to invite the spirits. The spirits were
10
135
believed to be enjoying music. Thus as they were in relaxed

mood, they would expose every hidden problem being
sought.
n. Oji:
Oji (cola nut) is used during divination. It was used to
appease the gods and seek for their favours in the solution
Y
of the clients’ problems. Breaking of cola nut was the first
AR
rite normally performed before ascertaining from the clients
the reason for their mission. It was a symbol of love and
R
accommodation or hospitality. It was like what Idigo
IB
(2002:23) says, “After these inquiries, the father of the house
-L
calls the wife to present the visitor with a cola nut.”
IA
R
ES
D
O
C
Oji (cola nut)

o. Igba Egede:
Igba egede was a twin long drum used to wake the
spirits of divination and ginger them into action. It was the
13610
belief that sometimes the spirits seemed to be asleep and

therefore needed to be stirred up into action. The two
drums (two in one) produced male and female sounds.
Female sound was light while the male was heavy.
Sometimes the diviner recited some chants while beating the
drums melodiously. This melodious music also affected the
Y
clients by psychologically lessening their trouble at that
AR
moment. In support of this, Hastings (1954:778) writes:
“Northern Asian use drum in divining, but in some other
R
cases the possessing spirit speak by the mouth of the
IB
wizard, as among the Tehi-speaking people, whose priests
-L
are possessed, not by spirits, but by gods.”
IA
R
ES
D
O
C
Igba egede (Twin drum)

p. Ring:
Some diviners used ring as one of the afa instruments.
In doing this, the ring would be suspended and the
movement in the air interpreted. Benton (1964:506)
137
10
acknowledged this as he says that the instruments for

divination are “… the divining rod, water, suspended ring,
Bible and key.”
q. Bible:
It was discovered that due to the impact of Christian
religion on Igbo traditional belief system, some diviners in
Y
Igbo culture area used the Bible, status of Jesus Christ and
AR
that of the Blessed Virgin Mary as divination instruments.
These diviners did so in order to convince their suspecting
R
clients of Christian denomination that they, the diviners had
added powers.
IB
To Bascon (1959:293) “Diviners have
-L
adopted new techniques as the result of European
influences, they employ dice, playing cards and dominoes in
IA
a variety of ways to prognosticate.” Younger diviners called

R
upon the Christian God to give them added power, and

ES
when Christians consulted them, objects of Christian

D
religion like statue of Jesus were utilized. Some diviners

O
threw the cross on the ground and posed a question.

C
Whenever the figure of Jesus faced up, the answer was

“yes”, but when it faced down, it was “no”.
Another method involved opening the Bible at random
and reading the advice contained on the page. Though most
diviners could not read, they professed the ability to
10
138
ascertain the message from God by using the Bible which

revealed the answer to the clients’ problems.
r. Key:
Some diviners also used key as part of their
instruments of divination. Here, the success and failure of
such divining affair depended on how freely or hardly the
Y
key locked or unlocked. If the key locked freely, it implied
AR
success but if it locked or unlocked with difficulties it
implies failure.
R
All these were divining instruments used by diviners of
IB
various culture areas of Igbo land. It should be understood
-L
here that it was due to the various types of divining
instruments that led to many forms of divination being
IA
practiced. There should therefore be need to analyze the

R
various forms of divination.

ES
4.05.05 Methods of Divination:

D
Many methods of divination were identified in Igbo

O
culture area. These methods were classified into internal

C
and external methods or forms following the criteria defined

by Benton (1964:506).
a. Internal Method:
The results of these methods depended on sensory or
motor automatisms or mental impressions. Among sensory
10
139
automations, crystal gazing was analogous to dreams except

that the vision was voluntarily initiated, through little, if at
all, under the control of the scryer. In addition to sensory
automations and dreams, other methods under this
classification (i.e. internal method) were divining rod
method; water divining or dowsing; sieve held suspended;
Y
suspended ring; Bible and key. In using the Bible and key
AR
method, “The book suspended by a key tied in with its
wards between the leaves and supported on two persons’
R
fingers and the whole turns round when the name of the
IB
guilty” (Benton 1964:506) was mentioned. Trance speaking
-L
as an internal method was also on use in Igbo culture area.
This method involved the formation of mental impression of
IA
problematic issues and voicing out what the diviner had

R
visualized. In a high stage these utterances were termed or

ES
called oracles. Other methods were divining through

D
palmistry and lying of cards. The diviners normally formed

O
mental impression of the palm and or the card and as

C
Benton (1964:506) explained, through the aid of mental

impressions akin to clairvoyance, fortunes were told
successfully by means of palmistry or by laying the cards.
14010
b. External Method:
External divination involved making inference from
external facts. Methods under this classification were many.
For instance, Polynesia method according to Benton
(1964:506) involved spinning coconut like a teetotum to
discover a thief. Similarly, at Ikem (a community in
Y
Omambala) Ita was a method through which a culprit was
AR
detected through the use of water and cow tail. Here the
suspects were asked to get water from any where and pour it
R
into a plate. Thereafter, they came one after the other and
IB
knelt before an ofo shaped-like object and uttered some
-L
words. After this, the cow tail was dipped into the water
which would be dropped into the suspect’s two eyes. If the
IA
water turned to chichangene (little bean seed with black

R
and read colours), the suspect would be adjudged the real

ES
culprit.
D
Other examples of methods of divination included

O
haruspication, or the inspection of entrails of animals;

C
scapulumancy or divination by the spealbone or shoulder

blade; divination by foot prints in ashes; observation of the
behaviour and cries of birds such as owl, and meeting with
omnivorous animals. All these methods involved the ability
of the diviner in interpreting the implications of each omen.
10
141
O’Boyle (1966) classified divination into natural

divination and artificial divination or inductive divination. It
was discovered that O’Boyle and Bascon did the same
classification but differed in the use of terminologies.
Despite the differences in terminologies used by Benton and
O’Boyle, the following methods of divination were also
Y
discovered.
AR
i. Ornithomancy:
Ornithomancy was divination based on the flight,
R
crying, and eating of various species of birds.
ii. Dedonomancy:
IB
-L
This was divination by observation of human signs,
actions and utterances. Examples included sneezing (which
IA
the Igbo believed to be a bad sign from enemies), twitching of

R
hand, lips and eye lids.

ES
iii. Extipicy:
D
Extipicy was divination based on the examination of

O
the entrails of animals.

C
iv. Pyromancy or Empyromancy:

This involved observation of the actions of wood, bone,
eggs, flour, or incense when flown on a sacrificial fire.
10
142
v. Hydromancy:
Hydromancy was divination by the use of water.
According to O’Boyle (1966:914), “The actions of springs and
fountains are observed as offerings are thrown into them.” If
the offering did not sink, it was regarded as very bad sign. It
was commonly practiced with a dish or a basin.
Y
vi. Meteorological Divination:
AR
Meteorological divination involved the interpretation of
the heavenly bodies and events. For instance, sometime,
R
among the Igbo shooting stars were interpreted as a sign of
IB
a wealthy man’s exit from the face of the earth.
-L
vii. Astrology:
This had to do with planets and the stars and their
IA
supposed influence on the lives of man. According to O’Boyle

R
(1966:914), this “… had been developed in the near East and

ES
spread throughout the Greco-Roman world with further

D
elaboration after the conquest of Alexander the Great.” In

O
Astrology, the general direction of one’s life was interpreted

C
from the direction or position of the stars at the time of one’s

birth.
Viii. Okwe:
Okwe divination is based on the principle of direct
vision. In this method, some diviners used to gaze into a
14310
mirror, some dropped some liquid from herbs into their eyes,
some used to gaze into an empty clay pot and then tell their
clients what had happened or would happen to them. Some
of them like the Igbe group among the Delta Igbo and
Omambala people of Anambra state, at the climax of their
worship, went into trance and voiced out whatever they saw
Y
concerning any of the worshippers. This form was analogous
AR
to Benton’s internal methods and O’Boyle’s natural method.
R
IB
-L
IA
R
ES
D
O
C
Dibia afa mmiri, oji, ugogbe na oku (Diviner combining

water, cola, mirror and empty clay pot).
14410
Y
AR
R
IB
Dibia afa ugogbe (diviner using mirror).
-L
ix. Ugiri:
Some Igbo called this Ikpukpara: Ikpukpara
IA
according to Ugonna (1984:30) “… based on the principles of

R
the sixteen configuration of mkpuru afa (afa seeds),” this

ES
method also was analogous to Benton’s External method

D
and O’Boyle’s Artificial or Inductive method. It was scientific

O
in the sense that it was physically observed and could be

C
traced and re-examined by another diviner using the same

device.
4.05.06. Onu afa (afa language):
Among the Igbo, it was discovered that diviners could
read out the message of ugiri with the language called onu
10
145
afa – afa dialect or afa language. The diviners spoke onu

afa while divining. In his opinion Ogbalu (1972.58) says,
“Afa language is the utterances made by the diviner any
time he drops ugiri on the ground, picks them and drops
them again.”
During divination, the diviner dropped these chained
Y
ugiri on the ground and arranged them in straight lines. He
AR
drew them back and threw them up. When those ugiri fell,
each of them fell according to the directive of the spirit.
R
Some could face or back the ground. They could fall right
IB
and left ways and or on top of one another. As this
-L
happened, the diviner knocked on each of them with the
little ofo called ogu. He asked them questions concerning
IA
their falls. This time they would tell the diviner in their
R
language which the diviner then translated to his clients in a

