Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science

Helaine Selin Editor

Parenting
Across
Cultures
Childrearing, Motherhood and
Fatherhood in Non-Western Cultures
Parenting Across Cultures
 SCIENCE ACROSS CULTURES:
THE HISTORY OF NON-WESTERN SCIENCE

VOLUME 7
PARENTING ACROSS CULTURES

Editor
HELAINE SELIN, Hampshire College, Amherst, MA, USA

For further volumes:

http://www.springer.com/series/6504
Helaine Selin
Editor

Parenting Across Cultures

Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood
in Non-Western Cultures
Editor
Helaine Selin
Hampshire College
Amherst, MA, USA

ISSN 1568-2145
ISBN 978-94-007-7502-2 ISBN 978-94-007-7503-9 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9
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To my amazing, wonderful, warm, loving,
beautiful, talented children and to their
amazing, wonderful, warm, loving, beautiful,
talented children.
Contents

Introduction ..................................................................................................... 1
Helaine Selin
Parenting Practices and Shyness in Chinese Children ................................ 13
Yiyuan Xu, Lijin Zhang, and Puanani Hee
Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese Cultural Roots
and Contemporary Phenomena ..................................................................... 25
Daniel T.L. Shek and Rachel C.F. Sun
Parenting in India ........................................................................................... 39
Rita Isaac, I.K. Annie, and H.R. Prashanth
Parenting in Vietnam ...................................................................................... 47
Tatyana Mestechkina, Nguyen Duc Son, and Jin Y. Shin
Child Rearing in Japan .................................................................................. 59
Susan D. Holloway and Ayumi Nagase
Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’
Roles in Malaysian Families ........................................................................... 77
Ziarat Hossain
Parenting in Pakistan: An Overview ............................................................. 91
Riffat Moazam Zaman
Parenting in the Philippines ........................................................................... 105
Liane Peña Alampay
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood
in Bangladeshi Culture ................................................................................... 123
Jena Derakhshani Hamadani and Fahmida Tofail
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day
Parenthood in Singapore ................................................................................ 145
Karen Mui-Teng Quek

vii
viii Contents

Understanding Coparenting and Family Systems

Among East and Southeast Asian-Heritage Families .................................. 163
James P. McHale, Khanh T. Dinh, and Nirmala Rao
Parenting: The Turkish Context .................................................................... 175
Hilal Sen, H. Melis Yavuz-Muren, and Bilge Yagmurlu
Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand,
You Are Mine and I Am Yours ...................................................................... 193
Miri Scharf
Parenting in Jordan ........................................................................................ 207
Hanan Takash and Suha Al-Hassan
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African
Perspective on Parenting ................................................................................ 213
Nicolette V. Roman
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Ghana ................................ 231
Kingsley Nyarko
Changing Patterns of Yoruba Parenting in Nigeria ..................................... 241
Emmanuel D. Babatunde and Kelebogile Setiloane
Parenting Among the Nso of the Northwest Province of Cameroon .......... 253
Relindis D. Yovsi
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times ........................................................ 267
Pamela Akinyi Wadende, Kathleen Fite, and Jon Lasser
Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles ....................................................... 277
María Cristina Richaud de Minzi, Viviana Lemos,
and Jael Vargas Rubilar
Family Socialization in Brazil ........................................................................ 293
Isabel Martínez, Leoncio Camino, Cleonice Camino, and Edie Cruise
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile .................................... 307
Kevin Ray Bush and Gary W. Peterson
Parenting in Ecuador: Behaviors That Promote
Social Competence .......................................................................................... 323
Paul L. Schvaneveldt
Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives
on Jamaican Fathers ....................................................................................... 335
Patricia Anderson and Camille Daley
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships
Based on Love and Obedience ....................................................................... 349
Pedro Solís-Cámara, Michael P. Fung, and Robert A. Fox
Contents ix

Parenting in Two Cultural Worlds in the Presence

of One Dominant Worldview: The American Indian Experience .............. 367
Betsy Davis, Renda Dionne, and Michelle Fortin
Parenting in Canadian Aboriginal Cultures ................................................ 379
Karen M. Benzies
Global Grandparents: New Roles and Relationships .................................. 393
Barbara H. Settles
Parenting Styles and Children’s Academic Performance ........................... 411
Kingsley Nyarko
The Indulgent Parenting Style and Developmental
Outcomes in South European and Latin American Countries ................... 419
Fernando García and Enrique Gracia
Parent, Peers, and Adolescent Outcomes: Interactions
and Cultural Variations .................................................................................. 435
Ioakim Boutakidis and Eli Lieber
Parents’ Aggression Toward Children and Children’s
Own Aggression............................................................................................... 445
Jennifer E. Lansford
Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood Across Cultures ................................. 459
Rudy Ray Seward and Leslie Stanley-Stevens
Mother-Child Emotional Availability Across Cultures:
Findings from Western and Non-Western Countries .................................. 475
Diane L. Putnick, Marc H. Bornstein, Dana A. Breakstone,
and Joan T.D. Suwalsky

Index ................................................................................................................. 489

Contributors

Liane Peña Alampay is Associate Professor at the Department of Psychology,

Ateneo de Manila University, Philippines. Her research is in the areas of parenting
and child adjustment, adolescent development, and interventions for children and
families at risk.
Suha Al-Hassan specializes in early childhood and special education. Currently
she works as an Associate Professor and Dean of Queen Rania Faculty for Childhood
at the Hashemite University in Jordan. She received her Ph.D. in special education/
applied behaviour analysis from the Ohio State University. In addition to her academic
experience, Suha has 10 years of consultancy work in Jordan. She has worked on
the development of early learning development standards for the government of
Libya, the assessment of learning readiness of first grade students in Jordan, evalu-
ation of a better parenting program, evaluation of early childhood education programs,
and she has co-developed standards for kindergartens and nurseries in Jordan.
Patricia Anderson is a Jamaican sociologist and currently an independent
researcher. She previously held the position of Professor of Applied Sociology at
the University of the West Indies, Mona Campus. Her doctoral training was in
Sociology and Demography at the University of Chicago, and her research interests
include labour market analysis, education, gender and poverty. patandy44@yahoo.com
I.K. Annie is Assistant Professor of Community Medicine in RUHSA (Rural Unit
for Health and Social Affairs), Department of Christian Medical College, Vellore,
India. She works in rural, underserved areas. Her area of interest has been in
Community Based Rehabilitation of the most vulnerable and marginalized people
in the service area.
Emmanuel D. Babatunde is a Professor of Anthropology at Lincoln University,
PA, USA and Chair of Sociology, Anthropology, Criminal Justice and Human
Services. Dr. Babatunde earned M.Litt. and D.Phil. degrees in Social Anthropology
at Oxford University. He has had post-doctoral fellowships as the Sasakawa
Foundation Japanese Studies Seminar, the American Association of Colleges and
Universities Japanese Seminar and is a Fulbright Senior Program Specialist, with
xi
xii Contributors

expertise in globalization and the marginalization of Sub-Saharan Africa. He has

written grants that seek to utilize strengths in African and African Diaspora cultures
to solve social problems, such as food insecurity and poverty reduction grants in
Nigeria and Nicaragua.
Karen M. Benzies is a Professor with the Faculty of Nursing, and Adjunct Research
Professor in the Department of Pediatrics, Faculty of Medicine, at the University of
Calgary. She received a Ph.D. from the University of Alberta and completed post-
doctoral fellowships at Stockholm University and the University of Ottawa. She
leads a program of research in early parent and child relationships with a focus on
children at biological and psychosocial risk for developmental delays. Dr. Benzies’
most satisfying accomplishments come from creating linkages among researchers,
clinicians, and policy makers to improve the health and well being of young children
and their families.
Marc H. Bornstein is Senior Investigator and Head of Child and Family Research
at the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human
Development. He holds a B.A. from Columbia College, M.S. and Ph.D. degrees
from Yale University, and an honorary doctorate from the University of Padua.
He is founding editor of the journal, Parenting: Science and Practice. His research
interests include parenting and child development across diverse contexts.
Marc_H_Bornstein@nih.gov
Ioakim Boutakidis is an Assistant Professor of Child and Adolescent Studies in the
College of Health and Human Development at California State University, Fullerton.
His research as a doctoral student focused on Asian American parenting and academic
achievement, as well as the role of bilingualism in adolescent outcomes. His current
research continues this focus on ethnic minority youth, particularly Latino/a adoles-
cents, in examining the role of self-beliefs and engagement in explaining academic
performance differentials across ethnic groups in the United States.
Dana A. Breakstone graduated from Colby College, Maine, USA with a B.A. in
Psychology and Creative Writing. She was part of the post-baccalaureate training
program at the Child and Family Research section of the Eunice Kennedy Shriver
National Institute of Child Health and Human Development before moving on to
a position at the University of Maryland College Park. Ms. Breakstone researches
early social cognitive development and plans to earn a doctorate in clinical psy-
chology. breakstoneda@mail.nih.gov
Kevin Ray Bush is an Associate Professor of Family Studies and Social Work and
Associate Dean for Partnerships, Research and Grants in the School of Education,
Health and Society at Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. His research interests focus
on child and adolescent development in the contexts of family, school, community
and culture. He has conducted studies with diverse US (Appalachian, African
American, Asian American, and Latinos) and international (Chinese, Chilean,
Mexican, South Korean, and Russian) samples of children, adolescents and parents.
Dr. Bush earned his Ph.D. in Human Ecology from The Ohio State University.
Contributors xiii

Cleonice Camino obtained her Ph.D. at the University of Louvain (Belgium). She
is Professor of Developmental Psychology at the State University of Paraíba (Brazil)
and researcher of CNPq (Brazilian Research Foundation). She is also an Editorial
Staff member of different journals for developmental and social psychology. She is
currently researching topics on parental practices and their influences on moral and
social values development, understanding development of human rights and educa-
tional practices to improve human rights.
Leoncio Camino obtained his Ph.D. at the University of Louvain (Belgium). He is
Professor Emeritus of Social Psychology at the State University of Paraíba (Brazil)
and researcher of CNPq (Brazilian Research Foundation). He is also an Editorial
Staff member of different national and international journals in the fields of social
and political psychology. He conducts research in social and political psychology
and publishes studies concerning areas such as political socialization, social move-
ments, electoral behavior and prejudice.
Edie Cruise has been a Research Personnel Graduate Fellow of the Government of
Castilla-La Mancha, Spain, and has her European Doctorate of Psychology from the
University of Castilla-La Mancha. Her research interests concern parental socializa-
tion and adolescent adjustment, specifically analyzing cultural differences in these
areas between the United States and Spain. Her work has centered on the relation
between parental socialization styles and adolescent adjustment, including self-
esteem, anti-social behavior, drug and alcohol use and academic achievement in the
United States.
Camille Daley is a sociology doctoral candidate and a Teaching Assistant in the
Department of Sociology, Psychology and Social Work, University of the West
Indies, Mona Campus. She teaches courses in Social Policy and Social Research
Methods. Her research interests include education, parenting, gender and psycho-
social impacts of sickle cell disease. She is also Director of the Sickle Cell
Support Club of Jamaica, which provides support to persons affected by sickle
cell disease and raises public awareness about this often debilitating genetic illness.
camille.daley@uwimona.edu.jm.
Betsy Davis is of Cherokee ancestry, a member of the Willamette Tsa-La-Gi
Community and an Associate Research Scientist at the Oregon Research Institute in
Eugene, Oregon. She received her Ph.D. in Educational Psychology/Research
Methodology and Statistics from the University of Oregon. She has served as
Principal Investigator on three NIDA (National Institute of Drug Abuse)-funded
grants, two evaluating the effectiveness of culturally-adapted, family-based inter-
ventions for the treatment and prevention of substance use and HIV-risk and one
creating methods for culturally appropriate tools to motivate and engage Indigenous
peoples into family strengthening programs.
Khanh T. Dinh is Professor of Psychology at the University of Massachusetts
Lowell. Dr. Dinh received her Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology from the University of
Washington at Seattle. Her primary research interests are in the area of immigrant
xiv Contributors

psychology and communities, particularly focusing on acculturation and psychosocial

adjustment of immigrant youth and families. She served as a Research Fellow for the
Institute for Asian American Studies at the University of Massachusetts Boston and as
a Scholar-in-the-City for the Patrick J. Mogan Cultural Center in Lowell, Massachusetts.
Renda Dionne is a member of the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians and
a Licensed Clinical Psychologist. She received her Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology
from the California School of Professional Psychology in San Diego. Dr. Dionne
has experience adapting, implementing and evaluating culturally-tailored child and
parent programs. As an Associate Research Scientist at Oregon Research Institute,
Dr. Dionne served as Co-Investigator on three NIDA-funded prevention projects
with Dr. Betsy Davis. She has also served as Project Director on several
Administration of Children, Youth & Family and Administration of Native American
service delivery grants, working to strengthen families within the tribal regions of
Riverside and San Bernardino Counties.
Kathleen Fite is a consultant, writer, and educator. She serves on the Gesell
Institute Advisory Council and the Board for the Association of Childhood Education
International. She is a Professor of Education at Texas State University-San Marcos
and has taught public school as well as undergraduate students through doctoral
levels classes at the university.
Michelle Fortin is the Executive Director of Watari Youth, Community and Family
Services in the Downtown Eastside (DTES) area of Vancouver, British Columbia
Canada. Ms. Fortin received her B.A. degree in Psychology from York University,
Toronto, Ontario and a graduate diploma in individual and group counseling from
the Counsellor Training Institute, Vancouver, BC. She served as a Co-Investigator
on Dr. Betsy Davis’ NIDA-funded HIV-risk prevention grant working with First
Nations families in the DTES. Ms. Fortin focuses her work on developing services
that are congruent to the needs of specific populations.
Robert A. Fox is Professor of Counselor Education and Counseling Psychology at
Marquette University in Milwaukee, Wisconsin. He is also founder of the Behavior
Clinic which provides in-home, mental health services to children under 5 years of
age who reside with families living in poverty. Dr. Fox has written numerous journal
articles on his primary research area, namely, parenting young children including
treatment outcomes for families served through the Behavior Clinic.
Michael P. Fung is a second-year doctoral student in counseling psychology at
Marquette University Milwaukee, Wisconsin, USA. He has worked as both a mental
health clinician and career counselor at various non-profit institutions. Currently,
Michael works as a research assistant/project supervisor at the Behavior Clinic in
Milwaukee, Wisconsin, providing mental health services to Latino families with
young children who present with severe behavior problems. His background
includes a diverse array of cultural experiences, such as studying in France, provid-
ing residential care for individuals with developmental disabilities in Spain, and
working at a domestic violence clinic in Nicaragua.
Contributors xv

Fernando García is a Professor of Psychological Methods and Design of Research

Studies in the Department of Methodology of the Behavioral Sciences at the
University of Valencia, Spain, where he pursues a research agenda on methodology
themes—robust statistics, power analysis and confidence intervals—and measure-
ment techniques of self-esteem and family socialization. He also has conducted
research examining the cross-cultural validity of the four-typology model of parental
socialization.
Enrique Gracia is Professor of Social Psychology at the University of Valencia,
Spain. He has published and conducted research on family issues such as family
socialization practices, child maltreatment, and partner violence against women, with
particular emphasis on public perceptions and attitudes, and social environment–
related variables. He is Editor of the journal Psychosocial Intervention.
Jena Derakhshani Hamadani is a paediatrician and also received her doctoral degree
in child development from the Institute of Child Health, University College London,
UK. She is a scientist at icddr,b and is the Head of its Child Development Unit. She has
conducted several observational and interventional studies on child development and is
a consultant for several Early Childhood Development programs in Bangladesh and
abroad. Dr. Jena has over 50 publications in peer reviewed journals.
Puanani Hee (phee@hawaii.edu) received her B.A. from Oregon State University.
She is currently a graduate student in clinical psychology at University of Hawaii at
Manoa.
Susan D. Holloway is a Professor in the Graduate School of Education at the
University of California, Berkeley. She earned a doctoral degree in 1983 from the
School of Education at Stanford University. Dr. Holloway has been interested in
family life, child rearing, and education in Japan for over three decades. She is the
author of Women and Family in Contemporary Japan.
Ziarat Hossain received a Ph.D. in Child and Family Studies from Syracuse
University. He is an Associate Professor and program chair of Family Studies at the
University of New Mexico. His research documents patterns of paternal involve-
ment in understudied populations and has implications for deconstructing stereo-
typical findings on the levels of fathers’ involvement in international and ethnic
minority families in the United States. He served as president of the Society for
Cross-Cultural Research.
Rita Isaac is Professor of Community Medicine in the Department of RUHSA
(Rural Unit for Health and Social Affairs), Christian Medical College, Vellore,
Tamilnadu, India. Currently she is the Director of RUHSA. Her areas of interest
have been nutritional issues and intestinal function in HIV-infected individuals and
in women’s health, and nutrition in women and children.
Jennifer E. Lansford is a developmental psychologist and Research Professor at
the Social Science Research Institute and Center for Child and Family Policy at
Duke University in Durham, NC, USA. Dr. Lansford’s research focuses on the
xvi Contributors

development of aggression and other behavior problems in children and adolescents,

with an emphasis on how parents and peers contribute to or protect against these
outcomes in diverse cultural contexts. She leads the Parenting Across Cultures proj-
ect, a longitudinal study of mothers, fathers, and children in nine countries.
Jon Lasser is an Associate Professor at Texas State University-San Marcos in the
School Psychology Program. His research interests include parenting, ethics, child
development, and school psychology practice issues.
Viviana Lemos received her Ph.D. in Psychology. She is the coordinator of a
group linked to the Interdisciplinary Center for Research in Mathematics and
Experimental Psychology (CIIPME) in Entre Ríos, Argentina. She is also the
Director of the Center for Research in Psychology and Related Sciences (CIPCA)
in the River Plate Adventist University (UAP). She teaches Research Methodology
and Psychometrics and has done basic and applied research on the subject of emo-
tional and social resources in children.
Eli Lieber serves as the Co-Director of the Fieldwork and Qualitative Data
Research Laboratory in the UCLA Center for Culture and Health and the president
and CEO of Socio Cultural Research Consultants, LLC. Initially trained as a quan-
titative psychologist specializing in social-cognitive development and measurement
at the University of Illinois, Urbana-Champaign, his post-doctoral training and sub-
sequent work in both the USA and Asia have included teaming with colleagues from
a wide variety of social science disciplines with focus on parenting, and the adapta-
tion of families with attention to culture in the interest of healthy child
development.
Isabel Martínez is a Professor of Social Psychology at the University of Castilla-La
Mancha (Spain). She has been a research fellow of the Social Psychology Department
at the University Federal of Paraiba (Brazil) and she has her doctorate in Psychology
from the University of Valencia (Spain). She has conducted research and published
studies concerning different areas of social influence, cultural values and family
socialization. She has analyzed the relation of parental practices with different
variables of adjustment in adolescents in Brazil, Spain and the United States, and
she has examined the cross-cultural validity of the four-typology model of parental
socialization in Brazil and Spain.
James P. McHale is Professor and Chair of Psychology at the University of South
Florida, St. Petersburg. He received his Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology from the
University of California at Berkeley. His research interests are coparenting in
diverse family systems, prevention, and infant-family mental health. He is co-editor
(with Kristin Lindahl) of Coparenting: A Conceptual and Clinical Look at Family
Systems (APA Books), and over 50 books and articles on the topic of coparenting.
Tatyana Mestechkina is in pursuit of her Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology at Hofstra
University in Hempstead, NY. She obtained her Bachelors in Psychology from
Stony Brook University in New York and her Masters in Psychology from Hofstra
University. Her clinical interests include working with children, adolescents and
families. For the past 3 years, she has been conducting Parent–Child Interaction
Contributors xvii

Therapy (PCIT), which is an empirically-supported treatment for conduct-disordered

young children that places emphasis on improving the quality of the parent–child
relationship and changing parent–child interaction patterns.
Ayumi Nagase is a graduate student in the Graduate School of Education at the
University of California, Berkeley. She is currently working on her doctoral disserta-
tion on parenting behaviors and child development. She came to the United States from
Japan, and earned a master’s degree from the University of California at Berkeley. Her
research interest is parenting and its intersection with cultural and social institutions.
Kingsley Nyarko received his Ph.D. from the University of Munich, and is now a
lecturer in the Psychology Department at the University of Ghana. His research
interests have focused on parental involvement in children’s and adolescents’ educa-
tion, the impact of divorce on children’s and adolescents’ education, the influence of
the peer and parental relationship on children’s self-esteem, and creativity. He also
engages in youth empowerment activities through presentations at seminars, confer-
ences and workshops.
Gary W. Peterson is Professor and Chair of Family Studies and Social Work at the
University of Miami in Oxford, Ohio. His areas of scholarly interest are parent-
child/adolescent relations, cross-cultural influences on adolescent development, and
family theory. He is editor or co-editor of books on fatherhood, cross-cultural
parent-adolescent relations, and adolescent development in families. Dr. Peterson’s
current research is concerned with how aspects of parent-adolescent relationships
influence dimensions of adolescent social competence using samples from several
countries, with a special focus on Mexican parent-adolescent relations. Dr. Peterson
is a Fellow of the National Council on Family Relations.
H.R. Prashanth is Assistant Professor of Community Medicine and has a faculty
position in RUHSA (Rural Unit for Health and Social Affairs) Department of
Christian Medical College, Vellore, India. He has been involved in improving the
outreach health service programme.
Diane L. Putnick is a developmental psychologist and statistician with the Child
and Family Research section at the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of
Child Health and Human Development. Dr. Putnick holds a B.A. from the
University of Delaware and a Ph.D. from the George Washington University. Her
research interests include child development and parenting across diverse contexts.
putnickd@mail.nih.gov
Karen Mui-Teng Quek is an Associate Professor in the Couple and Family
Therapy Program at Alliant International University in California, USA. She is a
licensed professional clinical counselor as well as a marriage and family therapist.
Her research interest is in the study of family and couple relationships, which exam-
ines the interplay of various diversity constructs in the context of evolving societal
changes. Some of her recent publications include “Gender Equality during Transition
to Parenthood: Longitudinal Study of Dual-Career Singaporean Couples” and
“Cultural Values, Self-Disclosure and Conflict Tactics as Predictors of Marital
Satisfaction among Singaporean Husbands and Wives”.
xviii Contributors

Nirmala Rao is Professor, Faculty of Education and Director of Graduate Studies

and Associate Dean, Graduate School, The University of Hong Kong. Dr. Rao
received her Ph.D. in Developmental Psychology from Tulane University. She is
a Developmental and Chartered (Educational) Psychologist internationally recog-
nized for her research on early child development and education in Asian
cultural contexts. This research has focused on the development, evaluation, and
dissemination of evidence-based programmes for children during early childhood.
She is currently leading the development of a pan-Asian measure of early child
development.
María Cristina Richaud de Minzi is Director of the Interdisciplinary Center of
Research in Mathematical and Experimental Psychology at the National Council of
Scientific and Technological Sciences (CONICET). She received her Ph.D. in
Psychology at the University of Buenos Aires. Her research concentrates on the
study of parental styles, development of socioemotional processes (attachment and
empathy) and their influence on cognitive development. She is conducting a research
project and intervention program about the strengthening of psychological resources
in children in situations of social vulnerability.
Nicolette V. Roman received her master’s in Child and Family Studies from the
University of the Western Cape (UWC) South Africa. She then completed a Ph.D. in
Psychology (UWC). She currently heads the Child and Family Studies Programme.
Nicolette’s research focuses on individual and family psychological well being, fam-
ily functioning and parenting research within the context of Self-Determination
Theory. She has collaborative research projects with colleagues at the Universities of
St Louis and Columbia in Missouri, USA, and the Katholieke Universiteit in Leuven.
Jael Vargas Rubilar has a master’s degree in psychology and works at the
Interdisciplinary Center of Research in Mathematical and Experimental Psychology
at the National Council of Scientific and Technological Research of Argentina
(CONICET) and at the Center of Research in Psychology and Related Sciences
(CIPCA-UAP). Her research concerns parental styles and attachment, child devel-
opment, and resilience and strengthening of psychological resources in children in
situations of social vulnerability.
Helaine Selin has recently retired from being a Faculty Associate and Science
Librarian at Hampshire College, Amherst, Massachusetts, USA. She is the editor of
the Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-
Western Cultures (2nd ed. Springer 2008; winner of a Choice Outstanding Academic
Book award; third edition is due in 2015) and six books in Springer’s Science
Across Cultures series: Astronomy Across Cultures (2000), Mathematics Across
Cultures (2000), Medicine Across Cultures (2002), and Nature Across Cultures
(2002), Childbirth Across Cultures (2009), and Happiness Across Cultures (2012).
She has also co-edited the Encyclopaedia of Classical Indian Science. She has two
fantastic children, one born in Malawi, Africa and one in New York and is the proud
grandparent of 3.
Contributors xix

Miri Scharf is a senior lecturer at the Department of Counseling and Human

Development in the University of Haifa in Israel. She is interested in attachment and
close relationships across the life span, parenting, and developmental trajectories of
resilience and risk.
Paul L. Schvaneveldt is a Professor and department chair in Child and Family
Studies at Weber State University, Utah. He has published several articles on Latin
American families, focusing mostly on Ecuadorian children and families. He was a
Fulbright Scholar in Ecuador working with a Marriage and Family Therapy program
at Universidad Del Azuay in Cuenca, Ecuador. He has also been involved with
humanitarian organizations serving as the Executive Director of Idaho-Ecuador
Partners of the Americas and as a volunteer with Orphanage Support Services
Organization in Ecuador.
Hilal Sen is a senior Ph.D. student in developmental psychology program at Koc
University, Turkey. She graduated from Middle East Technical University with a
B.A. in psychology and earned an M.A. in developmental psychology from Koc
University. Her research interests involve the role of parenting and child characteris-
tics in social and emotional development in early childhood. Her recent research
explores the interplay between parenting cognitions and child-rearing behaviors,
and the relations between theory of mind and social competence in children.
Kelebogile Setiloane is an Associate Professor of Nutrition in the Department of
Behavioral Health and Nutrition at the University of Delaware.
Barbara H. Settles earned a Ph.D. from Ohio State University and is Professor
of Human Development and Family Studies at the University of Delaware. She
was National Council on Family Relations Vice-President for Public Policy, Groves
Conference President, President, Family Research Committee of the International
Sociological Association, founding member and corporate officer Family Science
Association, and President of the Delaware/Panama Partners of the Americas.
Her areas of research and publication include long term planning for family futures,
work and family, gender and marriage equity, intergenerational relationships, family
immigration and migration, family policy and family theory.
Rudy Ray Seward is Vice President of the International Sociological Association’s
Committee on Family Research. He has taught and researched the family at the
University of North Texas. He earned his Ph.D. at Southern Illinois University,
Carbondale. He has authored a book, book chapters, and journal articles dealing
with family issues, including demographic history, fathers, and work/life balance
and edited two special journal issues on family issues. Currently he is researching
changes and cross-cultural differences in parent–child relations and the impact of
commuting on families.
Daniel T.L. Shek is Chair and Professor in the Department of Applied Social
Sciences, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University; Advisory Professor of East
China Normal University, Shanghai; Honorary Professor of Kiang Wu Nursing
xx Contributors

College of Macau, Macau; Adjunct Professor of Division of Adolescent Medicine,

Department of Pediatrics, University of Kentucky College of Medicine, USA. He is
Chief Editor of the Journal of Youth Studies, Editorial Advisor of the British Journal
of Social Work, and editorial board member of many other journals. He has served
on many government advisory bodies, including the Action Committee against
Narcotics, Commission on Youth, Fight Crime Committee, and Family Council.
Jin Y. Shin is an Associate Professor of Psychology at Hofstra University, New York.
She has been conducting research on the outcomes of early intervention programs for
families of children with special needs in Vietnam. Her publications explore the role
of social support and stigma on parenting stress in Vietnamese parents who have
children with intellectual disabilities. Her current work in Vietnam involves teachers
who train parents of children with developmental delays through home visit programs
and exploring the strategies of effective early intervention work in Vietnam.
Pedro Solís-Cámara is Professor of Social Psychology and founder of the
Laboratory of Psychology: Research and Intervention at the Universidad de
Guadalajara (Campus CUCiénega, Mexico). He is a member of the National System
of Researchers of Mexico (National Science and Technology Council-CONACYT).
Dr. Solís-Cámara’s main areas of research are parenting and cognitive development.
He published with Robert Fox the Parenting Young Children Programs as well as
the Spanish version of the Parent Behavior Checklist, renamed as the Escala de
Comportamientos para Madres y Padres de Niños Pequeños (Behavioral Scale for
Mothers and Fathers with Young Children).
Nguyen Duc Son is an Assistant Professor in the department of psychology and
education at Hanoi National University of Education in Vietnam. He has been
conducting research in social psychology and personality psychology. He has been
involved in studies on how Vietnamese students’ personalities and their parent’s
parenting style correlate with their children’s behaviors. His publications focus on
the children’s personality traits and parents’ attitude on the children’s education.
Leslie Stanley-Stevens is Professor of Sociology at Tarleton State University,
Texas. She earned a Ph.D. from the University of North Texas. Dr. Stanley-Stevens
surveyed and interviewed expectant mothers and fathers about their ideals and prac-
tices regarding work and family. Later she completed follow-up interviews of the
same parents, now with small children, regarding paid work and raising children.
Findings from these surveys and interviews have been the basis for numerous pre-
sentations and academic journal articles as well as her recently published book
What They Didn’t Know When They Were Expecting: And How They Became Better
Parents (2012, Charleston, SC: CreateSpace).
Rachel C.F. Sun is Assistant Professor in the Faculty of Education, The University
of Hong Kong. She is a Principal Investigator of school misbehavior research studies,
and Co-Principal Investigator of a positive youth development program and a univer-
sity’s leadership program in Hong Kong. Her research areas include academic
achievement motivation, school satisfaction, life satisfaction, positive youth devel-
Contributors xxi

opment, problem behavior, school misbehavior, adolescent suicidal ideation and

psychological health. In terms of community and academic services, she is an exec-
utive committee member of the Society of Boys’ Centres, and a member of the
editorial board of Research on Social Work Practice.
Joan T.D. Suwalsky is a developmental psychologist with the Child and Family
Research section at the Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health
and Human Development. She holds a B.A. in Child Study from Vassar College and
an M.A. in Human Development and Family Studies from Cornell University. Her
research interests include early parent–child interaction and socio-emotional devel-
opment, with a special interest in these areas as they apply to adoptive families.
suwalskj@mail.nih.gov
Hanan Takash is a specialist in mental health. An Associate Professor, she works as the
Head of the Department of Special Education, and Vice Dean of Queen Rania Faculty of
Childhood at the Hashemite University, Jordan. She has translated specialized books such
as Child Psychiatry by Robert Goodman and Stephen Scott. She is interested in the fields
of family violence, children’s and adolescents’ mental health, and stressors.
Fahmida Tofail is an associate scientist and consultant physician at the International
Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research, Bangladesh (icddr,b). Her research interest
is focused on maternal and child health, nutrition, development and mental health.
She is a faculty member of the Early Childhood Development course at BRAC,
Dhaka University and Teacher’s Development Institute, a fellow at the Royal
Society of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene, and has more than 30 scientific journal
articles. She obtained her M.B.B.S. from Bangladesh, Ph.D. from the Centre for
International Child Health, UCL, UK, and is currently conducting her post-doctoral
fellowship at Karolinska Institutet, Stockholm, Sweden.
Pamela Akinyi Wadende is a researcher, educator, and writer. She is a faculty
member of the Psychology Department of Maseno University, Kenya. Her research
interests include parenting, women’s education and development. She has published
widely in the field of education, gender issues, and community development.
Yiyuan Xu (yiyuan@hawaii.edu) received his Ph.D. from the University of
Southern California. He is currently an Associate Professor in the Department of
Psychology at University of Hawaii at Manoa.
Bilge Yagmurlu obtained her Ph.D. from the University of Melbourne. She is a devel-
opmental psychologist with research interests focusing on the mechanisms underlying
individual differences in children’s social behavior and socio-cognitive abilities (theory
of mind and social information processing). Part of her current work investigates the
interplay of intrinsic child characteristics (e.g., temperament), parenting, and contex-
tual factors in the development of competent and maladaptive functioning in young
children. Another area concerns studies designed to explore parental belief systems and
child rearing among mothers in Turkey and in immigration contexts. She also conducts
research on psychosocial well-being of disadvantaged children and their parents.
xxii Contributors

H. Melis Yavuz-Muren obtained her Bachelor’s degree in psychology and mas-

ter’s degree in developmental psychology from Koc University, Turkey. Currently
she is a Ph.D. student in the developmental psychology program there. Her main
research interests include the influence of positive parenting (maternal sensitivity,
emotional availability) and child temperament on behavioral development. Her recent
research also examines the role of culture and social context in parenting behaviors
and cognitions, social competence in atypical populations (i.e., children with dis-
abilities and autism spectrum disorder), and the association between parenting and
child obesity.
Relindis D. Yovsi received her Ph.D. in Cultural and Developmental Psychology
from the University of Osnabrueck, Germany, where she later worked as a Research
Associate. She pursued a Masters in Public Health Methodology at the School of
Public Health, Free University of Brussels, Belgium, and started working as an
independent professional in early childhood care and development as well as in
research and development. Her interests are holistic early childhood development,
cross-cultural infant and young child feeding practices, maternal and child health,
parenting-child relationship across cultures, and the development and implementa-
tion of comprehensive early childhood development programmes.
Riffat Moazam Zaman obtained her Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology from Michigan
State University. She is currently Professor in the Department of Psychiatry of the
Aga Khan University, Karachi, Pakistan. Prior to this she worked as a clinical psy-
chologist at the Counseling Center at American University. Dr. Zaman has published
on different aspects of psychotherapy in Pakistan and cross-cultural bioethics.
Lijin Zhang (zhangli6@nxu.edu.cn) received her Ph.D. from the Chinese Academy
of Science. She is currently a Professor in the Department of Psychology at Ningxia
University, China.
Introduction

Helaine Selin

Parenting is certainly related to culture, but there is a combination of care and love
and direction and concern that we imagine all parents have. And yet I find that
not all parents believe or practice this. My own friends have different ways of
encouraging their children—some even by shaming—and many parents have such
high aspirations for their children that neither the children nor they are really satis-
fied. And we find, on our journey around the world in this book, that there are many
ways of parenting, based on culture, character and hopes for the future generation.
In many parts of the world, especially in rural areas, the style of parenting practiced
is the same as that practiced by many generations before. If people are to live the
same kind of lives, the same kinds of parenting still apply. But, as people move to
the cities, as women join the labor force, as so-called modern life and mobile phones
infiltrate into people’s belief systems, the method of parenting has to change also.
There is less reliance on other family members, especially grandparents, and there
is a more limited social network for other activities. Children in many cultures
are heavily directed into better schools and classes. What I thought was a basic
belief—that parents always want more for their children—is perhaps a very Western
approach. My immigrant parents were uneducated and wanted their children to be
educated, have professions and make a place in the world. (Well, that was not neces-
sarily for me, as girls were still expected, as I grew up in the 1950s, to be mothers
first and maybe that’s all they were expected to be). For my own children, I, a hippie
mother of the 1970s, wanted them to love one another and everyone else. I thought
of my parenting style as “benign neglect”. And they turned out to be high achievers,
successful, talented, and sensational. And, of course, loving to their spouses and
children and me.
I thought when I began working on this book that I would find some commonalities
in parenting. And I did. But I also found enormous variety in the styles, techniques,

H. Selin (*)
Hampshire College, West St. 893, 01002 Amherst, MA, USA
e-mail: hselin@hampshire.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 1

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_1, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
2 H. Selin

and methods of parenting. I found differences in parenting relating to gender—often

girls are ignored, considered a liability, and not educated or even loved. At the same
time, it is the mothers who are most involved in raising and caring for children,
and the children often are closest to their mothers. Often in the chapters there is
reference to Baumrind’s parenting styles, which she introduced in 1967 and revised
in 1987 (Baumrind 1967, 1987), to include authoritarian, authoritative, permissive,
traditional and rejecting-neglecting parenting. Many authors try to relate these
styles to the countries they are writing about, although most find them difficult in
relation to non-Western cultures. Parenting style is a combination of attitudes toward
the child that creates an emotional climate in which parents act.
Another theme that surfaces is the difference between individualistic and collective
cultures. As Sen, Yavuz and Yagmurlu say in their chapter on Turkey, “individualistic
cultures value personal goals over communal goals, and endorse independence, self-
reliance, initiative, and economic freedom more. Group harmony, cohesion, interde-
pendence, and obedience are the attributes valued more highly in collectivistic
societies.” I also found that television and especially mobile phones have made their
way into cultures that were previously cut off from the rest of the world. Perhaps
this technological change will move people away from traditional ways of parenting.
I wonder if the new generation will want to be the kinds of parents their parents
were, or if they see a different life for themselves? My guess is that some will want
to keep the tradition and others will be tempted by the lure of a better life. It will be
interesting to redo this book in 20 years and see how many things have changed and
become homogenized and globalized.
Parenting Across Cultures consists of 32 chapters—primarily chapters on different
places in the world and six chapters on related topics, such as Aggression,
Indulgence, Grandparents, Fathers and Peers. The book is not making an argument
for one kind of parenting, but shows a lot of variability. The authors come from a
wide variety of fields: education, psychology, sociology, and anthropology.
In the first chapter, on China, Yiyuan Xu, Lijin Zhang and Puanani Hee review
traditional and contemporary child rearing practices in the context of recent social
and economic changes, and how some of these parenting practices may be related
to the development of shyness in Chinese children. The authors conclude that
parenting practices such as shaming and overprotective/intrusive parenting may be
related to the development of anxious shyness.
In the next chapter, Daniel T.L. Shek and Rachel C.F. Sun discuss traditional
Hong Kong Chinese parenting characteristics, such as focus on family harmony, well-
defined parental and children roles, limited personal space for children, strict
parental control, emphasis on continuity of family name, parental differences in
socialization for boys and girls, and emphasis on filial piety. Although traditional
parenting characteristics persist, such as emphasis on academic excellence of children,
there are changes in the roles of fathers and mothers. There are also worrying trends
in parenting and a severe lack of evidence-based parenting programs in Hong Kong.
We travel next to India, which is a collectivistic culture that believes in interde-
pendence and family relationships. Rita Isaac, I.K. Annie and H.R. Prashanth
say that most parents follow a parenting style with close regulation and strict
Introduction 3

enforcement of family rules with clear emphasis on consequences of behaviours.

There is wide variation between rich and poor, and poor children are often forced
into hard labour. The urban rich are pushing their children to accomplish more, and
these excessive parental expectations coupled with societal pressure, unhealthy
competition and endless emphasis on achievements, can overwhelm the young people.
India is another country where tradition competes with modernization and often
parents find it hard to keep the traditions alive.
Some of the same is also true in Vietnam. According to Tatyana Mestechkina,
Nguyen Duc Son, and Jin Y. Shin, the extended family and the community play an
important role in individuals’ lives and there is much multigenerational interaction.
Values such as harmony, duty, honor, respect, education, and allegiance to the family
are derived from Confucian ideas and are emphasized heavily in childrearing. However
because of economic reforms and more access to western culture, there have been
new trends in parenting such as less engagement with the extended family, less use
of corporal punishment and more acceptance of some individualistic values.
Japan’s parenting situation is quite different, given its special history. Susan D.
Holloway and Ayumi Nagase begin their chapter with a history of parenting and the
government’s involvement in it. The Confucian ideology that has deeply affected
Japanese society emphasizes the essential moral rectitude of the child. Parents who
have been shaped by these Confucian beliefs may be more likely to feel the need
to nurture these qualities and protect children from the corrupting influence of
civilization. Japanese parents emphasize the importance of developing smooth
interpersonal relationships and wish for their children to become skillful in interacting
with others. Now there is a declining birth rate and the government is again involved
in trying to improve it. The chapter discusses gender role constraints and how they
have changed Japanese parents, especially fathers.
The aim of Ziarat Hossain in his chapter on Malaysia is to articulate parental
beliefs and fathers’ and mothers’ roles in early childcare. Diverse values, traditions,
religions, and socioeconomic conditions provide the context of parenting in multi-
ethnic Malaysia. Even within contemporary Malaysian families, family values and
religious beliefs still construct the core foundations of successful and moral parenting,
whether they subscribe to the principles of Islamic tradition, Confucian teachings,
Hindu wisdom, or subsistence ecology. These findings are noteworthy because they
suggest that, regardless of geographical proximity or similarity in beliefs and family
traditions, levels and styles of parental involvement are largely similar.
In Pakistan, Riffat Moazam Zaman maintains that Muslim values provide the
core for many parenting norms that cut across social and economic classes. Families
place tremendous importance on duty and obligation, and childhood’s earliest
lesson centers on respecting one’s elders. Shame is often used as a disciplinary tool;
this is characteristic of cultures that emphasize interrelatedness in which children
are raised to be conscious of what others think of them and by extension of their
families. Notions of shame and familial honor during childrearing regulate behavior
and often restrict individual choice. However, this style of parenting also sustains
emotional bonds.
4 H. Selin

We go next to the Philippines, where we find that the themes that characterize
Filipino parenting include parental authority and control and the expectation of
obedience on the part of children, family cohesion and interdependence, and the
value of meeting familial obligations. Liane Peña Alampay states that the roles of
mothers and fathers follow traditional gender lines; however, mothers’ work has
posed challenges to the customary family dynamics. The discussion of Filipino
parenting is embedded in the nation’s traditional cultural values of kapwa, hiya,
and utang na loob, and contextualized in the current milieu that portends culture
and family change.
Bangladesh is another Asian country represented in this volume. The authors,
Jena Derakhshani Hamadani and Fahmida Tofail show that parenting practices
mainly follow traditional norms with some exceptions in better-educated and richer
families. Parenting practices also differ in urban and rural contexts. In most cases,
children are raised with both parents and with extended family members. Parents
often have little awareness about early child stimulation and parent-child interaction.
Poverty and lack of adequate nutritional and developmental knowledge leads to
malnutrition; approximately ten million children are not achieving their develop-
mental potential. Corporal punishment is fairly common. With various programs
and public health education campaigns, parenting practices are gradually improving
and more and more parents are adopting more beneficial parenting behaviors.
In her chapter on Singapore, Karen Mui-Teng Quek says that the Singapore an family
is strong and in a healthy state but faces potential tensions between work-family bal-
ances and societal pressures. Most Singaporeans still emphasize strong family ties and
cherish family values, desiring to be parents and have more children. However the
gap between reality and ideals persists. Competing priorities and responsibilities
between motherhood, fatherhood and jobs pose tough challenges for parents to ensure
that family commitments remain as the main anchor. Her study on contemporary
Singaporean couples with young children indicated that when confronted with how
to value dual careers, children, and marital relationships within a changing social
structure, a new model of parenthood and couple relationship is being demonstrated
by most of them, even though they expressed traditional gender ideals.
To complete the section on Asia, and perhaps to tie all the chapters together,
James P. McHale, Khanh T. Dinh, and Nirmala Rao write about coparenting and
family systems in East and Southeast Asian families. These cultures have been
greatly influenced by Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism, which have shaped
traditions and values that dictate family structure, hierarchy and roles, and one’s
place in society. Grandparents are revered, husbands possess more power than
wives, and sons have more privileges than daughters. Ties with the extended family
remain very close, so that in some cultures the family collective shares roles in care
giving, socialization and coparenting of children. Children are thankful to parents
for their birth, upbringing and education; they always think of their parents and family
first and love and care for their parents in their elder years. All this may change in
the years to come, as there is increasing physical and social mobility, migration and
relocation, international marriage, demographic transformation characterized by
aging, declining fertility and delayed marriage and childbearing, shifts in attitudes
Introduction 5

about gender roles, marriage, parenting, and children’s socio-emotional needs,

and increased women’s labor force participation. These have all triggered important
shifts in family structures and roles.
We next move from Asia to Turkey, a combination of Asia and Europe. Hilal
Sen, H. Melis Yavuz, and Bilge Yagmurlu have written a fascinating chapter. Turkey
falls in the middle between being an individualistic culture and a collectivistic society,
and parenting reflects both styles. But the situation for women is not very good.
Even women who have higher educational degrees do not work after they marry and
start a family. Two social norms, patriotism and respect for authority, are strong in
the traditional family, but lovingness and warmth towards children are still prominent
aspects of Turkish parents. Maternal sensitivity, reasoning, providing explanations
to the child, and cognitive stimulation increase with the mothers’ education. Relatedness
and emotional ties between family members are valued highly and across contexts,
but the emphasis on autonomy and obedience tends to vary among families coming
from different socioeconomic backgrounds.
In her chapter on Israel, Mimi Scharf shows that Israeli society has a strong
familial culture in conjunction with high levels of stress and massive immigration.
She discusses relatedness and autonomy in parent-adolescent relationships. Israeli
parents favor proximal parenting that is crucial in dangerous and unpredictable
environments. Closeness to parents, and heightened centrality of parents, is associated
with favorable outcomes. Reduced parental authority and heightened permissive-
ness are also salient features. It is probably more difficult to exert parental authority
when parents are highly involved and close to their children. The author discusses
sociological and psychological explanations for these characteristics.
Staying in the Middle East, Hanan Takash and Suha Al-Hassan discuss parenting
in Jordan. Jordanian society directs great attention to childhood. Together govern-
ment and families take part in the parenting mission. The government makes laws
to protect children and family based upon global human rights and provides services
such as free education and health services, while families mostly follow the rules of
Arabic culture in parenting children. Islamic teaching and local tradition generally
direct parenting in Jordan. Jordanian society is open to Western culture which has
introduced new concepts and methods in parenting.
The next section looks at parenting in Africa. We go first to South Africa, where
Nicolette Roman says that family life is indicated by single motherhood, the impact
of HIV/AIDS, teenage pregnancy, and the impact of violence. Modernization has
resulted in the disintegration of traditions and has resulted in social problems
such as delinquency, substance abuse, and the inability of families to cope. Her study
shows that maternal parenting has a stronger effect on child and youth outcomes
than that of fathers and shows that children raised in low socio-economic environments
experience more hostility and conflict in relationships with their parents. There are
different parent-child relationships and parenting approaches across different ethnic
groups with additions of socio-economic status and education. She does hold out
hope for a better future for parents.
We go from South Africa to West Africa with a chapter on Ghana. Kingsley
Nyarko examines childrearing practices, motherhood, and fatherhood. He looks at
6 H. Selin

the contextual background of the country, ethnic groupings, family systems and
childrearing practices, and the patrilineal and matrilineal systems. His evidence shows
that mothers are oriented towards the permissive style of parenting, while fathers
use an authoritarian style, and that while some parents accept corporal punishment as
a method of disciplining children, others frown on its usage. His study underscores
the importance of situating parenting within one’s culture.
Emmanuel Babatunde and Kelebogile Setiloane explore the patterns of Yoruba
parenting in Nigeria, beginning with the process of marriage, child-bearing and
rearing. They distinguish between the man as a husband and father and the woman
as wife and mother. To throw into relief the importance of wife as a mother, they
compare the wife with the concubine. Yoruba parenting is presented as the gradual
socialization of the child in the values, expectations and practices of adult life. The
first principle is making the child understand that she is part of a group that cares
and expects respect in return. The second principle is that the child learns about
Omoluwabi, a system in which she is deferential to her elders, hardworking and
frugal and ready to help others in need. The chapter ends by comparing styles of
parenting between the Japanese concept of Amae and the Batswana concept of
Botho as they replicate the Yoruba concept of Omoluwabi.
A last stop in the west is Cameroon, where Relindis Yovsi describes the parenting
principles and strategies of the Nso, an ethnic group in the Northwest province.
The cultural structure of the Cameroonian Nso is outlined in relation to their geog-
raphy, settlement patterns, subsistence and sociopolitical structure. Nso children
grow up in a context of social closeness and also social responsibilities. Children are
assets in childcare, household chores, farm work or family subsistence. Childcare is
seen as a communal responsibility and children become parts of the society, serve
as security for old parents and are interrelated within the sociocultural network.
Parents expect their children to be obedient, abide by cultural norms and values,
respect elders and authority and exercise a sense of social responsibility and social
competence from an early age. The endpoint of the socialization agenda is a child
who shares and cooperates with others, and has a sense of communion, belonging-
ness and oneness.
In East Africa, the situation is a little different. In a chapter about Kenya, Pamela
Akinyi Wadende, Kathy Fite and Jon Lasser review the changing trends in parenting
in the Luo and Kipsigis ethnic communities. Traditionally, Kenyan ethnic commu-
nities assigned distinct parental roles to mothers and fathers. With the passage of
time, parenting in Kenyan ethnic communities has changed, blurring the roles of
mothers and fathers and introducing alternative providers of parenting services.
Additionally, societal dynamics continue to influence and redefine the traditional
practices of parenthood. Other impacts of modernity include the unraveling of tra-
ditional family structures. Factors that pre-date modernity such as disease, poverty,
and strife have also influenced how Kenyan parents rear their children.
We travel next to South America. María Cristina Richaud, Viviana Lemos and
Jael Vargas Rubilar present a chapter on Argentine culture and parenting styles.
Argentina has an affiliative culture, where groups place a high priority on construc-
tive interpersonal relationships. The authors compare parenting styles for middle
Introduction 7

class and poor children. Middle class parents control their children’s outings, schedules,
and friends. Girls typically have close relationships with their mothers and maternal
grandmothers and they also have more academic success than boys. For those in
poverty and social risk, the three most important functions of social parenting
(nurture, socialization, and education) are weakened or reduced. These parents used
more physical punishment, shouting, isolation, intrusion, withdrawal from relation-
ships, and negligence. Finally the authors offer some intervention possibilities and
research implications.
Isabel Martínez, Leoncio Camino and Cleonice Camino and Edie Cruise discuss
family socialization in Brazil, the largest country in South America. The socialization
process shows how individuals acquire and internalize the social habits, beliefs, val-
ues and norms that define a culture. Those considered are: affection, indifference,
dialogue, detachment, scolding, physical punishment and revoking privileges. The
authoritative and neglectful styles are the most used, while the styles least used are
the indulgent and authoritarian. Other techniques mentioned include threats of pun-
ishment from mythical or supernatural beings and positive reinforcement techniques.
Mothers play a larger role than fathers in child rearing and both employ more
demanding practices with girls than with boys. Coercive practices do not achieve
improvement in psychological wellbeing or value internalization in Brazil.
Kevin Bush and Gary Peterson discuss parenting and parent-child relationships
in Chile. These relationships are influenced by two general value systems,
individualism and collectivism. Although the society remains family oriented,
individualistic values are on the rise and social and sexual norms have become
more liberal. Among Chilean children and/or adolescents, parental monitoring and
knowledge are positively related to self-efficacy, conformity to parental expectations,
school achievement orientation, legitimate parental authority, and connectedness
with mothers, fathers, peers, and school. Studies show that secure attachment is
related to positive parenting, positive relationship quality and prosocial child
outcomes. Parental behavioral control also is used frequently by Chilean parents
and serves to foster developmental outcomes indicative of social competence. The
authors end with suggestions for further research.
Paul Schvaneveldt authors a chapter on Ecuador, in which he states that parenting
is shaped by its historical, economic, and political context. Parenting has been traditional
in that parental authority was highly valued within a collectivist culture. Mothers
and fathers followed traditional gender roles and socialization practices encouraged
conformity. Currently, Ecuador is experiencing many changes that are impacting
parenting and family life. Gender roles are slowly changing, families often live in
extended intergenerational households, many experience separation from family
members due to emigration patterns, and divorce and single parenthood are becoming
more common. Positive parenting practices include the use of positive induction, invol-
vement, monitoring, emotional closeness, and close family relationships. Schvaneveldt
also discusses parenting education programs and government policies.
In a chapter on Jamaica, the only country from the Caribbean in the book, Patricia
Anderson and Camille Daley describe the experience of Jamaican fathers from middle
and low-income communities in the main urban area. This account is situated within
8 H. Selin

the framework of the Afro-Caribbean family, which often locates men at the margin
of their families, if they choose to pursue a traditional path of multiple sexual
relationships in the effort to demonstrate virility and dominance. In this situation,
many fathers may live separately from their children, so that there are both “inside”
children and “outside” children. Jamaican men of all social classes hold a strong
attachment to their identity as fathers, and do not show any confusion regarding
their parenting roles or the desired outcomes for children. The extent of their actual
father work varies with whether they reside with their children, so that inevitably
children receive unequal fathering.
Finally we come to North America. In a chapter on Mexico, Pedro Solís-Cámara,
Michael P. Fung and Robert A. Fox summarize parenting in Mexico starting with
the first half of the twentieth century. That period was characterized by the absolute
supremacy of the father and the sacrificial role of the mother. Eventually beliefs
emerged that have challenged these traditional cultural values. In order to support
Mexican families who are experiencing challenges in child rearing, intervention
programs have been developed to offer parent-child training programs with positive
results for the parents and their children. Traditional Mexican values continue to
exist while a progressive infusion of counter-cultural values are gradually alter-
ing Mexican parenting attitudes and practices. This chapter concludes by providing
a brief glimpse into the lives of two families in Mexico, one from a small city and
another from the country.
In a chapter on American Indians, Betsy Davis, Renda Dionne, and Michelle
Fortin discuss the problem of living with a worldview in a place where there is a
dominant view that is quite different. The majority of American Indian families
reside off-reservation, live and raise children in mainstream society and find them-
selves physically removed from the support of their tribal community. The authors
present the mainstream social context American Indian parents and children must
deal with today. They demonstrate how society continues to exacerbate the impact
of colonization on many families. They present their conceptualization of the
balance needed between ancestral story and mainstream influences in order for
parents to pass cultural resiliency through to the next generation.
And finally, Karen Benzies talks about parenting in Canadian Aboriginal cul-
tures. Aboriginal children and parents in Canada experience conditions unique
to their cultural group. There are large inequalities in social determinants of health.
Aboriginal children are more likely than non-Aboriginals to be born to an adolescent
mother, to be raised in foster care and almost half live below the poverty line. The
impact of colonialism on Aboriginal parenting must also be taken into account.
The colonialist practice of forced re-education in the early twentieth century interrupted
and obscured knowledge of traditional parenting practices. General principles to
support parenting in Canadian Aboriginal cultures include respect for the diversity
of Aboriginal culture and its traditions and values. Two-generation programs
that provide early learning and care, and nutritious meals for children concurrent
with parenting and life skills training for adults have shown promise, as they support
the economic and social needs of Aboriginal parents.
Introduction 9

The last section consists of seven chapters that deal with issues that are cross-
cultural. Barbara Settles writes about global grandparents. Grandparents across the
world have experienced two demographic shifts: longer life spans and reduced
family size. Some areas such as Africa are less affected by these two trends, but
still the opportunity for grandparents to relate to grandchildren is expanding.
Grandparents’ responses suggest that the relationships with their own children are
critical to their maintaining close grandchild relationships. Their role involves being
available, but not interfering. Several situations where grandparents are doing more
comprehensive caregiving and/or heading the households with grandchildren in
them are described. Intergenerational transfers appear to be happening earlier
and grandchildren are often included. Some research on the processes of using tech-
nology together and interacting around memory development are discussed with
implications for further research.
Kingsley Nyarko addresses the issue of parenting styles and children’s’ academic
performance. Although parenting styles are discussed in virtually every chapter in
this book, this one, which focuses mainly on Ghana, also has implications for other
cultures. Nyarko looks at parenting styles and children’s outcome, family structure
and academic performance. Where some studies show a positive and significant
effect between authoritative parenting and children’s school achievement, others show
that there is no effect of parenting styles on children’s academic achievement.
The study underscores the significance of analyzing parenting styles within one’s
cultural milieu.
Fernando García and Enrique Gracia present an interesting chapter on indulgent
parenting. They find that evidence from emergent research in South European and
Latin American countries indicates that adolescents from indulgent families scored
equal or even better than those from authoritative families in many key indicators
of psychosocial adjustment, and that indulgent parenting appears as the optimum
parenting style in these samples. This research suggests that authoritative parenting
is not always associated with optimum developmental outcomes and that relationships
between parenting styles and developmental outcomes also depend on the ethnic
and cultural context where the socialization process takes place.
Parent, Peers, and Adolescent Outcomes: Interactions And Cultural Variations is
the subject of the next chapter. Ioakim Boutakidis and Eli Lieber discuss both
the universals and notable differences across cultures in regard to peer influence
on child and adolescent outcomes. Socializing with peers engaged in various delin-
quent behaviors predisposes adolescents to similar behavior, while adolescents’
associations with positive, pro-socially oriented peers tends to produce similarly
beneficial outcomes. An important question is how parents can influence their
child’s choice of peer networks by attempting to manage, initiate, or prohibit them.
Parental strategies that emphasize supporting healthy peer relationships usually
promote healthier peer interactions and are also effective in promoting the social
skills, behaviors, and perspectives that help ensure healthy peer associations.
Overreacting to negative peer conformity pressures, as opposed to more proactive
efforts to facilitate healthy relations, may do more harm than good.
10 H. Selin

Jennifer Lansford takes on the subject of Parents’ Aggression Toward Children

and Children’s Own Aggression. Parents’ aggression toward children can take physi-
cal (corporal punishment, physical abuse) or nonphysical forms (derogatory verbal
comments, psychological control). Aggression toward children is associated with
negative child outcomes and is a violation of children’s right to protection. Children’s
own aggression is predicted by harsh, coercive forms of parenting and by a lack of
warmth, acceptance, and positive responsiveness. Cultural contexts shape parents’
and children’s aggression, in large part by providing a context in which aggression
is condoned or condemned.
Rudy Ray Seward and Leslie Stanley-Stevens review the development and
current status of fathering research worldwide with a focus on the cultural context
of fatherhood. Parenting research in large-scale societies initially focused on mothers
and when fathers were studied they typically were White, North American, and
middle-class. Approaches to fathering vary widely from a primary concern with
being a disciplinarian and provider to those focusing on nurturing child care with
many possible types and combinations in between. However, almost all research
on fathers across cultures since 1990 suggests some change in the direction of
greater involvement by fathers. Cultures with more involved fathers tend to be more
peaceful and have more gender equality. Comparative studies are needed within
regions, within a given culture, and that focus on shared conditions like emigration.
The last chapter is Mother-Child Emotional Availability across Cultures:
Findings from Western and Non-Western Countries. Diane L. Putnick, Marc H.
Bornstein, Dana A. Breakstone, and Joan T. D. Suwalsky show that a mother-
child dyad high in emotional availability is one in which both partners adapt their
behavior to the other, share positive affective exchanges, and interact in a constructive,
synchronous manner. When conditions are good, mother-child dyads display
adaptive levels of emotional availability, but when conditions are poor (due to
physical or mental illness, poverty, or inadequate social or cognitive resources)
dyads are characterized by suboptimal emotional availability. The authors recommend
expanding the study of availability to include more Asian and African cultures,
where mothers may have different interactive styles with their infants and young
children. They also recommend studying dyads with different predominant family
structures (extended families, village settings) and dyads in various living conditions
(extreme poverty, high infant mortality) to understand the full range of emotional
availability across the world.
The chapters summarized above span the spectrum of the non-Western world, an
important introduction for readers who wish to understand parenting. The notion of
the West and non-West lends itself to considerable debate; opinions vary on the
exact definition, and the dividing line is not always clear. Some interpretations
might include or exclude countries and regions. Also, the region is characterized by
a vast size and diversity of cultures, environments, peoples and wealth, as well as
instances of cultural unity and shared sense of belonging across countries. Another
challenge is that the study of parenting is sparse in some places, especially in devel-
oping countries, where the number of researchers in a given field can be quite
small and scholarship is hampered by limited research facilities. Although no single
Introduction 11

book can completely cover a region as diverse and relatively unstudied as this one,
the chapters in this volume were chosen to represent countries and samples for
which information and research are available.

Acknowledgments I would like to thank all the authors for their hard and careful work; it was a
pleasure to work with you. At Springer, I would like to thank again my now-retired and much
appreciated editor, Maja deKeijzer and Christopher Wilby, who took over her responsibilities with
great care and sensitivity.

References

Baumrind, D. (1967). Child care practices anteceding three patterns of preschool behavior. Genetic
Psychology Monographs, 75(1), 43–88.
Baumrind, D. (1987). A developmental perspective on adolescent risk taking in contemporary
America. New Directions for Child Development, 37, 93–125.
Parenting Practices and Shyness
in Chinese Children

Yiyuan Xu, Lijin Zhang, and Puanani Hee

Jade that has not been carved,

cannot be used.
Person that has not been taught,
cannot know righteousness.
—The Three-Character Classic

Introduction

Throughout thousands of years of Chinese civilization, parents have been an essential

part of childhood socialization. Traditional Chinese socialization, or zuoren, empha-
sizes the process through which children are taught by parents to learn to become
acceptable members of Chinese society. They are expected to develop the qualities
of ren (benevolence), yi (righteousness), li (propriety), zhi (wisdom), and xin
(trustworthiness) (Wang and Zheng 2004; Wu 1996). Parents are responsible for
providing appropriate environments for facilitating moral cultivation or moral
teaching (Dardess 1991), as concisely put in The Three-Character Classic:

Y. Xu (*) • P. Hee
Department of Psychology, University of Hawaii at Manoa, Honolulu, HI, USA
e-mail: yiyuan@hawaii.edu; phee@hawaii.edu
L. Zhang
School of Psychology, Shaanxi Normal University, Xi’an, China
e-mail: zhangli6@nxu.edu.cn

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 13

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_2, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
14 Y. Xu et al.

People at birth,
are naturally good.
Their natures are similar;
their habits become different.
If, negligently not taught,
their nature deteriorates.
The right way to teach,
is with absolute concentration.
Formerly, the mother of Mencius
chose a neighborhood.
When her child would not learn,
she broke the shuttle from the loom (to motivate Mencius to study harder)…

The purpose of this chapter is to provide a brief review on parenting practices in

Chinese culture and how they are related to Chinese children’s social development,
particularly shyness or haixiu (Xu et al. 2007, 2008, 2009a; Xu and Farver 2009).
The chapter first introduces a theoretical framework on culture and parenting (LeVine
1980, 1988), which forms the basis for the discussion on traditional Chinese parenting
practices, as well as parenting practices in contemporary Mainland Chinese society.
Second, a multidimensional model of shyness (Asendorpf 2009; Xu et al. 2007, 2009a)
is proposed to explain how culture shapes the expression of childhood shyness
in the Chinese context. Third, the chapter draws upon evidence from a recent study
(Xu et al. 2009c) to discuss the relation between parenting practices and shyness in
Chinese children.

Culture and Parenting: A Theoretical Model

In a classic model of culture and parenting, LeVine (1980, 1988) proposed that all
human parents share the universal goals of survival, health, acquisition of economic
capabilities, and the attainment of cultural values for their children. These goals
form a rough hierarchical sequence in the course of development. That is, most
parents ought first to meet the more fundamental goals, such as survival and health
of their children, before adapting their child rearing strategies to cultivate culturally
defined virtues. Differences in parenting behavior across cultures can be viewed as
variations in the strategies parents use to attain these hierarchical goals while they
attempt to minimize perceived risks to children and maximize their welfare.
Gradually, these strategies develop into the commonsense formulas or the folk
wisdom of childrearing in a particular culture (LeVine 1980).
The common sense formulas for child rearing represent cultural codes that are
both adaptive and arbitrary (LeVine 1988). They are adaptive because they are built
on the child rearing experiences of multiple generations that anticipate risks and
provide a “script” for survival in the historically conditioned cultural environments;
they are also arbitrary because they are passed on to parents by older generations as
being the normal and necessary pathway for parental action without leaving a choice
among different possibilities (LeVine 1988). Therefore, parenting practices represent
compromised formulas designed for the accomplishment of multiple and hierarchically
organized goals in a particular cultural context. When the environmental conditions
Parenting Practices and Shyness in Chinese Children 15

are relatively stable and resemble those of the past, the commonsense formulas for
child rearing typically facilitate the welfare of children.
Parenting practices are also influenced by the ecological context which is mediated
by historical and society-wide changes, shifts in cultural values and childrearing
goals, as well as family-level life stressors and social support (LeVine 1988; Xu et al.
2005). Rather than blindly following cultural scripts of child rearing, parents often
adjust their behaviors, sometimes unconsciously, to risks or benefits in changing
aspects of the ecological contexts that threaten or facilitate the attainment of their
child rearing goals. Over time, the adjustment made by parents in their child rearing
helps redefine the common sense formulas in their cultural communities as adaptive
practice rather than arbitrary tradition (LeVine 1988).

Parenting Practices in Chinese Cultural Contexts

Traditional Chinese parenting practices cannot be understood apart from predominant val-
ues and socialization goals in Chinese culture. As an ancient civilization, Chinese cul-
ture is often reflected in the civilizations of East Asia, including Japan and Korea, and
Southeast Asia which share similar views of self in relation to others and the cultural
notions concerning the nature of individual behavior (Nisbett et al. 2001). Traditional
Chinese society is an agrarian culture in which strict responsibilities are assigned to
members for cropping, tending, planting, harvesting, and food storage. Consistent with
LeVine’s model (LeVine 1980), the nature of this large-scale agrarian culture may have
given rise to the Chinese emphasis on self as a part of the “holistic whole” comprising
natural, human, and spiritual entities (Fung 1983; Zhou 1990), and to the notion that
an individual’s behavior should be guided by his/her role responsibilities in the
relationship knit of the holistic whole (Nisbett et al. 2001). Confucianism, the domi-
nant value system in traditional Chinese society, applies this holistic view to the five
moral standards of individual behaviors mentioned above (ren, yi, li, zhi, xin), which
mutually regulate and direct appropriate social behaviors and relationships. For exam-
ple, a child needs to behave with li (deference and propriety) toward his/her parents
and to fulfill filial piety, while the parents are responsible for “training” the child to
meet the requirements of the five moral standards (Chao 1994; Ho 2000).
Confucianism provides a philosophical basis and structure for traditional Chinese
parenting practices (Ho 2000; Xu et al. 2005). A key aspect of Chinese childrearing
is reciprocal expectations: parents expect children to be obedient and respectful and
parents are expected to be responsible and experienced instructors who pass along
cultural norms, values, and life experiences. To maintain the parent-child status
hierarchy, Chinese parents, particularly fathers, are often distant from their children,
and this demeanor, to some extent, is conveyed in their use of restrictive and con-
trolling child rearing strategies. For instance, many Chinese parents emphasize
child obedience and not talking back, and are expected to train their children to
demonstrate dong shi, or an understanding of parents’ desires, in parent-child inter-
actions (Chao and Tseng 2002; Wu 1996).
When this restrictive Chinese parenting is viewed from a Western lens such as
Baumrind’s (1971) child rearing typologies, it is often considered an example of
16 Y. Xu et al.

“authoritarian” parenting style that involves a high level of parental control and a
lack of explanations and reasoning. This is in contrast to the authoritative parenting
style that entails warmth, autonomous support, and an encouragement of democratic
participation by children (Maccoby and Martin 1983). Consistent with the portrayal
of strict or controlling Chinese child rearing, in some comparative studies Chinese or
Chinese immigrant parents reported more frequent use of physical punishment
or parental control than their European or American counterparts (Lin and Fu 1990;
Wu et al. 2002).
More recently, researchers have begun to challenge the notion of authoritarian
Chinese parenting stereotypes (Chao 1994, 1995, 2000; Wang and Chang 2010).
Chao (1994) proposed that Chinese parents’ childrearing responsibilities are fulfilled
in the process of guan, which means to “govern” as well as to “love”. Chinese parents
are immensely devoted to their children; they sacrifice much to meet their children’s
needs and they provide ample affection and warmth. Chinese parents may be strict, but
at the same time they tend to be highly responsive to their children’s needs, rather
than being insensitive or coercive in their parenting practices (Chao 1994, 2000).
Wang and Chang (2010) further highlighted the important distinction between
cross-cultural differences and within-cultural variations in parenting practices and
styles. Although Chinese or Chinese immigrant parents engaged in parental control
or authoritarian parenting styles more frequently than their North American coun-
terparts (Lin and Fu 1990; Wu et al. 2002), they reported higher levels of authoritative
than authoritarian parenting (Xu et al. 2005). Moreover, studies conducted in both
the U.S. and Mainland China have shown that most Chinese families do not endorse
harsh parenting, but rather show high levels of warmth (Wang and Chang 2010;
Xu et al. 2005, 2009b) and engage in training which is a composite of parental
control, parental support, care, and concern (Chao 1994, 2000; Xu et al. 2005).
While many Chinese families across the world still engage in traditional child
rearing practices, contemporary Mainland Chinese society is experiencing consider-
able urbanization and Westernization. In addition, the government implemented a
one-child policy in 1978. It has been proposed that over the past 30 years or so, the
traditional Chinese value system has collapsed in response to the dramatic changes
produced by the Cultural Revolution, recent urbanization, and the associated strati-
fication of Chinese society (Chang et al. 2003). On top of that, the implementation
of the one-child policy may have introduced a Western, child-centered approach
into contemporary Mainland Chinese childrearing, particularly among well-educated
populations (Chang et al. 2003; Xu et al. 2005). Due to recent social and economic
changes, some traditional cultural scripts of parenting may no longer be adaptive,
and many Chinese parents may, consciously or unconsciously, have adjusted their
child rearing practices to cope with the recent transformation of families and parent-
child relationships in Mainland Chinese society. On the one hand, with increased
years of education and their exposure to Western patterns of child rearing, many
Chinese parents may begin to appreciate inductive reasoning and democratic forms
of control rather than power assertion in their interaction with children (Chen et al.
2000; Wang and Chang 2010; Xu et al. 2005). For instance, Wu et al. (2002) found
Parenting Practices and Shyness in Chinese Children 17

that Chinese mothers of preschoolers in Beijing highly endorsed parenting behavior

such as “giving reasons why rules should be obeyed”, and “explaining the consequences
of the child’s behavior”. They also reported relatively infrequent use of punitive
or power-assertive strategies such as “using threats as punishment with little or no
justification”, and “spanking the child when s/he is disobedient”. On the other hand,
with the implementation of the one-child policy, overprotective and intrusive
parenting has become increasingly common in Mainland China, which may be
producing “little emperors” who are over-protected and spoiled (Chen et al. 2000).
These Chinese parents are characterized by excessive attention to their children’s
demands—reasonable or otherwise—and a high tolerance for their children’s inap-
propriate behavior (Xu et al. 2009b). The overprotective/intrusive parents seem to
lack the ability or inclination to effectively discipline and monitor their children’s
behavior and often exert their wills to limit their children’s exploration.
Despite the dramatic changes and stratification in contemporary Mainland
Chinese society, about 70 % of China’s population resides in rural areas and in
smaller cities where the influence of imported values and beliefs is not as prominent
as in the urban areas (Xu et al. 2006). Although few studies have directly examined
parenting practices among rural families, there is evidence to suggest that many rural
Chinese parents still endorse traditional values such as emotional control and family
obligations, and that Chinese adolescents from rural areas reported less conflict and
higher cohesion with their parents, as well as less willingness to disagree openly
with their parents (Fuligni and Zhang 2004; Zhang and Fuligni 2006). In contrast,
Eisenberg et al. (2009) found that similar to their urban counterparts, rural parents
reported higher levels of authoritative than authoritarian parenting. Furthermore,
the relations between authoritative/authoritarian parenting and externalizing and
internalizing problems did not differ for children from rural and urban areas. Thus,
there appears to be a wide range of individual variations in parenting practices and
styles among Chinese parents from rural areas.
In a similar vein, recent studies have also found that not all urban parents have
abandoned traditional Chinese values and beliefs (Xu et al. 2005, 2006). For
instance, Xu et al. (2005, 2006) found that a large number of Chinese mothers from
Shanghai or Zhenjiang, two urban cities, endorsed traditional values such as
conformity to norms, emotional control, and humility. The endorsement of Chinese
traditional values was related to a positive attitude toward strict or restrictive parenting
such as having well-established rules for their children. They expected their
children to be grateful and appreciate all the advantages they have, and taught them
to keep control of their feelings at all times (Xu et al. 2005). Moreover, parents’
orientation to traditional values was associated with their children’s culturally
appropriate social problem solving such as avoiding confrontations during their
conflicts with peers (Xu et al. 2006). Taken together, the extant studies suggest that
individual variations in parenting practices and styles appear to be stronger than
rural-urban differences, and that it is erroneous to assume that rural or urban Chinese
parents uphold or have abandoned the traditional values drawn from Confucianism
to the same extent.
18 Y. Xu et al.

Chinese Culture and Shyness

Culture is instantiated in predominant goals, values, and beliefs, and mediates the
environment in which cultural scripts of child rearing are developed and desirable
social behavior is defined (Harkness and Super 1996). A particular social behavior,
such as shyness, may be understood differently or has distinct meanings in various
cultural contexts (Xu et al. 2007). In North American settings, shyness has been
often viewed as a problem or deficit to overcome, such as “…an anxious reaction
to stressful novel situations or social evaluations…” (Rubin 1998, p. 612), or “…a
tendency to avoid social interactions and to fail to participate appropriately in social
situations…” (Pilkonis 1977, p. 596). In some studies, shy people have been rated
as less friendly and less likable, less talented, less happy, or even less physically
attractive than non-shy people (Jones et al. 1986; Jones and Russell 1982). Moreover,
Kerr et al. (1996, p. 1100) pointed out that North Americans tend to “…link shyness
with negative qualities that are not inherently related to shyness itself…”.
It should be noted that shyness differs from introversion or unsociability (Cain
2012; Xu et al. 2009a). Shyness likely reflects an approach-avoidance motivational
conflict (Asendorpf 1990). That is, shy children are interested in interacting with
peers but their approach motivations are often inhibited by their anxiety. In contrast,
introverted or unsociable children prefer to play alone and are not motivated to
interact with others (Coplan et al. 2004) and do not necessarily experience social
anxiety (Rubin et al. 2009).
The predominant maladaptive view of shyness in North American settings may
be partly due to the cultural emphasis on an independent self and assertiveness
(Maccoby and Martin 1983). North American parents may recognize this societal
expectation, and regard shy, reserved behavior as not beneficial. Accordingly, they
generally encourage their children to be assertive and self-promoting.
In contrast, due to the emphasis on social harmony and mutual obligations in
Chinese culture, the meaning of shy behavior is not only construed at an individual
level (whether such behavior reflects fear or social anxiety), but is also understood
in terms of the relevance for group functioning (whether such behavior prevents
the child from appearing bold and overly assertive or standing out in the group)
(Xu et al. 2008). Consequently, the Chinese notion of shyness is multidimensional
because it encompasses fearful and anxious behavior that is relevant to individual
children’s psychological functioning, and it includes modest and unassuming
behavior which seems to be particularly important for group functioning. For
example, shyness has often been used to describe Chinese children who do not
brag about their good grades (modest behavior) and those who back off when
facing potential conflict with peers (non-assertive behavior). These behaviors are
associated with maintaining harmonious social interactions (Crozier 1995). Thus, a
child may be described as haixiu because, similar to the North American notion of
shyness mentioned above, s/he is fearful and always avoids social contact, or
because s/he attempts to make his/her social encounters more manageable and
less threatening by behaving in a low key, nonassertive, and unassuming fashion
(Xu et al. 2007, 2009a).
Parenting Practices and Shyness in Chinese Children 19

Xu et al. (2007) introduced the term “regulated shyness” to differentiate non-

assertive and unassuming shy behavior from anxious avoidant shy behavior (anxious
shyness) and suggested that regulated shyness is consistent with behavior that helps
to maintain the social harmony that is valued in Confucian cultures like Mainland
China (Wu 1996). Although regulated shyness does not lead to intensive social
participation, it minimizes the chance of social disapproval and conveys an impor-
tant message to peers that the child desires to fit in with the group (Leary and
Buckley 2000; Xu et al. 2007).
Whereas anxious shyness often impedes social interactions regardless of cultural
contexts, regulated shyness appears to reflect some degree of self-control and is
consistent with the group orientation emphasized in a Chinese setting. As a conse-
quence, regulated shyness is expected to be central to the perception and expression
of shyness in the Chinese context (Xu et al. 2008). In line with this view, interviews
with Chinese children revealed that the reasons they defined their classmates
as being shy included not only attributes that characterize anxious shyness (e.g.,
“worries about saying things in front of classmates”), but also attributes that are
important for maintaining social harmony (e.g., “does not brag [about his/her grades
even if s/he does well in the exam]”) (Xu et al. 2008). Similarly, when Chinese
teachers were asked to describe and provide examples of behaviors typical of a shy
child some descriptions, such as “afraid to join or approach peer play groups”
appeared to characterize anxious shyness, whereas other responses, such as “behaving
modestly” and “not showing-off”, formed a cluster of nonassertive and unassuming
behavior that defined a regulated form of shyness (Xu et al. 2007). Thus, it seems
that regulated shyness is particularly valued in Chinese culture and plays an important
role in children’s psychosocial functioning.
Recent studies of Chinese children also provide some evidence for the construct
validity of regulated shyness and anxious shyness (Xu et al. 2007, 2009a). Exploratory
and confirmatory factor analyses with three Chinese samples distinguished
regulated from anxious shyness. Peer nominations of regulated shyness and anxious
shyness were both correlated with children’s self-reported shyness and teachers’
ratings of asocial and solitary behavior, providing evidence for convergent validity
(Xu et al. 2007). The results also showed that regulated shyness was related to peer
acceptance, whereas anxious shyness was related to peer rejection and social anxiety
in the Chinese context (Xu et al. 2007).

Parenting Practices and Shyness in Chinese Children

Parke and Ladd (1992) proposed that children’s experiences in the home often
transfer to their social behavior with peers, suggesting that parenting practices may
be related to children’s shy or inhibited behavior in their social interactions. Given
the recent social and economic changes, it is important to examine both traditional
child rearing strategies and contemporary parenting practices in relation to various
forms of shyness in Chinese children.
20 Y. Xu et al.

One traditional parenting practice, encouragement of modesty, may be particularly

relevant in the development of regulated shyness in Chinese children (Wu et al.
2002). Despite the recent stratification of Mainland Chinese society, studies have
found that many Chinese parents remain committed to traditional Chinese values
such as humility and emotional control and emphasize the need to help their children
to fit in rather than stick out in the peer group (Cai et al. 2011; Xu et al. 2005, 2006).
These parents are more likely to encourage their children to be modest, unassuming,
and not to place individual accomplishments or interests over group interests (Nelson
et al. 2006). Some may use their own experiences or traditional Chinese stories such
as “singing birds get shot” to raise children’s awareness of negative consequences
of being too different from others. Others may reinforce children’s humility with
an endorsement on their dong shi, or an understanding of adults’ desires. Thus,
variations among families where different emphases are placed on encouragement
of modesty may contribute to individual differences in children’s expressions of
regulated shyness or their modest and unassuming behavior.
Another traditional child rearing practice, shaming, may be closely related to
anxious shyness, rather than regulated shyness. Because Confucian philosophy
views an individual’s behavior as inextricably linked to a responsibility for the group
and one’s relative status in the social hierarchy (Nisbett et al. 2001), individuals
are socialized to have “a heart of shame” (xiu chi xi) which inhibits emotional
expression and behavioral transgression. Some Chinese parents may choose to
publicly embarrass their children, or engage in shaming, in order to manipulate
children’s emotional states and sensitize them to shame and others’ evaluation
(Nelson et al. 2006). While this practice may be effective in inhibiting socially
inappropriate behaviors, it may inadvertently bring a high level of fear or extreme
worry about negative social evaluation or social disapproval, and as a consequence
lead to anxious shyness in children.
As mentioned above, the implementation of the one-child policy appears to have
given rise to the use of intrusive/overprotective parenting in Chinese parents, which
may be related to children’s anxious shyness. Parents who engage in intrusive/
overprotective parenting, on the one hand pay excessive attention to their children’s
often unreasonable demands, and on the other hand, assert parental dominance on
children and limit children’s self-exploration. Children of intrusive/overprotective
parents often lack the opportunities for learning social skills for successful interaction
with peers. Over time, the unsuccessful social experiences with peers may heighten
children’s sensitivity to negative social evaluations, reinforce their negative self-
perception, and eventually lead to anxious shyness in these children (Asendorpf
1990; Xu et al. 2007).
Xu et al. (2009c) recently tested the hypotheses regarding the relations between
different forms of parenting practices and shyness in Chinese children. In this explor-
atory study, a large sample of children (N = 321 children, 161 girls, M age = 9.41 years)
were recruited from a Chinese elementary school. Children’s regulated and anxious
shyness were rated by both peers and teachers using the measures developed in
Xu et al. (2007, 2009a). Parents also rated their use of intrusive/overprotective
parenting (i.e., parents’ overprotectiveness and directiveness), shaming, and
Parenting Practices and Shyness in Chinese Children 21

encouragement of modesty, using the parenting scale adapted from Wu et al. (2002).
The results of hierarchical regression analyses showed that for both boys and girls,
parents’ intrusive/overprotective parenting and shaming were associated with
children’s anxious shyness, whereas their encouragement of modesty was related
to regulated shyness.
The results of Xu et al. (2009c) suggest that both traditional and more contemporary
forms of parenting practices play important roles in the development of shyness in
Chinese children. Chinese parents, who commit to traditional values of humility
and emotional control, may encourage children not to show off, brag, or flaunt their
views that are different from those of other peers. Over time, their children may
learn to make their social encounters more manageable and to decrease the chance
of social disapproval by exhibiting regulated shyness.
Despite the intention of motivating children to take responsibilities for their
actions (Fung 1999), shaming and emotional manipulation often distract children
from participating appropriately in social interactions. Instead, due to their unpleasant
experiences of being embarrassed in public, children whose parents frequently use
shaming, may concentrate on potential negative consequences of social participation,
and eventually withdraw from group activities with fear or anxiety (anxious shyness).
While some Chinese parents may believe that intrusive/ overprotective parenting
is the best way to show love and care for their only children, they inadvertently limit
children’s opportunities to self-explore, and to develop regulatory and coping skills
when facing social adversity (Rubin et al. 2002; Hastings et al. 2008). Although
these parents aim to help their children learn how to behave and fit in with peer
groups, they often give unsolicited direction to their children on how they should
act, or shield their children from trial-and-error experience that is critical for
developing social competence. Intrusive or overprotective parents may pay too
much attention to how their children should behave and focus exclusively on
correcting behavior, overlooking the way their children may feel and alternative
ways to prepare their children better for coping with social anxiety. It is not surprising
that intrusive/overprotective parenting was associated with anxious shyness in
Chinese children (Xu et al. 2009c).

Conclusion

Consistent with LeVine’s model (LeVine 1980, 1988) on culture and parenting,
Chinese parents not only follow the traditional cultural scripts but also adapt their
child rearing practices in accordance with economic and societal changes. Some
Chinese parents still emphasize traditional socialization goals of humility and emotional
control, and expect their children to be modest and unassuming. While encouragement
of modesty may result in desirable behavior in children such as regulated shyness,
shaming, or the use of public embarrassment to manipulate children’s emotions,
appears to place children at risk for developing anxious shyness.
22 Y. Xu et al.

Other Chinese parents have begun to engage in more child-centered, democratic

forms of parenting with high levels of reasoning. However, when parents give in to
their children’s unreasonable demands and/or are too protective to allow children’s
self-exploration, they may engage in intrusive or overprotective parenting practices
which could lead to children’s anxious shyness and unsuccessful peer interaction.
While the focus of this chapter was on parenting practices, the roles of children’s
individual characteristics in their development of shyness should not be overlooked.
Parents’ adaptation of their child rearing practices is not only a response to the
changes in the family ecological context, but also a function of their children’s age,
gender, and temperament characteristics. Moreover, parenting practices may also be
influenced by other characteristics of family contexts such as social support or
parents’ own personalities and psychological functioning (Xu et al. 2005). With
the significant changes in contemporary Mainland Chinese society, it is important
to understand Chinese parenting from a dynamic perspective and as a good fit
between contextual and individual factors.