ES
simple language.
D
This was why Benjamin (1976:104) says, “… diviners

O
first of all ask certain questions and make efforts to know

C
the problem.” Concerning the language and its

interpretation to the client, Pelton (1980:286) says, “…
diviner is like a medical doctor who has special language of
a specialist but it does not disturb him from having
discussion with sickness for better understanding.”
10
146
Each of these ugiri had names like ogbi, ora, ijite,

atulukpa, ovu, obala, ululu, akwu, ete, ogheli, aghali,
ogute, otule, okala, aka, odii and others. When they were
spread on ground, any one that backed ground was called
ogbi. In reading out the pieces of ugiri like A, B, C, D, E, to
construct sentences, it could start from the right to the left
Y
side or from left to right hand side.
AR
The highlights of the findings on the language of
ugiri were:-
R
Ogbi
1. a
IBOdii
-L
Ete
IA
Ora
R
ES
4 3 2 1
D
Afa Igbo English

O
Ora Ihe na-eke ka anu. Something that

C
o buru mmadu, o shines like sun

buru Nwora if a human being,
it becomes Nwora
Ete Ihe mberede Sudden thing
Ogbi Iga ogologo ogologo Going straight
Odii Ndeli (etiti anasi) Midnight

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147
If one wanted to interpret one fall of four chains of ugiri,

(that is one fall of a set), one had to merge the 4th and 2nd
lines and merge the 3rd and 1st lines which would be used to
read what afa said. In doing this, the arrangement would
be:-
Y
1. b.
AR
R
IB 1 + 4 = Odiiora
-L
3 + 1 = Eteora
4 + 2 = Oraogbi
IA
R
ES
4 3 2 1
D
O
C
Afa Igbo English

Odii Ora E mecha a ya- eku It will be alright
ume (oga-adi ndu)
Ete Odii Ka e mechie okwu Lets close the matter
Ora Ogbi Nwanne Relation
10
148
2.
1 + 4 = Odiiora
4 + 2 = Oraogbi
Y
3 + 1 = Eteodii
AR
R
IB
4 3 2 1
-L
Afa Igbo English
IA
Otule naabo Ikpe abuo Two cases

R
Otule Ikwu okwu/ikpe Case

ES
Ogute Oke ive Great thing

D
Ovu Otu ive One thing

O
Otule ogute Ikpu ive joro njo To cover bad thing

C
Ovu otule Inwe anuri To be glad

10
149
1 + 4 = Odiiora
4 + 2 = Oraogbi
3 + 1 = Eteodii
3 + 4= Eteora
Y
3.
3 + 2 = Eteogbi
AR
1 + 2 = Odeogbi
R
4 3 2 1 4 + 1 = Oraodii
IB
-L
Afa Igbo English
Aka naabo Ojije ive Journey
IA
Aka Ihe a maghi aka ya something that could

not be understood
R
Akaotule Eji m ofo I am innocent

ES
Obalaaka A kwadolu m n’ihe m I have a support in

na-eme what I am doing
D
Otuleobala A kwadolu m n’ihe m I will be a winner

Otuleogbi Ilite uva To have gain
O
C
In reading out other sentences, these were discovered

Afa slang Igbo language English language
Ogbiakwu Otutu mmadu. Many people.
Ogbinaabo Ka anyi jeve, ndi Two travelers embarking on a
njem abuo, ije ije journey twice,
ugbo abuo, ejeeanaa Safe journey.
150
10
Ogbiatulukpa Ikpo izu, idokwe ive, Calling for meeting,

ichu aja propiciation rite, and sacrifice.
Ogbiotule Anuli,iji ovo,(Ejimofo), Happiness,beingtruthful,(name)
Inwe ezi akalaka having good luck
Ogbiaka Ojije Going
Ipu mbia dibia Embarking on a healing
adventure
Ogbiete Okuko Fowl
Ogbiogheli Uburu, ive di obele Chick, small thing
Y
Ogbiovu Igba mbo, ime ive di Struggling, doing a surprising
AR
anaa thing
Ogbiose Nso, ive di nso Near , something very close
Ogbiogute Mgbugbo, ive idi Boundry, something beside
R
mmadi n’akuku one
IB
Ogbiaghali Olili, ndaghali, ive Feasting, merriment,
idako onu something happening
-L
coincidentally.
Ogbiora Ive a rapulu arapu, Something surrendered, to
ikute ume ndu have rest.
IA
Ogbiodii Ive itua n’ukwusi ana Something being very close

Ogbiokala Agba e gbulu egbu Appointment
R
Ogbiobala Evivio, ive meli Daylight, something that is

ES
n’evivio. open.
Ogbiululu Akwa, akwa alili. Cry, inflicting cry
D
Eteokala Nwaanyi a nutali A married woman.

anuta
O
Eteosusu Akwuna Harlot

C
Eteogute Akwukwo naato, Cooking stove, a woman with

nwaanyi mulu nwa children.
Eteaghali Ibo mbo, mbokili Retaliation, Disagreement.
EteOtule Oji Cola
Eteululu Nwaanyi obuna Any female humanbeing
Etenaabo Ive ibide (ive Sudden event (unexpected)
mbelede).
Eteaka Ive teli aka (ive meli Something very far (something
151
10
gboo). of old).
Eteakwu Mkpotu, uzu, isinne Noise, disquetness, hen with
okuko. chicks.
Eteatulukpa Nwaanyi (ada) Female humanbeing (daughter
Eteovu Goodness
Ive idi mma, ive iju oyi of a thing,
conduciveness, being cool.
Eteose Eziokwu, iyi, inwu iyi Sincerity, oath, oath taking.
Eteobala Ive ghe oghe Something that is clear.
Eteora Igba ama To reveal
Y
Eteodii Ikwachi ive, imechi To repair or mend something.
AR
ive,
Eteogheli Okwu mechili emechi Closed matter.
Eteogbi Mmili. Waters.
R
Ululunambo Ugwo, ikwu ugwo. Debt. Payment of debt.
Ji,
IB
Ululuaka Yam.
Ululuakwu Ajo nli mmadi lili. Bad food eaten by someone.
-L
Ululuete Ede, ndaghachi azu. Cocoa-yam, setback in life.
Ululuotule Uva, ilite uva. Gain, to make profit.
Ululuodii Akaazu, ajonli, ive Bribery, bad food, dirty
IA
nkwukwuli. business,
R
Ululuose
Ukwala, ajonli, nsi. Cough, bad food, poison.
Ululuaghali
ES
Ive olili. Edible thing.

Ululuogute
Ji Yam.
Ululuatulukpa
D
Uva, ilite uva. Gain, to have gain.

Ululuogbi
Uva, ilite uva. Gain, to have profit.
O
Ululuora
Aguu Hunger
Ululuovu
C
Nli, ive olili. Food, edible thing.

Ululuokala
A kacha a kaboo Disappointment.
Ululuobala To be happy, to be a winner.
Ili ive, inwe mmeli.
Ululuogheli Food, to eat poisoned food.
Nli, nlibi ive.
Ijitenambo Okpolouzo. Main road.
Ijiteaka Iwenyi aka ndu To be free from problem, To be
enu, aka ikenga. progressive in life.
Ijiteakwu Akwali, itili mmadu Protection, to give one
152
10
akwali. protection.
Ijiteete Alusi bi na mmili. Water deity.(udo, omalagba)
Ijiteaghali Anu nweli ukwu Animal with two legs.
nambo.
Ijiteose Udo, ive na-eme Udo deity, untrustworthiness.
nrughali.
Ijiteatulukpa Ntakwulu mmadu To whisper into someone’s
okwu. ears.
Ijiteogbi Uvo, chi ovuvo. Brightness, dry season, better
Y
days.
AR
Ijiteora Chi. Guardian angel.
Ijiteovu Chi. Guardian angel.
Ijiteokala Ukwu, ukwu Leg, human leg.
R
mmadu.
IB
Ijiteobala Ukwu isi mmadu To be alright. To be firm.
ike n’ana.
-L
Ijiteodii Ive na-eji nji, anasi. Black, night.
Ijiteotule Anuli, Onu. Happiness, joy.
Ijiteogheli Nkiti, ive nkiti. Nothingness, vain.
IA
Ijiteululu Avia oye, ima oso.

Oye market day, unhappiness.
R
Otulenambo Ikpe.
Case, trouble.
Otuleaka Mkpu, iti mkpu.
ES
Shout, to shout.
Otuleakwu Uzu, ivio uzu.
Noise, making noise.
Otuleete Utu, uta.
D
Penis or arrow.
Otuleaghali Iyi
Oath.
O
Otuleogute Ikpu ive, ikpu aka

To cover something, covering
n’onu, otinku
C
mouth with hands, unmatuered

(okuko a ma na o
male fowl.
bu oke).
Otuleatulukpa Itakwuokwu, Whispering, soliloquizing.
ntamu.
Otuleose Ajookwu, ikwu ajo Provokingtalk, talking
onu. carelessly.
Otuleogbi Ileoma. Politeness.
153
10
Otuleora Okwu a nulu anu, Understood words, words

Inulu okwu. heard.
Otuleovu Ileoma Politeness.
Otuleokala Igbu agba, ika ive. Giving appointment, to give
date for something.
Otuleobala Ugo, idi aso. Ostrich, being holy.
Otuleodii Ive di nnukwu, Something big, gun.
egbe.
Otuleogheli Onye evio, evio. Rascal someone, rascality.
Y
Otuleululu Ubosi avo/afo. Afo market day.
AR
Akanambo Ije Journey
Akaakwu Ndiichie Ancestors
Akaete Azu Fish
R
Akaaghali Anu Meat
IB
Akaatulukpa Oji, nkwado, Iroko, support, standing firm.
ikwusiike.
-L
Akaogute Ana Land
Akaose Iyiojii Iyiojii deity
Akaogbi Ikpa elo, ikwado Discussion, preparing to do
IA
ime ive. something.

R
Akaora Chi, uno.

Guardian angel, house.
Akaovu Chi
ES
Guardian angel.
Akaokala Ive ajulu aju, osu,
Rejected thing, outcastes
oru.
D
Igbo local apple, Titled men,

Akaobala Udala, odu, ndi
(Names of people are:
O
chizulu echizu, (O
Umuodu, Ikiti).
buru aha mmadu, o
C
buru: Umuodu,
Ikiti).
Akaodii Ajana. Earth goddess.
Akaotule Ovo (Ofo), Ofoka, Authority, Sincerity, Ofoka,
Ofoma for names. Ofoma for names.
Akaogheli Aro. Aro deity, Year.
Akaululu Ndiichie no n’obi. Ancestral cult symbols.
154
10
Akwunambo Onodu, ino ovu Keeping watch, staying one

isiko place.
Akwuaka Ebunu, ude, nkwo. Ram, deep sound, nkwo
market
Akwuete Ive na-avio uzu, Something that makes noise
ebenebe, such as ebenebe tree, hen with
isinneokuko, chicks.
mkpotu, uzu.
Akwuaghali Anu Meat
Y
Akwuogute Izu ezu Ogbako
AR
Akwuatulukpa Unooji Strong house (built of iroko )
Akwuose Uche Obstacle
Akwuogbi Ewu Goat
R
Akwuora Uno, be mmadu. Home, one’s house.
IB
Akwuovu Chi Guardian angel.
Akwuokala Obi Ancestral house.
-L
Akwuobala Ndi echichi dika
ozo. Titled men.
Akwuodii Onwu, inochili
IA
mmadi ezi/uzo. Death, standing on another’s

Ihe a na-aku na- way
R
Akwuotule
Something that makes sound
ada uda dika
ES
when hit such as metal and

mgbiligba, ubom,
wooden gong.
ekwe, ogene.
D
Akwuogheli Irapu uno, onwu.

Leaving home, death.
O
Akwuululu Obi ndiichie.

Ancestral house.
Aghalinambo Ikenga, ezi gbali
C
Strenght, three joined roads,

mkpi ato, nwata
male child.
nwoke.
Agaliaka Ive na-agba agba Something that stings such as
dika akpi, agbisi, scorpion, sand ant, etc.
dgw.
Agaliakwu Okuku, Ite. Consecrated calabash, earthen
pot.
155
10
Aghaliete Mbokili, ekweekwe. Noncompromising.

Agaliogute Irado ive dika alo, Installating something showing
okili. strong backing for something.
Agaliatulukpa Ive a na-ewero ive, Something insignificant,
ive di obele. smething very little.
Agaliose Ivele, Ive ivele. Shame, shameful thing.
Agaliogbi Ire ana ere, oya. Retrogression, illness.
Agaliora Nseke. Troublesome.
Agaliovu Ego. Money.
Y
Aghaliokala Nwata nwoke. Male child.
AR
Aghaliobala Ndi echichi. Titled people.
Agaliodii Ikem, Ivite. A name of a town, last or third
child.
R
Agaliotule Ikpo uzu onu, ndi Rekindling fire with mouth,
IB
uzu, Oka, okwu a blacksmiths, a town called
na-ekwu n’onu. Awka, oral speech.
-L
Agaliogheli Umuaka. Children.
Agaliululu Ive a julu aju. Rejected thing.
Osenambo Ive e ji anya vu, Something seen with eyes,
IA
anya, ive ghe oghe. anya, something open.

Rascal person.
R
Oseaka Onye evio.

Market, trade.
Oseakwu Avia.
ES
To give someone something,to

Oseete Inye mmadu ive,
pick something.
iseli ive.
D
Oseaghali Olusi, ibo mmadu

Deformity, to inflict injury on
O
apa.
someone.
Oseatulukpa Nsete ive, inwete
C
Picking something up, to get

ive, iganiru.
something, being progressive.
Oseogute Njidesi ive maobu Holding something or man
mmadu ike. tight.
Oseogbi Ila di, avia. Sexual intercourse, trading.
Oseora Uche, iche echiche. Thought, thinking.
Oseovu Ori, amosu. Theft, witchcraft.
Oseokala Ive a julu aju. Rejected thing.
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10
Oseobala Nzu, ichi echichi. Symbol of purity, title taking.

Oseodii Iwo maobu iwe. Anger.
Oseotule Anuli. Happiness.
Oseogheli Iyi, Ive mebili Spoilt, something useless.
emebi.
Oseululu Ive a julu aju. Something that is rejected.
Atulukpanambo Udo, ive e kedolu Udo deity, something that is
ekedo. tied up.
Atulukpaaka Igbapu oso. Oso. Running for one’s life, run.
Y
Atulukpaete Ugbo. Canoe, plane, vehicle, ship.
AR
Atulukpaaghali Ive mmado. Something gummy.
Atulukpaogute Ndi nze na ozo. Ozo & nze titled men.
Atulukpaose Ive di obele. Something thiny.
R
Atulukpaogbi Ndi Igbo, aha: The Igbo people, name:
IB
Onuigbo. Onuigbo.
Atulukpaora Nseke. Disagreement, setback.
-L
Atulukpaovu Ive idi juu, oyi. Something being cool, cold.
Atulukpaokala Ukwu isi ike n’ana. Being alright.
Atulukpaobala Ukwu isi ike n’ana. Feeling belonged.
IA
Atulukpaodii Ndi nze na ozo. Nze na ozo titled people.

Titled men.
R
Atulukpaotule Ndi chili echichi.

Being free from problem or
Atulukpaogheli Nnukali na nsogbu
ES
sickness.
maobu oya.
Atulukpaululu Ndiichie no n’obi.
D
Ancestral cult symbols.

Oranambo Oku, ive na-eke
Fire, Light, anything that
O
eke, ubosi Eke,

shines, Eke day, names:
aha: Nweke, Okeke.
C
Nweke, Okeke, Mgbeke.

Oraaka Nra.
Fine.
Oraakwu Ngana, ive na-adiro Dirth, something that is not
mma. good.
Oraete Akwa. Cry.
Oraaghali Umunna, Ora, Ive Kindred, populace, something
di n’igwe. in group.
Oraogute Etiti nwa. Middle child.
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10
Oraatulukpa Ada. Daughter.

Oraose Uta. Arrow, sickness.
Oraogbi Ndi otu okwu. Group of friends
Oraovu Nwanne ovu avo. Relation of one mother.
Oraokala Nwoke. Man.
Oraobala Ugo, Ugbene ugo. Ostritsh, ostritsh feather.
Oraodii Nti, ichinti. Ear, deaf.
Oraotule Diokpala First son.
Oraogheli Nwata nwoke. Malechild.
Y
Oraululu Ive a julu aju. Something that is rejected.
AR
Ovunambo Avuvu, olu. Suffering, work.
Ovuaka Mgbakali. Freedom.
Ovuakwu Nzuko, ogbako. Gathering, conference.
R
Ovuete Mkporu, uru. Sorrow, mourning.
IB
Ovuaghali Ive mmee, igbupu Bloody something, bleeding
obala. due to a cut.
-L
Ovuogute Ive e gbodolu Blockade, struggling to
egbodo, ichi aka succeed.
kwedo.
IA
Ovuatulukpa Ive di mma.

Something good.
R
Ovuose Ili nli na-adiro

Eating something that is not
mmadi mma n’ari.
ES
good to human body.

Ovuogbi Ajo ije, ije na-adiro
Bad journey, unhealthy
mma.
D
adventure.
Ovuora Okochi.
Dry season.
O
Ovuokala Iviocha ukwu na

Ablusion.
aka
C
Ovuobala Nzu
Igbo native chalk signifying
purity.
Ovuodii Alu. Taboo.
Ovuotule Nnuli. Gladness.
Ovuogheli Ime evio, iko ikpa, Rascality, being heady.
Ovuululu Njo, ive jochali njo Bad, something that was bad
meche di mma. and later became good.
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Okalanambo Ive a zogali azoga. Something that was fought

over.
Okalaaka Alu, ita alu, ive na- Bite, biting, anything that bites
ata alu dika nkita. like dog.
Okalaakwu Ovia, ajooagu, Bush or forest, evil forest, a
Igbariam. town called Igbariam.
Okalaete Akpu, akpu nli. Tip-torn tree, cassava.
Okalaaghali Ive a bosali abosa. Something that has been
dissolved.
Y
Okalaogute Agwu. Spirit of divination.
AR
Okalaatulukpa Nkaliuka Discussion.
Okalaose Ogwu, nsi. Medicine, poison.
Okalaogbi Ikpa alo. Contribution of ideas.
R
Okalaora Ogwu. Medicine, charm.
IB
Okalaovu Nkwu, Ukwu nkwu. Palm, palm tree.
Okalaobala Awuwo. Cuning.
-L
Okalaodii Isu ude.
Okalaotule Ezigbo okwu. Wallowing in pain
Okalaogheli Ekwensu, uke. Good talk.
IA
Okalaululu Agwo. Devil, bad spirit.