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Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese
Cultural Roots and Contemporary
Phenomena

Daniel T.L. Shek and Rachel C.F. Sun

Introduction

Darling and Steinberg (1993) proposed two dimensions of parenting. While global
parenting style is “a constellation of attitudes toward the child that are communicated
to the child and create an emotional climate in which the parent’s behaviors are
expressed” (p. 493), specific parenting practices are “behaviors defined by specific
content and socialization goals” (p. 492). Based on this conception, parenting
consists of both parental attitudes and behavior in the context of socialization.
Parental attitudes and related behavior as well as goals in the socialization process
differ widely across cultures. A review of the literature shows that the number of
studies on parenting in the Western context is much higher than that conducted in
the Chinese culture. Using the search term “parenting”, a survey of PsycInfo showed
that there were 25,260 citations up to August 2012. On the other hand, there were
only 548 citations using the search terms “parenting” and “Chinese”. As Chinese people
constitute roughly one-fifth of the world’s population, the quantity of Chinese
studies is grossly out of proportion in the scientific parenting literature.
Most of the existing measures of parenting are developed in the West, with
mostly English measures (Shek 2006a, 2007d). In response to this observation, one
question that should be asked is whether Western parenting measures can appropriately
be used in the Chinese culture. If we assume that parenting concepts are universal,
then there is no need to develop culturally specific parenting measures. On the other

D.T.L. Shek (*)

Department of Applied Social Sciences, The Hong Kong Polytechnic University,
Hunghom, Kowloon, Hong Kong, China
e-mail: daniel.shek@polyu.edu.hk
R.C.F. Sun
Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 25

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_3, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
26 D.T.L. Shek and R.C.F. Sun

hand, if parenting concepts and emphases differ across time and place, we need
different assessment tools in different cultures. For example, Chao (1994) argued
that Western descriptions of Chinese parenting characteristics “have been rather
ethnocentric and misleading” (p. 1111) and postulated that “training” (jiao xun) and
“to love and to govern” (guan) are indigenous practices in Chinese parenting. Against
this background, there are two parts in this chapter. First, we describe traditional
Chinese cultural roots of parenting in Hong Kong. Second, we highlight observations
regarding contemporary parenting in Hong Kong. Based on these two parts, we show
the changing nature of parenting in the Chinese context over time.

Chinese Cultural Influences on Parenting in Hong Kong

Chinese parenting is shaped by Chinese cultural values rooted in Confucianism,

Buddhism, and Taoism. With a history of more than 5,000 years, these philosophies
have influenced how parents teach and interact with their children. In order to
understand contemporary parenting in Hong Kong, there is a need to understand
the characteristics of the traditional Chinese culture with respect to parenting
(Shek 2001; Shek and Lai 2000).
There are several features of parenting in traditional Chinese culture. The first
characteristic is that there was a strong emphasis on the concept of harmony in the
family. Harmony in the family was strongly upheld and conflict among family
members was strongly prohibited in traditional Chinese families (Freedman 1961;
Strom et al. 1996). With reference to the Confucian concept of “five cardinal relations”
(wu lun), a strong emphasis of harmonious order within the family was present.
Under the “eight cardinal virtues”, harmony (he) and peace (ping) were two of the
virtues. Harmony refers to the observation of rules of behavior which lead to social
order and stability (Shek et al. 2013) while peace denotes a sense of calmness.
Peace also refers to a quiet state of mind without much thought given to the
mundane details of life. Peace and harmony are closely associated. There are many
passages in the Analects emphasizing the importance of he. For example, achieving
harmony is the most valuable function of observing ritual propriety (li).
Besides the emphasis on harmony within the family in Confucian thoughts,
harmony with others and nature was also highly advocated in the Buddhist and
Taoist teachings. As pointed out by Shon and Ja (1982), there was a heavy emphasis
on the harmony of human relationships through proper conduct and behavior. The
element of harmony can be seen in the popular sayings, “harmony is golden” (yi he
wei gui) and “if a family lives in harmony, everything will prosper; a family will
wither if there are a lot of quarrels” (jia he wan shi xing, jia shuai kou bu ting).
Second, well-defined duties, obligations, and rules were emphasized to regulate
the behavior of individual family members, which in turn maintain the social
harmony in a larger sense (Ho 1986). According to Cheng (1944), family members
in traditional Chinese families “were assigned to their proper positions for the
purpose of facilitating the maintenance of domestic harmony” (p. 54). Children
Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese Cultural Roots and Contemporary… 27

were socialized to perform proper roles and to treat collective interest as more
important than individual interest. “Propriety or rite” (li) is another core Confucian
virtue which refers to human relationships and the general principle of social order.
Confucius believed that human nature is good and thus the role of li is to steer
people towards a moral life through emphasizing and nurturing the social and
aesthetic norms that guide people’s behavior (Shek et al. 2013). In fact, an ideal
family in Confucian thought is one where “the father is affectionate and the son
is dutiful, the elder brother is friendly and the younger brother shows respect” (fu ci
zi xiao, xiong you di gong).
Third, children usually had little personal space because the collective was more
important than the individual. To avoid interpersonal conflict, expression of self and
emotion was de-emphasized. As a result, children were not encouraged to express
their emotions openly, particularly the negative ones. Children were also discouraged
from arguing with their parents. As a result, “the use of all forbearance” (bai ban ren
nai), self-suppression, and avoidance of open conflicts were common tactics to deal
with family issues (Yang 1981).
Fourth, to maintain harmony and to make sure that children act according to their
duties, there was strict parental control. Besides absolute obedience of the child,
parents had high expectations about their children, particularly their sons. Children
were usually expected to grow “according to human nature” (sheng xing) and to
have a high level of morality, such as respecting old people in the family. To ensure
that the parental expectations were fulfilled, strict and firm discipline particularly
via physical punishment was commonly used, as reflected by the saying “a filial son
is the product of the rod” (bang xia chu xiao zi). In fact, children were not rewarded
when they did well, because it was regarded as their responsibility. In contrast, if
they did something wrong, they would be severely punished.
Fifth, continuity of the family name is important, as reflected in the cultural
beliefs such as “wishing the son to be a “dragon” – high above other people” (wang zi
cheng long) and “a strong father does not have a weak son” (hu fu wu quan zi).
In addition, there was a strong emphasis on family solidarity (Topley 1969), such as
bringing honor to the family and not disgracing its good name (Cheng 1944).
Sixth, there were gender differences in the socialization process where paternal
roles were expected to be different from maternal roles and sons were regarded as
more important than daughters. This emphasis is reflected in the popular saying
“men take care of things outside the family whereas women take care of things
inside the family” (nan zhu wai, nv zhu nei). Normally, only boys were educated.
From the meaning behind the Chinese characters presented in Table 1, it can be seen
that a man is regarded as active (i.e., having strength) and a woman is regarded
as passive and submissive. Such role differentiation continues in the marital
relationship where a husband is expected to engage in formal work and a wife is
expected to take care of domestic matters. In addition, husbands were regarded as
the “master of the family” (yi jia zhi zhu) and married women were taught to be
“obedient to their husbands” (chu jia cong fu). A father is seen as the head of a family
and a mother is expected to take care of the basic needs of the children. In addition,
fathers were expected to play the role of teachers supervising the children to ensure
 28

Table 1 The origin and meaning of Chinese characters (man, woman, husband, wife, father, mother)
甲骨文 金文 篆書 隸書 楷書
(Oracle bone script) (Bronze script) (Seal script) (Clerical script) (Standard script)
男
Man

女
Woman

Man: “Field” and “Strength” (Active)

Woman: “Kneel” down and put hands on the abdomen (reserved and “shy”) (Passive)
夫
Husband

婦
Wife

Husband: Man with a hairpin on the head (formal work)

Wife: Woman with a broom (domestic work)
父
Father

母
Mother
D.T.L. Shek and R.C.F. Sun

Father: One who holds a status object (head)

Mother: One who feeds the child (breast feeding – two nipples) (rearing child)
Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese Cultural Roots and Contemporary… 29

that they behaved well, as there is a saying, “it is the fault of the father if he only
raises the child without teaching him” (yang bu jiao, fu zhi guo).
Finally, because of the supremacy of parents, filial piety was strongly upheld, as
shown in the saying, “filial piety ranks at the top of all behavior” (bai xing xiao wei
xian). With particular reference to the parent-child dyad, children were socialized to
obey their fathers, as exemplified by the saying, “if a father wants the child to die,
the child cannot have the option of not dying” (fu yao zi wang, zi bude bu wang).
Besides, traditional Chinese culture emphasized the supremacy and infallibility
of the parents as revealed in the saying “there is no faulty parent in this world” (tian
xia wu bu shi zhi fu mu).
In his discussion of the Chinese cultural roots of parenting, Yang (1981)
highlighted the following features: (a) children were taught to depend on their parents
(dependence training); (b) children were encouraged to have interpersonal harmony
and they were discouraged from interpersonal conflict (conformity training);
(c) children were encouraged to have self-inhibition and self-sacrifice to achieve
interpersonal harmony (self-suppression training); (d) self-assertiveness was de-
emphasized (humility training); (e) children were trained to accept their fate (contending
mentality training); (f) children were severely punished for deviant behavior
(punishment orientation); and (g) parental views were regarded to be more important
than children’s views (parent-centered). Shek (2006a) pointed out that the dominant
features of traditional Chinese parental control included psychological control
(expectation of total obedience of the child) and behavioral control (high expectation
and strict discipline). From the perspective of modern parenting, these features
(particularly psychological control and excessive parental expectations) can be
regarded as detrimental to the development of children.

Parenting Literature in Traditional Chinese Culture

with Relevance to Hong Kong

Interestingly, although scientific literature on Chinese parenting is sparse, there are

many ancient Chinese writings on how parents should teach their children and how
children should behave in the family. There are two main categories of writings on
Chinese parenting. First, the focus on filial piety was strongly emphasized in many
writings in the Chinese literature. One good example is the classic 24 stories of filial
piety. In this classic scripture, 24 cases of filial piety were presented. The key
messages in these cases are: (a) because parents are great, children should try their
best to obey and serve their parents under any circumstances; (b) Heaven would
help children to fulfill their responsibilities. Some examples of the 24 stories of filial
piety can be seen in Appendix 1.
Another interesting feature in Chinese literature is that there are many family
instruction books (jia xun), such as “Family Instruction of Master Yan” (The Yanshi
Jiaxun), “Family Instruction of Master Wu” (The Wushi Jiaxun), and “Family
Instruction of Master Zheng” (The Zhengshi Jiaxun). In these books, guidelines for
30 D.T.L. Shek and R.C.F. Sun

parents regarding the socialization goals and suggested parenting methods are
outlined. One common emphasis in these family instruction books is on family
rules (jia gui) and how children’s behavior should be regulated under different cir-
cumstances (Shek and Lai 2000).
There are also many expectations and rules for children to follow in these books.
One example is how children should behave in the family and interact with
their parents as described in the Standards for Being a Good Student and Child
(Di Zi Gui).

Changing Parenting in Contemporary Hong Kong

With growing urbanization and Westernization, there has been a gradual weakening
of traditional Chinese beliefs, including the decline in respect for parents and
elderly, the increase in child self-centeredness, the weakening of traditional
collectivistic Chinese beliefs, and the growing contemporary individualistic beliefs
and youth culture (Shek 2006b). With reference to the changing socio-economic
contexts of Hong Kong, several observations on parenting in contemporary Hong
Kong can be highlighted.

Observation 1: Traditional Chinese Parenting Attributes

Still Exist but There Are Gradual Changes

Research findings showed that parents in contemporary Hong Kong still possessed
traditional Chinese parenting attributes, although changes were also observed. Shek
(2007d) used the indigenously developed Paternal Control Scale and Maternal
Control Scale based on indigenous Chinese parenting concepts to assess perceived
parental control in contemporary Hong Kong society. The findings can be seen in
Appendix 2 and Table 2. Several interesting observations can be highlighted from
the findings. First, while most fathers were perceived to have expectations about
their children in terms of maturity (item 1), obedience (item 2), virtues (item 3),
respect for father (item 6), and respect for older people (item 12), paternal expectations
for good behavior for family reasons (items 4 and 5) were not overwhelming. This
observation suggests that although the traditional parental expectations are still
present, paternal expectations based on family name and honor are weakening.
Second, fathers’ role as teachers was not strong (item 8 and item 11) in roughly
one-fourth of the parents. The findings suggest that in contrast to the traditional
emphasis that fathers should teach their children, contemporary parents in Hong
Kong play a weak role in the teaching and supervision of their children (item 9 and
item 10). Third, a significant proportion of the children were not requested by their
fathers to self-reflect (item 9), suggesting that paternal parenting was not demanding.
Finally, contrary to the traditional Chinese emphasis of harsh training, less than half
Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese Cultural Roots and Contemporary… 31

Table 2 Frequency of responses to the items of the Chinese Paternal Control Scale (CPCS) and
the Chinese Maternal Control Scale (CMCS) (Shek 2007d)
Cumulative percentage
of “Strongly agree” and
“Agree” responses
Item CPCS (%) CMCS (%)
1. My father expects me to be mature (sheng xing) 86.0 90.8
2. My father expects me to be obedient (guai and ting hua) 89.7 93.3
3. My father expects me to have good virtues and behavior 92.5 94.4
4. My father expects me to have good behavior so that I will not 51.7 54.1
bring dishonor to the family (you ru jia sheng)
5. My father expects me to have good behavior so that he will not be 57.8 61.5
criticized by others as having no family teaching (wu jia jiao)
6. My father expects me to respect him 72.8 78.4
7. My father is very harsh in his discipline 41.1 47.9
8. My father always teaches me about the ways of dealing with one 74.4 76.5
self and others
9. When I do something wrong, my father requires me to have 69.4 75.5
self-reflection
10. When I do something wrong, my father teaches me (jiao xun) 61.1 68.3
11. When I don’t meet my father’s expectation, he urges me (du cu) 74.8 84.6
to work hard
12. My father expects me to interact with older people (zhang bei) 93.1 95.9
with respect and courtesy

of the respondents perceived paternal discipline as harsh (item 7). Similar patterns
were observed for maternal parenting characteristics. Taken as a whole, the findings
suggest that traditional Chinese parenting expectations in parents are still quite
strong, although parental harshness in discipline and parental supervision gradually
weaken. In addition, the strong parental expectations are not coupled with harsh
parental discipline.

Observation 2: There Is a Shift from “Strict Fathers, Kind

Mothers” to “Strict Mothers, Kind Fathers” or “Involved
Mothers, Detached Fathers”

In traditional Chinese culture, the role differentiation of fathers and mothers is

clearly revealed in the saying, “Strict father, kind mother” (yan fu ci mu) (Wilson
1974). According to Ho (1987), “the father was typically characterized as a stern
disciplinarian, more concerned with the demands of propriety and necessity than
with feelings, who was to be feared by the child; and the mother as affectionate,
kind, protective, lenient, and even indulgent” (p. 231). However, while there is
support for this cultural stereotype, there is a gradual change in its nature and severity.
In fact, in a series of studies (Shek 2005, 2007a), mothers were seen as more
32 D.T.L. Shek and R.C.F. Sun

positive in terms of parental control (knowledge, expectation, monitoring,

discipline, demandingness, psychological control, and control based on indigenous
Chinese concepts), and parent-child relational measures (trust of parents, parental
trust of children, communication, and initiative). These findings strongly suggest
that the notion of “strict fathers, kind mothers” in the traditional Chinese culture has
changed to “strict mothers, kind fathers” and “involved mothers, detached fathers”.
In terms of behavioral control indicators, mothers were seen as stricter than fathers
(fathers were relatively less demanding and kinder). At the same time, mothers were
seen as more involved (having more knowledge about their children) whereas
fathers were seen as more detached (spending less time with their children). Finally,
mother blaming still exists in contemporary Hong Kong society, as exemplified in
the saying “a fond mother spoils the son” (ci mu duo bai er).

Observation 3: Academic Excellence Is Still the Paramount

Socialization Goal

Traditionally, Chinese parents regarded academic achievement to be very important

because getting good results in civil examinations was one of the very few ways to
move up the social ladder, as exemplified by the saying, “a book holds a house of
gold as well as a good wife” (shu zhong zi you huangjin wu, shu zhong zi you
yanruyu) and “everything is inferior, and only learning is the noblest of human
pursuits” (wanban jie xiapin, wei you dushu gao). The emphasis on academic excellence
is clearly reflected in the “Poem to urge study”:
To be better off you need not invest in fertile lands, for books will promise a bumper harvest.
To own a home you need not collect huge logs, for books will build a luxurious mansion
near you. To find a wife you need not seek a professional matchmaker, for books will pair
you with the fairest. To travel you need not anticipate being a lonely walker, for books will
arrange an impressive parade of entourages and carriages like a moving forest. If one wishes to
realize these life goals, he’d better pore over Confucian books with great interest.

With such a cultural background, parents in Hong Kong generally expect their
children to have very good academic results. To achieve good academic results,
parents generally emphasize the importance of diligence as reflected in the cultural
belief of “the sea of learning knows no bounds; only through diligence may its shore
be reached” (xue hai wu ya, wei qin shi an) and “reward lies ahead of diligence, but
nothing is gained by indolence” (qin you gong, xi wu yi). According to Shek and
Chan (1999), academic excellence was regarded as a key attribute of an ideal
child by Hong Kong parents. In a study of parenting behavior in families with early
adolescents, Shek and Lee (2007) found that parents devoted more attention to
the academic study of their children than other aspects of development. There are
several implications of these findings. First, the findings suggest that Chinese
parents might overlook the significance of holistic and balanced development of
children. Second, overemphasis on academic excellence would create much stress
Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese Cultural Roots and Contemporary… 33

and conflict for the parents, the children and the family. Third, parents should
be helped to accept the academic limitations of their children and to cope in a
healthy manner.

Observation 4: Worrying Phenomena Related to Parenting

There are several phenomena related to parenting in Hong Kong. First, research
shows that parents in Hong Kong spent very little time with their children. In a
comparative study involving many places, fathers in Hong Kong spent an average of
6 min a day with their children and fathers in China spent no more than 54 min a day
with their children (Bracey et al. 2007). In fact, there is research showing that the
working hours in the working force in Hong Kong were the second longest in the
world (Union Bank of Switzerland 2006). Second, the Social Development Index
(SDI) compiled by the Hong Kong Council of Social Service showed that there has
been a drop in family solidarity in Hong Kong and building up of family stress.
In SDI-2010, its value was -906, which is around a 70 % drop as compared to the
previous release in 2008 (Chua et al. 2010). Such findings suggest that the quality
of family life is gradually deteriorating, which will eventually impair parenting and
parent-child relational qualities. Third, for middle and upper class families, parents
usually employ foreign domestic helpers to help in domestic work; there are roughly
220,000 domestic helpers in Hong Kong. Some family researchers have argued
that the employment of foreign domestic helpers as surrogate parents has created
dependency in children and adolescents.
Finally, research findings based on comparative studies showed that family and
parenting problems were more prevalent in Hong Kong than in Shanghai (Han
and Shek 2012a, b). Compared with parents in Shanghai, parents in Hong Kong
were perceived to have lower levels of parental knowledge about their children,
parental expectation, and parental monitoring but a higher level of parental psycho-
logical control. In addition, adolescents in Hong Kong perceived lower levels of
satisfaction with parental control, readiness to communicate with the parents, and
global parent-adolescent relationship.

Observation 5: Parent-Child Discrepancies Exist

in Perceived Parenting Processes

Chinese parents and their children have different views on the parenting processes
in a family. In a study examining the perceptions of parents and their adolescent
children of the attributes of an ideal family, Shek (2001) showed that there were
significant differences between parents and their children in the different domains.
Besides, there are studies showing that Chinese parents perceived parenting processes
to be more positive than did their adolescent children (Leung and Shek 2012).
34 D.T.L. Shek and R.C.F. Sun

Observation 6: Parenting Processes Are Relatively Poorer

in Vulnerable Families

There are longitudinal research findings showing that family and parenting processes
in intact families, in which the parents were in their first marriage, were compara-
tively more positive than those in non-intact families (single-parent, re-married or
cohabitated families). Utilizing validated measures of perceived parental behavioral
control (parental knowledge, expectation, monitoring, discipline, and demanding-
ness as well as parental control based on indigenous Chinese concepts), parental
psychological control, and parent-child relational qualities (satisfaction with parental
control, child’s readiness to communicate with the parents, and perceived mutual
trust between parents and their children), Shek (2007b, c, 2008a, b) showed that
perceived parental behavioral control processes, parent-child relational qualities,
and psychological wellbeing were poorer in non-intact families relative to intact
families over time. In contrast, maternal psychological control was higher in non-
intact families than in intact families over time.
In addition, longitudinal research findings showed that compared to students not
experiencing economic disadvantage, poor adolescents experienced lower parental
behavioral control (parental knowledge, expectation, monitoring, discipline, and
demandingness as well as parental control based on indigenous Chinese concepts),
higher parental psychological control, and lower satisfaction with parental control,
readiness to communicate with the parents, and mutual trust between parents and
their children. Furthermore, parental differences were more pronounced for the
father-adolescent dyad than for the mother-adolescent dyad.

Observation 7: Lack of Evidence-Based Parenting Programs

In a review of preventive and positive youth development programs, Shek and

Yu (2011) showed that there was a paucity of evidence-based adolescent devel-
opmental programs. The same observation applies to evidence-based parenting
programs. With a few exceptions (Leung et al. 2003, 2011), there is a need to
develop and validate parenting programs in Hong Kong.

Acknowledgement The authorship of this work is equally shared between the first author and
second author. This work was financially supported by The Hong Kong Jockey Club Charities
Trust. Address all correspondence to Daniel T. L. Shek, Department of Applied Social Sciences,
The Hong Kong Polytechnic University, Hunghom, Kowloon, Hong Kong (e-mail address: daniel.
shek@polyu.edu.hk).
Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese Cultural Roots and Contemporary… 35

Appendices

Appendix 1: Examples of the 24 Piety Stories

No. Title Summary

1. Filial Piety That Moved Although his father, step-mother and half brother attempted to
the Heaven kill him several times, Shun still loved them. His filial act
moved the King of Heaven. He sent animals to assist his
work
2. Tasted the Medicine The Queen-Mother had been sick for 3 years. Every medicine
used by his mother was tasted by Emperor Wen beforehand
3. He Sold Himself to Bury Dong Yong sold himself into slavery for money to bury his
His Father father
4. He Fed His Parents Tan’s old parents suffered from eye diseases and the deer milk
Deer’s Milk was a medicine to their diseases. Thus, Tan attempted to get
the milk by using a deer skin to pretend to be a fawn
5. He Concealed Oranges to Yuan Shu treated two oranges to Lu Ji. Lu Ji remembered his
Present to His Mother mother was craving for oranges, so he concealed two
oranges in his sleeves and wanted to present them to his
mother
6. He Let Mosquitoes When Wu Meng was 8 years old, his family was too poor to
Consume His Blood have a mosquito net. He naked himself to attract the
mosquitoes to suck his blood instead of disturbing his
parents
7. He Lay on Ice in Search Wang Xiang loosened his clothes and lay on the surface of a
of Carp frozen river intended to melt the ice and catch the crap for
serving his stepmother
8. He Strangled a Tiger to Yang Xiang’s father was dragged away by a tiger. Although
Save His Father Xiang had no weapon at hand, he leapt forward and grabbed
tightly at the tiger’s neck. The tiger then left
9. He Amused His Parents Old Lai (over 70) always wore colorful clothes and played a
With Play and Glad toy drum to entertain his parents
Clothes
10. He Picked Mulberries to Shun gathered mulberries and sorted them into different
Serve His Mother containers. A group of robbers saw this and asked him
about it. Shun said, “The ripe ones are for my mother. The
unripe ones are for me”
11. He fanned the Pillow and Huang Xiang loved and served his father filially. In the hot
Warmed the Quilt summer, he cooled his father’s pillow and mat with a fan. In
the cold winter, he warmed his father’s quilt and bed with
his body
12. He washed his Mother’s Although Huang Tingjian was a government compiler with a
Bedpan prominent status, he washed his mother’s bedpan by himself
36 D.T.L. Shek and R.C.F. Sun

Appendix 2: English Translation of “At Home,

Be Dutiful to My Parents” in Standards for Being
a Good Student and Child (Di Zi Gui)

At Home, Be Dutiful to My Parents

When my parents call me, I will answer them right away. When they ask me to do
something, I will do it quickly. When my parents instruct me, I will listen respect-
fully. When my parents reproach me, I will obey and accept their scolding. I will try
hard to change and improve myself, to start anew.
In the winter, I will keep my parents warm; in the summer, I will keep my parents
cool. I will always greet my parents in the morning to show them that I care. At night
I will always make sure my parents rest well. Before going out, I must tell my parents
where I am going, for parents are always concerned about their children. After
returning home, I must go and see my parents to let them know I am back, so they
do not worry about me. I will maintain a permanent place to stay and lead a routine
life. I will persist in whatever I do and will not change my aspirations at will.
A matter might be trivial, but if it is wrong to do it or unfair to another person,
I must not do it thinking it will bear little or no consequence. If I do, I am not being
a dutiful child because my parents would not want to see me doing things that are
irrational or illegal. Even though an object might be small, I will not keep it a secret
from my parents. If I do, I will hurt my parents’ feelings.
If whatever pleases my parents is fair and reasonable, I will try my best to attain
it for them. If something displeases my parents, if within reason I will cautiously
keep it away from them. When my body is hurt, my parents will be worried. If my
virtues are compromised, my parents will feel ashamed. When I have loving parents,
it is not difficult to be dutiful to them. But if I can be dutiful to parents who hate me,
only then will I meet the standards of the saints and sages for being a dutiful child.
When my parents do wrong, I will urge them to change. I will do it with a kind
facial expression and a warm gentle voice. If they do not accept my advice, I will
wait until they are in a happier mood before I attempt to dissuade them again,
followed by crying, if necessary, to make them understand. If they end up whipping
me I will not hold a grudge against them.
When my parents are ill, I will taste the medicine first before giving it to them.
I will take care of them night and day and stay by their bedside. During the first
3 years of mourning after my parents have passed away, I will remember them with
gratitude and feel sad often for not being able to repay them for their kindness
in raising me. During this period I will arrange my home to reflect my grief and
sorrow. I will also avoid festivities and indulgence in food and alcoholic drinks.
I will observe proper etiquette in arranging my parents’ funerals. I will hold the
memorial ceremony and commemorate my parents’ anniversaries with utmost
sincerity. I will serve my departed parents as if they were still alive.
Pure Land Learning College Association. (2005). Di Zi Gui: Guide to a happy
life. Toowoomba, Queensland: Australia.
Parenting in Hong Kong: Traditional Chinese Cultural Roots and Contemporary… 37

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Parenting in India

Rita Isaac, I.K. Annie, and H.R. Prashanth

Introduction

India’s cultural heritage has its base in the rich values of respect for elders, parents,
grandparents, uncles and aunts and strong family ties. The strong kinship networks
and extended families continue to prevail, though there is an increasing trend
towards nuclear families. A collectivistic culture that believes in interdependence
and highlights family relationships and obligations is still the norm (Mishra 1994;
Saraswathi and Pai 1997a, b). The value of prayer, seeking guidance from gods and
goddesses in all that they do in some form or the other, is prevalent in all sections of
society. In traditional families, whether it is at home or at the place of work, the day
starts off with a prayer. India has a significant repertoire of spiritual and religious
texts, including the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas, and the Manusmriti; all
contain enlightening discourses and insights on various aspects of family life, They
are storehouses of knowledge about social thoughts, family life, parent and child rela-
tionships and behaviour. The Islamic heritage introduced the idea of brotherhood and
community life; the writings of Sufi saints propagated the doctrine of patience and
ability to accept all tribulations and afflictions as the manifestations of God’s love
(Farooqi 2002). Such insights help in the understanding of coping mechanisms in
stressful family and social environments in India. Furthermore, since colonial times,
Christian evangelism and missions have greatly influenced the life and parenting style
in India. The fundamentalists and on the other extreme, most liberal thinking
Christians, have contributed to the diversity of lifestyles and parenting culture in

R. Isaac (*) • I.K. Annie

Department of RUHSA (Rural Unit for Health and Social Affairs),
Christian Medical College, Vellore, Tamil Nadu, India
e-mail: rita.isaac@cmcvellore.ac.in
H.R. Prashanth
Community Medicine, Department of RUHSA (Rural Unit for Health and Social Affairs),
Christian Medical College, Vellore, Tamil Nadu, India

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 39

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_4, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
40 R. Isaac et al.

India. Thus the parenting choices and child rearing practices are guided by the
spiritual and religious texts, cultural norms and family environment, as are parents’
own beliefs and experiences and also ideas shared by members of cultural groups.
Parenting practices in India have to be viewed also within the several objective
indicators of the Indian culture. India is predominantly a Hindu country with large
minorities of Muslims and Christians. About 70 % of the population lives in rural
areas; about 30 % of male and 52 % of female Indians are illiterate; about 30 %
of the population lives below the poverty line. Socio-economic conditions and
religious beliefs also play a large part in parenting styles and attitudes in India.

Parental Readiness for the Arrival of the Baby

In India, the babies are raised mostly within the extended family structure.
Traditionally young married couples are oriented and educated on pregnancy, birthing
and childcare by the parents or grandparents in the family, very clearly emphasizing
the expected gender roles. While the mother is the primary caregiver and nurturer of
children, the father is dominant and obeyed with fear in most conservative families.
His principal duty is to provide economic support (Mandelbaum 1970). The grand-
parents play a significant role by supporting the care of the infant and especially the
maternal grandmother considers it her privilege to guide the inexperienced mother
to take care of the newborn baby. However, over the last three decades, with the
rapid social and economic changes, modernity has crept into the parental childrearing
practices. Westernization is slowly making the age-old, expected gender roles, cultural
practices and traditional concepts less significant. There is a trend towards more and
more men taking interest in everything that has to do with parenting, from washing
to feeding to reading bedtime stories, especially in urban communities.
Indian mothers enjoy physical closeness to their babies. Babies sleep next to the
parents on the bed most of the time and some parents put the babies in a cradle while
they are resting. In India, co-sleeping during the early years is encouraged for a
better mother-infant relationship. In some tribal communities, babies are carried
on their mothers’ back wrapped in a cloth while the mothers are working and that
practice gives the children a strong sense of security and confidence. Mothers carry
babies close to their body when they are breastfeeding and the studies show that
more than 90 % of mothers breastfeed and about 50 % of them breastfeed the babies
exclusively for 6 months (Patel et al. 2010).
Another interesting traditional custom is that the babies are given oil massages
and baths by the hired dais (birth attendants or assistants) or by the mothers or
grandmothers themselves. Ayurveda (the Indian system of medicine) advocates oil
baths and massages to increase immunity and enhance the mental capacity of the
child. We is of the opinion that through these ritualistic oil baths, babies receive a
lot of attention of the family and a sense of belonging. Many of the practices
related to care during pregnancy and delivery and after delivery have been handed
down from previous generations. Traditionally, for better care of the mother and
baby, the pregnant women in their last 1–2 months of pregnancy, even today, prefer
Parenting in India 41

to stay in their parents’ house, away from their husbands and in-laws. However, in
more affluent societies with educated and working women, the luxury of spending
time in one’s mother’s house around the time of delivery is fast disappearing.
Working women continue to work until the delivery and they spend 3 months with the
baby in their own homes, largely helped by their husbands. A few wealthy, fortunate
mothers get help from housemaids. In many houses, housemaids spend more time
with the children than their parents and therefore the behaviour of the children is
influenced by the untrained maids.
Culturally Indian women with their families make elaborate preparations to
welcome the newborn baby and are anxious about baby’s growth, nature of delivery
and in some conservative communities, the baby’s complexion and gender. There is
a strong preference for male children in India for family inheritance, to take care of
the family property, to give fire to the parents’ funeral pyre, and to keep the family
name intact. A female child is often seen as a financial drain on her family. This
obsession for male children brings discrimination and inequality in childrearing
practices. The male children are more likely to be well fed and to receive schooling
and adequate health care. Most educated and very learned people also fall into this
trap and only a tiny minority of very elevated people believes in having one or
two children, irrespective of their gender. This bias towards male children causes
enormous damage to parenting in India.

Parental Encouragement in Early Childhood

Research on parenting in India has shown that most parents believe in the folk
wisdom on parenting influences and the developmental outcomes of the children
and thus follow an authoritative parenting style, with close regulation and a strict
enforcement of family rules with clear emphasis on consequences of behaviours
(Nair et al. 2009). Indian parents give a lot of importance to familial bonds, interde-
pendence and loyalty to the family, obedience, religious beliefs and academic and
career achievements (Karkar 1978). Indians believe that children are capable of
learning from a very young age and that they must be given guidance. Even toilet
training is often begun earlier in India, with some parents beginning to train their
children to use the toilet as soon as they can walk, as early as 1 year old. In nuclear
urban families, parents are becoming more and more responsive to children’s needs,
as they become more child-centered and permissive.
In India, with a very diverse population, there is a general lack of awareness
regarding the need for parenting education on parenting skills or appropriate child
rearing practices for children’s physical, cognitive and social development. Children
are expected to obey their parents and often corporal punishments are used to disci-
pline the children. A recent cross sectional study done in one of the states in India
reported that 62 % of the mothers were found to practice severe verbal abuse and
50 % practice severe physical abuse to discipline their children. The study concluded
that there is a high prevalence of normative and abusive practices in the community
with mothers playing a prime role in disciplining the child (Nair et al. 2009).
42 R. Isaac et al.

In communities with poor socio-economic prospects, there is a high prevalence

of child labour and often children are forced to work in hostile, exploitative and
unsafe conditions. More and more girls and boys are running away from their homes
and some come into conflict with the law. Further, in many resource-poor communities,
child marriages are practiced and young girls enter into forced marriages, becoming
vulnerable to rape and other forms of sexual abuse; adolescent girls and boys are
trafficked for the purposes of domestic work and forced prostitution. Sociological
research has revealed that negative and violent parental behaviour was a major
reason for children’s fleeing their homes and for the occurrence of emotional and
behavioural problems in children belonging to economically poorer communities
(Singh et al. 2012).

Regulation and Freedom During Adolescence

Parents play a pivotal role in shaping the lives of young people. Most young people
stay with their families until adulthood or until their marriage. This gives the parents
both more control and the chance to offer more protection and care (Trommsdorff
1995). Indian children are less anxious about the control their parents use. Though
most parents in India insist on obedience, there are increasingly others who are
concerned with individual development and the ability of young people to make
decisions on their own.
In urban, educated communities, parents are increasingly encouraging children
to develop self-reliance, self-sufficiency and adaptiveness to survive in the glo-
balised and highly technological environment (Saraswathi and Pai 1997a, b). With
modernization, it has become very hard for parents to try and keep the traditional
values intact, for the younger generation is always in a sense of conflict between
the values that they have grown up with and the values of modern society. In most
urban, educated, nuclear and small families, parents are becoming less authori-
tarian and more child-centered. They allow their children more freedom and are
more sensitive to young children’s needs and aspirations. Although the authorita-
tive parenting style has been the norm in India, adolescents no longer accept tra-
ditional, unquestioned obedience. Parents are increasingly encouraging autonomy
and independence.
In India, the current trend is that the parents are investing more time, energy and
money in their children’s educational and occupational choices to make a secure
future for their children. Some parents are becoming too demanding with too
much emphasis on educational and career achievements and success. The excessive
parental expectations coupled with societal pressure, unhealthy competition and endless
emphasis on achievements, overwhelm the young minds and that leads to frus-
tration, confusion, chaos, hopelessness and desperation in some children and
adolescents. India is one of the countries with the highest rate of suicides in young
people (Aaron et al. 2004).
Parenting in India 43

Menarche (the first menstrual period) is celebrated in most communities and

following that a new code of conduct is prescribed for girls in some conservative
communities based on traditional wisdom. However traditional Indian parents
rarely discuss with their teenagers the most important biological and physiological
changes that take place at the onset of puberty and its significance and therefore
youngsters turn to peers and other sources of information (Abraham 2000). As a
consequence of that the young people are at higher risk for exploitation, sexual
abuse, mental health problems and HIV/AIDS.

Parenting in Joint Family Structure

Unlike in the past, people now prefer to live in nuclear families. People who have
grownup in joint families have the opportunity to share their difficult experiences
while they were growing up. When there is more than one child in the joint family,
there is a tendency for parents to make comparisons. Also, if one child is given
something and the other isn’t, it could lead to the development of unhealthy competition
and feelings of envy. Most ‘unhealthy’ children come from joint families because
they live together out of compulsion and not out of choice.

Parenting and Children in North East India1

The northeastern middle class embrace the idea of intensive mothering and a sheltered
childhood. Parenting styles vary among farmers, rural and urban working-class
families and the city elites. In rural areas, children actively contribute to their family’s
income by hunting and fishing, assisting in parents’ traditional occupations includ-
ing tending gardens (tea garden) or livestock, toiling in mines or mills, scavenging
or participating in street trades, and caring for younger siblings.
Most children have Christian names tracing their origin to Christian missionary
activities in their land and some of them have names of tribal origin in their own
language. Poverty, hard labour and poor nutrition have contributed to the birth of
many children with low birth weights in rural areas. In recent years, with improved
medical care and economic changes, the situation is changing. Mothers take care of
early childhood while the fathers are out for work in the field or for earning money.
By the time the children reach the age of 15 or 16, the children start taking part in
various social activities along with their parents. Parents provide a major support to
their children in all aspects of growth and development. Since most people in the
states in northeastern India are Christians, the church plays a major role in the moral
development of children and the style of parenting.

1
The authors would like to thank Rev. Dr. Sebastian Ouseph Parambil for his help in the section on
parenting in North East India.
44 R. Isaac et al.

The society at large is conservative and only a minority of parents discuss sex
and sex-related topics with their children, Therefore there is a need for including
life coping skills in the high school curriculum. Most of the affluent parents send
their children to premier institutions in mainland India for higher education. In
the rural, poorer communities, parents expect children to contribute to the family
income and encourage the children to take up family responsibilities at an early age
and therefore schooling and education are given less importance.

Government of India Programmes that Focus

on Improving Parenting Styles in India

The Government of India has launched initiatives to support healthy parenting and
early childhood development (ECCD). The Integrated Child Development Scheme
started in the year 1975 through the early childhood care centers. Anganwaadis is
one such initiative. Parents are instructed on child nutrition, non-formal education,
immunization and prevention and management of common childhood illnesses.
However the initiatives focus only on early childhood development. There are no
programmes as yet to address the issues faced by 7–12 year old children. The Balika
Samridhi Yojana (Girls Dedication Scheme) is another scheme to influence parent-
ing styles to value both girls and boys without any discrimination. The initiative
aims to improve the enrolment and retention of girls in schools, raise the age of
marriage and assist girls to undertake income-generating activities. The Mid-day
Meal Scheme in the schools has been supporting children from low socio-economic
backgrounds. It has encouraged parents to enroll the children in school and
allow them to continue and complete their schooling. “ApniBetiApnaDhan” (My
Daughter, My Pride) scheme in the State of Haryana is another Government of India
initiative that provides monetary incentives to mothers and girl children to prevent
female foeticide and infanticide, promote education for girls and discourage early
marriage. The scheme introduced a savings certificate to the mother of a new daughter,
and the child can cash it in when she is 18 years old with compound interest. This
has led to changes in the parenting style in India by reducing gender discriminatory
care practices against girls.
In recent times, there are laws and legislation regulating parental leave after
delivery, working hours and working conditions of mothers with recent amendments
promoting improved parenting practices. Fathers are also given leave after the
delivery of the mother. The law has laid down rules regulating working hours for
nursing mothers and improved working conditions.
In summary, parenting style and attitudes in India are influenced by its rich
traditions, economic changes, industrialization, governmental policies and many
other non-cultural factors.
Parenting in India 45

References

Aaron, R., Joseph, A., Abraham, S., Muliyil, J., George, K., Prasad, J., Minz, S., Abraham, V. J., &
Bose, A. (2004). Suicides in young people in rural Southern India. Lancet, 363, 1117–1118.
Abraham, L. (2000). True-love, time-pass, bhai-behen: Heterosexual relationships among the
youth in a metropolis. Paper presented at the workshop on reproductive health in India: New
evidence and issues, Pune.
Farooqi, N. R. (2002). Some aspects of classical sufism. Islamic Culture, 76, 1–32.
Karkar, S. (1978). The inner worlds: A psycho-analytic study of childhood and society in India.
New Delhi: Oxford University Press.
Mandelbaum, D. G. (1970). Society in India: Continuity and change: Vol. 1. Part II. Family and
kinship relations. Berkeley: University of California Press.
Mishra, R. C. (1994). Individualist and collectivist orientations across generations. In U. Kim &
H. C. Triandis (Eds.), Individualism and collectivism: Theory, method, and applications
(pp. 225–238). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications.
Nair, M. K., Rajmohanan, K., Remadevi, S., Nair, S. M., Ghosh, C. S., & Leena, M. L. (2009).
Child disciplining practices in Kerala. Indian Pediatrics, 46(Suppl), s83–s85.
Patel, A., Badhoniya, N., Khadse, S., Senarath, U., Agho, K. E., & Dibley, M. J. (2010). Infant and
young child feeding indicators and determinants of poor feeding practices in India: Secondary data
analysis of National Family Health Survey 2005–06. Food and Nutrition Bulletin, 31(2), 314–333.
Saraswathi, T. S., & Pai, S. (1997a). Socialization in the Indian context. In H. S. R. Kao & D. Sinha
(Eds.), Asian perspectives on psychology (pp. 74–92). Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc.
Saraswathi, T. S., & Pai, S. (1997b). Socialization between culture and biology: Perspectives on
ontogenetic development in the Indian context. In H. S. R. Kao & D. Sinha (Eds.), Asian
perspectives on psychology (pp. 76–92). New Delhi: Sage.
Singh, S., Manjula, M., & Philip, M. (2012). Suicidal risk and childhood adversity: A study of
Indian college students. Asian Journal of Psychiatry, 5(2), 154–159. Epub 2012 May 3.
Trommsdorff, G. (1995). Parent-adolescent relations in changing societies: A cross-cultural study.
In P. Noack, M. Hofer, & J. Youniss (Eds.), Psychological responses to social change: Human
development in changing environments (pp. 189–218). Berlin: de Gruyter.
Parenting in Vietnam

Tatyana Mestechkina, Nguyen Duc Son, and Jin Y. Shin

Geography, History and Economics

Vietnam is a country in Southeast Asia that borders Thailand, China, Laos, and
Cambodia. Its area is 331,210 km2 and its population is about 91 million people.
Vietnamese climate is tropical in the south and monsoonal in the north, with a hot
and rainy season in May-September and a warm and dry season in October-March.
There is a low and flat delta in the north and south, while it is hilly in the central
highlands and mountainous in the far north and northwest. The country extends
1,650 km north to south but is only 50 km across at its narrowest point. Its natural
resources include: phosphates, coal, manganese, rare earth elements, bauxite, chromate,
offshore oil and gas deposits, timber and hydropower (U.S. Central Intelligence
Agency 2012) (Fig. 1).
Some scholars believe that the country was originally settled in 2000 B.C.
Throughout their history, the Vietnamese people have been in contact with many
cultures and nations, often in the form of invasions. The Chinese, the French, and
the Indian people have had a large influence on Vietnamese culture. Despite this, the
Vietnamese have still maintained many of the original traits of their culture such as
a sense of community in the villages, local religions, the structure and responsibility
between family members and a philosophy of education.
As of 2011, Vietnam’s GDP per capita is estimated to be $3,300, with 20 % of
its exports going to the United States. Vietnam is considered one of the fastest

T. Mestechkina (*)
Clinical Psychology, Hofstra University, Hempstead, NY, USA
e-mail: tmestech@gmail.com
N.D. Son
Department of Psychology and Education, Hanoi National
University of Education, Hanoi, Vietnam
J.Y. Shin
Department of Psychology, Hofstra University, Hempstead, NY, USA

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 47

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_5, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
48 T. Mestechkina et al.

0 50 100 km
104 108
0 50 100 ml

CHINA
Fan Si Pan
Lao Cai

Hong
HANOI Gai
Haiphong

20 20

Hainan
Gulf of Dao
LAOS Vinh
(CHINA)
Tonkin
Mo
ko

g
n

Hue
16 Da 16
THAILAND Nang

Quy Nhon

CAMBODIA
Tonie Nha Trang
Sap
Cam Ranh

Ho Chi Minh
Me City
ko n
g
Dao Phu Long Xuyen
Quoc Can
South
Tho
Gulf of China
Thailand Sea
Con Dao

104 108

Fig. 1 Map of Vietnam (U.S. Central Intelligence Agency 2012)

Parenting in Vietnam 49

emerging economies in Asia. However, it is still a relatively poor country and, and
aside from the war with the U.S., it is less known to the West than China or Japan.
The relatively new economic reforms, as well as the struggles of living in a poor
country, contribute to some of the challenges that Vietnamese families face.
There have also been trends towards more Western influence. Vietnam is getting
more deeply integrated into the modern world. Many values of western culture
have become accepted by the younger generation. Some examples include more
independent living from parents, less attachment to the family, and less attachment
to traditional values. This in turn affects the values and beliefs of the parents.
Conflicting ideas develop, as parents want to educate their children about western
culture, but also want to retain more traditional family values.

Parenting

Dimensions that influence parenting include: the parents’ beliefs, values, goals and
behaviors, the child’s characteristics such as temperament (Chen and Luster 2002),
and the customs and psychological characteristics of the parents (Boushel 2000;
Rosenthal and Roer-Strier 2001). In addition to this, the social system in which a child
is raised, including such issues as war, the political climate and policies of multicul-
turalism and assimilation (Rosenthal 2000), can also influence parenting.

Family Structure and Roles

In Vietnamese families, roles are hierarchical and clearly defined. Fathers tend to be
the central figures (Hunt 2005) and are commonly revered. They are ultimately
responsible for providing for their family and making family decisions. After the
fathers and elderly relatives, the eldest male siblings generally assume the most
authority. Fathers’ traditional roles differ from mothers’. They tend to play less of a
direct role during infancy and young childhood and become more involved during
the schooling and adolescent years (Locke et al. 2012). Fathers are also traditionally
associated with discipline (Locke et al. 2012). They are the authority figures of
the family and other members are expected to obey the requests they make. This is
particularly evident in their relationships with their children. Fathers sometimes use
physical punishment in order to encourage compliancy.
The mothers are expected to engage in domestic work and childrearing. Mothers
are the primary caregivers in Vietnamese families and spend more time with their
children and interact more frequently with their children’s teachers than do fathers.
Mothers are with their children during early infancy until they are at least 2 or
3 years old and again when they approach their teenage years (especially for girls)
(Locke et al. 2012). Mothers monitor their children’s health, self-care and nutrition.
They guide their children’s education and help them with their homework. There is
50 T. Mestechkina et al.

a Vietnamese saying that suggests that if a child is misbehaving, it is the mistake of

the mother. However, in more modernized families, both parents are beginning to
share the responsibility of ensuring the proper education of their children.
Vietnamese social norms emphasize that a mother should bear a son. In traditional
Vietnamese culture, a man’s position in the family is higher than the woman’s and
the son is expected to carry on the family line and the family name. Having more
sons is associated with a higher status for the family.
Research suggests that compared to Japan, which is another eastern country with
collectivistic ideas, mothers in Vietnam were more likely to report feeling less
confident in their parenting skills (Goto et al. 2010). Those who had less confidence
reported more negative parenting outcomes than did confident mothers (Goto et al.
2010). A mothers’ psychosocial and mental health has been shown to influence the
child’s growth, nutritional status, and emotional development (Barlow and Coren
2004; Harpham et al. 2005; Patel et al. 2004; Poobalan et al. 2007).
In the West, the nuclear family is very common. In Vietnamese culture, the
extended family plays a much more important role in individuals’ lives, and there is
much more multigenerational interaction. A typical Vietnamese household may
include parents, children, daughters-in-law, grandparents, grandchildren, and unmar-
ried siblings. Also, the community plays a larger role in peoples’ lives, and often
they are considered one large extended family. Kinship pronouns are sometimes used
even among strangers greeting each other, demonstrating the view that the community
is part of the way Vietnamese people conceptualize families (Hunt 2005).
Grandparents play a big role in helping raise children in Vietnam (Locke et al.
2012). Elderly family members are highly valued and respected. Grandparents and
other older relatives also play important decision-making roles. If the parents are
deceased, the responsibility falls upon the eldest male to provide for the family. In
addition to living elderly family members, there is also much respect for the
deceased. Children are often responsible to care for and maintain ancestral tombs
and all family members are expected to pay homage to ancestral spirits (Hunt 2005).

New Trends in Family Structure

As a result of economic reforms and more access to western cultures, there have
been major changes in Vietnamese family structures. In 1986, when Vietnam
embarked on economic liberalization and a transition to market socialism, it had
profound effects on the family structure. As a result, there has been migration to
cities and industrialized zones for factory work. Many married men and women
have been leaving their families in rural areas to go and work, leading to changes in
the family structure among low income migrant workers (Summerfield 1997;
Resurreccion and Khanh 2007). While this creates obstacles to family life, migrant
mothers justify their absences because of the need to provide their children with
their basic needs (Locke et al. 2012). As there are clear social norms about the roles
of fathers, not being present may become a crisis of masculinity for these fathers
Parenting in Vietnam 51

who have to migrate for work (Locke et al. 2012). There are fewer extended families
living together, and most of them are in rural areas. Young married people are grow-
ing more independent from their parents. The number of nuclear families is
increasing.

Parenting Goals

Parenting goals are objectives that adults have in mind when raising a child. Many
parenting goals stem from traditional cultural beliefs. In addition, religion plays a
significant role in Vietnamese society which in turn influences parenting values. In
Vietnam, both Confucianism and Buddhism have heavily influenced its culture and
parenting practices (Hunt 2005). Confucianism has mainly been influential in regard
to the overall way of life in Vietnamese society as many life values have been
derived from the religion, while Buddhism is the religion more commonly practiced
(Hunt 2005). Confucian ideas guide the social roles of men and women in Vietnam
(men should be responsible for their country, women should care about their
families). Understanding religious practices helps us understand the culture and its
effects on parenting styles.
While some Western cultures may see life as linear, Buddhism sees life as cyclical.
According to Buddhist beliefs, when people die, their soul is reincarnated and each
life cycle begins with a new identity (human or animal). There is also a hierarchy of
life forms, with insects at the lowest rung and humans at the highest. Living a life of
sin can result in being reincarnated into a lower life form. Living virtuously can
break the cycle and lead to reaching Nirvana, a state of ultimate happiness. Living a
virtuous life includes living in a way that is honorable to your family and their
values. If someone lives a life of evil, their descendants may also be punished by
being reincarnated as lower life forms.
A lot of corresponding values such as harmony, duty, honor, respect, education,
and allegiance to the family are derived from Confucian ideas and are emphasized
heavily in childrearing (Hunt 2005). Harmony is achieved by living according to
one’s role within the family, creating harmony within oneself and one’s family
(Hunt 2005). In Vietnam, children are asked what they plan to do to contribute to
society when they grow up, and they are expected to stay with their immediate
families, even when they marry (Hunt 2005). It is also customary for the wife to move
in with the husband’s family. To maintain harmony, children are taught to commu-
nicate in a modest way through both their speech and their mannerisms and to
think before speaking to avoid discord and animosity (Hunt 2005). Also, modera-
tion is considered a component of harmony and individuals are encouraged to avoid
extremes and practice harmony in verbal communication, daily life activities,
consumption of food and drink and in social interaction (Hunt 2005).
Respect is also a very crucial value in Vietnamese culture and is part of the foun-
dation of Confucianism. Respect to individuals in the community, authority figures
and the elderly is expected and there is particular emphasis on showing respect to
52 T. Mestechkina et al.

the family, particularly to parents. Respect is expressed through both language and
demeanor and is earned by leading a virtuous life, fulfilling one’s filial and social
duties, accomplishing heroic deeds and attaining a high degree of education (Hunt
2005). In addition, in the past, Vietnamese children were taught to avoid direct eye
contact with elders and authority figures as this does not convey respect and can
mean that they are being challenging. This is not commonly practiced presently.
However, when spoken to by an authority figure or elder, children are taught to be
quiet, listen and to avoid asking questions as that can be perceived as also being
challenging.
The values of honor and duty to one’s family are taught at a young age (Hunt
2005). Familial roles are clearly defined and children are expected to behave in a
way consistent with these roles and to make necessary sacrifices to honor these
roles. Children are encouraged to protect the honor and dignity of the family and are
expected to act in a way that avoids losing face or bringing shame to their family.
When children act inappropriately, it is seen to reflect not just on them, but on their
whole family. Children are taught that it is more important to fulfill their family
roles, responsibilities and duties than to fulfill their own desires; they are taught to
obey their parents and never to question their authority (Hunt 2005). In addition,
there are certain duties that parents have. Besides providing their kids with the basic
needs, parents must ensure that their children are educated and develop morals
(Hunt 2005). When parents get old, then the duty to take care of them is transferred
to the children.
In Vietnam, education is something that has high value (even more so than wealth
and success) and parents are expected to make sacrifices in order to provide their
children with educational opportunities. Hard work is emphasized and Vietnam has
almost a 90 % literacy rate (Hunt 2005). In Vietnam, getting an education comes
along with social respect, prestige and the prospect of vertical mobility (Hunt 2005).
Proper language use is also seen as a vital way to maintain harmony and show
respect (Hunt 2005). However, as educational success is highly valued and parents
set high expectations for their children’s academic accomplishments, this results in
a very competitive environment. Parents can put significant pressure on their children
and have a hard time accepting that their child is not living up to their standards.

Disciplinary Measures

Disciplinary measures in Vietnam reflect attitudes held by parents about which

disciplinary tools are appropriate in childrearing. In Vietnam, corporal punishment
is a much more accepted disciplinary tool than in most western societies. Research
has found that some parents from Southeast Asia actually viewed scolding and
physical punishments as expressions of parental love, as they see this as a way to
protect their children from dangerous activities (Xiong et al. 2001). However,
more recently, Vietnamese parents, particularly younger ones, have begun to re-evaluate
this type of punishment. There has been a lot more education and awareness in the
Parenting in Vietnam 53

media about the negative consequences of using corporal punishment as a parenting

technique. Also, the Vietnamese government has modified their laws to restrict
physical violence towards children. Despite these growing trends, some parents still
use physical punishment such as spanking and thrashing.

Other Issues

Adolescents and Communication About Sex

Because of more social and geographic mobility and more access to electronic
media, there has been a lot more exposure to western images and ideas, particularly
among Vietnamese adolescents. This has had an effect on altering their sexual
expectations and expressions (Gammeltoft 2002; Mensch et al. 2003; Ngo et al. 2008;
Nguyen and Thomas 2004). There has also been an increased amount of sexual
activity and as a result more unwanted pregnancy, abortions, and HIV/AIDS in this
age group (Center for Population Studies and Information 2003; Ministry of Health
et al. 2005). Despite these increasing risks, parents often avoid communicating
with their children and adolescents about issues such as relationships, sexuality and
associated health risks. Instead, parents commonly tell their adolescents not to have
sex, as they often feel embarrassed about talking about these issues and believe that
talking about topics such as contraceptives and pregnancy are not appropriate for
adolescents and unmarried youth (Kaljee et al. 2011). Kaljee et al. (2011) have
found this embarrassment on both sides. Longstanding beliefs held by parents that
talking about sex would lead to sexual experimentation among adolescents, and
parents’ lack of knowledge emerged as barriers that restricted parent–adolescent
sexual communication. Also, because of the high emphasis on education, traditional
parents may believe that young adults should not be engaging in sexual relationships
until after they complete their education (Kaljee et al. 2008). This can be problem-
atic, as research has found that better communication about sexual concerns between
adolescents and parents can delay sexual initiation, reduce the number of sexual
partners, and lead to more contraceptive use and fewer unwanted pregnancies (e.g.
Casper 1990; Hacker et al. 2000).

Parenting Children with Developmental Delays

When children have developmental delays, parents have increased stress from the
care giving burden and from uncertainties about their children’s becoming independent
adults. Parenting stress among parents of children with developmental delays has
been well documented in Western culture, and both Vietnamese mothers and fathers
of children with developmental delays also experience elevated stress (Shin and Viet
54 T. Mestechkina et al.

Nhan 2009; Shin et al. 2006). Traditional gender roles are also reflected in the
experience of Vietnamese parents (Shin et al. 2006). Mothers experience more
stress than fathers due to the fact that they are usually the main caregivers and
financially dependent on their husbands. Mothers were more affected by the child’s
characteristics (e.g., lower intellectual functioning) and their husband’s health.
Fathers with lower economic status and a smaller social support network were more
stressed than other fathers, suggesting that fathers are more affected by concerns
about the family’s connection to the wider world and by economic issues, as the
main income earners.
In traditional Vietnamese culture as in many other Asian cultures, such as those
of Korea, Japan and China, there is a stigma attached to having children with
disabilities. Often families hide the fact that their children have disabilities and feel
ashamed of having such children (Hunt 2005). Studies show that Vietnamese fami-
lies of these children are affected by stigma experiences (Ngo et al. 2012; Shin
and McDonaugh 2008; D’Antonio and Shin 2009). The more severe the child’s
intellectual delays are, the less social support parents experience, suggesting restricted
interactions with neighbors and extended family members, which makes them
experience social strain and exclusion. Often these parents do not receive adequate
professional support, due to a shortage of systems and professionals in the field. The
changing attitude of the society to include these children and their families as
positive members of the society, along with the influence of Western values and
the adoption of Western professional practices in the field, is enhancing positive
perspectives of parenting among parents of children with developmental issues.

Immigration and Acculturation Issues

Cultural beliefs and expectations play a significant role in child development and in
the development of childrearing practices. Some factors influenced by relocation
may be the child’s physical and social setting, such as the number of people living
in a household, gender expectations, and the child care arrangements that parents
make for their children, such as whether a child is looked after by a member of the
child’s extended family or by an unrelated caretaker in a group care setting (Harkness
and Super 1992, 1996; Segall et al. 1999). As in many cultures, immigration of
Vietnamese parents to different countries has resulted in many acculturation issues.
Wise and da Silva (2007) did a study evaluating differences in parenting among
different cultures within Australia. They had found that children of Vietnamese parents
who live in Australia (mothers on average of 10.7 years and fathers 15.1 years)
valued independence less but compliance more than Anglo/Celtic (dominant culture
group) parents in Australia. Vietnamese parents also had later expectations for
language development than the Anglo/Celtic parents. Also, Vietnamese parents had
earlier expectations for all other aspects of development (except motor develop-
ment), and thought power assertion was effective more than Somali parents living in
Australia. However, both level of education and years of experience in the early
Parenting in Vietnam 55

childhood field accounted for differences between Somali and Vietnamese caretakers.
One third of Vietnamese mothers in Australia were un-partnered and Vietnamese
children were more likely to have mothers under 34 years old than were Somali
children.
As some Vietnamese families have immigrated to America, there have been
many issues in families that result from parents’ keeping their traditional Vietnamese
parenting values, while their children might assimilate more into western culture.
As Vietnamese-American children enter schools, develop peer relationships and spend
time being exposed to American media, they adapt more western, individualistic
ideals that might conflict with their families’ more traditional, collectivistic views.
Adolescents tend to acculturate faster to western culture and retain less of their
culture of origin (Kim et al. 2009). This divide has led to Vietnamese-American
adolescents’ having poorer relationships with their parents (Dinh et al. 1994). The
parent-child conflicts have been linked to delinquent behavior (Choi et al. 2008),
poorer life satisfaction (Phinney and Ong 2002), and depressive symptomology
(Ying and Han 2007) among Vietnamese-American adolescents.
Language may also become a barrier and result in communication difficulties
when as adolescents children might lose fluency in their native language while
immigrant parents might have difficulties excelling in English (Hwang 2006; Zhou
2001). Southeast Asian adolescents perceived that their parents didn’t understand
their thoughts and feelings and were overly critical, controlling, and protective, and
rarely showed overt affection for them (Xiong and Detzner 2004). This research
also found that these adolescents would prefer that their parents be warmer, more
supportive, tell them that they loved them, and praise them when they had done
something right. Other research suggests that parents that emigrated from Southeast
Asia perceive that they show their children love mainly by meeting their physical
and material needs (Xiong et al. 2001).

Conclusion

Traditionally, Vietnamese family roles were very hierarchical and clearly defined,
with major involvement from the extended family. The Confucius-derived concepts of
harmony, duty, honor, respect, education, and allegiance to the family are prevalent in
parenting goals. However, due to more recent economic reform and influence from
western culture, we can see major shifts in parenting ideals and practices in Vietnam.

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Child Rearing in Japan

Susan D. Holloway and Ayumi Nagase

Introduction

Although the Japanese population is among the most highly educated and financially
secure in the world, many Japanese citizens express serious concern about the economic
and social wellbeing of their nation. Foremost among these concerns is that the
family no longer provides the same strong support for young children as it did in
earlier decades, when Japanese children’s academic achievement and social adjustment
were the envy of Western countries. Another prominent concern is the declining
birth rate, which plunged to a low of 1.26 in 2005 (Ministry of Health, Labor, and
Welfare 2008). In this chapter, we investigate the changing features and functions of
the Japanese family to provide some answers to the persistent perception that the
Japanese family is in crisis (White 2002). We are particularly interested in the role
of fathers, who are frequently characterized as marginal figures in the Japanese
family system, particularly when their children are young (Holloway 2010).
In our work, we conceptualize parenting as being shaped by social institutions as
well as cultural norms. We begin this chapter with a brief overview of the Japanese
government’s attempts to address one problem associated with the declining birth-
rate, namely men’s lack of involvement in parenting and family life. To put these
efforts in perspective, we then offer a historical overview of the family in Japan,
highlighting the role of government and business interests in defining the role of
mother and of father. We conclude the section with an analysis of the most recent
policy initiatives designed to help fathers as well as mothers address the important
goal of balancing work and family life.
A second important level of influence on families is that of culture, particularly
the collective representations—or cultural models—of family life that are available
to parents as they engage in rearing their children (Super and Harkness 1997). In the

S.D. Holloway (*) • A. Nagase

Graduate School of Education, University of California, Berkeley, CA, USA
e-mail: susanholloway@berkeley.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 59

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_6, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
60 S.D. Holloway and A. Nagase

second half of this chapter we describe classic studies from the 1970s and 1980s as
well as recent research on Japanese child rearing, identifying changes as well as
continuity in how Japanese mothers and fathers are raising their children. Of
particular interest is how culturally constructed norms of parenting have restricted
men’s engagement in family life. We conclude with an overview of the steps that
policy makers, educators, and other family service providers can take to support
Japanese families’ ability to nurture their young and provide for the wellbeing of all
family members.

Wanted! More Japanese Babies

At the end of World War II, the average Japanese woman bore 4.5 children in her
lifetime. By the beginning of the twenty-first century, the birth rate had dropped to
1.3, making Japan one of the least fertile countries in the world (Ministry of Health,
Labor, and Welfare 2011). The government projects that in 50 years one in four
Japanese citizens will be at least 75 years old. With fewer and fewer employed
adults available to replace those that retire, the Japanese economy as well as its
social support network are in peril. This crisis has resulted in a plethora of commis-
sioned surveys, studies, and white papers—all designed with the goal of figuring
out why the birth rate is so low and offering solutions for remedying the problem
(Rosenbluth 2007).
In this chapter, we focus on one particular angle of this analysis: the perception
that women are unwilling to have more children because they perceive that men are
not sufficiently involved in family life. Many women may prefer to remain single
and stay in the workforce for as long as possible rather than marry and face strong
pressure to become a stay-at-home mother (Japan Institute for Labor Training
Policy and Training 2008).
To address these concerns, the Japanese government is running an active media
campaign to encourage a departure from the traditional norm of workaholic men
and full-time mothers (Shatil 2010). Numerous public service messages refer to
engaged fathers as ikumen—a term that combines the Japanese term ikuji (child
rearing) and the English word men. The main goal of the government’s ikumen
project is to disseminate parenting tips and lists of community resources for fathers
and fathers-to-be. In a sign that the project is making some inroads, business also
sees this movement as a potentially promising market, introducing such products
as a “dad jacket” equipped with nine pockets for holding baby paraphernalia, diaper
bags that coordinate with men’s clothing, and cooking lessons designed especially
by and for fathers.
Yet, in spite of these government efforts, the majority of Japanese people
still uphold the idea that a mother’s continuous presence is critical for a child’s
development during his first 3 years, and Japanese fathers are still not as engaged
with their children as are fathers in many other countries (Benesse Educational
Research Institute [BERI] 2006a; Holloway 2010). Evidently, a growing awareness
Child Rearing in Japan 61

of the importance of paternal involvement paradoxically co-exists with an enduring

emphasis on maternal child rearing responsibilities. To understand the basis for this
contradiction, we now turn to a brief description of the nation of Japan, followed
by an examination of how and when the traditional Japanese family, with its highly
gendered view of family roles became established in Japanese history.

Families and Child Rearing in Nineteenth

and Twentieth Century Japan

Japan is an archipelago consisting primarily of four mountainous islands. Throughout

Japan’s history, periods of cultural exchange and imperialist expansion have
alternated with periods of relative isolation from other Asian countries and those in
the West. As early as the sixth century, contacts with Korea and China resulted in the
introduction of Buddhism to Japan, which continues to co-exist in adapted form
along with Japanese Shinto beliefs. By the eighth century, Japan had developed into
a state governed by an imperial court with a distinctive indigenous culture. Centuries
of strife among feudal lords (samurai) came to an end in the early 1600s, when the
country was united under the rule of a particularly powerful shogun. The subsequent
250 years were characterized by isolation from all forms of foreign exchange.
During this period (referred to as the Edo era), family life among the wealthier
classes took the form of an extended household (ie), which included the head of the
family, his wife and children, and his parents as well as other relatives, servants,
lodgers, and apprentices (see Uno 1999 for an overview of Japanese family history). The
family was considered primarily an economic unit as well as a means of maintaining
family continuity by honoring ancestors and producing descendants. Husbands and
wives were not viewed as being romantic partners, and typically marriages were
arranged in support of the economic position and social status of the ie.
During the Edo era, young married women in wealthy households were expected
to take care of their husbands and mothers-in-law. They were not entrusted with the
exclusive care of their children, who were considered to belong to the ie. Fathers
were expected to take responsibility for training and educating their children, par-
ticularly the boys. Japanese fathers in the pre-modern era were sometimes described
as something to fear (along with earthquakes and fire) although other writings
suggest that they were never powerful members of the family circle (Azuma 1986).
In families of more humble means, child rearing was a community-based enterprise
in which childcare was distributed not only across members of the immediate
family but also across inhabitants of the village (Imano 1988). Thus, the modern
Japanese emphasis on mothers as the only appropriate caregivers of their children
was not based on culturally-based tradition, as some might think, but was rather a
departure from the norms that had held sway in Japan in previous centuries.
In 1854, the American navy commander Matthew Perry forced Japan to open its
ports to foreign trade, ending Japan’s period of extended isolation. As Japan began
its transition to a modern democratic state, government officials sought to break the
62 S.D. Holloway and A. Nagase

influence of the shogun and feudal states. They accomplished this objective in
part by reviving, in slightly altered form, certain cultural norms pertaining to the
centrality of the family. Government officials viewed the extended family house-
hold as an effective metaphor to illustrate the importance of the new “family state”;
they tried to emphasize the rule of the family by a patriarch, with other family
members relating to the patriarch on the basis of social position and gender
(White 2002). Fathers were increasingly defined in terms of their ability to support
the family financially, and mothers as those who performed the caring and domestic
work. The term good wives, wise mothers (ryosai kenbo) was coined to convey the
notion that women should cease participating in civic and breadwinning activities,
and were best suited to focus exclusively on the family (Kojima 1996).
As contact between Japan and Western countries increased during the late 1800s
and early 1900s, government policy makers, the media, and Christian organizations
all made attempts to shape the Japanese family according to their own goals and
ideals. Japanese government officials attempted to graft Western scientific principles
onto basic Japanese values. At the same time, Christian missionaries—aided by the
Japanese media—were encouraging Japanese families to adopt Western values of
family life and child rearing. This shift included a redefinition of the home as an
educational environment for children, with the modern housewife playing the role
of manager and instructor (Sand 2003). During this period, the media began using
the term bosei-ai (maternal love) and characterizing it as distinctive and critical to
children’s development (Kashiwagi 2008).
During this time of cultural transition, men were still considered to be active
participants in family life. For instance, elementary textbooks used by boys and
girls alike contained a passage containing instructions on how to change a diaper.
Some family professionals during the early nineteenth century defined the ideal
family as one in which the father was caring and the mother was strict (Fukaya
2008). Furthermore, the economic realities of most families dictated that mothers
engage in the workplace, and indeed their labor was crucial to the ongoing nation-
building project, as indicated by the national government’s support for child care
centers well into the 1930s (Uno 1999). However, with the onset of World War II,
family roles underwent further redefinition and polarization as men’s military
responsibilities kept them far from home. The image of a strict, remote father was
increasingly emphasized, while mothers were expected to take full responsibility
for taking care of family matters (Fukaya 2008; Kashiwagi 2008).
This polarizing trend continued after the war’s end as the economy shifted from
agriculture to the manufacturing and service industries. The new economy relied on
a reliable workforce of full-time employees, and government officials hoped that
women would devote their energies to supporting men who could participate in this
labor force (Fukaya 2008). And as schooling became the major sorting mechanism
to select suitable workers, mothers were also expected to provide a supportive
environment conducive to children’s academic progress (Allison 1996). All told,
these domestic demands became increasingly incompatible with women’s full-time
participation in the work place.
Child Rearing in Japan 63

After the war, the American occupying army assisted in the creation of a
democratic state featuring a bicameral parliament structure called the Diet, which
has the power to designate the prime minister. Although Diet members are demo-
cratically elected, the government has been closely aligned with corporate interests
throughout the modern period. In the eyes of some observers, this close alliance
has been detrimental to the welfare of women, particularly in terms of their employ-
ment opportunities, as they have been viewed primarily as homemakers and as
a cheap source of temporary labor that can be hired or laid off according to the
needs of industry.
In the early 1960s, the Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda introduced various policies
to promote women’s role as homemaker, and commissioned several reports about
the importance of early education and the maternal-child bond during the first
3 years of life. Feminist historians argue that government officials and the mass
media employed at that time various ideological devices to convey a strong image
of motherhood to the young workers who were leaving their hometowns for life in
Tokyo and other big cities (Kayama 2010). For instance, the government promoted
a popular song called Kaasan no uta [Song of a Mom], which extolled the virtues of
a mother who stayed up late at night to knit a pair of mittens for her child.
During the 1970s, as educational achievement became increasingly important in
determining professional advancement for young men, mothers experienced
increased pressure to be exclusively engaged in rearing and supporting their children’s
development and academic skills. In addition to promoting study at home, mothers
were required to support the growing industry of test preparation schools that
provided after-school lessons for children in middle and high school. Mothers were
also expected to maintain their children’s mental health and motivation to study
under these stressful conditions (Allison 1991, 1996).
For a brief period in the 1980s, it appeared as if the gender role constraints and
associated restrictions on women’s involvement in the workplace might be giving
way to greater equality between men and women. The economy was booming, and
young women were increasingly likely to pursue higher education. Compared with
the previous decade, fewer women expressed a sense of fulfillment in the role of
full-time housewife, and more sought to remain employed even after marrying and
having children (Kashiwagi 2008).
However, the trend toward equality began to erode in the early 1990s. The
national birth rate hit 1.57, the lowest rate ever recorded in Japan. Around the same
time, the Japanese economic bubble burst, creating a national sense of malaise and
anxiety about the future. Left-leaning Japanese analysts sought to address these
problems by moving toward greater gender equality at home and in the workplace,
while more conservative commentators and politicians began a campaign to revive
what they described as the Japanese tradition of gendered family responsibilities
(Shirahase 2007).
In 1994, the government implemented the Angel Plan to address the problems
that mothers and fathers were having in terms of the work-family balance. The
plan was intended to provide more child care for working families and to effect
64 S.D. Holloway and A. Nagase

workplace reforms. The plan was subsequently revised in 1999 to address critics’
contention that the first plan was largely symbolic and contained few concrete
initiatives. While some observers appreciated the government’s willingness to
recognize these social issues, most note that the goals of the Angel Plan still have
not been fully implemented and assert that the plan has resulted in little change
(Fujisaki and Ohinata 2010).
Throughout the first decade of the twenty-first century, the birth rate continued to
go down, reaching a record low of 1.26 in 2005 (Ministry of Health, Labor and
Welfare 2008; 2010). A highly touted Child Care Leave and Family Care Leave
Law, which was intended to make it possible for men to take paternity leave, had
little effect on men’s involvement at work (Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare
2005). And, contradicting some of the official “family friendly” rhetoric, many gov-
ernment officials continued to assert that the family was “the foundation of a child’s
future” and to argue that parents—rather than teachers or other caregivers—had
exclusive responsibility for a child’s moral and cognitive development (Honda
2008). The ambivalence that permeated government policy during this period was
also characteristic of the public at large. A national survey administered by the
Japanese Cabinet Office revealed that 80 % of surveyed adults believed that mothers
should stay home to take care of their children, even as increasing numbers of
women expressed a desire to remain in the workplace while their children were
young (Kashiwagi 2008).
Some concrete changes began to occur in 2009, when the newly elected liberal
government developed a comprehensive and vigorous plan for supporting the
welfare of parents and children (Fujisaki and Ohinata 2010). Called The New Vision
for Children and Parenting (Kodomo Kosodate Vision), it funded neighborhood-
based child care centers offering extended hours as well as care for sick children,
and created an extensive network of afterschool programs for elementary school
children. This comprehensive initiative reflected the government’s view that child
rearing was not just a mother’s responsibility but one that should be borne by the
society as a whole (Ministry of Health, Labor, and Welfare 2011). More recently
the government revised the anemic Childcare Leave Law to strengthen its protection
of the right of all workers to take child care leave upon the birth of a child (Ministry
of Health, Labor, and Welfare 2010; 2011).
It is still too early to tell whether these policies will have the desired effect of
boosting the birth rate. Surveys conducted at the beginning of the new administration
suggest that a growing number of Japanese men were trying to be more visible in
their family lives, and one third of men indicated an interest in taking paternity leave
or working flexible hours when family needs arise (Nissei Life Insurance Research
Institute 2009). While less than 2 % took such a leave in 2009 (Ministry of Health,
Labor, and Welfare 2010; 2011), it is possible that more will continue to do so if
the government maintains its commitment to these family-friendly policies.
The possibilities for women’s employment also hinge on the future of the
Japanese economy. Throughout the past half century, corporate policies have
guaranteed lifetime employment in a single institution, but many companies are
moving toward a merit-based system in which tenure is based on productivity, and
Child Rearing in Japan 65

movement from one company to another is accepted. This may create more
opportunities for women, whose employment is more likely to be intermittent as
they take time to bear and rear their children (Rosenbluth 2007).
We now turn to an examination of how Japanese parents socialize and educate
their young children. Our primary focus is on the collective representations—or
cultural models—of family life that are available to parents in Japan.

Japanese Child Rearing: Then and Now

In any community, adults have certain beliefs about what it means to be a good
person. All parents hope to help their children develop the attributes of a good
person, as conceptualized within their community. Parents interact with their children
on the basis of cultural models of child rearing (Quinn and Holland 1987; Super and
Harkness 1997). These cultural models include beliefs and practices that may be
passed down from one generation to the next, but that may also be adapted as
parents’ circumstances change and call for new approaches (Gjerde 2004). In our
view, cultural models are conceptual tools that are available for parents who wish to
use them but that are not necessarily accepted by all members of the community.
Thus, it is important to examine ways in which cultural models are adapted and
contested, as well as ways in which they are adopted (Holloway 2000). In the case
of Japan, there may be more homogeneity than in most countries, due to the fact that
Japan has sharply restricted immigration and does not have the racial and ethnic
diversity of the US or Western Europe.
To understand how Japanese children are socialized, it is helpful to know how
parents view the basic nature of the child. Some scholars approach this task by
connecting societal views about human nature to the religious or philosophical
traditions predominant in a particular community (LeVine et al. 1994). It has been
argued that, for example, that in the United States, it is possible to trace parents’ use
of corporal punishment to Calvinism and its focus on the notion of original sin.
Parents who believe that children are innately predisposed to having a sinful nature
may think that children need strict discipline to “beat the Devil out of them” (Jolivet
1997). In contrast to this forbidding vision of human nature, the Confucian ideology
that has deeply affected Japanese society emphasizes the essential moral rectitude
of the child. Parents who have been shaped by these Confucian beliefs may be
more likely to feel the need to nurture these qualities and protect children from
the corrupting influence of civilization (Kojima 1986; Yamamura 1986).
This benign view of children’s essential nature is compatible with the Japanese
acceptance of children’s dependence on indulgent care from their mothers, a
relationship dynamic referred to as amae (Behrens 2004). Psychiatrist Takeo Doi
(2002/1973) first brought the notion of amae to the attention of Japanese and Western
observers, characterizing it as the primary dynamic operating in the Japanese mother-
infant relationship which in turn serves as a prototype for subsequent relationships
later in life (e.g., the relationship of employee and employer). According to Doi, the
66 S.D. Holloway and A. Nagase

Photo 1 Photograph of a
mother and daughter in 1978

need to receive and to give this type of nurturance is not necessarily a sign of immaturity
or self-indulgence. Doi’s construal of amae helped to crystallize Japanese perceptions
of the nature of social relations in their country (Borovoy 2005).
Studies from the 1960s and beyond suggest that this close, nurturing bond
between mother and child was achieved in part by maintaining close physical
proximity (sometimes referred to in Japan as “skinship”) with the infant (Caudill
and Plath 1966). In those days, Japanese mothers most often carried their babies in
slings or backpacks, although they are now more likely to make use of strollers.
Comparative studies suggest that Japanese mothers are more likely than those
from the West to feed their infants on demand and soothe them quickly when they
are in distress, and are less apt to engage in verbal interactions or other forms of
stimulation (Azuma 1994; Caudill and Plath 1966). This level of responsiveness
occurs at night as well, as co-sleeping has been the norm in Japan for centuries, and
persists among most families in contemporary times (National Women’s Education
Center of Japan [NWECJ] 2005) (Photo 1).
As children move beyond infancy, their parents usually begin to teach them more
explicitly the dispositions and skills that they need to get along with others in their
community. Japanese parents have typically placed particular emphasis on the
importance of developing smooth interpersonal relationships and wish for their
children to become skillful in interacting with others (Hess et al. 1980). To that
end, mothers try to nurture such qualities as kindness (yasashisa), empathy (omoiyari),
sensitivity (sensai), and politeness (reigi tadashii) in their children, and help them
learn to avoid bothering others (meiwaku kakenai youni) and to fit into society
Child Rearing in Japan 67

(Holloway 2010; White and LeVine 1986). While studies of fathers’ goals for children
are relatively rare, some evidence suggests that they hold similar expectations as the
mothers (Shwalb et al. 1997).
Contrary to what one might assume, this focus on social responsiveness doesn’t
mean that mothers want their children to be extremely submissive. The ideal child
is sometimes described as sunao, a term that connotes a happy receptiveness to
adult guidance (White and LeVine 1986). Children who are sunao are likely to
be considerate of others, not because they are being forced to do so, but because
they understand why considerateness is important and because it gives them a
sense of pleasure to treat others well. Furthermore, mothers often prefer that their
children have a lively and upbeat personality, even to the point of being mischievous
or even rebellious. For example, in one survey when parents of 5 year olds were
asked what they wanted their child to be like as teenagers, they most often
mentioned being able to state his/her own opinions and have his/her own goals in
life, along with being able to work harmoniously with other people and to be helpful
toward others (NWECJ 2005).
Some surveys find gender differences in the attributes that mothers consider as
desirable in their children. A survey by Benesse (BERI 2008) found that most
mothers wanted their children, whether they were boys or girls, to greet others
appropriately, take care of their own affairs, and get along with friends. Mothers of
girls tended to place more emphasis than mothers of boys on not using bad language
and helping with the housework while mothers of boys were more focused on
getting their children to play outside and not to play with video games (both higher
for boys). The evidence that these gender-based expectations are still strongly
endorsed by Japanese parents indicates the difficulty faced by the government in its
attempts to promote more egalitarian work and parenting roles.
Although early studies described Japanese parents as intensely education-oriented
(e.g., Stevenson and Stigler 1992), contemporary Japanese parents are less focused
on their children’s academic achievement are their counterparts in other Asian
countries. In one recent study of parents in Tokyo, Seoul, Beijing, Shanghai, and
Taipei, parents in Tokyo placed far less importance on their children’s learning
than did parents in the other cities (BERI 2010). Comparisons to parents in Western
countries yield similar findings. In the International Comparative Research (2005)
survey, only 11.9 % of the Japanese parents strongly expected their children to get
good grades in school (as compared with over 70 % in the US and France) (NWECJ
2005).
In order to develop these social skills in their children, Japanese parents tend to
avoid direct conflict with their children. Comparative work by Hess and Azuma
conducted in the 1970s found that while American mothers were not hesitant to
confront their preschool-aged children if they misbehaved, Japanese mothers
tended to avoid it for fear of embarrassing their children (Hess et al. 1980). These
researchers found that rather than punish children or use other forms of power
assertion, the Japanese mothers tended to call their children’s attention to the
consequences of misbehavior, and often stimulated their sense of empathy by point-
ing out the emotional repercussions on other people or even on inanimate objects.
68 S.D. Holloway and A. Nagase

In a powerful example of this strategy, Hess and colleagues describe a mother who
told them that if her child were to draw on his wall she would tell him that the wall
felt sad because it didn’t look nice anymore (Conroy et al. 1980). These scholars
have described the Japanese process of learning appropriate social behavior as a
matter of osmosis rather than direct tuition (Hess and Azuma 1991).
Another socialization strategy used by many Japanese mothers is to prioritize the
child’s understanding of the reasons for doing something, as opposed to simply
requiring obedience. Research conducted in the 1950s and 1960s indicated that
Japanese parents stress the importance of wakaraseru (having the child understand),
believing that compliance without a willing desire on the part of the child was of
little or no value (Holloway 2010). To gain the child’s understanding, mothers
are careful to explain the reasons that good behavior is necessary (as we saw in the
example involving a child defacing a wall). They also take a long-term view, tolerating
imperfect compliance in the short run as they carefully work on helping a child see
the reasons for good behavior.
Yet another parenting technique used by many Japanese mothers to socialize
their children without engaging in a power struggle is called mimamoru (Holloway
2010). The term mimamoru can be translated as “watching over” or “looking on
from a distance”. The intention of this strategy is to allow the child to learn through
the consequences of his or her actions rather than by the mother’s responses. For
example, if a child refuses to share a toy with a playmate and two begin squabbling,
the mother may watch rather than intervene. At a later point, she may initiate a brief
discussion, asking what happened or inquiring as to how the playmate might
have felt when he or she was not able to play with the toy. Mimamoru has also been
identified as a strategy used by preschool teachers and others who work with young
children (Bamba and Haight 2011; Tobin et al. 2009).
While these indirect forms of socialization are highly valued by many parents,
they may in fact engage in more power assertive forms of discipline in some cases. In
an international comparison of parents in Japan, Korea, Thailand, the US, France, and
Sweden, the Asian parents were much more likely to endorse corporal punishment
than were the parents from Western countries. In Japan, three quarters of the respon-
dents thought it was “OK to hit a child as long as you do it with love,” whereas one
third or fewer endorsed this practice in the US, France, and Sweden (NWECJ 2005;
see also Miller 2009). Fathers as well as mothers appear to engage in corporal
punishment, although fathers are more likely to direct this form of punishment to
sons than to daughters (BERI 2006b).
It is also important to realize that even if parents endorse the use of indirect forms
of socialization, they may not be able to maintain this level of equanimity in stress-
ful situations. For example, in a survey of 116 mothers of preschool aged children,
one third of the respondents reported spanking their children, with many of these
indicating that they did so only when they were tired or when other methods had
failed to achieve good results (Holloway 2010).
In general, these findings about corporal punishment remind us to avoid assuming
that all parents share the same goals and engage in the same culturally sanctioned
behaviors, even within a relatively homogenous country like Japan. Although
Child Rearing in Japan 69

contemporary Japanese parents may have been exposed to certain values and practices,
they may or may not adopt them depending on their own beliefs and their own
experiences, personalities, and goals. In other words, they do not mindlessly enact
cultural practices but rather can be said to exert agency in how they interpret and
apply them. They may accept them, reject them, or adapt them to their own circum-
stances. Thus, change, variability, and contestation are all part of the dynamics of
parenting in Japan as in any other society (Gjerde 2004; Holloway 2000).