Snake.
R
Obalanambo Ive ghe oghe, ndi

Open something, Enuagu or
Enuagu, Amagu.
ES
Amagu people.
Obalaaka Nkwadolu maobu
Supporting or backing
isulu mmadu alo
D
someone in something.
n’ive.
O
Obalaakwu Ive ibu uka, ive

Uncontrollable, something
ikpa ike, mkpuru.
C
becoming dangerous.
Obalaete Ive ibu uka, ikpa
Uncontrollable, getting out of
ike, mkpuru. hands.
Obalaaghali Ive mmee. Bloody something
Obalaogute Agwu. Spirit of divination.
Obalaatulukpa Onye na-aba mba, One scoullding another,
iba mba. scoulding.
Obalaose Ogwu. Medicine.
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10
Obalaogbi Ikuota. Being worried.

Obalaora Ogwu. Medicine.
Obalaovu Mmanya. Any type of wine.
Obalaokala Awuwo. Deceit.
Obalaodii Iba mba. Scoulding.
Obalaotule Dibia ava, dibia Diviner, Herbalist.
aruike.
Obalaogheli Ajija, mkpuluobi
ino mmili. Being worried
Y
Obalaululu Ngwugwu. Wrapped item.
AR
Odiinambo Ndeeli,ochichi,abani Midnight, dackness, night.
Odiiaka Ibu. Suffering.
Odiiakwu Iwo. Anger.
R
Odiiete Egwu. Fear.
IB
Odiiaghali Isa ivi, isa asisa. Open confession.
Odiiogute Ana. Land.
-L
Odiiatulukpa Oche. Grand mother.
Odiiose Iwo. Anger.
Odiiogbi Udo. Peace.
IA
Odiiora Iku ume ndu. To settle down.

R
Odiiovu Avo ime.

Pregnancy.
Odiiokala Nne ochie, nne nne.
ES
Grand mother.
Odiiobala Nne nne.
Grand mother.
Odiiotule Nna.
D
Father.
Odiiogheli Ogwugwu.
Ogwuugwu deity.
O
Odiiululu Ikwunne, ndi

One’s maternal home, one’s
ikwunne, ndi ogo.
C
maternal relations, inlaws.

Oghelinambo Onye na-aku ota,
Somebody that is complaining,
iku ota. complaint.
Ogeliaka Onunu, ikwa aya Taking all that one has,
mmadu. collecting one’s property.
Ogeliakwu Ive a kwabatali Something that is brought in.
akwabata.
Ogeliete Aro (alusi). Aro deity.
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10
Ogeliaghali Nwaanyi ipu n’ama, A woman being in her monthly

ino na nso. period, or meansurating.
Ogeliogute Ovuve (alusi Ovuve deity (female deity).
nwanyi)
Ogeliatulukpa Nwaanyi. Woman.
Ogeliose Ivele, ive ivele. Shame, shameful thing.
Ogeliogbi Eso, Nsogbu. Trouble, Problem.
Ogeliora Oya. Illness.
Ogeliovu Avoolulu. Stomachache.
Y
Ogeliokala Nwaanyi tulu ime. Woman that have had children.
AR
Ogeliobala Onwu, ive maobu Death, something or someone
onye nwulu anwu that is dead.
Ogeliodii Igado akaukwu. Holding or blocking someone.
R
Ogeliotule Alusi ovuve. Ovuve deity.
IB
Ogeliululu Nwaanyi ajadu, A woman mourning her
igbamkpe. husband, mourning.
-L
IA
These were inexhaustible. They could also be used in

R
making sentences such as:

ES
Afa: I na- eyikwe obala ovu?

Igbo: I na-anukwa mmanya?
D
English: Do you drink wine?

O
Afa: Ora ogheli tuali n’akwu ora, o ji ovu otule?

C
Afa: Nwoke avu biali be gi, o ji ive di mma?

English: The man that came to your house, has he something good?
Afa; Kedu nwa ora ogheli tuali n’akwu ora?
Igbo: Kedu nwoke di ihe a biara be gi?
English: who is that man that came to your house?
Afa: Ete okala tuali n’akwu ora
Igbo Nwaanyi no n’ulo
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English: woman is in the house

Afa: Di otule, o tuali n’akwu ora?
Igbo: Di gi o no n’ulo?
English: Is your husband at home?
Afa: Ora ovu, Kedu ovu naabo I na-ebu?
Igbo: Nwanne m nwoke Kedu, ihe I na-eme?
English: My brother what are you doing?
Y
Afa: Ovu naabo ose ogbi
AR
Igbo: Ana m azu ahia
English: I am trading
R
Afa: Ose naabo odokwoli ya ode ogbi?
IB
Igbo: Anya o dikwa ya mma?
English: Is he in sane?
-L
Afa: Ovu naabo
Igbo: Ime ihe
IA
English; Doing something

R
Afa: Ose ora atuakwali gi n’ogbi odi?

ES
Igbo: I jikwa uche gi?

English: Are you with your senses?
D
Afa: Nwa ora ogheli, gbatali ogbiaka, ogeli ora tuali n’akwu ora ya
O
Igbo: Nwoke a biara maka ogwu, e nwere oria di na be ha

C
English: The man that came for medicine, there is a hereditary sickness
in his house
Afa: Ogeli ora dadolu ose ogute, o bu ora ogheli ka o bu ete okala?
Igbo: Oria o jidela nwoke ka o bu nwaanyi?
English: Has the sickness infected a man or a woman?
Afa: Kedu ovu naabo o ya - ebu n’aka nwa ora ogheli ka o wee di ya
Ode ogbi?
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Igbo: Kedu ihe a ga-eme iji hu na nwoke diri mma?

English: What should be done to see that this man gets well?
Afa: Ogeli odii ji nwa ora ogheli ogeli ora di ya ode ogbi ka aluwapulu
Ogeli akwu na ijite naabo
Igbo: Oria ahu ji nwoke ahu diri ya mma kemgbe a chusiri aja n’okporo uzo
English: The sickness that infected the man has left him after the
propitiatory Sacrifices at the main road
Y
Afa: Atuali m n’akwu ora ka m takwuolu ya ijite atulukpa ogute ya
AR
Igbo: Abiara m na be gi igwa gi okwu
English: I came to your house to tell you something
R
Afa: Ora obala na-agwo obala ora ji ete naabo
IB
Igbo: Alusi na - eme ogwu na-egbochi ihe mberede maobu ajo chi
English: Deity that prepares charms stops accident or hard luck
-L
Afa: Akwu aghali na agali akwu
Igbo: Dibia gbusara obara n’elu okuko ya
IA
English: Diviner painted his consecrated calabash with blood

R
Afa: Agali akwu a na-eyili ose ogheli akwu aghali

ES
Igbo: Okuku a na-egbusere anu

English Calabash that is given meat
D
4.05.07 A Typical Divining Session:

O
A typical divining session was divided into nine stages.

C
Those stages were:

a. Display of Divining Instrument:-
The diviner would bring out his afa instruments called
ugiri or ogbono aga, small ofo otherwise called ogu. Both
the ogu used by the diviner and that brought by the client
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10
signified human spirit or the spirit involved in divination. In

explaining the display of instrument of afa, Basden
(1966:51) says, “… diviner starts by placing tortoise shell
which contains charm that runs errand for afa on ground.”
He went further to place symbol of agwu, small ikenga
(symbol of strength) whose energy and support enabled the
Y
diviner to reveal the secret without fear. The diviner also
AR
brought in small clay pot of water known as udu
arobinagwu from which he received the messages
R
sometimes; he brought in drum (Igba egede agwu) and
IB
ekpili. He faced the position of his arobinagwu and placed
-L
his consecrated calabash (okuku) in front of him.
IA
R
ES
D
O
C
Onye na- agba afa (diviner in action)

b. Offer of cola to the Client:-
Immediately the diviner finished with the display of his
divining instruments, he offered cola to his client. This was
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164
to show the client(s) that he or she was welcomed and

therefore should feel free to tell the diviner his or her
problems. When the cola was broken, it would be shared by
the diviner and his client (s).
c. Payment of Divination fee:-
This was the third stage in a typical divination
Y
session. It involved a request for a favour from the spirit of
AR
divination. The client normally dropped what ever he or she
had as a fee on ground. Diviners did not charge much
R
money for their services though some do.
That was why
IB
Bascon (1959:273) observes, “If
-L
divination fees are too high, the diviners will lack clients.”
However it was the belief that the fees paid by clients were
IA
for the Aro deities hence the reason for dropping them on
R
ground.
ES
d. Invitation of the Divination Spirit:

D
Basden (1966) explained that before a diviner started

O
his work, he could squat and start chanting. In consonance

C
with this, Ekwealor (1988: 11) quoted Ogbalu thus: “The

incantations were words uttered as the diviner dropped the
ugiri on ground on and on.” In form of a poem, the diviner
beckoned on the Almighty, the deities, gods and ancestors to
come around in order to help him have a successful divining
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165
session. As the diviner sang his song, he also beat the

tortoise shell in order to charge the environment to
accommodate the spirits that were invited. He shook the
cowry shells from one hand to the other, combining it with
whistling. This was believed to condition the hearts of the
spirits to friendly mood.
Y
The diviner after this, chanted again for a while and
AR
then informed the client(s) that Aro deity had come to take
part in divination (Arobinagwu bialu n’afa). He then went on
R
to welcome the Aro with the shaking of the cowry shells
IB
(ekpili) thus “yom, yom, yom, kpom, kpom kpom.”
-L
e. Inquiry about Diviner’s Life:-
Now that the diviner had succeeded in inviting the
IA
spirits he inquired into what the day could bring, good or

R
bad? Another thing the diviner did was investigating into his
ES
own life. He consecrated himself using alligator pepper by

D
touching it on all parts of his body, asking for ancestral

O
protection during the divining session and throughout the

C
day.
f. Client’s Presentation of Problem:-
After making inquires concerning the day’s favours and
his own life, the diviner then asked his client to present his
problem(s). However in some cases like internal method or
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166
natural method of divination, the diviner did not need to ask

the client to present his problem(s). He just stumbled on
client’s problem(s) hence “… the diviner usually is not told
why a client has come to consult him” (Nwala, 1985:124). In
external or artificial method of divination, the diviner went
further to divine for the life of his client. This in Igbo was
Y
called ina ndu.
AR
g. Response by Client:-
After the client had inquired into his own life and the
R
life of his family, the diviner picked up his ugiri and threw
IB
them down. He asked them question about his client’s life.
-L
He then called on the client to greet ogwugwu. The client
greeted ogwugwu as he was told. The diviner asked his
IA
client to raise his palms up in order to enjoy long life. The

R
client was also asked to stand on his or her feet and repeat
ES
this sentence thus: “I have received my life in this world.”