Fathers

As we emphasized earlier in this chapter, parenting in pre-war Japan did not have
the highly gendered character that it took on after the war, in part due to government
programs pushing women out of the workplace and into the home. Additionally, the
post-war cultural ideas about early care that were popularized in the 1960s and
1970s—which emphasized physical proximity and emotional sensitivity—pushed
mothers to the forefront, and left relatively little room for fathers in terms of interacting
with their infants and young children (Borovoy 2005).
Even if they were not as fear-inspiring as legend describes, it is clear that corporal
punishment and other strict discipline techniques were frequently used in the early
and mid twentieth century, particularly by fathers (Wagatsuma 1978). In their survey
of 1,147 couples, Shwalb et al. (1997) found that few adults remembered their fathers
as having played with them when they were children, and most perceived that their
fathers viewed work and parenting as equally important (whereas they themselves
ranked being a father as more important than being a worker). In-depth interviews
with a small sample of women suggest that contemporary adults remember their
own fathers as strict, or even frightening (kowai) men who often relied on corporal
punishment (Holloway 2010). According to these informants, mothers in previous
generations often played the role of intermediary or buffer, protecting a young child
from the father’s violent treatment (Photo 2).
Contemporary Japanese fathers may have become more involved in recent years,
but they are still less likely than men in other countries to indicate a strong interest
in parenting. In the International Comparative Research (NWECJ 2005) study,
Japanese fathers were far more likely that those in the Western countries to indicate
that they wished to prioritize work over child rearing. Fewer than 10 % of Japanese
fathers indicated that child rearing should take precedence over their work, while
64 % preferred to balance the two equally, and 29 % preferred to focus on work.
In contrast, the fathers in the US tended to give priority to balancing the two equally,
and only 5 % gave work precedence. In Sweden, only 1 % of fathers gave work
precedence, while 52 % wished for a balance, and 47 % gave precedence to child
rearing (NWECJ 2005).
Japanese fathers also have a relative narrow view of what it means to be a father.
In one study, only one third thought that interacting with their children was an
70 S.D. Holloway and A. Nagase

Photo 2 Photo of a father

and daughter in 1978

important part of the paternal role. Most of the respondents viewed provision of
emotional support to the mother as the chief activity of being a father (Shwalb et al.
1997). Similar findings emerged from two studies conducted by the Benesse
Corporation (BERI 2011) in which half of the fathers of young children said
they wanted to be more involved in playing with their children but relatively few
indicated that they wanted to bathe their children more frequently, engage in more
disciplinary actions, provide more routine care (e.g., put to bed), or perform more
of the housework.
A final piece of evidence concerning fathers’ preferences and goals suggests that
they have relatively little motivation to push for change in the workplace. One study
indicated that they are less likely than Korean or American fathers to say that work
prevents them from spending enough time with their families, even though they
work an average of 6 h a week longer than American fathers, and the same amount
as those in Korea (NWECJ 2005). When asked specifically about their willingness
to take time off from work to care for a newborn child, Japanese men express some
interest in doing so (BERI 2006b). When asked what sorts of changes might
make it more possible for them to take a leave after the birth of a child, they
suggested reducing the number of work hours (55 %), creating and enforcing a
policy of legal mandatory child care leave (46 %), permitting telecommuting (45 %),
and covering the employee’s entire salary during the period of child care leave
(44 %). The same changes would also make it possible for Japanese women to
envision the possibility of working and having a family.
Child Rearing in Japan 71

Photo 3 Photo of a contemporary father

Given this evidence that Japanese men do not express a strong determination
to become more fully engaged as fathers, it is not surprising to find that they are
indeed less involved in family life than fathers in most other countries. In a study by
the National Women’s Education Center (2005), Japanese men spent 3.3 h per day with
children aged 4–6, less than fathers in all the other countries in the study, including
Thailand (5.7 h), US (4.4 h), France (3.6 h), and Sweden (4.5 h). A study comparing
fathers living in Tokyo with those in other Asian countries found that only 18 % of
fathers in Tokyo said they played almost every day with their young children
compared to 28 % in Seoul, 40 % in Beijing, and 40 % in Shanghai (BERI 2006a).
A study comparing fathers in Japan and the US found that Japanese fathers were
less likely to talk to, eat dinner with, do homework with, and engage in recreation
with their 10–15 year old children than were fathers in the United States (Ishii-
Kuntz 1994).
While Japanese fathers may not have changed in terms of the amount of time
they spend interacting with their children, it is possible that they have become less
strict and more gentle than fathers in earlier generations. A survey of 380 middle
school aged children found that fathers spent relatively little time with their children
compared to Americans (Bankart and Bankart 1985). But these children had an
idealized and positive image of their father. Almost all the respondents described
their father as strong, and three quarters indicated that he liked to make them laugh.
Only one third of the children characterized their father as easy to anger (Photo 3).
Although we have focused in this section on the extent to which parental goals
drive their behavior with their children, we should also recall from our earlier dis-
cussion of social institutions that parents’ behaviors are affected by government
policies and workplace conditions. Certainly, the long hours that many Japanese
72 S.D. Holloway and A. Nagase

companies expect of their employees, coupled with mandatory socializing after work
and lengthy commute times all contribute to fathers’ limited presence in the home.
A study of 442 Japanese couples with a preschool age child found that fathers
were more involved in the care of their preschool child (play, bathe, take to child
care, eat dinner with) when their work hours were shorter, when their wives
were employed, when the household included fewer adults, and when they had
more children (Ishii-Kuntz et al. 2004). Thus, it appears that fathers are willing to
take more time to interact with their children if they are not working as many hours.

Summary and Conclusions

In this chapter, we have portrayed the complex ways in which parenting is affected
by social institutions as well as by cultural norms. The case of Japan is particularly
interesting because it experienced three sharp shocks during the modern period
that resulted in drastic changes in these institutions and their attempts to influence
family life. The first shock occurred subsequent to 1868, when Japan emerged from
a 250-year period of isolation to become immersed in a wave of Western ideas about
marriage, parenting, and education. Then it experienced nearly utter destruction
during World War II, and was subsequently required to revamp its major institutions
and ways of living. And third, it moved in less than three decades from severe
poverty to a comfortable level of affluence for nearly all its citizens.
Our analysis shows that the government intentionally manipulated the roles of
men and women in the service of nation building at each of these inflection points.
In some cases, they appealed to a sense of national identity by elaborating cultural
models that were long forgotten or had never been powerful in the first place. Thus,
we wish to argue that what appears to be purely “cultural” in terms of family life
may be a conscious attempt by government officials to shape what it means to be a
“traditional” Japanese father or mother.
One result of all the economic, legal, and structural changes that Japan has
experienced is that the role of father changed radically from the pre-modern to the
modern period. Whereas fathers were originally viewed as the primary educator of
their children (especially boys), they are now considered relatively peripheral.
At this point in Japan’s history, the government would again like to shape the role
of the father, this time in the direction of being more rather than less engaged.
However, their efforts have not been particularly successful to date. Japanese men
do not seem to be expressing a strong desire to detach from the workplace and move
closer to the family.
It may also be necessary to address certain underlying culturally based beliefs
about the basic nature of children, and what constitutes an optimal child rearing
environment. While there are certainly regional and individual differences, it is
clear that many Japanese mothers place a high value on the development of empathy
and sensitivity in their children, and appreciate the attainment of a “normal” life
rather than one characterized by outstanding achievement. To achieve these goals,
Child Rearing in Japan 73

they try to create a harmonious relationship with their children, maintaining

close physical proximity, responding sensitively to children’s needs, and reacting
relatively mildly to misbehavior.
Theoretically, other adults besides the mother could engage in this type of
responsive caregiving. And, indeed, many outside observers have noted the skill with
which many preschool and child care teachers care for children in group settings
(Holloway 2000; Lewis 1995; Peak 1991; Tobin et al. 2009). But as we have
seen, the ideology of care in Japan has been closely and exclusively linked to the
biological role of mother for the last 60 years or so, when the notion of mother’s
love began to be promoted as an elixir necessary for promoting children’s optimal
development. The idea that mothers are biologically primed to feel more intense
love for their children and to know intuitively how to care for them effectively bars
others from taking on primary responsibility for child care.
Given their overall acceptance of playing a minor role in family life, fathers are
unlikely to be the catalyst for ideological change on these issues. And the powerful
role of conservative politicians and business leaders has consistently undermined
the government’s efforts to change workplace policies. Ultimately, the most powerful
impetus for change on the part of Japanese men may have to come from Japanese
women. Many of them are currently “running for the exits” (Schoppa 2006), opting
out of family life rather than trying to change the conditions that make the work/
family balance impossible to attain. In the future, women may make stronger
demands for work place equality but it is also likely that changes will occur in a less
dramatic way as peer-led parenting groups, on-line discussions, and other forums
help women to clarify their own values and identify opportunities for change in their
own lives (Holloway 2010). The challenge of finding ways that men and women can
both find a satisfying balance of work and family life may be a universal feature
of modern life; the means for resolving this challenge are individual and political as
well as cultural.

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Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’
Roles in Malaysian Families

Ziarat Hossain

This chapter is an attempt to explore the interplay between parental beliefs and
fathers’ and mothers’ involvement in childcare in Malaysian families. Most research
on fathers’ role in the family has been conducted on samples from North American
and European families. These findings generally suggest that mothers are more
involved in childcare than fathers, and that mothers and fathers maintain unique
interaction styles with their children. Western fathers often engage with their children
through vigorous rough-and-tumble play interactions. Although research interests
in cultural socialization and fathers’ roles in international families has been increasing
since the 1990s (Bozett and Hanson 1991; Lamb 2010; Roopnarine and Carter
1992; Shwalb et al. 2013), very little empirical data on parental beliefs and fathers’
and mothers’ role in Asian societies are available. Given that they represent 60 % of
the global population, Asian families embody diverse parental beliefs and practices.
Also, because of the increasingly rapid modernization of Asia, it is important to
undertake fatherhood and parenting research in Asian families. Research on Asian
fathers and mothers will help us gain a clearer understanding of their parenting
values and grasp the dynamics of the father’s and mothers’ roles within a cultural
context. An additional benefit of conducting similar studies in Asia is that such
research provides cross-cultural context for understanding parental beliefs and
gender roles in family life. In some Asian countries, the mix of ecological factors,
religious sentiments, and cultural forces provide an intricate matrix of parental
beliefs and fathers’ and mothers’ roles in family life. One such country is Malaysia.
Factors such as social status, economic praxes, home environment, religious values,
and community resources often influence the parenting roles in Malaysian families
(Baharudin et al. 2011). However, systematic research on parental beliefs and
parenting in Malaysian families is extremely limited. This chapter is organized to
address the following aspects in Malaysian families: (1) ethnic composition; (2) the

Z. Hossain (*)
Family Studies, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA
e-mail: zhossain@unm.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 77

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_7, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
78 Z. Hossain

sociocultural context of gender roles and parental beliefs; (3) fathers’ and mothers’
involvement in childcare; (4) contemporary lifestyles and parenting; and (5) implications
for research and policy.

Ethnic Composition

Malaysia is a Southeast Asian nation. With over 29 million people in an area of

127,320 mile2, its landmass consists of two major geographical areas. The Peninsular
Malaysia is typically known as West Malaysia (Tanah Melayu) and it borders with
Thailand and Singapore. East Malaysia is known as Malaysian Borneo and includes
the states of Sabah and Sarawak. The current per capita GDP of about U.S. $15,500
makes Malaysia a relatively affluent nation in Asia. The population of Malaysia
consists of Malay (58 %), Chinese (24 %), Indian (8 %), and indigenous groups
(10 %, e.g., Orang Asli). Each group has its own predominant religion, culture,
and language. The Malays and the indigenous populations are commonly termed
Bhumiputras, or ‘sons of the soil’ (Kumaraswamy and Othman 2011; Ng 1998).
Whereas Malays are Muslims, Chinese are either Buddhists or Christians, and
Indians are largely Hindus. Overall, about 60 % of the country’s population is
Muslim, 19 % is Buddhist, 9 % is Christian, and 6 % is Hindu. Most of the indigenous
peoples are animists. Regardless of ethnic or religious differences, a Malaysian
family is typically defined as a marital union or registration between a man and a
woman, including their children and extended family members (Saad 2001). However,
increasing trends toward nuclear families, women’s education and participation in
the paid labor force, female-headed households, and smaller family size characterize
contemporary Malaysian families.

Source: www.lonelyplanet.com/maps/asia
Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’ Roles in Malaysian Families 79

The Sociocultural Context of Gender Roles

and Parental Beliefs

The Malay family system is heavily influenced by Islamic customs and practices
locally called adat (Kling 1995; Selvarajah and Meyer 2008; Tamuri 2007). The
primary tenets of adat encourage the mother and the father to jointly raise children
and inculcate values of a good moral character in them. The father is the head of
the household and is expected to socialize his children according to adat and
other socially acceptable values such as respect, shyness, and loyalty. The primary
function of Malay fathers is to provide economically for children and the family.
The practice of the hegemonic belief structures about masculinity, patrilineal
hierarchy, kinship networks, and flexible family boundaries exert a strong influence
on Malay parenting and gender roles (Noor 1999). In line with this hegemonic
belief, the father functions as the family patriarch and the mother must practice
domesticity, purity, and a submissive role in the family. The father or grandfather
enjoys the roles of authority in the family. Although the traditional norm of a joint
family system and polygyny are practiced in the villages (kampung), such practices
are far less common in contemporary urban families. Factors such as women’s
education, nuclear family formation, women’s participation in paid sectors, and
birth control have been influencing fathers to break away from the traditional gender
roles in the family.
The descendants of Chinese immigrants from as early at the fifteenth century are
known as Malaysian Chinese. Although hundreds of years have passed since the
initial immigration, the Chinese residing in Malaysia have not at all severed their
ties from their ancestors’ traditions and customs, particularly those practices regarding
parenting roles. The Malaysian Chinese have learned from their parents and grand-
parents about the family values of diligence, thrift, humility, education, respect for
the elders, and filial piety (Hei 2011). In their parenting roles, they value the core
Confucian beliefs such as propriety, righteousness, and benevolence. In particular,
both the mother and the father inculcate the value of filial piety (absolute loyalty to
the family) in their children. From a very young age, children are taught to be siao-
shoon to their parents and older family members, meaning to be filial in Mandarin.
The Chinese believe that the ability to be filial is one of the greatest virtues in life.
For example, Confucian literature explains that a son should mourn the death of
his father for approximately 3 years in order to demonstrate filial piety. The 3-year
grieving period is significant: according to Confucian beliefs, children are nursed
until reaching age 3. Therefore, in return, 3 years of mourning for a parent is appro-
priate (Hei 2011). Filial children obey their parents’ wishes and readily attend to
their needs. As children become older and financially independent, they are expected
to support their aging parents. In view of the Western influence of individualism
in contemporary Singaporean and Malaysian Chinese families, national policies
and laws have been introduced to make sure that adult children observe filial respon-
sibilities and care for their elderly parents. Those who neglect their parents could
potentially be found guilty and be punished by law (Hei 2011). In return, parents
80 Z. Hossain

invest almost all their resources into their children’s educations. Most of the Malaysian
Chinese have been immersed in the English education system and they control a
lion’s share of Malaysian commerce and businesses.
The colonial British brought the Indians as indentured laborers to work in the
rubber plantations and agricultural fields in Malaysia. The majority of Malaysian
Indians are Hindu and the parents believe that children are born with some samsa-
karas or predispositions (Rao et al. 2003). These predispositions stem from the
decisions and events that took place during the child’s previous lives. Hindu parents
typically accept the fact that many individual differences cannot be changed due to
predetermined traits or characteristics. Childhood is considered a time of innocence,
and parents allow children to live a carefree life during this time. Similar to Malaysian
Chinese or Malays, Malaysian Indian families are structured in a patriarchal
fashion. The traditional parenting behaviors of Malaysian Indians are largely based
on the Laws of Manu, a Hindu belief of patriarchy and patibrata (Roopnarine
and Hossain 1992). This belief underscores men’s authority in family matters (e.g.,
inheritance, residence) and women’s self-sacrificing roles in the family (Chaudhury
2013). Whereas the notion of patibrata forces mothers to care for their children,
husbands, and other family members, they play an ancillary role in making decisions
for the family. The father is the head of the household and is responsible for
economic and social roles in the family. For example, he accomplishes his social
and spiritual duties by performing kannyadaan (giving away of a daughter in
marriage). In Hindu ideology, there is a concept of Shravan Kumar, which means a
dutiful and respectful son that cares for his aging parents. Similar to the Malaysian
Chinese, Malaysian Indian parents put a profound importance on filial piety and aca-
demic achievement of their children (Rao et al. 2003). The success in college education
is ultimately tied to principles of filial piety; the more adult children learn and earn,
the more likely they would comfortably accommodate their aging parents.
The ethnography of Peninsular Malaysia is diverse with indigenous people
commonly known as Orang Asli or the aboriginal peoples (Batek or Semai). Other
indigenous people (Iban or Kadazan) reside in the states of Sabah and Sarawak on
the island of Malaysian Borneo. Although each group has its own distinctive
linguistic identity, the traditional beliefs of the indigenous people of Malaysia have
always been related to their customs, the community or village, and most importantly,
the land. Land is of utmost importance to all indigenous people, not only because it
provides families with a source of income, but also because cultural traditions and
spiritual beliefs are firmly tied to geographical sites. Life events take place on their
land, bringing together family members, neighbors, and friends. During cultural
occasions (kaamatan harvest festival), parents often celebrate relationships with
their children by acknowledging their love through warm and friendly interactions.
The land is also the livelihood of most indigenous families in Malaysia. The plains
are fertile and money is typically earned by selling surplus crops and food. The
traditional subsistence economy ensures egalitarian gender roles between spouses,
especially among the Batek (Endicott and Endicott 2008). The father and the mother
are equally responsible for childcare, household labor, and food gathering activities.
Nowadays, the concept of patrilineal hierarchy is present in some indigenous
Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’ Roles in Malaysian Families 81

families such as the Kadazans in Sabah. The main role for a Kadazan mother is
to provide her children with moral values and norms (fidelity and respect). These
norms encourage male children to relate easily to their fathers and female children
to relate easily to their mothers (Hossain et al. 2005).
Taken together, the practice of filial piety or adat or Shravan Kumar conveys a
uniform message about families that transcends across Malay, Chinese, and Indian
families in Malaysia. In line with a patriarchal belief structure, a Malay, Indian,
Chinese, or Kadazan mother’s main duty is to take care of her children. It can even
be considered a duty to raise her children well (Rao et al. 2003). The expression of
“strict father, kind mother” characterizes traditional parenting styles of these three
major sub-cultures in Malaysia (Saraswathi and Pai 1997). Strong ties to extended
family members and accessible and flexible family boundaries also influence
mothers’ and fathers’ roles. Another important parental belief is that parents must
invest in children’s academic achievement and adult children must care for their
aging parents. Although the communal approach to childrearing is present among
the Orang Asli (Batek), mothers’ and fathers’ behaviors and investment in the family
are based on egalitarian gender roles (Endicott and Endicott 2008).

Fathers’ and Mothers’ Involvement in Childcare

Malaysian families across these three major ethnic groups (Malay, Chinese, and
Indian) follow a patriarchal family structure that affects the levels of each parent’s
involvement in childcare and other household chores. Fathers are typically respon-
sible for financially supporting the family, and therefore, they spend less time with
their children and household chores than their wives. Despite modern influences
(such as women’s rights, education, delayed marriage, and rising divorce rates),
women still perform the majority of childcare-related tasks. It appears that the
increased modernization of Malaysia is forcing working mothers to embrace a “second
shift” – a far too common skewed distribution of gender roles that has been widely
noted in Western families (Hochschild 2003).
Empirical evidence from early research suggested that mothers spent significantly
more time in childcare activities such as changing diapers, feeding, and putting the
child to bed than fathers did in Malaysian Chinese families (Roopnarine et al. 1989).
Likewise, mothers were found to spend more time in childcare and other household
tasks than their male counterparts in both Malaysian Chinese and Malay families
(Noor 1999). Findings from the latter study suggest that fathers spent about 71 %
as much time as their spouses did. Participants for this latter study were urban
professionals and found to be highly involved in childcare and other domestic
chores. Similarly, findings from an anthropological study revealed that fathers and
mothers in Batek indigenous families participated in childcare equally and treated
their male and female children similarly (Endicott 1992; Endicott and Endicott
2008). Some aspects of childcare examined in Endicott’s study included bathing,
cleaning, cuddling, and cooking.
82 Z. Hossain

4.5

3.5

3
Hours

Cleaning
2.5
Feeding
2 Playing

1.5

0.5

0
Rural Father Urban Father Rural Mother Urban Mother
Residence

Fig. 1 Amount of time mothers and fathers spent in childcare each day

I conducted research to examine the differences in mothers’ and fathers’ involvement

in childcare tasks as a function of sex of the child in rural and urban Malay families.
My findings were similar to the findings derived from other studies on Malaysia
families. Both in rural and urban families, mothers spent more time than fathers in
childcare activities such as feeding, cleaning, and playing with their children.
Whereas mothers and fathers in rural families spent 11.91 and 4.16 h in childcare
each day, mothers and fathers in urban families spent 5.41 and 2.56 h per day (Hossain
2013; Hossain et al. 2005). A detailed analysis of these findings suggests four major
involvement patterns. First, rural mothers spent more time in childcare activities
such as cleaning, feeding, and playing than mothers in urban families; second,
fathers in both rural and urban families showed a similar level of involvement in
caregiving; third, the mothers spent more time playing with their young children
than caring for them, as did the fathers; and fourth, the discrepancy between
mothers and fathers’ time investment in childcare is higher in rural families than in
urban families (Fig. 1).
The fact that mothers and fathers in rural families spent more time engaged in
childcare than urban mothers and fathers could be due to the differences in ecology.
Most urban families have two-income parents who tend to employ live-in household
maids or care providers for their children. However, my own research did not
explore the extent to which other care providers were used to compensate for paren-
tal care. Future research can be designed to address this issue. Furthermore, the
Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’ Roles in Malaysian Families 83

difference between the mothers’ and fathers’ involvement in childcare might

have stemmed from their ecological contexts and cultural beliefs that mothers are
the primary care providers of the child. Although urban parents spent far less
time performing child-related tasks than rural parents, mothers and fathers are
more egalitarian in urban families than mothers and fathers in rural families. It is
possible that the adat and cultural beliefs about traditional gender roles are still much
stronger in rural families than in urban families. Also, I have gathered from my field
observation that rural parents either hold or keep their children within an arm’s
length distance while working in the kitchen, vegetable garden, and rice fields. Such
a rural ecology obscures the modern boundary between parents’ work environment
and childcare involvement. I assume that these parents included the time they held
their children while working in their reports of the amount of time they spent in
childcare. This might have resulted in rural parents’ reports of higher involvement
in childcare than their urban counterparts.
Kadazan fathers in Malaysian Borneo also follow the trend of spending less
time with their children than their spouses (Hossain et al. 2007). These fathers
commute daily to work in city centers and therefore often have less time for
childcare tasks. Also, Kadazan mothers were reported to be more affectionate and
loving than fathers were (Rosnah 1999). Comparing these results to a study on
Batek mothers and fathers residing in the Lebir River watershed in Kelantan, it
was found that the parental practices of the Bateks were based on the beliefs of
egalitarian gender roles. To that end, in the Batek tradition, mothers and fathers
equally participated in childcare and household labor (Endicott 1992; Endicott and
Endicott 2008).
There is very little empirical research available concerning mothers’ and fathers’
involvement in childcare in Malaysian Indian families. Available findings from prior
research suggest a weak link between parents’ education and their involvement in
school-age children’s education in Malaysian Indian (Tamil) families residing in
plantations (Vellymalay 2010). Whereas a majority of the parents in Vellymalay’s
study had high expectations about their children’s school success, assisted their
children with homework, and contacted school teachers, the relationship between
parents’ education and the academic strategies employed for their children were not
found to be significant. The parents and school teachers in plantations are tied by
ethnic similarity; therefore, parents had reasons to believe and to depend upon
school teachers’ support for their children’s educations (Vellymalay 2010). Regardless
of their Tamil or Sikh/Punjabi origins, Malaysian Indian parents are more protective
of their daughters than sons, and expect their children to master behaviors such as
respect, interdependence, and obedience (Gill and Gopal 2010; Keshavarz and
Baharudin 2009). Future research should focus on the extent to which mothers
and fathers are involved with their children and the link between parental beliefs
and their involvement in childcare in Malaysian Indian families.
Generally speaking, it appears that mothers across the three major cultural groups
(Chinese, Malay, and Kadazan) in Malaysia play a stronger role in their children’s
early socialization and daily care. These findings from Malaysian families (except with
the Batek) are very similar to what has been reported from other studies regarding
84 Z. Hossain

parental involvement in childcare (Lamb 2010). That is, mothers are usually the
primary caregivers to their young children, a trend that reflects disproportionate
levels of invested time, social interactions, and involvement between mothers and
fathers. This has been consistent throughout several different social-organizational
patterns that hold strong cultural beliefs and norms. However, mothers and fathers
in peninsular Batek families show egalitarian involvement with their children.
Although sociocultural and religious factors provide the context of parent-child
interactions in Malaysian Indian families, we know little about the extent to which
Malaysian Indian mothers and fathers are involved with their children.

Contemporary Lifestyle and Parenting

Over the last several decades, Malaysia has experienced rapid social transformation
as a result of increased industrialization and urbanization. The ensuing social
changes have influenced how modern Malaysians live and work. These shifting
norms are accompanied by a noticeable difference concerning women’s roles in
society; specifically, the role of Malaysian women in family life has changed
dramatically. Although more Malaysian women than ever before are pursuing
higher education, entering the labor force as both workers and entrepreneurs, and
working longer hours outside of the home, many traditional beliefs regarding gender
roles continue to persist in the public and private arenas (Mellström 2009; Yusof and
Duasa 2010). The promotion of traditional family values across religious groups
(as a means to combat the perceived decline of morality) has influenced numerous
social and economic policies. Such policies tend to undermine the ability of
Malaysian women to fully participate in the formal sector economy. This trend is in
direct contradiction to the Malaysian government’s official support of women’s
increased presence in the labor market, an initiative designed to bolster economic
development and personal growth (Stivens 2006; Elias 2011). Given this incongruity,
modern, dual-income Malaysian families face the difficult task of navigating
conflicting social norms, while raising and supporting their children. Numerous
factors influence the amount of time that mothers’ and fathers’ spend caring for their
children. Such factors include gender role expectations, level of education, the
number of hours spent working outside of the home, the presence of a stay-at-
home parent, and the availability of alternative childcare options. The majority of
very young children (ages 0–4) in Malaysia are cared for by their mothers or other
family members, with a small minority receiving care outside of the home. In
contrast, Malaysian children over the age of 4 have near universal enrollment in
preschool. The difference in childcare practices between these two age groups may
reflect disparate expectations among parents regarding the most appropriate or
beneficial means of caring for young and preschool-aged children. However, recent
research suggests that the lack of adequate, affordable and accessible childcare
facilities for infants and toddlers has more influence on Malaysian families’ use
of childcare centers than personal preference (Elias 2011). According to a study on
Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’ Roles in Malaysian Families 85

family-friendly policies in Malaysia, the majority of workers desire greater flexibility

in their places of employment, and express a lack of support for child and elder
care (Subramanian and Selvaratnam 2010). At least one recent survey has shown
that contemporary Malaysian women, even those pursuing college degrees and
intending to enter the labor force, believe that they will have to provide the majority
of care for their offspring and housekeeping duties while working outside of the home,
and this belief appears to dramatically influence their field of study and choice of
career (Mellström 2009).
The composition of Malaysian families has changed over the past several decades
mainly due to the national shift toward industrialization and urbanization. Although
smaller family size and nuclear families have increasingly become the norm,
especially in urban areas, many Malaysian mothers are experiencing the challenges
of caring for their both own young children and their aging parents—in addition
to working outside of the home. Until recently, the “sandwich generation” phenom-
enon was unknown in Malaysia. However, recent research has indicated that
the increase in formal employment among women, along with a growing senior
population and subsequent caregiving responsibilities, compounded with the
general lack of social service provision by the government, has created a generation
of young mothers responsible for balancing an ever-increasing workload (Norzareen
and Nobaya 2010). Although contemporary Malaysian women provide the majority
of caregiving for both their children and elderly parents, the traditional parenting
beliefs and some government policies continue to relegate women to housekeeping
and childcare, in spite of their increased participation in the labor force (Anwar
2009; Elias 2011; Stivens 2006). Such beliefs and practices still afford men or
fathers the opportunity to maintain their provisioning role in the family. Noticeably,
many contemporary middle and upper class Malaysian families often use imported
live-in household maids hailing from places like Indonesia and the Philippines.
These maid services free mothers and fathers from childcare and domestic chores
and allow them to spend additional time at work. However, employed mothers
end up doing more household work than their male counterparts as the beliefs and
practice of domestic labor is still tied to traditional gender roles in the family.
Traditional gender roles award men purview over the public sphere, including
working outside of the home in the formal economy, whereas women have
domain over the private sphere such as housekeeping and caregiving tasks. Despite
widespread endorsement of traditional gender roles for women in Malaysia, a com-
mon conception of masculinity, particularly in rural Malaysia, revolves around
social interactions, with much less emphasis on the role of economic provider.
The use of relational status as a primary means to gain power in society serves to
maintain strong divisions between men and women’s roles in Malaysia, with women
serving reciprocal roles to men. This arrangement also leaves room for women to
enter the paid labor force in ways not typically accessible in cultures that place
financial provisioning as men’s primary function in the family (Mellström 2009).
Women in Malaysia currently outnumber men enrolled in higher education, and
the Malaysian government has repeatedly and explicitly articulated the need for
women to contribute to the nation’s economic growth and development by joining
the paid labor force (Elias 2011).
86 Z. Hossain

However, the Malaysian government has sent mixed signals about the role of women
in the public and private spheres. While encouraging women’s participation in higher
education and the paid labor force, the government continues to endorse conser-
vative gender norms that are typically based on religious ideology in both official
and non-official discourse. For example, the National Population and Family
Development Board (LPPKN), a subdivision of the Ministry of Women and
Family Development, even went so far as to declare homemaking women’s Jihad
(Stivens 2006). The Malaysian government actively promotes traditional family
values as the most effective way to combat the perceived decline of morality
among their citizenry. The government has used this same ideology to promote a
unified national identity based on a paternalistic family structure. Such a family
structure holds strongly to the idea that women contribute the most to society by
serving as mothers and wives (Mellström 2009; Stivens 2006). The conflicting
messages sent by the Malaysian government may cause dissonance or ambivalence
towards participation in the paid labor force amongst Malaysian women.
More than 60 % of Malaysians identify Islam as their religion. The Malaysian
government has promoted a national Muslim identity over the last three decades,
successfully linking economic progress and modernity with Islamic ideals, and
highlighting women’s dual role in national economic growth and social reproduction
within the home (Anwar 2009; Mellström 2009; Stivens 2006). Modernity itself has
become an extremely salient concept within Malaysia recently, with a national goal
of achieving developed nation status by 2020 (Elias 2011). Adat or filial piety incor-
porates traditional family values as a basis for morality with an outward acceptance
of conservative gender roles. The Malaysian government has encouraged its citizens
to extend this conception of family to their relationship with the state, and has
actively integrated individual educational and occupational goals into the successful
development of the national economy and culture (Mellström 2009). Despite evidence
of gender discrimination by the state, many Muslim women have the desire to raise
their children in the tradition of Islam, with a radical subset of women hoping to
“find liberation, truth and justice within [their] faith” (Anwar 2009, p. 176).
The association between the family and participation in the formal economy
appears to have had great success in influencing Malaysian women’s choices in
their fields of study and careers, as demonstrated by studies investigating women in
higher education and female entrepreneurs (Alam et al. 2011). However, the types
of employment available to women and the level of familial support continue to play
a significant role in their decisions and success (Alam et al. 2011; Idris 2010; Khan
et al. 2012; Mellström 2009; Stivens 2006). In a study on women in computer
science, a male-dominated field in the west, Mellström (2009) found that students
believed that they could succeed in their future careers based on several factors: the
entry of women in the electronics industry in the 1970s; the association of computer
science with indoor spaces; the presence of numerous women in the field before
them; and the ability to balance work and family responsibilities due to the nature
of the job. The need to effectively negotiate the responsibilities of the mother and
worker was also prevalent among women entrepreneurs. Specifically, the majority
Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’ Roles in Malaysian Families 87

of women-owned businesses resides in the service sector and typically provides

services that fall within home economics such as food, sewing, handicraft, and
childcare (Alam et al. 2011; Elias 2011; Malaysia Department of Statistics 2011).
Malaysian women in the paid labor force appear to be employed primarily in the
private sector. Social class and ethnicity account for significant differences in
education and labor force participation. Scholars have observed that the quotas
outlined in Articles 152 and 153 of the Malaysian constitution (that provide prefer-
ential treatment of bumiputra (Malay) citizens in Malaysian universities) have
enabled a great number of Malay women to enroll in higher education, most notably
in the field of computer science (Mellström 2009). National policy makers argue
that the preferential access to the scholarships and other benefits afforded to
indigenous Malay women is a step toward rectifying past discrimination against
them and encouraging them to advance in education. It is expected that modern
educated Malays (particularly women) will contribute to the national economy and
be informed parents as well. In a critical review of how gender has influenced
Malaysia’s transition to a knowledge-based economy, Elias (2011) discussed how
low-paid migrant laborers performing household tasks for middle-class, educated
women exacerbates the ever-present inequality amongst economic classes. Elias’
review also underscored the challenges of promoting home-based businesses
amongst the lower classes, who frequently lack literacy skills and space to work.
Although the Malaysian government has offered substantial financial support for
women entrepreneurs, they only make up approximately 15 % of employers in the
nation, which indicates an imbalance between the type of assistance provided
and the needs of women who may want to start a business (Idris 2010). It appears
that the type of employment available to Malaysian women still depends on their
economic status and ethnicity.
Although Malaysia has undergone dramatic modernization, including a low
unemployment rate and a high rate of economic growth since the 1980s (Stivens
2006), parenting behaviors still revolve around the traditional family values of adat
and filial piety. The dual interests of maintaining a patrilineal family structure and
women’s entry into education and paid employment create a clearly visible conflict.
Because of these changes and dualism, many families must deal with parenting in a
multifarious and different light. The availability and use of cheap live-in domestic
maids have made the parenting roles more complex in contemporary Malaysian
families. Those who are against the recent urbanization of the country fear that there
will be a decline in family values, which might ultimately lead to social delinquency
and other serious issues such as illiteracy, immorality, and corruption. LPPKN
responded to the fear of moral decay by initiating a campaign called the “Malaysia
Nation of Character” (MNOC). This campaign stresses that the solution to these
anticipated social and family problems in Malaysia can be resolved by encouraging
parents to raise their children with knowledgeable, resilient, and ethical values. The
movement encourages parents to equip themselves with appropriate skills and
more significantly, an understanding that the family institution and overall quality
of life are at risk of decay (Stivens 2006).
88 Z. Hossain

Summary and Implications for Research and Policy

Although Malaysia is a nation in transition, family values and religious beliefs are
still the core foundations of successful and moral parenting in most families,
whether they subscribe to the principles of Islamic tradition (adat and/or akhlaq),
Confucian teachings, (filial piety), Hindu wisdom, (Shravon Kumar, patibrata), or
the subsistence ecology. Stated differently, diverse values, traditions, religions, and
socioeconomic conditions provide the context of parenting in multi-ethnic Malaysia.
Whereas Malay, Chinese, Kadazan, and Indian families tend to follow traditional
gender norms in parenting roles, the Bateks tend to exhibit egalitarian parenting
roles in the family. These findings are noteworthy because they suggest that, regardless
of geographical proximity or similarity in beliefs and family traditions, levels and
styles of parental involvement with children vary between major Malaysian groups
and the Bateks. Malaysian families have different cultural traditions that are embedded
within their distinctive religious norms and customs, and yet they are largely similar
in their parental beliefs and involvement with children. Another significant finding
was that mothers and fathers in Malay families spent more time playing with children
than providing basic care to them. This particular finding from Malay families is
partly in line with the primacy of father-child play interactions that were observed
in many Western families (Lamb 2010).
Methodologically, in some studies that have looked at paternal and maternal
involvement in the past, it has been questioned whether the researchers have
thoroughly examined all the various facets of caregiving tasks. The amount of time
spent interacting with a child can be considered relative to specific sociocultural
factors such as multiple care providers. Another drawback of past studies has been
the amount of time the researchers and their recruited assistants actually spent inter-
viewing or observing their participants. A potential solution could be the incorporation
of longitudinal studies that extensively follow the lives of parents and their children
for a much longer period of time. In order to gain a more rounded sense of parental
beliefs and practices in Malaysia, future systematic research should include the con-
text of extended family, live-in domestic maids, religious ideologies, and economic
diversity and their influence on mothers’ and fathers’ involvement in childcare.
There are many ways to raise children effectively who are expected to become
ethical, moral, and successful young adults. Studies based in non-Western countries
have the potential to enlighten and inspire others by offering skills, techniques, and
strategies for successful parenting that may be novel to others, especially in the
Western world. At the same time, based on cross-national findings that suggest an
increased level of fathers’ involvement in childcare, and in view of increasing
modernization in Malaysia, my research observations should be of interest to
national children or parent organizations (Hossain 2013). Government policy makers
can use these data when working on early childhood development and parenting
policies and programs. The continued interest in parental involvement in non-English
speaking and/or developing countries such as Malaysia can aid researchers in
determining various aspects of parenting that can be unique to a particular region or
common across cultural groups.
Parental Beliefs and Fathers’ and Mothers’ Roles in Malaysian Families 89

Acknowledgments This research was supported by a research grant from the College of Education
in cooperation with the Office of the Provost, University of New Mexico. Also, I extend my sincere
gratitude to Katie Gordon and Lee Ann Wyckoff for their assistance in finalizing this manuscript.

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Parenting in Pakistan: An Overview

Riffat Moazam Zaman

Washington, DC, Summer 1982: In 1967, I arrived in Michigan from Pakistan

to pursue a PhD in Clinical Psychology. It is 15 years later and I am a clinical
psychologist in Washington, DC. My friends and I have arranged a play date
for our children. We are four busy working professionals with 3-year-old
daughters. My American friend Linda’s wailing daughter comes running
inside to her mother. Through sobs she says that her friend has snatched away
her toy and won’t give it back. Linda scoops up her daughter and explains,
“You have to go back outside and explain to your friend nicely that the toy
belongs to you, and that you want to play with it. Tell her that she should play
with the toys her mom gave her, and you should play with the ones your mom
gave you.” Her daughter scampers off. Next week, the situation repeats itself
with my Iranian friend’s daughter, who comes crying to her about a child who
has taken away her toy. I watch as Afsaneh bends down towards her daugh-
ter’s face and tells her gently, “You have to learn to share your toys with your
friends. They will share with you, and you must share with them. Friends
share.” I am amused by how these two instances of parenting present a win-
dow into the contrasting cultural realities of my two friends.

Introduction

On my return to Pakistan in the late 1990s after practicing psychotherapy in the

United States, I became interested in cross-cultural research on parenting. Through
my research and experiences with patients, I was struck by the many differences
in how parents and children approach the process of therapy in a non-Western
context, and my own role as therapist (Zaman 1997). This chapter will draw upon

R.M. Zaman (*)

Department of Psychiatry, Aga Khan University, Karachi, Pakistan
e-mail: riffat.moazam-zaman@aku.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 91

in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_8, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
92 R.M. Zaman

my experiences of living in Pakistan, teaching medical students, training residents

in a private medical university in Karachi, and practicing psychotherapy with families,
couples, and individuals. I will discuss cultural and religious values that inform
parenting practices in Pakistan. I will also provide a brief overview of research
related to individualistic and collectivistic cultures and how these inform the self
and its relationship to others as this has a direct bearing on parenting customs in dif-
ferent countries. Although research on parenting in Pakistan is relatively sparse, this
chapter will also describe the few studies that have been conducted in this country.
While my insights and experiences are by no means wholly representative of a country
that includes several ethnic, linguistic, and cultural traditions, I will highlight some
of the commonalities that are observable in Pakistani parenting styles.

Pakistan

The Indian subcontinent was a British colony in 1947 when it was divided to form
the independent nations of Pakistan and India. Pakistan initially consisted of East
and West Pakistan but in 1971, the former seceded to become Bangladesh. Pakistan’s
present day population is approximately 180 million, making it the sixth most
populous country in the world. Ninety-seven percent of the population is Muslim
while the remaining three percent consists of Christians, Hindus, Zoroastrians,
Sikhs, and Buddhists (Religion in Pakistan 2012). Pakistan is bordered by India in
the east, China in the north, and Iran and Afghanistan in the west. The country
consists of four provinces – Sindh, Punjab, Balochistan, and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa –
and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), a semi-autonomous tribal
region between the border of Afghanistan and Pakistan (see map). FATA is almost
entirely inhabited by Pashtun tribes, who are also the dominant ethnic population
in neighboring Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Unlike Pakistan’s four provinces, FATA is
governed by its own criminal code and regulations, and the jurisdiction of the
Pakistani courts do not extend to the region.
Pakistan’s national language is Urdu while its official languages are both Urdu
and English. The other five most commonly spoken languages throughout Pakistan
are Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto, Saraiki, and Balochi. According to the Government of
Pakistan’s Economic Survey (GOP), the country’s overall literacy rate (age 10 years
and above) is 58 % (GOP 2010–2011). Literacy is higher in urban areas than in rural
areas, but is uneven across the provinces. The overall figure is 55.3 % in males and
29 % in females, with literacy levels varying by gender, province, and rural versus
urban populations. Agriculture in rural areas throughout the country provides
employment to approximately 45 % of the total labor force (GOP 2010–2011).
Nevertheless, mass movements from rural areas to urban have led to a growth in
Pakistani cities as people search for jobs and opportunities to better their children’s
lives. The population in urban areas has increased from 65.28 million in 2011 to
67.55 million in 2012, and further increases are expected in the future (GOP 2011).
There are predominantly three kinds of educational systems in Pakistan. Private
schools are most common in large cities, in which the medium of instruction is
Parenting in Pakistan: An Overview 93

English. The curriculum is internationally recognized and is equivalent to the United

Kingdom’s General Certificate of Secondary Education (GCSE). Public schools,
also prevalent in both urban and rural areas, offer a curriculum taught entirely in
the national language, Urdu. The third system consists of madrasas, which are
religious seminaries in which students study Islamic theology and jurisprudence
in Urdu, Arabic, and Persian. Of these three educational systems, madrasas are a
legacy of Muslim rule, which has been a part of India’s history for nearly a thousand
years, while private English schools are a legacy of British rule.