D
h. Invitation of Other Spirits:-

O
The client, having done and said all the things which
C
the diviner told him to do and say, was asked by the diviner
to touch a horn of antelope (mpi ene) which the diviner was
holding. By touching the mpi ene according to a
respondent, everything about the client was no longer
concealed to the spirits invited.
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10
Immediately after the client had touched the mpi ene,

the diviner started singing thus:
Igbo English
Chukwu abiama, God the entertainer
Chukwu ee! God ee!
(o yoo itokili o chi n’aka) (he picked up a bunch of
Y
chon chon chon tiny bells and rang)
AR
Chukwu nee nzu God see nzu
(o welite nzu, mepelu (he picked nzu- white
R
nwantakiri, tusa n’ilo chalk, took a little and
IB
mepelu ntakiri ozo tusa na throw outside, took a little
-L
mpi ene ahu, tusakwa na again, dropped on antelope
mmiri di n’ ime efere) horn and inside water in a
IA
Eze ndi eze, onye oma bi n’ plate ) King of kings, the

R
elu; good one living in heaven.

ES
Nne muru Nando bu Mother of Nando called

D
Iguedo Iguedo
O
Ajanaukwu Nando Earth godless of Nando

C
Nne muru Ikem; Ezu Ikem; Mother of Ikem; River Ezu;

Nzu unu na-atu bu nzu You are receiving the white
ndu, nzu ego, nzu ogologo chalk of life, chalk of
ndu na ahu isi ike. money, long life and health.
(o were nzu kaa akara ano (he drew lines on the alter
168
10
n’elu ihe nchuaja ebe ngwa on which his divinatory

afa ya di; o gara n’ihu kuo artifacts were placed, then
mgbiligba ya) rang the bell on the alter )
Anyi wee na-ario unu na o We are pleading with you
bu ekpere ka anyi biara that we have come to pray
taa. (o tusa nzu n’ ime today (he dropped chalk
Y
mmiri di n’ ime oba di n’elu inside the water in a basin
AR
ihe nchu aja) on his alter )
Ihe onye a biara ka I meelu Work for this person what
R
ya maka na o gi bu he brings to you because
Chukwu nwe ike.
IByou are God with all powers
-L
Anyi na-ario Eke We plead Eke
Anyi na-ario Orie We plead Orie
IA
Anyi na-ario Afo We plead Afo

R
Anyi na-ario Nkwo We plead with Nkwo.

ES
D
With these chants, the diviner then invited other

O
spirits especially the spirits in charge of the four Igbo

C
market days viz: Eke, Orie, Afo, and Nkwo. Other spirits
invited were earth goddess (Ala), Aro, Ogwugwu, Ovuve,
Idemmili, Iyieri, Omalagba, Iyiojii, Uko, Okpanso,
Okpalionaa, Otuuvio, Inyiaruru, Akpamavia et cetera.
The names of the deities invited depended on the
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169
environment. Whatever name, the purpose was to calm the

malevolent ones down and spur the benevolent ones into
action. Thus; “… now we invite you … to come before this
altar” (Oxtoby, 2002:333) and “… divine the cause of the evil
weighing so heavily upon the people” (Dennett, 1968:96).
i. Divination Proper:
Y
The diviner would pick the small ofo and touch the
AR
client. He then would start receiving the revelation. As he
received this, he voiced out the revelation in afa slang and
R
went on to interpret same to the client. In recognition of the
IB
stages of a divination session, Turner (1968:301) states,
-L
“Several distinct stages are involved in divination: the
recognition of problem; the decision to appeal to divination;
IA
the divination ritual itself; perhaps an additional ritual to

R
confirm the verdict; and appropriate repressive ritual.”

ES
4.05.07b Divination for a Client:

D
Here the divining event where a client wanted to know

O
the profession that would benefit him in life was presented.

C
The client asked the diviner to tell him which profession -

academics or trading would bring him prosperity. The
process was summarized and presented below:-
When the client wanted to know his fate in going into
trading, the diviner said that the client would be robbed if he
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170
(client) took to trading. But he had to go to a witchdoctor

and obtain a charm that would prevent robbery. The diviner
told the client that that was the only way for him to succeed
in trading.
When the diviner was asked about taking to academic,
he said that it was a nice thing rather it had no end. It was
Y
because he would like to obtain one certificate after another.
AR
Another thing was that the client would be a teacher.
A man going to a diviner did not go with his family.
R
When he got there, he made inquiries over every one’s life,
IB
one after another. This was called ika ogu or ika ute. This
-L
ogu brought by a client represented client’s soul. One could
take any stick as ogu though it was better if it was ogilisi
IA
(newboldia) or omu (palm frond). Supporting this, Mbiti

R
(1975:131) says, “Diviners ... use various parts of plants

ES
and crops for divination and medical practices.” It was

D
observed that before this stick brought by a client, could

O
represent the client’s soul, the client had to kiss it and drop
C
sand on it. Before a diviner would commence inquiry

concerning every soul, he first used his own ogu to touch on
other ogu brought by the client.
It was believed that sometimes, these afa seeds might
not be telling the diviner the truth. The diviner understood
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171
this trick when the ugiri did not speak the language which
the diviner could understand. According to a respondent,
when this happened, the ugiri afa (afa instrument) was
made to swear an oath. It usually swore by the big ofo
which stood for truth and justice. In recognition of
divination for a client, Gibbs (1965:471) says:
Y
When a person falls ill, the Suku will not immediacy
AR
resort to divination. The patient will at first be given the
ordinary herbal medicines. Should all these fail,
divination becomes necessary. A professional diviner
R
is selected and his diagnosis is acted on. If all these
IB
attempts fail, another diviner may be tried, and
sometimes a third.
-L
If the client did not accept what the diviner told him, he had
option to try another diviner.
IA
4.05.08 Afa Ikpo (Group Divination):

R
Group divination was usually held when there was

ES
serious confusion in a situation. Afa ikpo was the type of

divination where more than one diviner converged at a time
D
to take decision on a particular situation. Here, one of them,

O
read out the fall of the ugiri of all of them one after the other.
C
At the end, the majority decision was upheld for onward

solution of the situation. Divination of this type resembled a
“Nations Court of Appeal”. During the afa ikpo the diviners
usually sat in a circle, facing one another with a set of ugiri in
front of each of them.
17210
Y
AR
Ndi na-agba afa ikpo (group diviners performing)
According to Ogbalu (1972:58) “Sometimes, many
R
diviners come together where each of them spreads his
IB
ugiri, one of them will be an interpreter and he reads out
-L
the minds of the different sprits.” Ogbalu went further to say
that if eventually, they did not reach consensus in the
IA
various messages of their various ugiri, they fixed another

R
day for proper and more diligent session. A case of this type
ES
arose when it concerned many interest groups of people.

D
During the divination, all the diviners usually picked up

O
their ugiri at the same time and spread them the same
C
time.
173
10
Y
AR
Ndi dibia afa ikpo na-achilite mkpuru afa ha. (Group of
diviners picking their afa seeds up).
R
When they did this, each of them read out the message
IB
of his ugiri. When all of them had read out their various
-L
ugiri’s messages, one of them then stood up and
summarized the whole messages as the afa message. This
IA
was called ike afa (literarily - sharing of divination but

R
meaning – pronouncement of verdict). Investigation into a

ES
difficult problem was never insurmountable in this type of

D
divination.
O
Onwuejeogwu (19981:23) says “Diviner picks two lines

C
of afa with right hand and another two with left hand and
drops them straight on the ground.” In Nando, diviners
made use of four lines of ugiri at times, one could use eight
lines. The important thing there was that the number of
lines determined the period each afa session would take.
174
10
Using only two lines would take longer time for one to get
the minds of the gods.
Group divination was used in solving group rather than
individual problem. For instance, in Ikem, when an age
group, kindred or village wanted to find out the cause of
youth death, deadly diseases and other difficult problems,
Y
they would adopt afa ikpo (group divination). When an
AR
individual client could not get solution to his problems, he
resorted to group divination. The importance of group
R
divination relied on clearing all problems and knowing the
truth.
IB
-L
How does afa chant affect the realization of the message
IA
of the spirits of divination?