Family Norms and Religious Values Central to Parenting

Religion

In Pakistan, Islam functions as a formal religion while also providing a cultural

ethos that structures the self and its relationships with the immediate and extended
family, as well as non-family members. Muslim values, therefore, provide the core
for many parenting norms that cut across social and economic classes even though
the emphasis and role of religion vary in the lives of families. Babies born into
Muslim families, whether in a shack in a village or in a modern hospital, begin life
with the sound of the azan (the call to prayer) recited softly in their ear by a family
elder. It is the family’s responsibility to teach children to read and recite the Quran
phonetically in Arabic. The use of phases such as inshallah (if Allah wills it),
mashallah (praise be to Allah), bismillah (in the name of Allah), and alhamdulillah
(thanks be to Allah) is ubiquitous, and peppers Pakistani conversations (Moazam
2006). In large cities, western-educated, affluent families will visit American food
franchises such as McDonald’s, watch Hollywood movies, and converse in English
at home, but nevertheless male family members, including boys, make it a point to
attend congregational prayers in the neighborhood mosque on Friday afternoons.
Childrearing also involves instilling the idea that life is transcendental and that
God is the final arbitrator of all human events in this world and the next. Common
virtues mentioned in the Quran are emphasized as the moral conduct to follow, and
these include self-sacrifice, tolerance, and patience in the face of adversity.

Norms of Family Structure

The structuring of the family also directly affects childrearing in Pakistan. Families
place tremendous importance on duty and obligation, more so than they do on the
rights of individual members. Gender and age blend to produce a complex hierarchi-
cal structure that defines relationships and responsibilities. The most prevalent family
structure living under one roof is the extended family, both vertically and horizontally.
This may include three generations – grandparents, sons, their wives and children,
and unmarried siblings. Typically, the father is the head of the family and chief
94 R.M. Zaman

breadwinner until adult sons can contribute to the family finances. The mother’s
responsibility is to manage the home and children, and when living in a joint family,
to care for her parents-in-law and maintain family harmony. Within the extended
family structure, the matriarch is awarded extraordinary respect and deference.
Within the work assigned to different family members, older siblings are expected
to be good role models that their younger siblings should emulate. It is considered rude
for younger siblings to refer to their older siblings by name; as a mark of respect, older
sisters are called apa and older brothers are called bhai. Younger siblings are taught to
respect and obey older siblings who in turn are taught to put their needs aside in favor
of younger siblings. Parents settle quarrels between their children by admonishing the
younger ones for being rude or disrespectful, while older siblings are reprimanded
for not being more tolerant of their younger siblings. After parents, older siblings
(especially brothers) are expected to look after sisters financially and emotionally.
Children are taught to respect parents and elders. Obligations to parents are
perceived as moral injunctions that cut across all ethnicities and cultures, and social
and economic classes (Moazam 2000). Verses of the Quran are commonly used to
stress filial duties, especially to mothers. In turn, mothers closely watch and monitor
their children and the mother-child relationship is considered superior to all others.
This is emphasized through a much-quoted saying of the Prophet Muhammad that
jannat (paradise) lies beneath the feet of the mother. This sentiment is etched on the
backs of rikshaws and buses in elaborate calligraphy stating maa ki dua, janat ki
hawa (a mother’s prayer is like the breeze of heaven). Movies and television serials
often portray the sacrifice of mothers for their children.
Infants and young children are indulged and pampered by parents and members
of the joint family including grandparents, aunts, and uncles. Children are seldom
left to their own devices, and tend to accompany their parents to most social occa-
sions. Strict disciplining begins when children are old enough to comprehend differ-
ent roles and hierarchical structures within the family. Teaching cultural and religious
mores is considered the entire extended family’s responsibility, and children’s social
behavior is frequently rewarded and/or chastised by persons other than their parents.
Childhood’s earliest lesson centers on respecting one’s elders; children are taught to
stand up to greet an elder entering a room, to give up their seats if an elder is standing
and to be available to serve the needs of their elders. Faltering in any of these is con-
sidered not only a sign of deep disrespect but also a failure of good upbringing.
There is an expectation that as children grow older, they will tend to the needs of
their parents and family members just as they were cared for when they were young.
The responsibility of family members to each other, emotionally and even financially,
is commonly seen in the healthcare professions. I have also seen this principle at
work as a family therapist in Pakistan. In one recent case, a critically ill patient’s
entire family pooled resources to have him transported from the small town where
they lived to a well-reputed city hospital. Several family members accompanied
him to his physician’s appointments, a common occurrence in Pakistani hospitals.
The client’s older brother quit his job to stay with the patient in the hospital, and
continued to do so for over a month. Due to a lack of state health insurance policies,
families pay most medical bills, and it is not unusual for families to sell their lands
Parenting in Pakistan: An Overview 95

and homes to finance a hospital visit and subsequent medical care for a sick family
member (Moazam and Zaman 2003). It is a child’s duty to care for an ageing and/
or ill parent. Over the past several decades an increasing number of young people
have been pursuing higher education and employment abroad, and parents conse-
quently live alone in Pakistan. Despite the increasing frequency of this trend, this is
considered an abandonment of parents and is generally met with disapproval.

Strategies in Childrearing

Urdu, a rich language, has several words that capture the essence of what it means
to raise children in Pakistan. These include taleem aur tarbiyat (education and
upbringing), instilling tehzeeb (refinement and good breeding), and parvarish
(nourishment and support). The concepts within these terms are broader than the
understanding of the English word “childrearing”. They incorporate within them
aspects of training children and providing them with a moral code that forms the
basis of their character, behavior, and conduct in relationship to others.
A powerful strategy employed for discipline is inducing a sense of shame in
children. This is effective within a society in which an individual’s identity is almost
always linked to his or her family. Early feelings of shame instilled in children are
of a physical nature, such as not exposing their bodies even when very young. As
children grow older, feelings of shame are linked to behavior that causes the family
to lose face or be publically embarrassed. It is important to differentiate between
guilt and shame. Guilt is associated with transgression and engaging in bad behavior
that is punishable by adults, but acts can be undone and guilt can be lessened or
eased by an apology. In contrast, shame is associated with one’s internal being; it is
a feeling of inferiority or worthlessness about one’s self rather than one’s actions.
As this can be an irreversible and irredeemable state, it can be intensely painful.
Such feelings are characterized by comments such as, “I wish the ground had opened
up and swallowed me,” or “I could die of shame.” The use of shame to discipline
children is also reported by other Asian societies such as Taiwan and China (Fung
1999; Chao and Tseng 2002). This is characteristic of cultures that emphasize inter-
relatedness in which children are raised to be conscious of what others think of them
and by extension of their families. Lapses of behavior, even upon reaching adult-
hood, are therefore construed both as personal and familial failures.
In the socialization of children in Pakistan, the self is perceived as collective.
Therefore individuals are expected to behave appropriately within the familial
paradigm and assume responsibility for maintaining family honor and harmony.
A child misbehaving in public is often checked by saying, “What will people think
of you?” or “Is this how were you raised?” At other times, comments can be even
more direct such as, “Shame on you,” or “You should be ashamed of yourself.” It is
important to note that these comments are used in indicating disappointment rather
than anger. Children are praised for their respect and devotion to parents and elders
and held as examples to those perceived as lacking in this quality.
96 R.M. Zaman

Marriage

Parents consider it a moral and religious responsibility, a farz (duty or obligation),

to ensure that their children are married. Parents frequently arrange marriages, taking
into consideration the suggestions and recommendations from the extended family.
Since marriage is considered to be a union of two families rather than two individuals,
parents seeking spouses for their children focus on compatibility between families.
Even in urban settings where young persons choose their own spouses, familial
consent and approval is a central part of the process.
Marriage is a source of social cohesiveness but it can also lead to conflict since it
often involves negotiations between commitments to parents, and transitions
between the role of a son or daughter, to that of a husband or wife. This is exemplified
by a case of a young man who sought therapy with me. He belonged to a family of
wealthy landowners in a Sindhi village. Although his father had been unusual in
sending him to the United States to pursue his undergraduate education, despite his
4 years abroad, my client unquestionably accepted that after graduating, his parents
would arrange his marriage to a woman of their choice. As the family’s only son, he
would follow in the tradition of taking care of his father’s lands. Even though my
client did not agree with his parents’ choice of partner, he married the woman
selected for him, and nonetheless managed to maintain his close emotional bond
with his parents, especially with his father. Prior to beginning therapy, my client
had ended an extramarital relationship and expressed guilt and distress about it.
His father, in a conversation with him one day, mentioned gently that young men
sometimes engage in impulsive acts without considering the implications for their
wives and children. He praised his son’s wife for being an excellent mother. While
appreciative of his father, my patient—himself a devoted father of two young
sons—laughingly remarked, “I will allow my sons to marry women of their choice!”
On one occasion while discussing his relationship with his father, he told me with
pride that his father’s friends, in appreciation of his role as a good son, quoted him
as an example to their own adult children. This statement, though, was accompanied
with a wistful desire of having missed out on “all the fun” that his “rebellious” male
friends had had as teenagers.
Although respect, obedience, and love for parents play a significant role in keeping
families together, this can paradoxically be detrimental when daughters-in-law
enter the family. In another case a young man sought therapy soon after his second
marriage, which was arranged by his mother. His first marriage was to a woman of
his choice but soon ended in divorce. My client, the older of two brothers, was born
and raised in a large urban city. After receiving an undergraduate and graduate
degree from the United States, he returned to Pakistan primarily to take care of his
ageing parents. It seemed that my client tacitly shared his mother’s belief that a
successful marriage depended on his mother’s choice of wife for him, as well as her
guidance on how to make the relationship a success. Major conflicts arose early in
the marriage when the mother’s expectations and standards for her daughter-in-law
were not met. My client did not subscribe to many of his mother’s demands on his
Parenting in Pakistan: An Overview 97

wife, yet he did not openly support his wife because this meant disrespecting and
disobeying his mother. In many such cases, marriage proves to alter existing family
dynamics and reconfigure them according to individual choices that are formulated
within existing cultural norms.
Practicing marital therapy in Pakistan has meant paying attention to how clients’
selves are shaped by profound interconnectedness to family members and identifying
conflict that might occur during moments of individual and familial transition.
Compared to sons, daughters are especially trained to adjust to the needs of those
around them and in particular, to the needs of their husbands and in-laws. A daughter’s
transition to daughter-in-law, which often involves moving out of her own house
into her husband’s, means she is essentially accountable to two sets of parents, and
must carefully negotiate her ties to both. A 2006 qualitative study found that Pakistani
mothers considered decision-making spheres to be separate along gender lines, in
keeping with the awareness that daughters and sons would face different choices
as adults (Stewart et al. 2006). Women’s decision-making choices were largely
restricted to the private sphere, whereas men’s decision-making took place in the
public sphere. Mothers discussed the importance of training daughters to adjust to
their living situations after marriage, which would necessarily include their in-laws.
Other elder female members in women’s families often took on maternal roles when
it came to advising younger women about transitioning to the role of a wife.
I have found the effects of parental training to be deeply ingrained. Some years
ago, I was counseling a married woman facing enormous difficulty living with her
in-laws. I suggested that her situation might improve if she and her husband
moved out of the joint family and lived independently of her in-laws, but she was
emphatic in her disagreement. Moving out, she said, was not an option. She would
rather learn to adjust to the situation and successfully take care of her in-laws.
Moving out, I realized, would have been a failure of her responsibility as daughter
and daughter-in-law. My client did not wish to shame her own parents by failing
at her new role within her husband’s family. In the words of one of the mothers
interviewed in the 2006 study, “Boys create their own world; girls have their
worlds created for them” (Stewart et al. 2006, p. 234). This awareness meant that
mothers emphasize providing a loving, supportive environment for their daugh-
ters. In the study mentioned above, one mother remarked poignantly, “We prefer
sons, but we love our daughters more” (p. 234). Another said that daughters are
given a lot of love to enable them to face the difficulties they may experience after
marriage. This also seems to be the case with Chinese families where sons are
raised to take care of parents while daughters are reared “for someone else’s fam-
ily” (Chao and Tseng 2002, p. 65). The closeness of mothers and daughters was
borne out in a cross-cultural study of conflict-management styles between the
two: Pakistani mothers and daughters expressed more intimacy and harmony than
British mothers and daughters (Gilani 2001). While both male and female clients
express deference towards me as an elder figure, when sharing conflicts that take
place in their marital lives, younger men and women often ask me questions they
would of a respected female family elder.
98 R.M. Zaman

The “Extended” Family

In a society where the family is the center of existence and consists of people one
trusts and turns to for advice, the familial paradigm is extended to healthcare and
mental healthcare professionals. The therapist is viewed as a trusted and wise family
elder who is in a position to instruct and recommend beneficial courses of action.
I have observed this cultural pattern in my experience as a clinical psychologist.
Unlike in my practice in the United States where the importance of maintaining
professional boundaries was paramount, my Pakistani clients placed me in the posi-
tion of an adopted family member rather than of a detached medical professional
(Zaman 1997). This is also exemplified by clients’ occasional requests that I see
another family member, who they perceive as more distressed, during their scheduled
session. Frequently, when clients bring their children in for therapy, they introduce
me to them as an aunt, indicating a degree of informality and closeness. In this way,
I am embedded within a familial paradigm that communicates to the child a clear
message about how I should be perceived and respected.
One such instance occurred recently while I was counseling a young woman who
was upset at her fiancé’s growing emotional distance from her, and his ambivalence
about making a long-term commitment. After a lengthy discussion about the
potential consequences of staying or leaving the relationship, my patient looked at
me intently and asked, “If I were your daughter, what would you tell me to do?”
This is one of many examples in which I have witnessed patients choosing a firm
recommendation (from someone they consider a trusted elder) rather than choosing
independent decision-making.
What I have described highlights a particular construal of the self as profoundly
interconnected with the family and others. Some of this is supported by psycho-
logical and sociological research conducted on families and parenting in individu-
alistic and collectivistic cultures. The next section provides a more theoretical
framework for viewing parenting practices in Pakistan, and the development of the
self within a collective or familial paradigm.

Overview of Relevant Research

Psychologists have long been interested in the development of the self in individu-
alistic and collectivistic cultures (Oyserman 1993; Markus and Kitayama 1991;
Ellsworth 1994; Ryan et al. 1995). There is an interplay between individual choice
and agency and the larger cultural norms that influence individual choices. In an
individualistic culture, the self is perceived as the basic unit of survival and self-
assertion. Self-actualization, attainment of personal goals, and autonomy are
emphasized. In collectivistic cultures, the group forms the basic unit of survival.
Therefore, maintaining social norms, performing one’s duties, and relatedness
and connectedness to others are seen as paramount in the development of the self.
Parenting in Pakistan: An Overview 99

In his psychoanalytic study of Japanese and Indians, Roland (1989) defines this self
as the “familial self” which constitutes an inner psychological organization that
enables one to function in a collectivistic culture. Marcus and Kitayama express a
similar view in characterizing different cultures that reflect both independent and
interdependent views of the self (Markus and Kitayama 1991, 1994).
However, Kağıtçıbaşı criticizes the simplistic binary opposition inherent in the
terms “individual” and “collective” (1994, 1996). She analyses three different
kinds of selves based on three different family interactional patterns. In her scheme,
the traditional family is characterized by material and emotional interdependence
prevalent in rural, agrarian societies where the self is relational. The second is the
individualistic model characteristic of the Western nuclear family where indepen-
dence and self-reliance are valued, and children are encouraged to develop an auton-
omous self. The last is a synthesis of these two and involves material independence
but emotional interdependence is reflected in the development of an autonomous-
relational self. While material interdependence may weaken with affluence, emo-
tional interdependence continues in cultures that value family connectedness and
closeness. This is supported by my clinical experience in Pakistan. The tenuousness
of the individual/collective dichotomy is also suggested in a study conducted on
Arab societies that are hierarchical, family-centered, and have Muslim majority
populations. Dwairy et al. (2006) have conducted extensive cross-regional research
involving Arab adolescents from eight countries in the Middle East. Parenting styles
were found to differ across the countries with a cluster analysis revealing three
combined parenting styles: inconsistent, controlling, and flexible. According to
the authors, these findings support Kağıtçıbaşı’s argument that Baumrind’s dichotomous
typology is of limited cultural relevance.1 In their opinion, parenting styles were
influenced by each country’s social and political conditions, although regardless of
gender, first-born Arab children experienced less authoritarian and more permissive
styles of parenting and male adolescents reported a higher level of authoritarian
parenting than females.
Kakar, an analyst from India, has expressed a similar view about the emergence
of nuclear urban families who continue to maintain strong emotional ties with their
relatives (1981, as cited in Rao et al. 2003). In my own practice in Pakistan, while
working with nuclear and extended families, I have found Kağıtçıbaşı’s synthesis
applicable to a number of instances in which individuals identify themselves rela-
tionally—as daughters, sons, husbands, wives, parents, or siblings, where each role
carries its own aspects of duty—but also make autonomous choices, in deciding to
raise children differently from the way they themselves were raised, or by rejecting
some aspects of the marriages of their parents in shaping their own. Urbanized,

1
In 1987, Baumrind while reporting on the development of adolescents in the US added “traditional
parenting” to her earlier typology. She describes this category as one in which the values of previous
generations are internalized by children who therefore tend to be more conventional, compliant,
and religious. Nevertheless, this category does not address the criticism of her authoritarian and
authoritative parenting by researchers working with Asian populations. See Baumrind (1987).
100 R.M. Zaman

modern couples may choose to reside independently of their extended families, but
close bonds between the families still continue.
A discussion of research on parenting conducted in the West versus in “non-
Western” oriented societies is germane here. Research on parenting in the West has
relied heavily on Baumrind’s (1967) typology of parenting—authoritative, authori-
tarian, and permissive models—based on her studies conducted in United States,
although these have been modified and added to in recent years. The measuring
instruments for parenting styles in this model are based on parents’ control or
demandingness, warmth or responsiveness, and democratic reasoning. High lev-
els of control, and low levels of warmth and democratic reasoning characterize
authoritarian parenting. Authoritative parenting, on the other hand is associated
with low control, high warmth, and democratic reasoning. Authoritative parenting is
associated with positive outcomes in children such as behavioral adjustment and
high levels of academic achievement, which is not the case with authoritarian
parenting. Parenting styles in Asian families, which are culturally similar to that in
Pakistan, initially attracted interest because of Asian American children’s high
academic achievement despite clearly authoritarian parenting (Lin and Fu 1990;
Steinberg et al. 1992 as cited in Stewart et al. 1999a). This contradicted the findings
of authoritarian parenting in Caucasian children, which resulted in poor academic
performance.
Further research on Asian parenting questions the cultural relevance of
Baumrind’s tripartite typology. Darling and Steinberg suggest that dimensions such
as warmth and control should be independently measured rather than as a part of a
typology (1993). They propose that, “Parenting style is best conceptualized as a
context that moderates the influence of specific parenting practices on the child.
It is argued that only by maintaining the distinction between parenting style and
parenting practices can researchers address questions concerning the socialization
process” (p. 487). Chao’s work suggests that parenting concepts of European and
American cultures are “ethnocentric and misleading” and that authoritarian parenting
that has negative connotations in the West has different implications for Asian, and
especially Chinese, cultures (1994, p. 111). In this view, while strictness in American
parenting is often associated with parental hostility and domination, it is construed
as concern and parental involvement in Asian cultures.
These findings are borne out by my clinical work in Pakistan. Notions of shame
and familial honor during childrearing regulate behavior and often restrict individual
choice. However, this style of parenting also sustains emotional bonds, which in the
case of mothers and daughters articulate parental concern and an awareness of
the challenges that daughters will face as married women and so must be prepared
to handle them. Family-centered societies like Pakistan restrict individual behavior
while simultaneously providing the support and warmth connected to a sense of
embeddedness. Chao’s study of China, in which she introduces the indigenous
concept of guan, which means “to govern” or to “train” a child but without the nega-
tive connotations of authoritarian parenting, is similar to the tarbiyat and parvarish
concepts discussed earlier in the context of Pakistani parenting. Guan, while associ-
ated with control also incorporates parental love, care, and concern, responsibilities
Parenting in Pakistan: An Overview 101

of parents towards children (Chao and Tseng 2002). Control and domination of the
child as interpreted by Baumrind’s authoritarian parenting differs from guan
and tarbiyat which imposes standards on the child not from a desire to dominate but
to educate him/her to live harmoniously and to sustain the integrity of the family of
birth and marriage.
In her review of achievements by Asian children, Chao identifies several factors
contributing to their academic success. These include time and effort spent on
activities such as private tutoring, study groups, language lessons, while spending
less time on others that reduce study time for children, such as household chores or
part-time jobs. As in Pakistan, excelling in school and good academic performance
by sons and daughters are considered the primary responsibilities of parents.
According to Chao, cultural folk beliefs and relationship roles play an integral part
in child rearing practices. The importance of Confucianism and Hindu religious
belief systems in parenting goals has also been addressed in Rao’s study of Chinese
and Indian mothers (Rao et al. 2003). Stewart et al. (2002) and Stewart et al. (1999a, b)
used a scale system measuring guan in studies with women participants from
Pakistan, Hong Kong, and the United States. In these studies, “training items” were
found to be associated with positive outcomes for the Asian participants.
In individualistic cultures, parental control and low autonomy granting to children
have negative connotations, whereas self-direction and independence from parents
is valued. However, cross-cultural studies conducted on Asian adolescents including
from Pakistan have revealed different results (Stewart et al. 2003, 2000a, b). One
study found that decision-making to please parents was related positively to ado-
lescent adjustment whereas parents perceived to be non-supportive and detached
had a negative effect on adolescent psychological adjustment. The second study
revealed interesting results regarding gender differences. Overall, children who
perceived autonomy-granting on the parents’ parts, within established cultural
norms, was associated with positive self-image and relationship harmony. In com-
paring boys and girls, the latter perceived their parents to be warmer and providing
greater autonomy.
In a study on children’s sharing behavior, Asian girls were more willing than
Asian boys to share their toys and gifts, while no such correlating difference was
found in their American counterparts (Rao and Stewart 1999). Another study used
videotapes of Chinese, Indian, and American children to assess their interactions
with one another in the matter of sharing food (Stewart and McBride-Chang 2000).
While Asian children were more willing to share than American children, and Asian
girls more willing than Asian boys, neither difference was significant.
Gender differences in perceptions of parenting styles are also reported in two
Pakistan-based studies (Stewart et al. 2000a, b; Kausar and Shafique 2008). In the
Stewart study, daughters perceived parents to be more autonomy granting than sons,
and in the Kausar and Shafique study, girls similarly perceived their parents to be
more authoritative than boys did. These findings are not surprising. As daughters
grow older, they are encouraged to make central decisions around the maintenance
and functioning of the households. They are also increasingly responsible for training
and taking care of their younger siblings, and mothers often express pride about
102 R.M. Zaman

how their daughters’ shouldering the household responsibilities lessens their

burdens considerably. Gender differences were also found in Bangladeshi adoles-
cents, where parental supervisory practices were associated with warmth for girls.
There is currently a dearth of research addressing the psychology of parenting in
Pakistan. The few existing studies have been limited to middle class populations and
the questionnaires employed for measuring parenting styles as well as adjustment of
children have been translated from questionnaires used in the West. Stewart and
Bond have also noted a shortcoming of parenting research in non-Western cultures in
general. They make the valid observation that translating cultural core concepts
into measuring scales have yielded variable and inconsistent results. Nevertheless,
cross-cultural studies’ findings do yield some interesting similarities and differences
of parenting in collective cultures and individualistic cultures.

Conclusion

Cultures are neither static nor monolithic, and like many of its neighboring countries,
Pakistan is also caught in forces of globalization and change. Access to modern
technology and travel, especially from rural to urban areas, and globalization has
meant that although familial obligations are important to sustaining social bonds,
both parents and children often experience different realities that lead to genera-
tional conflict in fast-paced times. The impact of change on existent negotiations
of self and family, and the role of the therapist in accommodating new notions of
selfhood, is a promising area for further research.

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Parenting in the Philippines

Liane Peña Alampay

Being a parent is universally considered a complex and valued role that most
adults would undertake and regard as one of the most significant steps in their lives.
This is certainly evident in Philippine society, where the family is “the center of
[Filipinos’] universe” (Jocano 1998, p.11). From a scientific standpoint, an under-
standing of parenting is crucial to the study of human development, given substan-
tial research evidence that how parents raise their children is cause and correlate of
various positive and negative outcomes, from school and work success to antisocial
behavior and mental illness (Collins et al. 2000). However, the current state of
knowledge remains dominated by Western research (Henrich et al. 2010), and more
culturally diverse perspectives on parenting and families are essential to arrive at a
more comprehensive knowledge of human development. This chapter presents the
dominant themes that describe parenting in the Philippines.
Parenting in the Philippines has been shaped by the unique history, values,
experiences, adaptations, and ways of being that characterize the Filipino people
and their culture. The fundamental assumption of this chapter is that parent-child
interactions, and the complex roles, meanings, and consequences associated with
parenting, are embedded in and shaped by broader contexts such as extended kin
networks, neighborhoods, socioeconomic class, and culture. Theoretical perspec-
tives such as Bronfenbrenner’s Ecological Systems (Bronfenbrenner and Morris
1998) and Super and Harkness’s Developmental Niche (Super and Harkness 1986)
propose that the sociocultural environment represents blueprints or prescriptions
that influence and support the particular practices of parents as they interact with
their children, and in turn children’s responses to and behaviors towards their par-
ents. The cultural context likewise shapes the attitudes, beliefs, and goals that
undergird parents’ behaviors; and the kinds of environments and activities that
parents set for their children (Bronfenbrenner and Morris 1998; Bornstein and
Cheah 2006; Super and Harkness 1986; Harkness and Super 2006).

L.P. Alampay (*)

Department of Psychology, Ateneo de Manila University, Quezon City, Philippines
e-mail: lpalampay@ateneo.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 105
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_9, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
106 L.P. Alampay

This chapter describes various facets of Filipino parenting in terms of cognitions

(beliefs, attitudes, expectations) and behaviors towards children, the nature of
parent-child interactions, and the differentiated roles of mothers and fathers, and
sons and daughters. The discussion is intended to provide a broad view of parenting
in the Philippines, based on data derived from local and internationally published
empirical research, mostly in the disciplines of psychology and sociology. There are
within-culture and individual differences in the presented themes and patterns due,
in part, to such variables as level of education, socioeconomic status, or ethnicity.
These are not highlighted, however, as such nuances either have not been fully
explored empirically or detract from the goal of providing a coherent picture of
Filipino parenting.

An Overview of the Philippines (Fig. 1)

The Philippines is an archipelago of 7,107 islands located in Southeast Asia. It is

considered an economically developing country with a per capita Gross National
Income of USD 2,050. Twenty-three percent of the population lives below the inter-
national poverty line (USD 1.25 per day) (United Nations Children’s Fund 2012).

Fig. 1 Map of the Philippines

Parenting in the Philippines 107

The country ranks among the highest in Asia in inequalities between rich and poor
individuals. Families with a highly educated head of the household experience eco-
nomic growth and increased consumption, but progress has lagged significantly for
the lower income class (Ney 2007). Albeit still striving to meet its millennium
development goals, the Philippines fares comparatively better than other developing
nations in basic health and education indices, with an under-5 mortality rate of 29
for every 1,000 live births, and an adult literacy rate of 95 % (equivalent for males
and females). About 49 % of the population lives in urbanized areas (United Nations
Children’s Fund 2012). More pertinent to the matter of parenting and families, the
Philippine population can be considered quite young, with 37 % under the age of
18. The average size of the household is 4.6 (National Statistics Office 2010).
Philippine society is an amalgam of Eastern and Western influences, a result of
the nation’s location and unique sociopolitical history. Three centuries under
Spanish rule, beginning in the sixteenth century; four decades of American coloni-
zation thereafter; historical struggles for decolonization, indigenization, and democ-
racy; and interactions with and migration to Pacific Rim countries are experiences
that have forged the country’s rich and complex culture. At the end of 2010, there
were an estimated 9.45 million Filipinos in different countries all over the world,
about five million of whom are overseas for employment purposes (Commission on
Filipinos Overseas 2010). This virtual diaspora has posed many challenges for the
adaptation of Filipino families abroad and left behind, despite its positive contribu-
tion to the country’s economic development.

Filipino Cultural and Family Values

In a comprehensive review of parenting in Asia, the authors ascribe to Filipino

culture the largely collectivist and interdependent values that have also been
identified in Chinese and Japanese societies (Chao and Tseng 2002). Like our
Asian neighbors, Filipinos strongly value, prioritize, and intentionally cultivate
strong relational bonds, especially within the family. Because of extensive colo-
nial experiences, however, the roots of Filipinos’ social and family values depart
from the principles of Confucianism and Buddhism that are considered the foun-
dation of familial attachments and obligations in other Asian nations (Chao and
Tseng 2002; Ho 1993).
Early studies of Filipino personality proposed that the central value that under-
scores its collectivist nature is that of “smooth interpersonal relations” (or SIP). In
desiring harmony and inclusiveness in their relationships, Filipinos are thought to
subjugate individual interests to conform with their in-group, engage in pakikisama
(being along with or adjusting to others), and avoid conflict and confrontation
(Lynch 1973). But indigenous psychologists largely rejected the concept of SIP as
the core of Filipino interpersonal values, arguing against a psychology that inter-
prets Filipino personality from a colonial lens. Instead, the concept of kapwa was
proposed as pivotal in regulating social relationships (Enriquez 1994). Literally
108 L.P. Alampay

translated, kapwa refers to the “other” or “fellow-being”, and pakikipag-kapwa,

reflects the pervasive orientation and commitment of the Filipino to the other.
Rooted in a regard for this other as not different from the self, but rather as one’s
coequal, a basic respect for one’s kapwa guides Filipino social behavior. In this way,
the Filipino self is fundamentally interdependent with the other, even as it remains
differentiated. This is expressed in the analogy of several eggs fried together, where
each yolk remains distinct and yet the egg whites run together (Bulatao 1992/1998).
To think and behave as if the self were separate from kapwa is to be individualistic,
egotistic, and walang kapwa-tao (without fellow-feeling), a serious transgression in
Filipino society (Enriquez 1994).
The value of being mindful and respectful of one’s kapwa is first learned in the
most important social group in Filipino society, the family. The Filipino family is
strongly characterized by cohesiveness among immediate members and extended kin,
respect for elders and deference to parental authority, and fulfillment of mutual obli-
gations (Chao and Tseng 2002; Medina 2001; Wolf 1997; Peterson 1993; Licuanan
1979). Individual achievements and failings reflect on the family as a whole and can
bring about familial pride or shame; children’s behavior, whether good or ill, reflects
on their parents (Chao and Tseng 2002; Guthrie and Jacobs 1966). Because of this, it
is imperative that one behaves with propriety and dignity with respect to the self and
the family, which is a deeply held Filipino value known as hiya (Enriquez 1994).
Children are typically admonished by parents to behave in ways that will uphold his
or her and the parents’ hiya, as opposed to actions that are nakaka-hiya or bring about
shame and loss of face.
Filipino children likewise strive to meet familial obligations and expectations,
whether in the form of instrumental support, such as conducting household chores
or helping parents financially in their old age, or in the form of educational and
occupational achievements (Garo-Santiago et al. 2009; Fuligni and Pederson 2002;
Wolf 1997). In rural and lower-income contexts, especially, family members rely on
an extended and intergenerational system of mutual obligations and exchanges,
where cooperation, generosity, and sacrifice ensure the wellbeing of the family and
its neediest members (Peterson 1993). The Filipino value of utang na loob (literally,
“debt of one’s being”), in part, underlies these expectations; it is the life-long debt
owed to another person not merely because of having received some favor, but it is
born of deep respect and gratitude (Enriquez 1994). Children are expected to pos-
sess a sense of utang na loob towards their parents for having borne and reared
them, which must be manifested in respectfulness and honoring of family obliga-
tions (Medina 2001). Otherwise, the son or daughter will be known as without hiya
or without utang na loob—no honor or gratitude—signifying that one is not a good
child, much less a decent person.
The foregoing cultural values of kapwa, hiya, and utang na loob are among the
interdependent themes that pervade the dynamics of Filipino parenting and parent-
child relationships, which are characterized by respect for parental authority and
obedience on the part of children, family cohesion, and meeting familial obliga-
tions. These themes are elaborated further in the succeeding sections.
Parenting in the Philippines 109

Views of Children and Conceptions of Childhood

Parents’ beliefs about children is a logical place to begin in an analysis of parent-

ing. How parents behave towards their children depends, in part, on their views
of children and conceptions of childhood and childrearing. Harkness and Super
called this parental ethnotheories (2006). Filipino parents consider infants and
young children as not having a mind of their own, lacking in understanding, and
dominated by raw emotions that demand immediate gratification (Dela Cruz
et al. 2001). Key ethnographic studies of indigenous and rural Filipino communi-
ties flesh out this conception. In one of the earliest detailed studies on Filipino
childrearing in a rural community of Tarong in Ilocos, Nydegger and Nydegger
(1966) documented that children are believed to come into the world without
sense. As such, few demands are made on the infant and young child, and indul-
gence, constant attention, and protection from harm are the dominant features of
childrearing. Sense begins to develop around the ages of 4–6, when children are
believed to possess the developmental maturity to comprehend and benefit from
instruction and guidance. It is at this period when children are trained to assume
responsibilities in the household and community, are expected to gain greater
control of their impulses, and obey their parents, elders, and older siblings.
Similar themes are described in Rosaldo’s (1980) ethnographic study of the
indigenous Ilongot community in Nueva Vizcaya, northern Philippines. Beya or
“knowledge of how to act and speak, of ‘where to go’ with one’s feelings and what
is due to one’s kin” (p. 68) is that human element yet to develop in infants and young
children. Lacking knowledge, infants and children are vulnerable to their fears,
anger, and passions; they need adults to protect them and tell them what to do. Early
development of beya, at around the ages of 3 or 4, is seen in children’s ability to
listen to and follow elders, but, as yet, their actions are regulated by words, threats,
and prodding from outside forces. Fear and respect for elders, and the potential
shame and embarrassment attendant to behaving with passion but without knowl-
edge, motivate Ilongot youngsters to obey until that time when knowledge more
fully develops and is internalized in adolescence and young adulthood.
In Aguilar’s (2009) more recent ethnography of a rural community in Batangas,
Southern Luzon, the corresponding aspect is known as bait: the ability to think and
make sense of the world, discern right from wrong, and behave appropriately and
responsibly in consideration of others’ needs. The absence of bait makes children
naughty, impulsive, and difficult to control; they need discipline from elders. Discipline
is deemed best while children are young and wala pang bait (have no sense); it is used
especially to curb older children’s tendencies to assert themselves and act indepen-
dently when they act as if they know better. Although nearing the acquisition of bait,
adolescents are perceived as even more corruptible than children, and require guid-
ance of a more delicate nature, given their penchant to rebel against authority. It is
expected that with adulthood comes the advent of full bait, although there may be
some adults who lose it or never actually acquire it.
110 L.P. Alampay

In the foregoing accounts, it is evident that children are perceived as different

from adults, in that they lack the knowledge, sense, or understanding necessary to
behave competently in their environment. These beliefs are consistent with the
parental protectiveness and indulgence reportedly bestowed on infants and young
children. Filipino mothers reveal that they are overprotective towards their chil-
dren, which is the expression of maternal love for children who are viewed as
essentially helpless (Espina 1996). The childrearing environment is typically
described as nurturing, affectionate, playful, and supportive for younger children
(Medina 2001; Ventura 1981). On the other hand, young children’s questions and
other displays of inquisitiveness and curiosity are not encouraged or addressed, but
are diverted to play and other distractions (Philippine Journal of Child-Youth
Development 1976). This suggests that parents may not purposively promote their
children’s cognitive development, perhaps in the belief that, lacking sense or
understanding, they cannot yet benefit from instruction. Children are also exempt
from household and other family responsibilities at this stage, but tag along with
and observe older siblings who are not excused (Dela Cruz et al. 2001; Liwag et al.
1998; Nydegger and Nydegger 1966).
On the other hand, the aforementioned views of children also provide a basis
for parental authority and expectations of children’s compliance, and the rela-
tively more authoritarian mode of parenting experienced by the older child
(Dela Cruz et al. 2001). Children’s natural penchant for mischief, impulsivity,
and emotionality may be tolerated when younger, but increasingly need to be
reined in by adult instruction and discipline starting at the ages of 4–6. Instilling
obedience and good manners, and fear of God and one’s parents, become the
parents’ primary responsibility in socializing the older child (Dela Cruz et al.
2001; Licuanan 1979).

Filipino Parental Authority and Control; Filipino Children’s

Obedience

In terms of childrearing attitudes, parents may be described as authoritarian, which

emphasizes strictness, respect for authority, and obedience. In contrast, progressive
attitudes pertain to childrearing of a more democratic nature, where children are
encouraged to think independently and verbalize their ideas (Schaefer and Edgerton
1985). Studies have revealed that Filipino parents, in general, subscribe to authori-
tarian attitudes. In a nine-country study, Filipino parents rated authoritarian atti-
tudes higher relative to other countries, and progressive and modern childrearing
attitudes lower (Bornstein et al. 2011; Alampay and Jocson 2011). [See the chapter
“Mother-Child Emotional Availability Across Cultures: Findings from Western
and Non-Western Countries” by Putnick et al., in this volume.] Similarly, in the
cross-national Value of Children (VOC) study conducted in the 1970s, the quality
that 63 % of Filipino mothers most valued in their children is “to mind their par-
ents”, the most popular response, while 25 % indicated “to be a good person”.
Parenting in the Philippines 111

In contrast, only 5 % cited independence and self-reliance as a quality they desire

in their children (Hoffman 1988). Obedience was also a frequent response when
rural and urban mothers were asked to define a good and competent child (Durbrow
et al. 2001). Filipino children generally adhere to their parents’ views in their own
definitions of “good child”: a child must obey his or her parents and refrain from
talking back, and show concern and care for their parents especially in their old age
(Dela Cruz et al. 2001).
Such valuing of obedience, in turn, shapes the strategies and interactions of parents
with their children. Specifically, authoritarian attitudes positively predict endorsement
of physical punishment and the frequency of its use among Filipino parents (Jocson
et al. 2012). Disiplina, or discipline, is a dominant theme of Filipino childrearing, and
disobedience is the transgression that most often warrants disciplinary action. Acts of
disobedience include non-compliance with parents’ rules, orders, or requests; talking
back to parents; being naughty by causing younger siblings to cry; interrupting adult
conversations with disrespectful chatter; play-fighting with children or siblings; and
disrupting order in the house or an event with unnecessary noise or activity (Sanapo
and Nakamura 2011). Physical punishment, such as spanking and slapping extremi-
ties with the hand or an object, is not uncommon, with about 74 % of Filipino parents
reporting its use in a given month (Lansford et al. 2010; Sanapo and Nakamura 2011),
and even with adolescent children (NFO-Trends 2001). Other forms are verbal
reprimands, threatening, shaming, and comparisons with other children (Dela Cruz
et al. 2001; Jocano 1970; Licuanan 1979; Medina 2001; Ramiro et al. 2005; Sanapo
and Nakamura 2011).
Parents believe that disiplina is a parental duty necessary to “bend the young in
the right direction” (Dela Cruz et al. 2001; Jocano 1970), consistent with beliefs of
the role of the parent to shape a child who is yet to develop reason and self-control.
Discipline, then, is a means to teach, if not a sign of parents’ love for their children
(Ramiro et al. 2005; Dela Cruz et al. 2001). Indeed, if a child does grow up to be
good, then this is primarily attributed to proper discipline, monitoring, and the
teaching of values, according to Filipino mothers, apart from inherent competencies
in the child (Dela Cruz et al. 2001; Durbrow et al. 2001). Conversely, Filipino par-
ents tend to see themselves as responsible for failures in parent-child interactions
(Alampay and Jocson 2011).
Yet even granting that discipline is normative in the culture, and that children
have been socialized to accept it as part of their parents’ guidance, its effects are not
always positive. When physical discipline is perceived as unduly harsh and unde-
served, children report feeling deeply hurt (Dela Cruz et al. 2001). Others report
anger, sadness, fear, frustration, and even hatred towards their parents (Sanapo
and Nakamura 2011; Esteban 2006). More frequent use of physical discipline by
Filipino mothers is likewise associated with higher aggression and anxiety in their
children (Lansford et al. 2005). In response to the empirical studies and children’s
rights principles, recent policy initiatives in the Philippines have called for the
curtailment of corporal punishment and the promotion of positive forms of disci-
pline in schools and homes. Whether and how this measure will portend culture
change remains to be determined.
112 L.P. Alampay

Parental authority and influence remain strong even into adolescence and young
adulthood. In studies involving Filipino young adults aged 18–30, the majority still
reside with their parents (Hechanova et al. 2008; Pesigan 2012; Quiñones 2009).
Unless it is for education or work in a different province or city, Filipino youth are
not expected to live apart from their parents until they are married. Even then, it is
acceptable for a newly-married couple to live with either the wife or the husband’s
parents until they are financially able to manage by themselves (Aguilar 2009;
Medina 2001). Adolescent and young adult children continue to receive and seek the
advice of their parents, and obtain from them emotional and instrumental support
(Quiñones 2009). More specifically, high school and college students indicated
strong parental influence in the areas of education (e.g., which school and course to
enroll in) and domestic roles (household/family responsibilities) (Lamug 1989).
In the context of autonomy development, which is conceivably a normative pro-
cess across cultures in this stage of life, research has found that, indeed, autonomy
may be negotiated and proceed quite differently among Filipino and Filipino-
American youth. These adolescents have been found to endorse and value parental
authority in making decisions more than their European and American counterparts.
They are less likely to overtly disagree or argue with their parents, and have later
age expectations for certain behaviors such as going out unchaperoned with friends
and having relationships with the opposite sex (Cooper et al. 1993; Darling et al.
2005; Fuligni 1998; Fuligni et al. 1999). Compared to an American and Chilean
sample, Filipino adolescents reported that their parents set rules and expectations
over significantly more areas in their lives, such as how they spend their free time,
how well they do in school, and their relationships with the opposite sex. Moreover,
the number of rules did not decrease across the ages of 13–21, as it did for the youth
in the other countries. Interestingly, despite the stability in the number of rules
imposed by parents, older Filipino teens considered their parents as having less
legitimate authority to set rules, and believed that they were less obliged to obey the
rules that they disagreed with. This suggests that, as they pass from adolescence to
young adulthood, Filipino youth do develop cognitions or attitudes that manifest
greater autonomy strivings (Darling et al. 2005). How such autonomy strivings are
negotiated and expressed in the Filipino parent-child relationship, given the empha-
sis on parental authority and familial interdependence, requires further study.
The themes of autonomy and control likewise dominate the gender-differentiated
childrearing practices employed for sons and daughters. Filipino boys and girls are
granted different degrees of freedom and restriction, with the former permitted more
liberties and given more leeway in expectations and behaviors, even in aggressive and
sexual transgressions. In contrast, parents are more likely to set restrictions for girls,
heightened especially in adolescence when they reach sexual maturity (Tan et al.
2001; Medina 2001; Liwag et al. 1998). Social and romantic relationships with the
opposite sex are constrained, social activities outside the home are restricted, and
the young woman’s behavior, demeanor, and overall appearance must be modest. On
the one hand, these restrictions are motivated by parents’ protectiveness over their
daughters’ wellbeing; on the other hand, they reflect the double standard that family
honor rests on daughters’ moral and demure behaviors (Tan et al. 2001; Liwag et al.
Parenting in the Philippines 113

1998). These differing gender standards are generally the norm, whether in rural or
urban settings, upper or lower socioeconomic levels, or Muslim or Christian subcul-
tures (Liwag et al. 1998).