R
In an effort to provide answer to this research question,

ES
the researcher engaged some of the diviners in interview

D
sessions one after another on different occasions and at

O
different times. Summary of outcomes of some of these

C
interviews would be displayed hereunder. But before the

interview proper, the researcher on different occasions,
asked the diviner to divine for selected clients on certain
interests.
10
175
Without wasting time, each of the diviners on different

divining session, brought out pieces of alligator pepper and
touched all parts of his or her body.
Y
AR
R
Ose oru (alligator pepper)
IB
He started singing and meditating, calling on various
-L
gods and deities to be close to him. An example went thus:
IA
Igbo English
Omemma Performer of good
R
ES
I na-eme mma You do good

Chukwu bi n’elu God that lives in heaven
D
Eke kelu ubosi Creator of the day

O
Eke na ogulugu Creator and rainbow

C
Mmili lucha o gbachaa After cloud comes brightness

Udoo, udoo, udoo Peace, peace, peace
Udo ka anyi na-acho We look for peace
Chaa! Chaa! Chaa! Chaa! Chaa! Chaa!
Okilikili ka a na-agba Pepper tree can only be run
ukwu ose round and can not be climbed
176
10
Maka na a naghi ebu ala Because no one carries the

ebu land
Nkiti, nkiti! Nothing, nothing
Nkiti ka ha na –eme Their efforts are in vain
Maka na egwu anaghi atu Because stomach does not
afo, afo ebulu uzo fear hence its front position
Eke ee o! Eke ee o!
Y
Unu anokwa ya? Are you around?
AR
Onye ujo anaghi ebe Fearful person does not
mmanwu masquerade
R
Gbanu izuzu gba May all of you, come close
IB
Maka na a nyukoo mamiri Because the effect of urinating
onu o gboo ufufu at one place is foaming.
-L
IA
After the chants, he paused a little and asked the

client to touch a horn of antelope (mpi ene) which he (the
R
ES
diviner) was holding and mention his intention. Immediately

after the client had touched the mpi ene, the diviner started
D
chanting again thus:

O
Onye o na-eme omume One who suffers, always

C
omume, na-ebe obube obube keeps on crying

Mana o bu ebe nwata na- But it is where a child often
atututa ozu ene ka o na-aga picks an antelope that he
mgbe obula goes every time
Maka na ebe nwata na-alu
aka, o bulu na nna
177
10
Maka na ebe nwata na-alu Because where a child points,

aka, o buru na nne ya if the mother is not there, the
anoghi, nna ya anoro ya father must be there
Aro ikwu nne m, onye Aro of my maternal home
dunyere m ozi a; that sent me on this errand
Omalagba na Ezedu, unu bi Omalagba and Ezedu, strong
na mmiri wee na-akpa ike. deities of the river. Iyiojii ,
Iyiojii, Iyieri, nne m Mbaaali o Iyieri , my mother Mbaaali It
Y
luenu n’ omume is time for action
AR
Chetanu na oku a gunyeli Remember that fire given to a
nwata n’aka anaghi elegbu ya child, does not inflict injury
O bu ndu! Ndu nwata a ka a on the child. It is life! Life of
R
na-aju ese ya. Kedu ihe m ga- this child is being asked of.
IB
agwa ya? Na- ekwu nu na What am I going to tell him?
mu na - anu. Eke oo! Continue talking for am
-L
listening. Eke oo!
IA
The chanting lasted as long as the divinatory session.

R
From the interviews granted by the diviners after the

ES
divinatory sessions at different times and places, it was

D
observed that chants was the first thing that happened

O
during divination session. It was the communication that

C
traversed between the diviner and the spirits before and

during divination session. It was a kind of language through
which diviners got in touch with the spirits to keep them on
alert and receive information from them. This was why
Mbiti (1975:156) observes that “… diviners like other
10
178
religious leaders, often have their own language,

sometimes they get in touch with the spirit directly or
through the help of mediums who work with them.”
At the beginning of any divining session, the diviner

usually uttered some chants as a means of welcoming the
spirits. It was usually a heart warming welcome to the
Y
spirits, agwu, gods and ancestors. This was what Elliott
AR
(1955:170) had in mind when he says:
R
He who shakes the heavens comes from the west
riding on a tiger and a dragon, bearing a holy seal
IB
… your voice like thunder makes the shen (spirits)
-L
and devils tremble… you can save a myriad of
people. Now we invite you … to come before this
alter. With your sword you can kill evil spirits …
IA
wake, wake, and save us.

R
In all Igbo culture area, it was discovered that the diviners

ES
sang and uttered incantation in order to draw the interest

of the spirits and keep the divining session lively. These
D
songs, chants and incantations served as reinforcement to

O
the spirits for their continued help to the diviner.

C
4.07. Research Question 7:
What are the effects of divination on the life of the Igbo

people?
10
179
Divination among the Igbo was well established. It was

discovered that its credibility among them was not in doubt.
The day to day life of an average Igbo person was
consciously and unconsciously guided by the guest for the
knowledge of the past, present and future events. The Igbo
strongly believed that whatever happened to human being
Y
must have some link with the spirit world hence, the need
AR
for inquiry into the cause of events. Every Igbo person
believed that through divination all events made secret and
R
obscure to the ordinary human being, would be easily
revealed by
IB
the diviners who were imbued with
-L
extraordinary intuitive perception. To put it succinctly, the
Igbo people saw divination as “That which links together
IA
in its own way, the physical and spiritual worlds making

R
it a religious activity” (Mbiti, 1982:178). This was the

ES
usefulness of divination. Divination was easily visible to any

D
researcher in all the religious, economic and socio-political

O
lives of the Igbo people.

C
Religiously, diviners occupied important positions in

the affairs of the people. Most diviners were priests to
various community deities. “Diviners occupy a very
important place in Igbo traditional religion; and throughout
the land divination cults abound” (Nwala, 1985:124).
10
180
Every major mysterious happening such as disasters,

death, sickness, misfortunes, famine, drought, and flood
were attributed to the action of the spirits. Such actions
were always interpreted by diviners; “… they may attempt
to discern the will of the gods which enables them to gain
control over future events or to plan around them” (Fried,
Y
1968:292).
AR
Diviners’ role in Igbo culture area became increasingly
important as the religious beliefs and practices formed the
R
IB
greater part of the basis for social behaviour. Thus feasts for
deities were fixed by elders of the community but the day
-L
and time of sacrifice to the deities was left for the diviners to
IA
fix after consultation with the ancestral spirits. It was

discovered that one could choose from a variety of spirits
R
ES
those with whom one would be associated with and to whom

one wishes to make scarifies. “He may consult a diviner as
D
to know which spirit he should approach for a particular

O
purpose” (Bascon, 1959:29).

C
In the economic sphere of Igbo people’s lives, it was

discovered that they did not want to embark on a wasteful
venture. To ensure this, they therefore “… seek advice from
the spirits” (Oxtoby, 2002:331) through the medium ship of
diviners. To the Igbo, the outcome of a farming exercise
10
181
could not be predicated. So to ensure good result during

harvest time, farmers consulted diviner to choose for them,
the parcel of land on which to cultivate, they type of crop to
cultivate and the time to cultivate. The Igbo observed this on
the belief that “… a diviner may attempt to discern the will of
the gods, which enables the group to gain control over
Y
future events or to plan around them” (Fried, 1968:292).
AR
While the farming was on, if eventually there was
uncontrollable outbreak of disaster affecting the crops, the
R
Igbo farmer ran to the diviner to discern the minds of the
gods.
IB
-L
The hunters among the Igbo were not left out in
IA
consulting diviners. Most often Igbo hunters would not go in

search of games without first getting to know about their
R
ES
mission. They would want to know whether to embark on

the hunting mission or not. The diviner would tell them the
D
area likely to make some catches after consulting his oracle.

O
The hunter obeys the oracle which ever way it

C
turns out. As a result he may head in a direction

that he never could have chosen if left to himself
and there by he reaches a relatively unfrequented
area with game (Honigman, 1977:58).
10
182
The case of a hunter was also applicable to the

fishermen because for a successful fishing expedition,
inquiry mattered a lot.
Igbo men and women were mainly traders. They

engaged the services of diviners before any type of business
they would embark upon. That was why Nwala (1985:124)
Y
says “… they want to know if a business venture will be
AR
successful or not and then if it will be best to embark on it,
what to do to get something.” Even as the business
R
IB
progressed, the Igbo kept on visiting diviners from time to
time to ensure the steady progress of the business. They did
-L
this always on the belief that “Divination in addition to
IA
prayer is an avenue to reach dorun who is in charge of one’s

destiny” (Pelton, 1980:133).
R
ES
Igbo people were great travelers and there was no

where around the world one could not find an Igbo person.
D
They usually consulted diviners before setting out on any

O
journey. “For the average Igbo therefore, distant travel of any

C
kind was undertaken only under unusual circumstances

while persons were fearful of being seized by anybody if they
went far from their home” (Anedo, 2004:76). They were also
fearful of being captured by oracle agents, and this was an
important factor in keeping communities and individuals
10
183
localized and isolated. Such insecurity was further

intensified by the security patrols which most villages
organized to protect wards from kidnappers, thieves and
lawless men. They always did this because they believed
that:
There is need to consult a diviner to find out what
Y
would become of the journey, different ways to
safety and charms that would protect the traveler
AR
in order to have faith in his return, say when he
would embark on the journey and the better route
R
to take in order to lessen the problems associated
IB
with the journey (Zahan, 1979:90).
In the social sphere of Igbo life, it was discovered that
-L
divination exerted great impacts on the social life of the Igbo
IA
people. No Igbo person liked to get into problem in the name

of marriage. Such was the reason why “divination was
R
ES
required for the corroboration of marriage” (Miller, 1931:300)

in-as-much as one wanted a blissful time. Blissful time in
D
marriage entailed many things. In a traditional Igbo society,

O
a young man did not choose a young lady for marriage

C
because she was beautiful or very attractive. In-fact, a girl of

extraordinary attractiveness ran the risk of not getting a
marriage partner in her life.
“The principle that dictates the choice of a marriage

partner is based on the Igbo notion of life and existence”
184 10
(Edeh, 1985:57); in the same manner did not the girl about
arriving at a decision hence full scale inquiries. Before the
contracting of marriages, the Igbo usually conducted a lot of
inquires. One of such inquires was done through
divination to enable a young man to find out from what
clan or lineage his chi would like him “… to take a wife of
Y
fortune” (Ilogu, 1974:47). When the diviner pronounced the
AR
clan and lineages from where the future wife would be
found, he also prescribed the sacrifices to be offered to the
R
ancestor to prosper the young man and to help him find a
good wife.
IB
This resembles the practice in India hence
-L
Honigman (1977:57) says thus: “Parents of a young couple
in India consult an astrologer to learn whether the match
IA
they have arranged is suitable for two specific young

R
people.”
ES
After conducting a successful marriage, “… what is

D
expected of her is to get pregnant and bear a child” (Ogbalu,

O
1981) as “… children are the consolation of parents” (Azi,

C
2007:22). When this expectation was not forthcoming, the

couple resorted to divination.
The Igbo people were peace lovers. They therefore had

laws that allowed peaceful co-existence of individuals. They
did not like to do anything that would jeopardize
10
185
relationship among themselves. But if it happened that one

found fault against another, they had ways of settling any
dispute. There were many agents of judiciary among the
people - the age group, family unit, the village
representatives, elders and others. But if peace failed to take
its course among two or more persons, they invited the
Y
diviner as the final arbiter. In modern Nigeria society, “The
AR
power of courts to wade into disputes extends to persons,
authorities, governments whether federal or state”
R
(Okpalakuru, 2005:15). As a result of this, cases were either
deferred severally and thereby
IB justice abused. Thus: “The
-L
five hour session saw counsel to the Governor, Puis Akubo
protesting, vehemently that the setting should be differed
IA
following on court injunctions to that effect” (Agboola,

R
2006:6).
ES
Among the Igbo people, when there was difficult in

D
determining cases, the people normally resorted to

O
divination especially the oracular form of divination. This

C
was why Kalu (2002:361) says, “When every effort to get the
facts … fails, a given traditional group or individual would
then plan to visit one of the famous oracles that thrived in
the traditional Igbo society.”
10
186
CHAPTER FIVE
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
5.01 Summary:
Divination among Igbo ethnic nationality in Nigeria

was well established and commanded enormous
creditability. The day- to-day life of average Igbo person was
Y
AR
consciously or unconsciously guided by the guest for the
knowledge of the future as women and men sought to find
R
explanations for past and present happenings. The Igbo
IB
strongly believed that whatever happened to human being
-L
had some links with the spirit world hence the need for
inquiries into the causes of events. This was to say that
IA
divination was the art of foretelling future events or

R
discovering things secrete or by supernatural means,

ES
unusual insight and intuitive perception. To Mbiti

(1982:178) “Divination is that which links together in its
D
O
own way, the physical and the spiritual worlds, making it a

C
religious activity.” The act of divination was a common

practice among the Igbo. It held that “medicine men”
possessed the inspiration of reading the future through their
oracles and that such inspiration came from God. Diviners
were therefore either priests, priestesses or medicine men
10
187
and women. The importance attached to divination even in

modern settings explained the secret or open employment of
diviners or marabous by public office holders, be they
monarchs or elected officers.
There were various types of divination practiced among

the Igbo. It ranged from interpretation of dreams, water
Y
gazing, fortune-telling, and hypnotism, and telepathy,
AR
paranormal and psychic research. The act of divination was
not practiced by those who had special calling by the spirit
R
IB
of divination (Agwu) or by practicing as apprentice under
renowned diviners. While some under a kind of formal
-L
training, others inherited the profession. The training
IA
involved learning the names, objects and signs of divination,

the esoteric language and myths associated with them; the
R
ES
procedures, rites and cult of divination. During the training

also, the diviner got acquainted with the taboos associated
D
with the profession. Full observation of the taboos was said

O
to impact positively on the diviner’s performance while its

C
violation put the diviner in serious problems regarding his

performance. It was the result of the fact that the pact
between the diviner and the god of divination was “give and
take”. So when the diviner submitted to the laws of the gods,
10
188
the gods reciprocated by backing him or her in his or her

deliberations.
The Igbo nation (the study site and sample) was a

sizeable geographic region of seven states with several
autonomous communities. It had a strong cultural
background where divination played a significant role
Y
despite the proliferation of Christian denominations. Despite
AR
religious inclinations, many Igbo referred serious cases to
diviners. Such cases included ogbanje (changing), death,
R
IB
madness, poverty, repeated misfortunes and other
abnormalities of life. Normally, “The diviners deal with the
-L
question of finding out why something has gone wrong. They
IA
tell who may have worked evil magic, sorcery, or witchcraft

against the sick” (Mbiti, 1975:156). Divination involved two
R
ES
or more people: the diviner (expert) and the clients. The

diviner normally did the work of divination with certain
D
instruments depending on his or her methodology which

O
included ugiri (bead casting). To Booth (1977:49) “Ugiri

C
helps the diviner to commune with ancestors and to relate

the problems of their clients to them.” Anielo (1992:18)
affirms “… divining instruments are complex starting from
natural object to non-natural instruments.” To the diviner,
18910
each item carried a lot of meaning and helped to wake agwu

into action, while some served as the messengers.
The dibia afa (diviner) believed that they were never

alone in their divining work because there were spirits that
guided them in the interpretation of afa beads or revealed
the secret directly to them (in case of invocatory form). Such
Y
spirits therefore revealed the concealed to the dibia afa who
AR
then, through the interpretation of afa beads, rendered
solution to their clients’ problem(s). This was why Arinze
R
IB
(1970:155) says, “The vocation to be a dibia afa is
possession by agwu spirit, who is the special spirit of ndi
-L
dibia, healers.” Agwu to the Igbo therefore was the patron
IA
spirit of divination and diviners.

R
Diviners did not usually make much profit from their

ES
service since the calling was regarded as a part-time social

service rendered to mankind in distress. To Bascon
D
(1959:273), “… if divination fees are too high, diviners will

O
lack client.” But this ideal was being bastardized by some

C
charlatans who engaged in divination as full-time job and

demanded heavy and sacrificial items from their clients.
Among the Igbo, diviners were either “trained” or “called” by
the “spirit of divination”. They might also be trained by
renowned diviners under whom they served as apprentice.
10
190
In case of those “trained” by the “spirit of divination”, they

were normally possessed by the spirit and always isolated
from the public.
Usually such possessed persons behaved like people

who were mentally deranged. It was believed that during
this period of withdrawal from the public, the spirit taught
Y
them the act of divination, knowledge of curative herbs,
AR
barks and roots of trees, proverbs, incantations and all it
entailed to be a dibia afa. That was why Mbiti (1975: 156)
R
IB
affirms that “Diviners normally work also as medicine men.”
Such person then wandered into bushes, slept in unusual
-L
places for certain period. Indeed, “They must be able readily
IA
to fall into a condition of dissociation … after a period of

disturbance which a psychiatrist would probably call a
R
ES
mental illness” (Mair, 1980:242). After this, such possessed

persons must put their own shrines and practiced as
D
diviners. Another way diviners came about among the Igbo

O
was by inheriting the profession at the death of their parents

C
who were diviners but this was subject to approval by the

spirit of divination. Mbiti (1982:166) agrees that “… diviners
take the apprenticeship period of three to seven years.”
Whether diviners were formally or informally trained, they
observed taboos, abstained from defilement and used
19110
various concentration techniques to strengthen their inward

vision and second sight.
Divination was a major source of solution to Igbo

people’s problem(s). In religious affairs, most diviners were
priests to the various community deities. They therefore
occupied a very important place in Igbo traditional religion
Y
and “… through out the land divination cults abound”
AR
(Nwala, 1985:124). Diviners were mediators between man
and gods hence the people took all their spiritual problems
R
IB
to them for solution. For instance, there were a times some
uncontrolled nature of forces in people’s life. To get rid of
-L
these forces, the Igbo engaged the services of a diviner.
IA
Diviner’s role in a society extended beyond religious

R
reasons. Socially, on allegation of theft, the diviners were

ES
invited to detect the culprit. In a choice of trade, work, wife

or husband, the diviner played an important role. In fact,
D
the diviners’ role for peaceful, united and progressive society

O
was indispensable.
C
5.02 Finding:
In this last chapter of this report, effort was made in

discussing the formulated research questions by using the
data collected. After the analysis, and interpretation of the
10
192
data, the discussion gave rise to the following research

findings.
The day to day life of an average Igbo person was

consciously or unconsciously guided by the guest for the
knowledge of the past, present and future. This was why
they engaged the services of diviners. It was found that the
Y
Igbo people engaged divination in whatever they did in order
AR
to maintain favourable relationship with their ancestors,
their personal chi and their patron spirits. They did so
R
IB
because they believed that whatever happened to them had
a spiritual backing.
-L
It was discovered that the Igbo people visited diviners
IA
to avoid crises in their economic, religious and socio-political

R
life.
ES
It was discovered that divination encompassed nine

stages. These stages were
D
O
a. Display of divining instruments;

C
b. Offer of cola to the client;
c. Payment of divination fee;
d. Invitation of the divination spirit;
e. Inquiry about diviner’s life;

193
10
f. Clients presentation of problem;
g. Response by client;
h. Invitation of other spirits; and
i. Divination proper.
The divination instruments helped to wake the
Y
divination spirit – agwu into action. The divination
AR
instrument were: gong (ogene), bunch of tiny bells (itokili),
big size bell (mgbiligba), cowry shells (ekpili), tortoise shell
R
(okpokoro mbe) and twin long drum (igba egede). These were
IB
used to produce melodious chants, song and incantations
-L
which sustained the interest of the patron spirits during
divination session. For instance, one of the diviners
IA
interviewed explained that once she rang the bell, she was in
R
essence calling on the inhabitants of the river to gather and

ES
listen to her. She further explained that cowry shells were

D
used to beckon on the spirits to draw nearer and take part

O
in the divination session.