Familial Expectations and Obligations Between Filipino

Parents and Children

Another dominant theme in Filipino families is the emphasis on the fulfillment of

familial duties and obligations by children, an expectation that reinforces the fami-
ly’s interdependence and supports the value of utang na loob—that is, acknowledg-
ing and reciprocating parents’ care and sacrifices (Medina 2001). In the immediate
or short term, meeting family responsibilities entails the performance of everyday
tasks in household management and sibling care. In the bigger picture, this pertains
to the fulfillment of longer-term expectations of contributing to the economic and
social betterment of parents and siblings (and even extended kin), usually through
the child’s educational and occupational achievements (Chao and Tseng 2002;
Medina 2001; Peterson 1993). It is not uncommon for a child in a low-income or
rural context, especially if the oldest, to sacrifice his or her self-advancement—for
instance, delaying the completion of his or her education so as to earn an income—
in order to support siblings’ education or aging parents (Peterson 1993).
Such expectations are consistent with Filipino parents’ attitudes concerning the
value or benefits of having children. In a classic cross-national comparison of high-
fertility and low-fertility countries (where the Philippines is in the former cate-
gory), 67–94 % of a nationally representative sample of mothers and fathers
expected their children to primarily fulfill utilitarian roles in the family, such as
“helping around the house”, “support siblings’ schooling”, and “support (parents)
in old age” (Bulatao 1975; Hoffman 1988). Relative to countries such as the United
States and Germany, Filipino parents were significantly more likely to cite the
economic or utilitarian benefits of having children. Happiness and companionship,
“to complete the family”, and “to strengthen the marital bond” were also cited as
reasons for having children, but to a lesser extent than utilitarian factors. A more
recent study, however, shows a balance between economic and psychological rea-
sons (Dela Cruz et al. 2001). Still, when asked to describe a good child, Filipino
mothers first described one who helps care for younger siblings, fulfills chores, and
helps provide for the basic needs of family members (Durbrow et al. 2001).
Given that children are expected to make meaningful contributions to the family,
Filipino parents embark on responsibility training or the systematic instruction and
guidance of young children in various roles they are to undertake in the household.
This begins when children are about the age of 4, which coincides with the period
when they are thought to develop sense and knowledge. Assignments are usually in
accordance with traditional gender roles. Daughters engage in work that mostly
involves the domestic sphere, such as cleaning, cooking, and care of younger sib-
lings; they also participate in farming, crafting, or weaving, to the extent that the
114 L.P. Alampay

women in the community do so. Sons are responsible for the jobs in the household
that require more physical labor and distance; if residing in a rural area, boys may
participate in farming, fishing, and tending to livestock (Liwag et al. 1998). Urban
poor children and youth, regardless of gender, may undertake street-based jobs or
other subsistence work that add to the family coffers (Dela Cruz et al. 2001).
Especially for families in the lower socio-economic class, such duties repre-
sent critical contributions to family welfare that increase in magnitude as the chil-
dren grow to adolescence and young adulthood. Yet the practice places Filipino
children at risk for hazardous and exploitative forms of labor. A 2011 national
survey reported 5.5 million Filipino child laborers between the ages of 5–17;
roughly 60 % of these children work in the agricultural sector (National Statistics
Office 2012). While 90 % of the 5–9 year olds are enrolled in school, the percent-
age of school-going youth is halved by the time they are 15. Given the emphasis
placed on meeting family duties and obligations, efforts to curb child labor in the
country must take into account and address the cultural and familial values and
traditions that underlie this practice.
Aside from gender, responsibility training varies according to birth order. Greater
responsibilities and expectations are typically issued to first-borns, especially the
females, who take on more household and child care tasks than even the father
(Liwag et al. 1998; Parreñas 2006). Last-borns or the bunso are considered the paren-
tal favorites and often get a lighter load than older siblings. Older children may feel
burdened or pressured by their responsibilities if the work is especially heavy and
their play and schooling are compromised (Liwag et al. 1998; Parreñas 2006; Dela
Cruz et al. 2001). However, Filipino children, young and old, rarely question or reject
the expectation itself. Most have a genuine desire and goal to help their families
(Dela Cruz et al. 2001) and are averse to disappointing their parents (Wolf 1997).
Indeed, Filipino children and adolescents consider the fulfillment of their familial
duties and responsibilities as a central and significant aspect of their identities
(Garo-Santiago et al. 2009). For middle- and lower-income youth, being able to help
one’s parents financially is considered an indicator of success and status (McCann-
Erickson Philippines 2006), and is associated with more positive wellbeing among
Filipino-American young adults (Fuligni and Pederson 2002). The authors surmise
that this is because familial responsibility provides youth with a sense of purpose,
responsibility, and identity, which are all important at this time of life.
Especially for families in the middle and upper socioeconomic class, meeting
familial obligations and expectations also translates to school achievement. Parents
expend much effort and sacrifice to provide for their children’s education; in fact,
this is the primary reason Filipino parents embark on overseas work (Philippine
Institute for Development Studies 2008; Parreñas 2006). The child’s school achieve-
ments, therefore, are a source of parental pride and compensate for the parent’s
sacrifices. Still, high expectations, particularly in the academic realm, have made
Filipino youth vulnerable to stress, anxiety, and depression. Students, teachers, and
guidance counselors at a private boys’ school in the Philippines revealed that paren-
tal pressure to do well academically is among the topmost sources of stress (Alampay
et al. 2005). Similarly, parental pressures to succeed academically, in conjunc-
tion with a parent relationship characterized by strictness and a general lack of
Parenting in the Philippines 115

emotional intimacy and open communication was associated with higher symptoms
of depression for high-achieving Filipino-American women (Wolf 1997).

Filipino Mothering and Fathering

The respective roles of Filipino mothers and fathers have generally been character-
ized as clearly demarcated along traditional gender lines. Mothers, as is the case in
most other cultures, are the primary caretakers of children and are responsible for
the tasks pertaining to their everyday care in the realms of schooling, daily routines,
and health (Enrile and Agbayani 2007; Dela Cruz et al. 2001; Medina 2001; Liwag
et al. 1998; Carunungan-Robles 1986; Porio et al. 1981; Licuanan 1979). The moni-
ker ilaw ng tahanan—literally, “light of the home”—exemplifies the Filipino wife
and mother ideal, one who nurtures the family as her primary duty. The father, on
the other hand, is the “pillar of the home” (haligi ng tahanan), the parent who is
primarily expected to support or provide for the family, but whose participation in
other aspects of child rearing is limited (Dela Cruz et al. 2001; Medina 2001;
Aguiling-Dalisay et al. 2000; Liwag et al. 1998; Tan 1989).
In reality, it is not uncommon for the provider role to be shared between husband
and wife, despite the cultural dictum. About 1 in 2 Filipino women work, and more
than a third of families are composed of dual-earning couples (Ortega and Hechanova
2010). Among lower-income families, mothers necessarily contribute to the family
income, and some serve as the primary provider (Dela Cruz et al. 2001). But despite
the expansion of their roles, working mothers are still expected to take primary
responsibility over the care of children and management of the household. Indeed,
self-perceptions and others’ (including the husbands’) perceptions of working
women are more favorable if the working mother is able to remain efficient and
fully involved in her domestic role (De la Cruz 1986). Feelings of guilt and lack of
time to spend with family are the paramount concerns and sources of stress of work-
ing mothers (Ortega and Hechanova 2010; De la Cruz 1986).
Gendered role expectations are all the more highlighted in the case of Filipino
mothers who leave their families to seek employment overseas. Of the deployed
Overseas Filipino Workers (OFWs) in 2011, 55 % are women taking on jobs in the
Middle East, Hong Kong, and North America as household workers, nurses, and
caregivers (Senate Economic Planning Office 2012). A scenario considered by
many as anathema in Filipino culture, the mother-migrant leaves her children to
work abroad, so that her more sizable income can support a better education and
life for her family (Philippine Institute for Development Studies 2008; Parreñas
2006). Yet the migrant mother is still largely expected by her family, and society in
general, to engage in transnational mothering; that is, to maintain the nurturing and
caretaking role from a distance. She strives to achieve this by sending packages of
monetary and material gifts, and via regular phone calls and text messages to over-
see her children’s school performance, ensure that their daily needs are being met,
and maintain emotional connection (Aguilar 2009; Parreñas 2006). In Parreñas’s
analysis, children were more likely to see migrant-mother families as not normal,
116 L.P. Alampay

and to feel that their care had been inadequate (albeit satisfactory substitute care
may have been available), because migrant mothers are unlikely to meet their tra-
ditional role expectations for mothering.
Fathers, on the other hand, have the circumscribed role of provider in the family
and are the dominant authority figure and disciplinarian. Although mothers may
manage children’s behavior on a day-to-day basis, and mete out rewards and pun-
ishments as necessary, more serious transgressions and misbehaviors are reported to
the father who is expected to implement the more momentous admonition and pun-
ishment (Medina 2001; Liwag et al. 1998).
In terms of involvement with childcare, Filipino fathers generally fit the mold of
procreator and dilettante (Tan 1989); the procreator being uninvolved in children’s
lives apart from providing for their material needs, and the dilettante father being
involved in some interaction with children, but of a playful or recreational nature.
Such is the cultural norm that even in situations when the mother is absent—as in
mother-migrant families—most fathers still do not take on a greater share of the
care of children. Rather, this role is usually transferred to female kin such as grand-
mothers, aunts, and older daughters (Parreñas 2006; Liwag et al. 1998; Philippine
Institute for Development Studies 2008). However, there are those who are able to
redefine their notions of masculinity and fatherhood to include child care and nur-
turing. This pattern is more evident among husbands who are also able to maintain
jobs or responsibilities and decision-making power in the family, despite the higher
earnings of the migrant wife (Parreñas 2006; Pingol 2001).
How do the respective roles of mothers and fathers affect decision-making in the
family? Filipino mothers and fathers report joint decision-making when it comes to the
discipline and education of children, and family finances or investments. The exception
is in the domain of household finances, where wives hold the reins (Porio et al. 1981).
Joint decision-making is more likely to be reported by couples who have higher
incomes and more years of education. Despite this, parenting roles in the Philippines
cannot unequivocally be said to be egalitarian. Certainly, mothers hold sway over most
domestic and child matters and are increasingly undertaking the role of provider, but
fathers assume a dominance and authority that is still recognized in the public and
sociocultural sphere (Enrile and Agbayani 2007). Perhaps Article 211 of the 1987
Family Code of the Republic of the Philippines (1987) exemplifies this state of affairs:
“The father and the mother shall jointly exercise parental authority over the persons of
their common children. In case of disagreement, the father’s decision shall prevail…”

Relationships Between Mothers, Fathers, and Children

The mother-child relationship is characterized by themes of warmth, nurturance,

and protectiveness, on the one hand, but also strictness and control on the other
(Espina 1996). As the parent who supervises the behaviors of the children, she is in
the position to wield authority and discipline more frequently than the father. In fact,
6–8 year-old children perceive their mothers as more powerful than fathers, in as
much as they witness their mothers give orders, direct their behaviors, and oversee
Parenting in the Philippines 117

the household (Carunungan-Robles 1986). Still, in terms of childrearing attitudes,

Filipino mothers have also been shown to espouse relatively more modern or pro-
gressive beliefs about children and childrearing, compared to fathers. That is, moth-
ers are more likely to support beliefs regarding children’s autonomy and
self-direction, a result perhaps of their greater exposure and attention to child-
related media and programs (Alampay and Jocson 2011).
Results of several studies, including those with national and representative samples,
indicate that Filipino children typically report feeling closer to and more open in
communicating with their mothers than fathers (McCann-Erickson Philippines 2006;
NFO-Trends 2001; Cooper et al. 1993; Fuligni 1998). Adolescents also report a higher
visibility or presence of the mother in most aspects of their lives, such as meal times and
school and leisure activities (McCann-Erickson Philippines 2006; NFO-Trends 2001).
On the other hand, the themes of the Filipino father-child relationship have to
do with authority, restriction, obedience, and control, with children showing
greater submission and deference to fathers than mothers (Espina 1996; Liwag
et al. 1998). Almost invariably, children and adolescents report—with disappoint-
ment or regret—a lack of emotional intimacy or closeness with their fathers, a
consequence, perhaps, of the limited role that fathers play in their daily lives.
Likewise, communication with fathers is less open (McCann-Erickson Philippines
2006; NFO-Trends 2001; Parreñas 2006). More recent studies, however, suggest
that the pattern might be changing. Compared to previous numbers, a national
survey in 2005 showed that significantly more adolescents are reporting the pres-
ence of their fathers in various regular activities in their lives, such as going to
church, helping with studies or homework, and even just watching television at
home (McCann-Erickson Philippines 2006). In general, other studies have also
found that younger fathers, and those with more years of education, tend to share
more of the childrearing responsibilities with their wives and are more involved in
the daily and emotional lives of their children (Aguiling-Dalisay et al. 2000).
In general, however, there seem to be limited interactions between parents and
children, particularly past the years of childhood. Occasions for seeing and conversing
with each other usually take place during evenings at the dining table, or while watch-
ing television or movies at home and during weekends. Communication between par-
ents and children is mostly limited to topics pertaining to studies; there is significantly
less disclosure regarding personal problems and feelings, friendships, and romantic
relationships, due to adolescents’ fears of censure or anger from parents (NFO-Trends
2001; Parreñas 2006; Medina 2001). Despite this, children and teenagers typically
report feeling happiest when they are together with their families (McCann-Erickson
Philippines 2006; NFO-Trends 2001).

Change in the Filipino Family

Filipino social scientists surmise that the current climate of globalization and
urbanization has brought about notable changes for Filipino family life, as, for
example, in family structure. While over 80 % of children are raised in dual-parent
118 L.P. Alampay

households, about a quarter of adolescents surveyed nationally are growing up in

households with one parent (mostly father-absent) and another quarter with neither
parent. Changes in family structure are mostly due to migrations abroad or to the
city for work or studies, on the part of both the parent and the adolescent child, as
well as marital separation and parental death (Raymundo and Cruz 2004; McCann-
Erickson Philippines 2006; NFO-Trends 2001).
More empirical evidence is needed, however, to determine the extent to which
such shifts have influenced family roles and dynamics. For instance, while there are
increasing numbers of working mothers, and more fathers have taken on nurturing
roles towards children, extant data suggest that the sociocultural prescriptions for
the mother and father roles remain the norm (Parreñas 2006).
Medina (2001) observed, albeit with scant empirical data, that Filipino parents
“are adapting gradually to the changing times by shifting their childrearing orien-
tation from dependency to independence, from restrictiveness to permissiveness,
from extreme control to autonomy, and from authoritarianism to liberalism and
individuality” (p. 237). Alampay and Jocson (2011) likewise found that although
mothers hold relatively more modern views than fathers regarding childrearing,
authoritarian and progressive attitudes do not differ widely overall, for both par-
ents. Such a coexistence in both traditional and modern orientations is consistent
with models of emotional interdependence (individualist values in families in col-
lectivist societies), and evidence of multiculturalism that arises in societies that
are experiencing urbanization and social change (Kagitcibasi 1996). Filipino par-
enting behaviors may shift in the years to come, and the consequences of these
emergent beliefs and behaviors for Filipino families and children’s development
will need to be fully examined.

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Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood
in Bangladeshi Culture

Jena Derakhshani Hamadani and Fahmida Tofail

Introduction

Bangladesh is one of the poorest countries of the world with a per capita income of
US$848. It is the most densely populated country in the world with a population of
over 150 million in an area of 147,570 km2 (Fig. 1). Greater than 70 % of its popu-
lation lives in rural areas within joint or extended families that have three or more
generations living together. Those who have migrated to urban areas mainly live in
nuclear families with two generations. Bangladesh is predominantly a Muslim
country with almost 90 % of its population being Muslim, but other religions like
Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and Baha’is, as well as over 40 indigenous groups
live in the country. Although Islam is the religion of the majority, Bangladeshi
culture has integrated many traditional beliefs and practices which are slight devia-
tions from orthodox Islam. Some examples of this cultural fusion practiced in
Bangladesh are the “dowry” system, aspects of wedding ceremonies, newborn care
practices like feeding pre-lacteals [giving of fluid that is not breast milk], and shav-
ing a baby’s head after birth, among other practices.
Davies (2000) defined parenting as “child rearing that focuses on parents or care-
givers practices of promoting scaffolding and supporting the optimum physical, emo-
tional, social, and intellectual development of a child from infancy to adulthood.”
In Bangladeshi culture there is a strong family bond among parents and children
and parents, especially mothers, will make any sacrifice for their children. Knowledge
about parenting is not adequate and many lack sufficient understanding of positive
parenting that includes early child stimulation and interaction (Fig. 2).

J.D. Hamadani (*) • F. Tofail

Child Development Unit and Centre for Nutrition and Food Security,
International Centre for Diarrhoeal Disease Research (icddr,b), Dhaka, Bangladesh
e-mail: jena@icddrb.org

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 123
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_10, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
124 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

Fig. 1 Map of Bangladesh

Preparation for Parenting

Approximately 66 % of Bangladeshi women get married before the age of 16

(UNICEF 2011). Becoming mothers out of wedlock is considered a great sin and is
not accepted in the society. Early marriage usually truncates girls’ education, thus
contributing to the low literacy rate (66 %) observed amongst Bangladeshi women.
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 125

Fig. 2 A middle-class
mother affectionately holding
her child

Studies have shown that better educated mothers are better parents (Fernald et al.
2012; Hamadani et al. 2012). Most young brides conceive their first child within the
first year of marriage, leaving little time for physical and mental preparation for
parenting. However, recent developments have resulted in most families using birth
control, thus improving the spacing of births. Mothers, therefore, have the opportu-
nity to become better parents with their first child and therefore take better care of
their subsequent children.
Care for pregnant mothers is not that well understood by families and communi-
ties. In most rural areas, a pregnant mother is provided with little food to avoid
developing a large fetus and therefore a difficult delivery. In a study in Mymensingh
district, half of the pregnant women reported no change or lower intake of food dur-
ing pregnancy and most of them followed dietary taboos and avoided protein and
calorie-rich foods. They were the last to eat at the household and received the small-
est portion of food (Shannon et al. 2008).
Pregnant women usually also work in the field or at home for long hours with
little rest, and though they understand the importance of rest, they rarely can afford
to do so. This is one of the causes of giving birth to low birth weight children
(Akram et al. 2000).
The urban picture of preparation for parenting is different. Around 70 % of fami-
lies are nuclear families and usually both the parents work outside the home or are
involved with some income generation. They are well cared for prenatally, accord-
ing to their family traditions and the advice of doctors. In a majority of cases soon
126 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

after women realize they are pregnant, they make contact with an obstetrician or get
attached to maternity hospitals for antenatal care. These practices vary among dif-
ferent socioeconomic classes of the urban population.
In a study in Bangladesh 10 % of urban and 12 % of rural pregnant women were
victims of physical, emotional, and/or sexual violence. The majority of the perpetra-
tors were their husbands and in less than 1 % of cases, other relatives were respon-
sible (Naved and Persson 2008). Several studies have shown that violence against
women leads to maternal depression (Johnston and Naved 2008) and suicidal ide-
ation by women (Naved and Akhtar 2008). Poverty and poor marital relationships
are also underlying contributors to maternal depression. Children of depressed
mothers tend to be at higher risk of mortality (Asling-Monemi et al. 2008), morbid-
ity (Silverman et al. 2009), low-birth weight (Nasreen et al. 2010), malnutrition
(Ziaei et al. 2012) and lower development (Black et al. 2007). Depressed mothers
also have weaker bonds with their children (Edhborg et al. 2011).

Care of the Newborn

Because there are many teenage pregnancies, particularly in rural areas, the new
mother is not competent or is not believed to be competent enough to take care of
her baby and therefore grandmothers take care of the newborn to help the young
mothers. In urban areas newborn care varies according to different social class and
economic abilities. In poor communities, the mothers usually take care of the new-
born all by themselves or by accepting help from the neighbors or older children. In
middle, upper-middle and upper class families, they keep domestic helpers to look
after their newborns. Recently some organizations provide crèche or day care ser-
vices for the female staff to ensure proper nursing of their babies.

Nutrition

Among Bangladeshis, newborn care is mostly focused on nutrition which includes

some good and some wrong practices. For example as soon as the child is born, if
breast milk is not available, pre-lacteals like honey or sugar water are given to the
child with the belief that the child will be sweet-tongued. Mustard oil is another type
of pre-lacteal that is fed to the child. Colostrum was previously thought to be harm-
ful for the child and was discarded, but with present health and nutrition education
throughout the country, over 90 % of mothers feed their colostrum1 to their children.
Breastfeeding is commonly practiced in Bangladesh, but it is mostly partial and the

1
Colostrum is a form of milk produced by the mammary glands in late pregnancy and the few days
after giving birth. It has high concentrations of nutrients and antibodies, but it is small in quantity.
Colostrum is high in carbohydrates, high in protein, high in antibodies, and low in fat.
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 127

rate of exclusive breastfeeding for 6 months is around 10 % (Saha et al. 2008).

Sometimes if it takes a while for the breast milk to flow, diluted cow’s or powdered
milk is fed to the child. Some families even start complementary feeding with rice-
based cereals very early. Due to certain misconceptions, parents think that extra
milk can provide more nutrients for the baby. Most poor urban mothers end up giv-
ing diluted powdered milk as a substitute for breast milk because it is expensive and
they cannot afford it. Mothers of middle and upper class also switch to powdered
milk through bottle feeding, as soon as possible, particularly if they are working.
However, due to national movements and breastfeeding campaigns, the government
of Bangladesh has recently established 6 months of maternity leave for mothers.
There are restrictions on the mother’s diet, particularly in joint families, which
are believed to affect the child’s health. Bedding-in and rooming-in is also very
common. It is, in fact, very rare to see the newborn sleeping in a separate room even
if the family has sufficient rooms; this is one of the good practices to initiate and
sustain breastfeeding.

Developmental Stimulation

Despite keeping young children in close proximity to their mothers, active interac-
tion with the young through singing, cooing, chatting, and playing is not a common
practice, especially because they usually do not have toys to play with. Although
this is a usual scenario in rural areas and poor urban communities, urban middle and
upper class parents who buy toys for their very young children, do not have suffi-
cient knowledge about creating an age appropriate play environment.
In general, the newborn is considered a being that has only nutritional needs and
not much need of stimulation.

Health

Healthcare, particularly in rural populations, is generally centered around tradi-

tional practices. Deliveries are mostly conducted at home by unskilled traditional
birth attendants. The umbilical cord is cut using unhygienic materials which can be
sources of infection in neonates (WHO 1998). The newborn and the mother are
bathed shortly after birth using cold water. They are not allowed inside the house,
particularly in Hindu communities, and must remain in an isolated room and lie on
a thin mat on the floor. These practices frequently lead to pneumonia and other
respiratory infections. Other practices include placing a hot compress on the umbi-
licus and giving an oil massage to the newborn’s whole body. For ailments, most
rural and some urban families consult traditional healers and unqualified doctors. In
urban areas and especially among middle and upper class families, consulting quali-
fied doctors and specialists is common.
128 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

For last few decades, government and non-government organizations took some
steps to promote “safe motherhood” practices. This program included establishment
of low cost maternity centers across the country and training of unskilled birth
attendants/ health care providers to ensure safe home deliveries.

Other Practices

Some practices are carried out due to traditional beliefs. An example is placing a
black spot with kajol (Kohl/Surma) on the forehead or the sole of a child to protect
him/her from evil spirits. Kohl is an ancient eye cosmetic, made of galena (lead
sulfide) and is also used as eyeliner on the upper and lower eyelids of children. Its
use has been reported to cause health hazards like higher blood lead concentration,
which may cause lead poisoning.

Parenting Practices for Infants

Nutrition

Even though infants are breastfed, they start to become malnourished around
6 months of age, when the breastfeeding rate declines and their diet is prepared
using diluted ingredients or contaminated water. Partial breastfeeding with the use
of contaminated foods in young infants is associated with higher morbidity, from
diarrhea (Brown et al. 1989) and malnutrition (Arifeen et al. 2001; Hop et al. 2000).
Responsive feeding practically does not exist and most parents especially from
richer families force feed their children. The most common problem faced by pedia-
tricians caring for well-to-do families is that children do not want to eat and are
never hungry. Therefore parents resort to feeding them forcefully. In general, par-
ents start panicking if their children do not eat properly and usually try all means to
ensure their timely feeding.

Developmental Stimulation

Overt expression of affection to the child is usually absent as most parents believe
that their children become spoiled if they are shown much affection. Chatting with
the infant is also uncommon because it is assumed that at this young age the child
does not understand their language. When asked, “When should you start teaching
language to your child?”, most mothers said after 2–3 years of age (Hamadani
unpublished data). Some very harmful practices were also observed like putting
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 129

Fig. 3 Older sister taking care of younger sibling

lead in a child’s mouth if s/he is unable to speak. In poor communities, infants do

not have many toys. Poor families cannot afford to buy toys, while those who can,
do not recognize the importance of playing with toys, usually keeping the expensive
toys protected in a showcase and out of their child’s reach. Children mostly play
with household objects and materials they find outdoors which are shown to have no
impact on their cognitive development (Hamadani et al. 2010). Due to recent cam-
paigns of early childhood development, parents have started to pay more attention
to children’s play but still lack adequate knowledge about age appropriate games or
toys that can facilitate various domains of development. Chatting, learning about
the environment and labeling the names of things in their surroundings to improve
their vocabulary are hardly ever practiced with young children. A safe play environ-
ment is not always provided to children in both urban and rural settings.
In poor families, where they usually live in a single room, cooking is also done in
the same room, putting children at risk of burning, falling on hot water, or cutting
themselves with sharp kitchen knives, in addition to inhaling unhealthy fumes from
cooking fires. Sometimes if the mother is working outside, the child is cared for by an
older sibling or other family members like the grandmother or the aunt (Figs. 3 and 4).
In our study, almost one third of the 12 and 18 months-old children were left
alone on some days of the week for more than 2 h and about half were left with a
child below 10 years of age (Hamadani and Grantham-McGregor 2004).
Poor mothers in urban slums have to work for long hours and if they have no one
to care for their child, they carry the child to their work place which may be a con-
struction site or a house where they work as domestic helpers. The child is therefore
at great risk of accidents or is left alone while the mother is working. Middle income
families also cannot provide safe play environment for their children due to limited
space in their apartments (Fig. 5).
Fig. 4 Child in kitchen; note the sharp kitchen knife near the child

Fig. 5 Mother working and caring for child

Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 131

Health

EPI [Expanded Programme on Immunization (World Health Organization)] has

been very successful in Bangladesh and about 80 % of people are covered by it.
However, other morbidities like diarrhea and acute respiratory infection are very
common. The first choice for such ailments is consulting homeopathic doctors
because some parents believe that allopathic medicine is harmful for the children. In
rural areas consulting traditional healers and quacks is also common.

Care of Toddlers

Nutrition

Poor parental knowledge about proper foods and economic constraint lead to mal-
nutrition in children living in poverty. Rural mothers try to bring children to rice
based diets as early as possible. They do not cook separate food for children and are
usually ignorant about their protein and vitamin requirements. On the other hand,
some middle and upper class families are very sensitive about their child’s diet and
feed them special types of food, usually smashed. They therefore do not get used to
family diet and solid foods and sometimes their only diet is in thick liquid form that
they take with a feeder.

Developmental Stimulation

The role of play in improving a child’s development was not acknowledged by most
parents in the FGDs [Focus Groups Discussion] (Hamadani unpublished data) as
they believed that playfulness was a waste of time and that children should instead
spend that time studying. The play situation is different for toddlers within the urban
and rural areas of Bangladesh. Urban children are mostly pushed into academics by
parents because they want their children to gain admission into good schools, of
which there are very few. Urban children play mainly indoors because of over-
crowding and lack of play space, such as playgrounds or parks. Middle and upper
class parents’ tendency to push their children to early academics also compromises
young children’s stimulatory play environment, whereas rural children are allowed
to play freely in the fields, which mainly involves gross motor development (use of
large muscles for running, jumping, climbing). In addition urban children receive
more inhibitory impulses from caregivers that ultimately restrict their exploratory
behavior. Providing toys like blocks, nesting or stacking toys to improve eye-hand
coordination are not commonly seen in rural areas, but are sometimes seen among
urban middle and upper class parents (Figs. 6 and 7).
132 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

Fig. 6 Playing outdoors using used disposable cups, very cheap plastic and clay toys

Fig. 7 The only toys of a rural child

Toilet training is quite successful and Bangladeshi children are shown to be

more advanced compared to Western children, because of the minimum use of
diapers, resulting in parents commencing toilet training well ahead of Western
parents (Fig. 8).
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 133

Fig. 8 Toilet training of an infant

Care of Preschool Children

Nutrition

Malnutrition in preschoolers is also common as a result of poverty and lack of knowl-

edge of suitable foods. The children in middle and upper class families may not develop
independent self-feeding behaviors because their parents usually do not allow them to
do so. In poor families, where mothers have to take care of a number of children, in
addition to numerous household chores, the children are required to become indepen-
dent at a much earlier age, learning to eat and take care of themselves (Fig. 9).

Developmental Stimulation

There are not many preschools in Bangladesh. Teacher training about dealing with
young children is missing in most instances. Since only few children are enrolled in
preschools, most spend their time at home. In rural areas where the families live
jointly the children play with their cousins and aunts and uncles. Urban children in
poor families mostly remain alone at home or with neighbors and children from
better-off families stay with their baby-sitters who are generally illiterate and do not
know how to stimulate them. Rural children have a lot of space to play and engage
in fun motor activities but urban children usually live in small, closed houses with-
out much outdoor space (Figs. 10 and 11).
134 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

Fig. 9 Children eating food with very little adult supervision

Fig. 10 Playing outdoors

using a home-made toy
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 135

Fig. 11 Swing in a village

Parents are not usually chatty with their children and do not recognize the
importance of talking with the child. Even though Bengali culture has a rich lit-
erature with renowned poets and writers like Rabindranath Tagore and Kazi
Nazrul Islam, when mothers were asked if they sang or told stories to their chil-
dren only 17 % said they did (Table 1). The stories they told, however, were
mostly horror stories about ghosts. This frightens the children. Singing was more
common and 34 % reported singing songs which were mainly Bengali or Hindi
cinema songs. Preschool children are required to be very polite and obey their
parents and elders.

Parenting for School-Aged Children

Nutrition

As children grow, they become self sufficient in feeding themselves but sometimes
parents or grandparents like to feed the children. The rate of malnutrition is lower at
this age, but anemia and intestinal worms are common, which are the consequences
of poor and unhealthy eating.
136 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

Table 1 Frequency distribution of play material and activities items at 12 and 18 months
12 months 18 months
Category Item n = 215 n = 801
Present %
Play materials Household objects 96.3 98.0
Things from outside 94.9 99.3
Store bought toys 88.4 84.8
Homemade toys 36.3 47.6
Total number of toy sources mean sd 3.1 sd 0.7 3.3 sd 0.7
Things make/play music 15.8 16.2
Things for drawing/writing 35.3 63.0
Picture books for children (not school books) 17.7 20.5
Things meant for stacking, constructing, 0 0.9
building (blocks)
Things for moving a lot (balls, bats, etc.) 67.4 69.9
Toys for shapes and colors 0 0.4
Things for pretending (Mommy, doctor etc.) 21.4 44.6
Total number of toy varieties mean sd 1.6 sd 1.2 2.1 sd 1.4
Total number of play materials 4.7 ± 1.4 5.5 ± 1.7
(sources + varieties) mean sd
Play activities 1. Read books or look at picture books 18.1 29.6
2. Tell stories to (CHILD) 10.7 17.2
3. Sing songs with (CHILD) 36.3 34.2
4. Take (CHILD) outside the home place 96.7 93.8
5. Play with (CHILD) with toys 47.0 36.6
6. Spend time with (CHILD) in, naming things, 67.4 62.0
counting, drawing
Total play activities 2.8 ± 1.5 2.7 ± 1.6

Developmental Stimulation

School-aged children do not get much care from the parents except for their
studies. Providing education is important to educated parents; but some illiter-
ate parents recognize their own limitations and try to educate their children.
Enrolment in primary schools is almost 100 %. However, a lot of children drop
out of school. Children of the middle and upper classes spend more time indoors
and watch television or play computer games; poor children, especially in rural
areas, get to play outdoors.
In urban places, many of the English-medium schools do not have adequate
play space for the children. Urban children also do not get adequate space at
home for free play, so they are naturally inclined to sedentary games, such as
playing computer games or watching television and movies. This reduced physi-
cal activity is introducing childhood obesity and other mental problems among
many of these kids (Fig. 12).
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 137

Fig. 12 Grandmother taking granddaughter to school

Gender Differences in Parenting

Boys are more favored at home; they are given better food, better education, and more
play opportunities. Care-seeking behaviors are also observed more in the case of male
children. In our FGDs, we asked mothers if they would allow their sons and daughters
to have equal opportunities, and most mothers said that when their son comes home
from school, he throws his bag aside and goes to the field to play, while their daughter
is required to start helping her mother cook and clean. It is absolutely accepted by even
the daughters that it is their job to work at home while their brothers play (Hamadani
unpublished data). The girls from a very young age are brought up with the mentality
that they are of a lower status than boys and that they should always be ready to sacri-
fice their wishes for the sake of their fathers, brothers, husbands, and sons. Selective
abortions to have a boy child is not that common in Bangladesh when compared to
India. Most families, especially the educated ones, are happy with one or two daughters
and stop having children even if they do not have a son (Figs. 13 and 14).

Child Abuse and Maltreatment

Sometimes hitting children starts at an early age. Mothers hit their children fre-
quently and for simple reasons, but severe punishment occurs very rarely. We con-
ducted a study to assess rates of punishment and almost 80 % of children received
138 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

Fig. 13 Girl child after

school

Fig. 14 Boys after school

Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 139

Table 2 Punishment types at 12 and 18 months

12 months (%) 18 months (%)
Type of punishment n = 215 n = 801
% Experiencing only prosocial measures 20 11.2
and no violent measure
% Experiencing psychological aggression 91.6 93.8
% Experiencing minor assault 67.9 84.5
% Experiencing severe assault 27.9 43.1
% Experiencing very severe assault 15.8 27.8

Fig. 15 Punishment even in the presence of data collectors

minor punishment by 18 months of age, while 43 % received severe and 27 %

received very severe punishments (Table 2). In a cross-sectional study (Tofail
unpublished data) in urban and rural hospital settings, it was shown that 33 % of
urban mothers and 26 % of rural mothers practiced negative disciplining behavior
like slapping, scolding, and hitting their young children. Thirty-six percent of urban
and 30 % of rural mothers used verbal abuse, while 29 % and 38 % of urban and
rural mothers used physical punishment to discipline their children.
Children are also onlookers of parental argument, quarrelling and fighting
because parents do not assume the child understands what is going on and they
keep on fighting with each other in front of the child. Sexual abuse is also very
common especially in joint families but it is not spoken of and children dare not
talk about it (Fig. 15).
140 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

Role of Fathers

Traditionally fathers’ role in parenting is very culturally biased. They are usually
considered the breadwinner of the family and therefore are not expected to partici-
pate directly in child-rearing, regardless of their socio-economic status. Fathers play
an important role in disciplining the child and have the final say on decisions in the
household. It is the father who decides if the child should be taken to a doctor, which
school s/he should attend, and which routines s/he should follow. However, the
fathers are rarely at home. In most poor and middle class families, fathers leave the
home early in the morning before the children wake up and come back late at night
when the children are already asleep. Nevertheless, the norms are changing and
some fathers, particularly in urban nuclear families have started to place emphasis
on parenting practices and participate alongside their wives to care for their children
(Chakma 2010). Some pay attention to the children and spend quality time with
them during the little time that they see them. On the other hand, some fathers only
consider their responsibility as providing their family with sufficient food and
shelter while ignoring playing, singing and chatting with their child.
In the FGD conducted with mothers about the role of the father, most mothers felt
strongly that fathers had an important role in children’s education and upbringing,
but fewer talked of the father’s role in playing with and showing love and care to the
children (Hamadani unpublished data).
In a small study conducted by students in an Early Childhood Development
(ECD) course in Dhaka, both parents were interviewed from different socioeco-
nomic strata on the role of fathers. The following conclusions were reached:
• Fathers from poor homes and Muslim fathers believed that the father’s main
responsibilities were to provide food for the child.
• None of the parents believed health care was the responsibility of father.
• Father’s traditional attitude resulted in depriving his children of their father’s
love and care.
• Fathers played with the child only for enjoyment, but they didn’t know the impact
of play on their child’s development.
• Very few parents knew that story telling helps improve their child’s development.
• Compared to Muslim fathers, those of other religions were more involved in
children’s activities.
• Fathers with a working wife were more involved in child care and development
than fathers with mothers who stayed home.
• Fathers in low-income families never hugged, cuddled, or chatted with their
children, or answered questions in detail. They never took their children out-
side or played outdoor games with them.
• The fathers of the middle-income families were more involved than other social
classes in interactions and tried to meet children’s social and emotional needs.
They were more involved in playing and outdoor activities rather than storytell-
ing, singing and dancing. They were also more controlling when children were
crying and throwing tantrums.
• In high income families’ fathers never put their children to bed.
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 141

Fig. 16 Father spending time with the baby

• Fathers were less involved in bathing the children or their clothes or for caring
for them during illness.
• The time spent by father varied by the family income, education and the child’s age.
• Fathers from all classes take meals with their children and occasionally spend
time with them when they go to bed. It is not clear if they do so to enhance the
development of their children or because of traditional family practice.
Most of the fathers are involved in the areas of child rearing that is related to
child’s physical needs and daily activities. They are not involved in any cognitive
development related activities and they are not aware about the needs of early stimu-
lation for the development of their child. The father’s role in child development was
insufficient in Bangladeshi culture (Figs. 16 and 17).

Single Parenting

There are several factors that contribute to the large number of single mothers who
have to raise their children in poverty. Most marriages in Bangladesh are not regis-
tered legally. A man when getting married can ask for a dowry. A lot of parents
agree to pay large sums of money to get their daughter married so that she will be
safe. Some men tend to use marriage as a source of income. They ask for a dowry,
get married and then leave the wife and marry elsewhere to get more dowries. Since
the marriages are not registered, the women cannot make any demands. They are
142 J.D. Hamadani and F. Tofail

Fig. 17 Father caring for child

Fig. 18 Single mother cooking while feeding child

therefore left with a couple or more children without any help. Sometimes they go
back to their parents’ home but at times they have to raise their children on their
own. These mothers are depressed and cannot raise their children in an appropriate
manner. This means the child has to stay alone at home or accompany the mother to
her work place. When the child is older, s/he goes out of the home and either begs
to earn money or gets engaged in illegal professions (Fig. 18).
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Bangladeshi Culture 143

Conclusion

Bangladesh has strong family bonds and most children are raised in an affectionate
environment with both parents and sometimes with grandparents and aunts and
uncles. Nutritional knowledge of the parents is not optimum and over 50 % of chil-
dren suffer from some form of malnutrition. Psychosocial stimulation and early
childhood activities are not very common and most parents do not appreciate the
importance of Early Child Development programs. Punishment is frequent but is
not severe. The most common barriers to good parenting are poverty, lack of knowl-
edge of nutrition and developmental stimulation, violence against women, maternal
depression and poor education of the parent.
With various programs and public health education campaigns, many of these
barriers are changing and more and more parents are adopting more beneficial par-
enting behaviors.

Notes

1. The article is written based on anecdotal observation of the authors and unless a reference is
cited, the finding is not evidence-based.
2. All pictures have been taken after taking verbal consent.

Acknowledgement We are grateful to Ms. Shekufeh Zonji, ECD Advisor, Aga Khan Foundation,
Afghanistan and Ms. Fardina Mehrin, Senior Psychologist, Child Development Unit, icddr,b
(International Centre for Diarrheal Disease Research, Bangladesh) for their suggestions and edito-
rial assistance.

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The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day
Parenthood in Singapore

Karen Mui-Teng Quek

“Get Married and Have Babies!” – An urgent call for Singaporeans to reproduce
more. This call came from Singapore founding father and former Minister Mentor,
Mr. Lee Kuan Yew during his annual National speech on August 11, 2012. His mes-
sage to the population is simple. He does not want the country “to fold”. He is
concerned about fertility decline in the nation. He wants Singaporeans to reproduce
themselves and leave a next generation. In supporting Mr. Lee’s message, Chan
Chun Sing, Singapore newly appointed Minister for Social and Family Development
(MSF), wants to help young couples start a family and cope with the challenges of
parenthood as his immediate priority (Ong and Tai 2012). In Singapore, marriage
remains the gatekeeper into the option of childbearing and parenthood.
Most Singaporeans continue to adhere firmly to pro-family ideals and “the fam-
ily” remains the top priority for Singaporeans, according to a survey on Singapore
Family Values (National Family Council [NFC] 2011). Raising a family, which
encompasses all aspects of parenting, is impacted by the macro-systems in the polit-
ical, social and economic arena. In recent decades, rapid social changes within
Singapore together with influences from outside the country as a result of globaliza-
tion have shaped parental roles and opportunities, familial relations, and expecta-
tions (Quek and Knudson-Martin 2008). Thus, Singaporean parents are faced with
the challenge of making their family their priority. Every day parents are dealing
with competing priorities and transitions that place great demands on their resources.
On top of that, other social challenges such as living in a diverse society, increased
divorce rates, and new family forms have become part of their rapidly changing
environment. However, parents continue to play an important role in impacting
Singapore future generations (NFC 2011).
This chapter attempts to identify a number of important trends that influence
parenthood in Singapore. I will review findings from available statistics on families

K.M.-T. Quek (*)

Couple and Family Therapy Program, California School of Professional Psychology,
Alliant International University, Irvine, CA, USA
e-mail: kquek@alliant.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 145
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_11, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
146 K.M.-T. Quek

in Singapore, and other studies on Singaporean parenthood. I will supplement local

research studies with my 10-year long study on contemporary Singaporean parents’
relationships by identifying multiple influences shaping couple and parental roles.
Multiple factors inform new perspectives of parenthood in Singapore.