C
It was discovered that one must undergo training in

the art and language of divination to be in a good position to
interpret the symbolic messages revealed to him.
10
194
It was discovered that there were different types of

divination and that were invocatory and mechanical
divination.
The work of a diviner was analogous to that of a

psychologist.
Divination was a veritable means of social organization,
Y
crises management and cultural preservation. Observation
AR
of certain taboos helped diviners to strengthen their inward
R
vision. The diviner was always in the company of an
IB
omnipresent spirit exclusive to his calling. It was found that
-L
as in every other cultures and religions of the world,
symbols and symbolisms were prominent in Igbo culture.
IA
They were also prevalent in divination.

R
Divination was truly the mouth-piece of the unseen.

ES
Divination had suffered bastardization in recent times. This

problem led to the proliferation of divination.
D
O
The influence of Christianity and Islam did not affect

C
the art and profession of divination negatively.
5.03 Recommendations and Suggestions:
The study had gone a long way in examining the effects

of divination in the life of the Igbo people. It is therefore
pertinent to make suggestions, which if carried out, would
19510
help in building accountable, healthy, corrupt free, united,

peaceful and progressive society.
There is need for the government at all levels to

recognize the services of diviners in all their endeavours.
Recognition and employment of diviners in all government
ministries will help the government and the ministries in
Y
planning and execution of government business. It will help
AR
in the security apparatus of the government and make the
work of the judiciary easier. It will not only help in detecting
R
IB
or selecting qualified candidates to head all levels of
government, it will play an advisary role in appointing
-L
ministers, commissioners and directors of boards of
IA
ministries. More lives will be saved in the transport sector as

the Airport Authority for instance, will have to consult the
R
ES
diviners before plane takes off. The medical doctors also will
have a helping hand in quick and appropriate treatment of
D
patients.
O
The religious denominations in the country that have

C
not accorded official recognition to diviners’ activities should

do so. This will help their faithful to boldly consult diviners
whenever the need arises without hiding. Hiding makes
them half baked followers and therefore whenever they have
problems more than they can chew, they fall out. This will
10
196
also help the religious leaders to monitor the excesses of the

diviners. Recognition of the diviners by religious leaders of
various denominations will help the diviners of all sects to
come under one umbrella. And when they do this, they will
be able to check the activities of the fraudulent ones.
There is need to create divination departments and or
Y
courses in divination in the nation’s universities. This will
AR
help the illiterate ones among them to be literate. It will
therefore enhance their operation. Creation of courses in
R
IB
divination will also make it easy for those who may wish to
learn the art of divination, to do so. When more people learn
-L
about the language and the interpretation of the falls of
IA
mkpuru afa (mechanical form), it will be difficult for the

experts in the art to defraud their clients. This is because
R
ES
even though one may be talented in the art, one (as a client)
can as well follow the trend as divination goes on.
D
Drivers and passengers should clarify with the diviners

O
at motor parks before embarking on a journey as this will

C
reduce the incidences of casualty on the nation’s roads.
There is need also for individuals and groups to check

with diviners before engaging in any endeavour. This will
however reduce loses in their dealings.
10
197
Diviners should recognize differences in religious

beliefs and therefore reflect such in their recommendations
to their clients from different religious faiths. This will help
them to gain more patronage from other religious groups
different from theirs.
In doing these, one should remember one Igbo adage
Y
which says, a jughi aju wee riwe, butere a riaghi aria
AR
wee nwuo (eating without asking question leads to dying
without sickness). It is therefore nice and right that
R
IB
individuals, groups and governments should engage diviners
before embarking on any endeavour. It is said that onye
-L
ajuju anaghi efu uzo (one who asks, does not miss road).
IA
So, divination is a source of re-direction when one seems to

be confused in life.
R
ES
In-as-much-as the researcher had tried in analyzing all

the research questions posed in this study, he can not say
D
to have exhausted all the researchable options available in

O
this work. He therefore suggests that further studies be

C
made in the areas of secrecy in the profession. This will

help disabuse the minds of the remaining doubting
thomases that still wallow in ignorance and make
preventable mistakes in life.
198
10
5.04 Conclusion:
Since the future appears bleak and insecure, many

Igbo persons of Nigeria did not engage in any endeavour
without first consulting a diviner for clarity. They were so
inclined to divination that even the Christians and Moslems
amongst them had devised a modern way of executing the
Y
art. They went to what they called “prayer houses or
AR
spiritual churches where they were given the message of
what would happen in near future. In whatever guise one
R
IB
engaged in divinatory work, diviners did not seem to operate
alone. There were super human elements believed to reveal
-L
the concealed to them. It was also understood that some of
IA
the divining instruments of diviners helped to wake agwu

(the spirit in charge of divination) into action.
R
ES
Diviners often claimed the power to make their clients

stable emotionally, psychologically, and otherwise by
D
investigating the causes of their problems and helping them

O
to manage their individual, group and communal life cries. It

C
had also been found that the messages of divination were

real except few cases due to infiltration of quacks. And this
was the area where non – conformist considered it as
fraudulent. It was as a result of misinterpretation of these
199
10
messages by the non-possessed quacks that were in the

profession for money venture.
However, it had been found that due to its

immeasurable values to the citizenry in solving personal and
group problems, many (educated, uneducated, rich, poor,
Christians, Moslem and traditional worshippers) still
Y
patronized diviners. In view of this, traditional Igbo society
AR
normally used divination to solve or seek solutions to their
numerous problems that seemed hard to come by.
R
IB
Understandably, most of these problems were spiritual and
were not seen. Also the agents through which the solutions
-L
to these problems were revealed were not seen, hence
IA
divination was seen as “… the manipulation of the

supernatural to discover concealed information” (Miller,
R
ES
1931:300). In view of this therefore, divination is seen as the

mouth-price of the unseen.
D
Bearing this in mind, it should be right to state

O
clearly that an individual, a people, and even a nation

C
cannot afford mistakes in the management of their

resources. Such mistakes lead an individual, a people or a
nation to crises. So, to avoid this ugly trend, state
governments of Igbo nation, the government of the
federation of Nigeria and other countries of Africa should
200
10
urgently accord official recognition to diviners and their

services.
Y
AR
R
IB
-L
IA
R
ES
D
O
C
20110
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THE RESEARCHER AND SOME DIVINERS DURING

DIFFERENT INTERVIEW SESSIONS.
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T Anedo Alexander Alfred Onukwube

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10

“AFA” (DIVINATION): THE MOUTHPIECE OF THE

OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY, Ph.D. (IGBO)

DEPARTMENT OF AFRICAN AND ASIAN STUDIES

NNAMDI AZIKIWE UNIVERSITY, AWKA.

IBand Asian Studies

Prof. Dukor Prof.(Ichie) P.A.Ezikeojiaku

Internal Examiner External Examiner

Prof. Okey Umeh Prof. O.L. Anike

This dissertation is dedicated to my father, Ogbuefi

researcher is really in need of appropriate word to express

researcher). The researcher therefore prays that God may

continue to bless him and his off-springs without end.

His gratitude also goes to the Executive Secretary and

members of the Council for the Development of Social

The researcher must not fail to remember his

professional and the client(s). The professional was the

dibia afa (diviner).The diviner normally did his work of

divination with certain instruments depending on his

methodology. This was to say that there were many methods

of divination. These were ugiri (beads) method, water

method, palm reading method, cola nut method, et cetera.

and initiation proper. The training affords one, the

1.0.6. Research Questions - - - - 11

2.00. Literature Review - - - - - 14

2.01.01. Meaning of Divination - - - 14

2.01.02. Types of Divination - - - - 19

2.01.07 Method of Divination - - - - 57

3.09. Administration of the Instruments - - 69

3.10. Method of Data Analysis - - - 70

4.00. Data Analysis and Presentation of Results - 71

4.01. Research Question 1 - - - - 74

4.02. Research Question 2 - - - - 80

4.04.01. Agwu Shrine - - - - - 101

4.05.08. Afa Ikpo (Group Divination) - - 171

4.06. Research Question 6 - - - - 174

4.07. Research Question 7 - - - - 178

Chapter Five 186

5.01. Summary - - - - - - 186

5.02. Findings - - - - - - 191

became more unbalanced.

Some of the problems of man were also economical as

he thought of what to eat and how to preserve his food.

Socially, man was afraid to move about. He was afraid of the

environment. He could not understand how to interact with

his environment. He then began to think about how to

All these were sources of worry to man and as such,

diviner normally did his work of divination with certain

instruments depending on his methodology. This implied

that there were many methods of divination. They included

ugiri (beads) method, water method, palm reading method,

cola-nut method, et cetera.

lot of meaning and helps to wake agwu into action, while

strongly believed that, whatever happened to them must

inquiry into the causes of events.

Divination according to Whitehall (nd: 538), is “… the

act or practice of trying to foretell future events or the

unknown by occult means.” This was to say that divination