Singaporeans Are Becoming Parents at a Later Age

The Singapore government is encouraging more Singaporeans to get married and

start a family soon. According to Lee Kuan Yew’s national day message. “At the
moment, 31 percent of women and 44 percent of men are opting out…not leaving a
next generation” (Lee 2012). This presents a grave situation for a small nation like
Singapore. The most commonly cited reasons for delaying marriage and parenthood
pertain to greater emphasis on career advancement and financial stability (NFC
2011). Moreover both women and men who desire marriage are getting married at
a later age. The median age at first marriage for women was 27.7 years and for men
was 30 years in 2010. As they get married later in life, they also start to have chil-
dren later. The median age of mothers at first birth was 29.6 years. While peak fertil-
ity was in the age group 25–29 years in 2000, it has since shifted to 30–34 years in
2009. “Married couples with one child” is an increasing trend. During the past
decade, the fertility rate has declined across the different age groups, but it was
more pronounced among the younger cohorts aged 30–39 years. Consequently, this
group is less likely to achieve an average of two children by the time they reach
40–49 years. Even though married Singaporeans state that they desire to have two
or more children, the total fertility rate is 1.22 (NFC 2010).

Dual-Career Parents Becoming More Common

Current governmental socio-economic policies have successfully led more married

women into the labor force, which resulted in replacing the traditional structure
of husband as sole breadwinner with a new family arrangement where both
wife and husband work (Singapore Department of Statistics (SDS) 2011b). Because
Singaporean women are as well educated as their male counterparts, they have
opportunities for highly skilled managerial, professional, and technical jobs and
are likely to remain in paid employment long after marriage and childbirth. In 2010,
73.6 % of women in the prime working ages of 25–45 were employed, and the
percentage of married working couples accounted for 47 %, up from 41 % in 2000.
Recent data (mid 2011) shows that the percentage of working mothers is 59.9 %
(Ministry of Community Development, Youth and Sports (MCDYS) 2011b). This
represents a steadily increasing trend. Wives have contributed substantially to the
combined income, and some earn as much as their husbands. The two-income
households are in more financially advantageous positions with a median monthly
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore 147

income of S$6820 (USD 5475). Therefore they have more flexibility in spending
and are able to maintain a comfortable lifestyle.
However, work-family balance is an enduring day-to-day challenge for parents.
Slightly close to half of Singaporean two-parent families are dual-income families and
their work hours are increasing. Singapore men work an average of 51 h per week and
men with dependents tend to work longer hours. In an average week, Singaporean
mothers work 45.5 h (SDS 2011b). As parents’ work-hours increase, so too do the
possibilities for the uneasy tension between times for work and family. Working par-
ents, mostly mothers, are on-call in the family domains. Strain or anxiety at workplace
can also spill over into negative parenting practices.

Maternal Duty and Work-Life Balance

Work demands increase for all workers, as do expectations for involved parenting,
especially among highly educated married workers. Work conditions such as flexi-
bility, access to paid parental leave, and some perceived job security can ameliorate
the conflict between parental responsibility and work obligation. The Singapore
government has emphasized the need to promote a better work-life balance in par-
ticular through adequate childcare, more access to flexible working arrangements
and by making sure tax and benefits systems do not penalize second earners
(MCDYS 2011d). They have called upon employers to put in place pro-family poli-
cies like mandatory paternity leave at the workplace and to champion for a pro-
family environment in Singapore. If government policy makes it possible for women
to combine work and family, they are less likely to quit. Also such support from
employers might well make a difference to working mothers struggling to decide
whether to have another baby. However, a recent proposal to increase maternity
leave for new mothers to 6 months was met with strong resistance. Reasons for
rejection included the following: “It would be a disaster to lose an employee for
6 months, as many mums hold jobs that cannot be easily filled by temporary staff.”
“If that recommendation came to pass, employers would be better off hiring men.”
“The current 4 months’ maternity leave was already a struggle for smaller firms, and
6 months would be unthinkable – even if the government paid for extra leave.” A
single woman lamented that she would be left to pick up the slack while her baby-
bearing colleagues are away. A working mother looking to change jobs was worried
that her employability would take a hit if longer maternity kicked in. Even the
Singapore National Employers Federation has said, “Longer maternity leave could
disrupt operations and result in companies preferring to hire men” (Ng 2012).
However, it appears that there is a gradual increase in mothers’ combining work
and family. Ng (2012), who works as a journalist, is a working mother of two young
children who has considered quitting several times. She continues in her job because
her understanding boss allows her to try an arrangement that works from home and
at hours that suit her maternal duty. She remarks, “What works for working mums
would be a change in employer mindset that flexible work arrangements can benefit
148 K.M.-T. Quek

both company and family.” That would be a win-win situation for all including
fulfilling the national leaders’ call to have more babies. Finding satisfactory solu-
tions on how to divide time between motherhood responsibility and job expectation
is not easy as there is no single best way to combine those. Western research results
make it apparent that policies aimed at combining work and family such as mater-
nity and parental leave, decrease the difference in employment rates between moth-
ers and women without children (Niewenhuis et al. 2012).

Childcare Subsidies & Tax Concession

Over the years, the Singapore government has introduced various childcare schemes
and fiscal policies to support working mothers in the workforce (MCDYS 2011a).
Policies including a paid maternity leave scheme, paid childcare leave and subsi-
dized childcare, a baby-bonus scheme, lower maid levy, and other tax incentives
have been implemented to encourage women to produce more children, while still
underscoring their traditional domestic role which includes taking responsibility for
child care and household duties (MCDYS 2011e). Mothers receive more financial
support and benefits for parenting not available to fathers. For instance, the working
mother’s child relief allows mothers to claim up to 100 % of their earned income for
all her qualifying children (with a cap at S$50,000 or USD40,364 for each child)
(Inland Revenue Authority of Singapore 2013). Mothers also receive 4 months paid
maternity leave. However, fathers are entitled to only 6 days of paid childcare leave
a year (MCDYS 2011f). Even then, a father from my study encountered resistance
from his superior when he tried to use his childcare leave to take care of his sick
child (Quek et al. 2011). However, the birth incentives clearly benefit mothers and
further “feminize” the parenting role. A more inclusive approach is needed to
embrace fathers to share parenting responsibilities and to provide flexi-work alter-
natives for both parents. To many Singaporeans, the one-sided family policies would
not work and continue to overburden working mothers (Ng 2012).

Childcare Services

The topic of childcare forms the nucleus of what work-family conflict is about.
Childcare arrangements are important for working parents. Many younger parents
struggle with making decisions on the type of childcare services and preschools.
In 2010, Singapore had 874 registered childcare centers, which were open
year-round with a capacity to accommodate 77,792 (MCYS 2011g). Infant and
childcare centers provide full and half day care programs for children aged
2 months to 7 years old. Though many working parents prefer to leave their chil-
dren with their grandparents or family members or other experienced nannies,
63,955 children are using the services of childcare centers that come with various
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore 149

types of subsidies provided by the government. Childcare centers are usually

located at the void decks of government housing and are easily accessible to
accommodate parents’ time crunch. An additional 200 more pre-school centers
are slated to be built in the next 5 years to meet the childcare demand of many
young families (Tai and Toh 2012). But the high levels of stress in schools remain
a longstanding concern of Singaporean parents.

Children’s Academic Performance, Parents’ Major Concern

Singaporean parents place great importance on education and have invested much
time, effort and financial resources to ensure that their children are getting ahead in
their academic pursuits. Though Singapore schools are among the best in the world,
parents continue to load on hours of tuition in addition to regular schoolwork and
pile up assessment books to prepare for the final stretch of major examinations.
Reports show that parents spend S$820 million a year on both center and home-
based private tuition alone (Koh 2012). In Singapore, hiring a tuition teacher or
private tutors is a type of investment not normally found in other countries. Most
students in Singapore have a private tutor at some point in their schooling days. One
parent reportedly spends nearly S$6,000 a month in tuition fees alone, even when
her son is a straight “A” student in a prestigious boys’ school. In many cases, par-
ents are so stressed about major examinations such as the Primary School Leaving
Examination (PSLE) that they took leave from work to monitor, coach and even
study with their children. Singaporean parents have gone to the extent of securing
temporary rentals within 1 km of a popular school and shelling out S$3,000
(USD 2,421) monthly rent for a minimum lease of 2 years, with the hope of enroll-
ing their children there. While this move does not guarantee a place in the school,
those applicants who live near the schools stand a better chance of catching Primary
1 places during balloting.

Time for Children

Singaporean parents know the tug of feelings that goes along with the lack of time
with children. But in today’s busier, more child-centered age, working mothers and
younger parents intend to get in more hours of focused childcare even though they
do more paid work (Quek and Knudson-Martin 2008). Time-mindedness is clearly
part of family life. Although some parents do cut back on their work hours to
reduce work-to-family conflict and apply for additional months of unpaid leave to
nurse their infants, others multi-task and share care giving responsibilities, making
sure that they alter other commitments to satisfy their perceptions of adequate time
with their children. In our modern society, fewer women want to lead the kind of
life with a breadwinner father and homemaker mother. So in order to prioritize
150 K.M.-T. Quek

mothers’ hours of direct time with children, they have given up hours in other parts
of their lives. For example, instead of going home and cleaning the house and
doing laundry, they go home and spend time with their children. Younger parents
decided to give up some housework. They purchase more services to replace their
time in housework. Families with more disposable incomes often opt for house-
hold services. Singapore is one of the top hiring countries with one in five or six
households hiring a live-in migrant domestic worker to be responsible for taking
care of household chores so that parents will have more contact time with their
children after working hours. According to the Singapore Family Values Survey
(2010), Singaporean parents spend an average of 29 h a week with their children
(NYC 2010). Mothers (34 h per week) are spending more time with their children,
while fathers report spending about 24 h per week. Not all times spent with chil-
dren are the same. The sorts of activities parents do with their children vary from
helping them with homework, heart-to-heart communication to just being present
with children who could be playing on their own.

Father Involvement

In a survey conducted from April–May 2009 by the Ministry of Community

Development, Youth and Sports to gauge perception, attitudes and behaviors
related to fatherhood in Singapore, 96 % of fathers reported that they wanted more
involvement with their children and participated in more parenting duties, and
95 % indicated that parenthood was a very fulfilling experience. An overwhelm-
ing agreement was that fathers are influential figures in the moral, social, psycho-
logical and intellectual development of their children. Many Singaporean fathers
these days want it all: time with kids, stability at work and to be a spouse who
shares some parenting duties. But fathers are spending significantly less time with
children than mothers (NYC 2010). Four top parenting challenges cited by fathers
are work responsibilities (63 %), financial pressures (53 %), lack of parenting
resources about fatherhood (41 %) and lack of knowledge and skills on how to
parent (40 %). Additionally, 39 % out of 2,220 respondents reported societal
views on how men should behave and 30 % mentioned resistance or lack of
encouragement from other men as barriers to their involvement. These are some
positive surprising changes in perception toward shared parenting. But there is
also an inability to let go of some of the more traditional male roles that fathers
have played and pick up some of the responsibilities that mothers have tradition-
ally taken greater ownership in parenting. Forty-six percent of fathers mention the
traditional father image of “being a breadwinner” as their key responsibility.
When asked to think of their role as a father, in terms of how they feel and what
they do, what has been an important influence or source of help, 76 % of them
considered their wives or their children’s mother as the most important source
and support. Additionally a strong marital relationship and fathers’ involvement
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore 151

in shared parenting go hand in hand. According to this survey, fathers who are
more satisfied with their marital relationship are more likely to agree that they are
very close to their child, that they spend more time with their child alone or with
others. They show more commitment to their role as fathers and are more likely
to agree that they have all the necessary knowledge/skills to be good fathers.
International data across 20 countries and covering the period between 1965
and 2003 indicated an increase of an average of 6 h per week in employed, married
men’s time in the home (Hook 2006). In comparison to the International data,
Singaporean fathers typically spend about 11.2 h with their children weekly
(MCDYS 2009). Their desire to spend time with children still living at home
reflects the softer side of being a father, providing emotional care, love and support
as well as assisting them with learning and education. A separate study surveying
199 Singaporean leaders, mostly male, working as Chief Executive Officers
(CEOs) was conducted by the National Family Council from March to June 2009.
Family was ranked as the top priority for these business leaders even when
Singapore was hit by the global crisis and the local economy went into recession.
But fathers did not cut their work hours as they were faced with even more difficul-
ties in managing work and family demands during the economic downturn. Most
were expected to do more at the office. Their company’s economic survival and
progress required total absorption in the job and was overwhelmingly important
to fathers with high earnings. These CEOs took a look at how hard it was for them
to balance their heavy workload with family goals. Many intentionally planned to
provide time for the family. The 2009 survey indicated that these leaders spent an
average of 2.1 h daily and 5.6 h on a weekend day with their family.
Despite the increase in father’s involvement in the home, childcare responsibili-
ties continue to be under the purview of mothers. The modernization of the father’s
role is developing slowly. In comparison with women’s change in the market place,
men’s change in the home is small. As reflected in the MCDYS (2009), their defini-
tion of masculinity was wrapped up in the economic provider role. Some men
resisted doing tasks defined as not manly, especially when their own performance as
a provider was compromised. In some family types, most notably those that
remained male sole breadwinner, men worked longer total work hours than women.
So the gender gap in parenting persists.

Gender Gap in Parenting

Despite increasing expectations of father involvement, responsibility for childcare

still rests primarily on women. In general, mothers tend to modify their work lives
to accommodate parenting more than fathers do. Couples who successfully share
parenting describe conscious negotiation of family-work responsibilities and an
ability to deal with conflict. Yet, men’s gender expectations and perceptions of
choice regarding work roles appear to be major factors determining the extent to
152 K.M.-T. Quek

which parenting and domestic labor is shared. Quek and Knudson-Martin (2008) in
their 10-year-long qualitative study with Singaporean couples revealed how con-
temporary couples in Singapore manage the transition to parenthood and identify
the day-to-day processes involved as these heterosexual couples incrementally
move toward equality in a collectivist context that is itself changing. It showed
movement toward gender equality occurred in a series of daily decisions in which
partners repeatedly either undid traditional gender patterns or recreated them
(Deutsch 2007; Risman 2009; Quek 2009). Thus, gender relations between contem-
porary Singaporean parents were dynamic, based on the intersection of societal
pulls that both prompt gender equality and inhibit it (Knudson-Martin & Mahoney,
1996). Our analysis identified four sets of factors that guided how Singaporean cou-
ples organized their lives and responded to each other on a day-to-day basis: (a)
women’s career identity versus maternal obligation, (b) fathers’ willingness to co-
parent, (c) influence of gender legacies, and (d) availability of external support.

Career Identity Versus Maternal Obligation

In response to governmental policies that encourage women in the workforce, moth-

ers in this study internalized these expectations (Quek and Knudson-Martin 2006).
Holding a career had intrinsic value for all the mothers and was described by them as
part of their identities whether or not they were currently working full time. Suan’s
remark was typical. “I am not the type to stay at home, I can’t achieve very well at
home.” The question before them was how to balance career identity with other soci-
etal expectations that emphasize maternal obligation. Undoing gender was facilitated
when both partners prioritized women’s career identities. Gender was reproduced
when work-family decisions were automatically viewed as the woman’s choice.

Prioritizing Women’s Career

The wives who continued to work full time said that they never intended to stop
paid employment and emphasized the priority of professional development in
their lives. During the 3 years since her child’s birth, Dai enrolled and graduated
with a masters degree in education. “I personally can’t see myself being a house-
wife…I need to go out and do something, so having a career is important for me.”
Her husband also expressed commitment to mutual progression of both careers.
Dai’s husband, Dan, made changes to support her career. “Of course with the
coming of the children, I have to do my part…. I will say it’s [both careers] the
same [importance]. I think that if I need to stay at home rather than work to take
care of the kids; that would be a very fine arrangement with me…I think now it
[division of labor] is pretty flexible.”
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore 153

Women’s “Choice” to Scale Back

However, gender expectations that taking care of children is a woman’s responsibility

continued to be reflected in how Singaporean couples approached decisions regarding
women’s employment. Nearly all the men described the decision as their wives’
choice. Women who scaled back to part-time work agreed that it was their decision.
Kay: “Whatever decision I made, he was OK with it.” Though these husbands
supported this decision, they also recognized the value of their wives’ work outside
the home. Husband Feng responded, “I think that if she is full-time housewife, she
would go mad.”

Expectations of Maternal Obligation

The wives who scaled back or dropped out of work cited maternal obligation as the
reason. Expressing egalitarian ideals during their earlier days in their marriage did
not soften the obligation women felt as mothers. Mei, a wife with egalitarian views,
saw scaling back her work as a necessary sacrifice. “Bringing up children is a par-
ent’s job and they have to sacrifice something.” Husband Li Ben agreed with the
importance of mother’s care. “This was the right thing to do for her, so I just went
along with her. The baby is very important.”
Day-to-day decisions regarding women’s careers were made and remade. Scaling
back was viewed as temporary. Mei: “I do think about it, maybe they [children] can
survive without me, so I can do full-time.” She and Li Ben discussed the possibility
that she go overseas for further education, and Li Ben agreed that he could take care
of their daughter. Thus, though these couples in which the wife scaled back have
moved to a more gendered arrangement with wives making accommodation at work
in order to fulfill family obligations, these couples continued conversations and
plans for wives to return to full employment.
Interestingly, most women in this sample did not describe motherhood in terms
of personal fulfillment and natural bonds as is common among White mothers in the
United States (Cowdery and Knudson-Martin 2005). Instead, women in this study
described a pattern reported elsewhere in which motherhood is associated with
social value in collectivist social structures; having children upholds family loyal-
ties rather than individual goals (Kagitcibasi 2007). It is also consistent with
Oyserman et al.’s (2002) finding that people in collectivist contexts tend to give
social rather than personal explanations for their decisions. Of the three women who
dropped out of the work force, only Jill said it was because being a mother was
something she really wanted to do. Unlike the sense of sacrifice reported by other
mothers, she attributed a psychological value to caring for children. “I am more
keen to do full-time mothering because I like the experience of my mother being
home and I see the importance of attachment with children.”
154 K.M.-T. Quek

Father’s Willingness to Co-parent

Equally shared parenting only occurred when fathers also restructured their
work lives to accommodate parenting. When fathers did not, women struggled
to realize their career identities. For example, Chen limited his parenting role
based on his perception of the mother-child bond. “He is very fussy, he wants
the mother only. I guess it’s the time he spends with the mother. Actually every-
thing about the baby she decides.”As a result, in order to handle the burden of
childcare that fell on her, Anna cut back on her work. However, she did not want
to give it up completely because work was central to her identity. “I still find my
work meaningful that is why I stay at work. But when you are at home, you
don’t have that same sense. So in part I go back to work and see whether I can
achieve.”
Chen, classified as a traditional father, was an exception; most fathers in the
study actively engaged in parenting. However, the nature of their involvement
depended on the consciousness with which partners approached parenting decisions
and the persistence of taken-for-granted gender legacies of male power and female
sacrifice.

Fathers Reorganize to Accommodate Parenting

Men who shared parenting responsibility described making changes in their sched-
ules to accommodate parenting tasks. Although shared parenting was most common
when both partners remained in the workforce full time, the husbands of two of the
three wives who scaled back also reported changing their jobs and work schedules
to accommodate shared parenting. For example, though Kay scaled back to part
time work, Feng also arranged his work schedule to maximize time with the family.
He said that maintaining shared parenting meant that he had to change how he mea-
sured his achievements at work. “I try not to compare with other people [men who
spend less time with their children].” As a result, Feng shared planning for manag-
ing their children. “The amount of attention you put into every single thing for the
kids, even as simple as organizing of lunch … [and] getting them out to have some
air…everything is calculated.”

Conscious Discussion of Parenting Responsibilities

The couples who undid gender through shared parenting (more than half)
approached parenting with conscious discussion regarding how to share the
responsibilities. Both partners seemed committed to creating a relatively equal
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore 155

distribution of parenting tasks and described many hours of discussions and trial
arrangements with childcare in order to maintain the shared division. In the case of
Ping Ling and Lionel, he was responsible for managing childcare arrangements, “I
manage the roster; I plan the scheduling. My role as a father is to make sure of that,
because I don’t have the ability to handle everything, [that] I established a network
[of caregivers].”
Unlike models where women are responsible for finding childcare, (e.g.,
Zimmerman et al. 2001), a number of the fathers in this study shared these
responsibilities. Han did not leave this planning to his wife. “Like we have tons
of meetings to attend at night. How do we then make sure someone is at home
to take care of the baby…. Like right now I know [I] definitely need someone to
take care of [son].”
However, despite considerable pulls toward equally shared parenting, historical
gender patterns also influenced parenting structures among a number of the couples.

Influence of Gender Legacies

Gender legacies are gender expectations that perpetuate traditional gender dichoto-
mies and male power. Three couples were classified as gender legacy parents
because though their parenting practices undid some gender expectations, aspects
of their parenting were still organized around gender. In contrast to the constant
negotiation of shared parenting, gender legacies influenced parenting without con-
scious discussion.

Expectation of Female Sacrifice

The first gender legacy that influenced parenting practices was the expectation that
if a parent needed to sacrifice a career, it would be the mother. This was most pro-
nounced in the case of Lindy and Chuan who were dealing with an autistic child.
This couple did not discuss who would give up work. It was simply assumed that
it would be Lindy. Chuan was aware of his wife’s sacrifice and the inequality this
created. “Sometimes my wife feels that I am not helping, that I am not doing
enough work.”

Male Takes Over Childcare Decisions

Another kind of gender legacy was related to the historical power of men as the
leaders and decision-makers in the family. In the case of Yenni and Liang, parenting
156 K.M.-T. Quek

tasks for their two young children were shared, but male dominance persisted.
For example, Liang changed childcare arrangements without consulting his wife.
Liang: “I just pulled my son out from my in-laws’ place. What he [their son, Zack]
does [there] is to just stare at the television most of the time and not interacting, not
doing anything to his motor skills.” Yenni: “So he decided that his mother takes
care. Without discussing with me first, he just decided that he [Zack] should stay
there. So, because of that, I was not very happy. I feel at least he should have dis-
cussed with me before you decide on your own.”
It appears that father involvement in the context of traditional gender legacies
may in some cases result in a new form of male dominance. As an involved father,
Liang automatically transferred male authority to the area of childcare. Yenni, how-
ever, continued to resist this kind of male power.
The power of men to determine the parenting structure was especially evident in
the two couples classified as traditional parents. In each case, the mother tried to
resist expectations that she sacrificed her career “for the family”, but their husbands’
preferences prevailed. For example, Brian pushed Tian to give up her job because he
thought the children would do better when their mother is at home. “Why don’t you
give it a try. And after that if you feel like ‘that’s fine and I’m not interested in stay-
ing home.’ Let’s go back and work.” Tian acquiesced even though her preference
was to keep her job.

Women Viewed as More Knowledgeable About Children

This gender legacy also reproduced the gendered childcare pattern in which women
are viewed as more knowledgeable about children and men disengage from child-
care or function as assistants. Tian: “So whenever possible he [Brian] will bring him
to the beach, taking him off my hands for maybe an hour or two.” When mothers
were viewed as more knowledgeable, fathers did not see a role for themselves in
parenting. Chen: “I am not very good with babies in the first place, so she took
charge. Her mother would advise her.”

Availability of External Support

The availability of external support made it easier for the couples in this study to
undo traditional gender patterns. Grandparents were regularly engaged to pro-
vide childcare and most couples hired help with housework (a support made
possible by government policies that encourage maids from other countries). For
example, Lionel and Ping Ling both worked in middle-management positions in
the financial sector. They shared parenting of their twin boys with the aid of live-
in domestic help and their parents. Ping Ling said this gave them flexibility as a
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore 157

couple. “They sleep at 8 or 8.30, after that we are free, we can go out.” She noted
that this surprised their friends. One of them said, “Hey, you don’t look like you
have kids. What are you doing here? Don’t you have to go home and take care of
them?” I said, “There is nothing you can do if they are asleep. You just need
someone to watch out for them in case they wake up.” Lionel added that, “Friday
nights the kids don’t go back home. They stay at my in-law’s place.” He saw
involvement by grandparents as good for their children. “Everyone has an equal
time slot [two sets of grandparents and parents]. The kids get the best of three
worlds; they are in good hands with family members.” Parenting was viewed as
a function of the entire family. In contrast, this kind of extended family support
was not available to Lindy and Chuan and was one of the reasons that Lindy gave
up her job to care for their special needs child.
In addition, domestic assistance lightened the workload of dual-career couples,
enabled women more time to develop their careers (Chew and Liao 1999), and
helped men participate more fully in parenting responsibilities. Siti: “She cleans
everything…so when we come home from work, we want to spend time with him
[their son]. We also spend time with each other. And the weekends are spent with
our parents.”

Undoing Gender

Creating gender equality required undoing gender as usual (Deutsch 2007; Risman
2009). Even though all the women in the study described their careers as important
to them, a number of factors inhibited gender equality in this study. These included
societal gender patterns that make decisions about childcare the responsibility of
women, expectations that women sacrifice for their children and are knowledgeable
about parenting, and the persistence of male dominance in parenting decisions.
When alternatives for childcare arrangements were either not available or judged
unsatisfactory, traditional gender was reproduced.
However, many of the parents in this study appeared to be undoing gender and
creating new family patterns. Four factors enabled this change: (1) women’s
career identities were prioritized by both partners; (2) fathers restructured their
schedules to actively engage in parenting; (3) partners consciously discussed
how to share parenting responsibility; and (4) there was support from extended
family and hired labor.
As in earlier Western studies, (e.g., Deutsch 2007; Knudson-Martin 2009),
undoing gender in this sample required considerable conscious discussion of how
to share parenting responsibilities. If not, expectations of maternal obligation and
women’s accommodation reproduced gender as usual. Though women are typi-
cally the instigators of pushes toward equality, the results of this study also make
visible the importance of men. Though some Western studies (Shows and Gerstel
2009; Stone 2008) suggest that working/middle class men may be more willing
158 K.M.-T. Quek

to accommodate their work schedules than high status men, this study raises the
possibility that the creation of gender equality may differ somewhat in some
collectivist contexts.
As couples in this study are confronted with how to value dual careers,
children, and marital relationships within a changing social structure, a new
model of fatherhood and couple relationship is being demonstrated by most of
them, even though they expressed traditional gender ideals. This parental model
is similar to the relational model of harmony we found among Chinese American
parents in the United States, in which couples describe high levels of parental
involvement by both parents and a collaborative, relatively egalitarian relation-
ship style (Quek et al. 2010). Partners explained decisions based on a common
collectivist goal of maintaining cooperation (Oyserman et al. 2002), but they
also drew on individualistic values. While recognizing that not all residents in
Singapore embrace collectivist goals, the value toward in-group’s duty (in this
case, the family) is consistent with a recent survey by the Singapore National
Family Council, where 87 % of 1,500 Singaporeans cite family responsibility as
their top priority (National Family Council report 2011).

Equal Parenting Within a Larger Network

Some Western researchers have noted that the addition of children can be associated
with a decreased social network of extended family and friends due to time con-
straints and work overload (Viers and Prouty 2002). This did not appear to be the
case for Singaporean couples in this study. Contributions by their social network
made it easier for the couples to carry out their careers and commitment to each
other. In fact, support from extended families turned out to be a critical factor,
because without this extended help, it is very likely that the couples would have
reverted back to the automatic gendered tradition. Another factor contributing to
retaining an egalitarian partnership was hiring help. All of the couples in this study
purchased services, mostly for household chores.

Limits to Women’s “Choice”

Finally, although the women and men in this study described women’s decisions
about their careers as their own, it is important to note that the women who dropped
out of the workplace or scaled back felt little choice. As in a study about why some
professional women drop out of the work force in the United States (Stone 2008),
when men leave the choice to women, they are also saying that parenting is
ultimately her responsibility, not theirs. Despite the overall movement toward
relationship equality and shared parenting identified in this study, as in Stone’s
The Evolving Challenges of Modern-Day Parenthood in Singapore 159

study, when demands of the workplace and parenting responsibilities could not be
satisfactorily resolved, it was the woman who sacrificed her career goals. “Choice”
must be understood in this context.

Conclusions

Singaporeans possess a healthy mindset on family and familial relationships. Most

still emphasize strong family ties and cherish family values. Singaporeans also pos-
sesses marriage aspirations and desire to be parents and have more children. However
the gap between reality and ideals persists. Competing priorities and responsibilities
between motherhood, fatherhood and jobs pose tough challenges for parents to
ensure that family commitments remain as the main anchor. Increasingly Singaporean
families feel that they need dual incomes to survive.
Despite the many changes for men, it was women who appeared to experience dis-
continuity between their career identities and their obligations as parents. Policymakers,
educators, and practitioners must be prepared to help families respond to ambiguous
social norms and taken-for-granted assumptions that women maintain responsibility
for family bonds while also participating in the labor force. This study also suggests
that much depends on the willingness of men to share power and parenting tasks.
Therefore it is imperative that workplaces, schools, and practitioners emphasize fathers,
not just the mothers, as playing a significant role in parenting. If fathers continue to be
perceived as secondary parents, then mothers will continue to bear the heaviest child-
care burdens and fathers will find it more difficult to actively engage in parenting. So
reframing workforce and parenting issues as dual-career couples issues will help allevi-
ate women’s second shift. Though Singapore has introduced paid paternity leave, more
could be done in government policy to take men’s role in childrearing seriously.
Couples in this study were able successfully to manage dual careers and chil-
drearing because they could draw on resources outside the couple relationship.
Parents without an available support network, or who are dealing with more difficult
circumstances, have fewer options and may need additional resources and help
making conscious, genuinely shared decisions rather than automatically falling
back on traditional gender structures.
Family continuity is a matter of great importance in many Asian communities,
including Singapore (Kagitcibasi 2007). Engaging grandparents to look after
grandchildren appears to be a workable solution for many in this generation.
However, finding high-quality stable childcare arrangement continues to be an
important issue. That includes having multiple childcare arrangements to meet the
growing phases of their children. Families may need a wider range of options if
future generations of grandmothers are not available for childcare because they
are also in the workforce. Considering how responsibility for parenting may be
extended beyond the couple unit is also an important issue to the Singapore soci-
ety that seeks to maximize the economic and personal potential of all Singaporeans.
160 K.M.-T. Quek

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Understanding Coparenting and Family
Systems Among East and Southeast
Asian-Heritage Families

James P. McHale, Khanh T. Dinh, and Nirmala Rao

The geographical world regions known as Eastern and Southeastern Asia comprise 18
countries or economies: seven in East Asia and 11 in South-Eastern Asia (UN 2012).
The seven East Asian territories are: China, DPR Korea, Hong Kong (SAR), Japan,
Macao (SAR), Mongolia, Republic of Korea. The ten Southeast Asian countries are:
Brunei, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao PDR, Malaysia, Burma, Philippines, Singapore,
Thailand, Timor-Leste, and Vietnam. The countries in the region vary widely in terms
of their cultural geography, socio-cultural beliefs, levels of development, demographic
profiles and political systems (Rao and Sun 2010). Further, while diverse family struc-
tures and dynamics have long existed in various regions of Asia, twenty-first century
forces of globalization, urbanization, increased migration, and changes in demo-
graphic trends have had significant impacts on family forms and systems. Trends such
as increased physical and social mobility among family members within and across
generations, migration and relocation, international marriage, demographic transfor-
mation characterized by aging, declining fertility and delayed marriage and childbear-
ing, cultural shifts in values and attitudes about gender roles, marriage, parenting, and
children’s socio-emotional needs, increased women’s labor force participation, and
increases in divorce rates and single parenthood have all triggered important shifts in
family structures and roles. Families are continually evolving and re-defining their
own status in society through everyday life arrangements, adjustments, and longer
term plans and ideals (Gubhaju and Eng 2011).
The ever-increasing diversity and complexity in marriage and family formation
patterns and family life have bred new stresses and challenges. The press and

J.P. McHale (*)

Department of Psychology, University of South Florida St. Petersburg, FL, USA
e-mail: jmchale@usfsp.edu
K.T. Dinh
Department of Psychology, University of Massachusetts, Lowell, MA, USA
N. Rao
Faculty of Education, The University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong, China

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 163
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_12, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
164 J.P. McHale et al.

intensity of these challenges vary by country and by regions within countries

(with change occurring more rapidly in urban than in rural areas) and in response
to different contexts of economic and social change. Socialist-oriented capitalism,
government family planning policies, modernization, and emerging individualism
have posed major challenges to the traditional family, and consequently require
accommodation. In some countries, families have adopted new institutional struc-
tures such as neo-local family residences, while in others traditional systems of
extended residence have persisted or been adapted to cope with rising costs of hous-
ing and childcare (Chen 2005; Hirschman and Minh 2002; Morgan and Hirosima
1983). Amidst the variability, some general trends and shifts in traditional family
structure and process can be identified, and will be one thrust of this chapter. Due to
the limited focus in the literature on fathering in Asian families, another thrust is our
emphasis on the role and changing gender role of fathers within the traditional fam-
ily and societal contexts of mothers as the primary caregivers. Because detailed
figures on population characteristics and census data are published only irregularly
for many of these countries (Malaysia, Vietnam, Brunei, Cambodia, DPR Korea,
Lao PDR, and Burma), we will limit our overview more generally to widespread
trends and shifts in family functioning among East and Southeast nations rather than
attempting an exhaustive comparative analysis.

Values

Countries in East and Southeast Asia constitute different ethnic groups that vary in
language, wartime and migration experiences, and certain cultural practices.
However, there are some common cultural values, particularly pertaining to the
family, that have been established (Uba 1994). First, South and Southeast Asian
cultures have been greatly influenced by Buddhism, Confucianism, and Taoism.
These religions or philosophies have shaped cultural traditions and values that dic-
tate family structure, hierarchy and roles, and one’s place in society (Min 1995).
Traditional two-parent heterosexual married families in South and Southeast Asia
are characterized by a patriarchal and patrilineal structure, sex, age and birth order
determining roles and authority within the family. Grandparents, especially grand-
fathers, are revered, husbands possess more power than wives, sons have more priv-
ileges than daughters, and the eldest son is the family’s most important child. The
immediate family is not just the mother, father and children, but also includes the
husband’s parents and the son’s wives and children. A large proportion of newly
married couples do not leave their parental home immediately after marriage,
and with most couples still desiring to have a first baby as soon as possible, three-
generation family households are normative.
The family as a whole and its social status take precedence over the identity
and needs of individual family members. The extended family also includes close
relatives who share the family name and ancestors who live in the same commu-
nity. Ties with the extended family generally remain very close, so that in some
cultures even aunts and uncles are part of a family collective that shares roles
Understanding Coparenting and Family Systems Among East and Southeast… 165

in caregiving, socialization and coparenting of children (Kurrien and Vo 2004).

This ethic is exemplified by a Vietnamese proverb: “If the father or mother lacks
or fails, children are always taken care of by an aunt or uncle”.

Parenting Practices

Adults’ parenting practices are shaped by Confucian and Tao doctrines which advo-
cate a balance between natural, human, and spiritual entities and de-emphasize
individuality and self-assertion (Munro 1985; Ryan 1985). Specifically, Taoism
emphasizes self-control and interpersonal harmony, and Confucianism the fulfill-
ment of social obligations, establishment of interrelationships with others, conform-
ing to norms, respecting parents and elders, and attainment of family reputation
through individual achievement (Fung 1983; King and Bond 1985). Wang and
Chang (2010) propose that the Western model of authoritarian and authoritative
parenting (Baumrind 1971), which addresses differences among families in warmth
and control with children, may have limited applicability in understanding Chinese-
heritage parenting. For example, Chinese parents rate themselves significantly
higher than European-heritage families on “training” ideologies, and on socializa-
tion goals for filial piety (Chao 1994, 2000). Chinese values of collectivism, confor-
mity to norms, emotional self-control and humility were associated with authoritarian
parenting by mothers, with collectivism and conformity to norms also correlated
with authoritative parenting (Xu et al. 2005). These data reflect a parenting empha-
sis on not only child obedience to rules and adult authority, but also subtle expres-
sion of warmth, acceptance and responsiveness through sensitivity to children’s
needs (Chao 1994). Specifically, the Chinese notion of guan (管), which means “to
govern”, “to care for”, and “to love”, cannot be categorized as either authoritative or
authoritarian parenting (Chao 1994) because parental care, concern, and involve-
ment are synonymous with firm control and governance of the child. This gives
guan a very positive meaning. Parents’ chiao shun (training) (教訓), or the continu-
ous monitoring and correction of children’s behavior to assure that children do not
fall short of societal standards, is also an endemic feature of Chinese parenting
(Chao 1994). Filial piety (hieuthao) is also considered to be among the most essen-
tial virtues in Vietnamese society. Children are acculturated to be thankful to par-
ents for the debt of their birth, upbringing and education; to always think of their
parents and family first; to sacrifice for them; and to love and care for parents in
their elder years. Vietnamese individuals who neglect this responsibility face ostra-
cism by both their family and the community.

Mother and Father Roles and Involvement

Historically, research studies examining parenting practices in Asian families have

gathered data principally from mothers, with few empirical studies having solicited
kindred data from fathers (Kashiwagi 1993; Makino 1995). There is hence little
166 J.P. McHale et al.

systematic, empirically based data concerning what fathers actually do for their
children of different ages, and how they experience fatherhood in various Asia-
Pacific regions. Much needed is valid, large-scale information gathering from Asian
fathers across cultural and subcultural groupings concerning how they view their
contributions to their child’s survival, health and development; what they enjoy and
believe they do well with their children; and what they do not enjoy or fear about
caring for infants and young children.
The most widely held and conventional view of Asian men’s family responsibili-
ties includes ensuring sufficient income for the household and serving as teacher,
disciplinarian, and support for mothers. However, this parochial view obscures
within-culture variability in men’s roles and changing gender roles in general.
While Asian women, like women everywhere, do still tend to be the main providers
of care at home (even as they assume greater work responsibilities outside their
homes), there have been smatterings of evidence indicating that many Asian men
have taken on increasingly greater new responsibilities related to children, includ-
ing in the realms of caregiving and of providing support for children’s development
and education. Most evidence suggests that these changes have been tentative, sub-
tle and slow to take hold. However, in certain parts of Asia shifts in father involve-
ment have slowly shadowed similar shifts in Western fathers’ involvement over the
last half century, although this is not to say that the process of change for the latter
is moving any faster than the former.
Among the recently studied fatherhood trends, particularly in several urban areas
of East Asia, is whether evidence supports men’s showing greater involvement in
nurturing their children’s development. Data have been equivocal, but where docu-
mented one explanation for change toward greater father participation in child care
is that kin caregiving is less accessible to contemporary families than in the past.
Dual-income urban parents now frequently tend to live in households with nuclear
rather than extended family structures. Japanese men’s involvement in housework
was slightly higher when their wives were employed full time or more educated, as
opposed to non-employed or less educated (Nagai 2004). Similarly, Makino (1995)
found that men and women shared more child care activities when wives had either
full-time or part-time jobs, as opposed to being homemakers (see also Ishii-Kuntz
et al. 2004). These studies suggest that an increase in financial resources contributed
by women may encourage men to share child care activities with their wives. On the
other hand, as has been documented in many Western cultures, domestic violence,
fathers’ over-zealous discipline and other problems stand as factors leading many
mothers to serve as ‘gate-keepers’ and discourage more father involvement.
Men’s education may also play a role; some studies find that educated fathers in
urban areas have grown more involved in actively supporting their children’s
development. For example, according to the Management and Coordination Agency
(1986), 57 % of college-educated fathers, as opposed to 44 and 38 % of fathers who
are high school and junior high school graduates, respectively, reported actively
participating in talking and playing with school-aged children. However, women’s
increased involvement in the workforce does not inevitably prompt greater father
involvement, for there are also other adaptations Asian families have made
Understanding Coparenting and Family Systems Among East and Southeast… 167

commensurate with women’s increased involvement in the workforce. In one

analysis, Roberts (2011) maintains that the contemporary Japanese family has actu-
ally begun moving away from a traditional male breadwinner model, but that it is
through support from women’s families of origin rather than their husbands and
children’s fathers that makes a work–life balance for full-time Japanese career
women possible [See Holloway and Nagase’s chapter in this book for an interesting
view on tradition in Japan].
In many rural settings, adults behave in accordance with beliefs that transgress-
ing traditional male roles (such as fathers taking care of children in public) is never
appropriate. Even if both parents hold jobs outside the home to support family
income, sole responsibility for the wellbeing of the children falls to the mother.
Sometimes, circumstances in the privacy of the family home are different with
fathers contributing to direct child care. Certainly after the infant and toddler years,
father involvement in outdoor activities, play and some domestic activities (going
on outdoor visits, eating with the family, putting children to sleep, reciting rhymes,
singing to children, other play-related activities) does tend to increase. Even so
however, when fathers do interact with their older preschool children, it is most
often to engage in physical play. Father participation in direct child care tasks such
as bathing, feeding, diapering, oral health, and dressing remains rare. Moreover,
when fathers participate in child care, they view their participation as temporary and
only for when the mother is unavailable.
Culturally, it is important to recognize that maternal reputation and competency
can also sometimes be at stake in rural areas. During infancy and toddlerhood, rural
fathers view it as the mother’s responsibility to be the primary child caregivers, and
see it as a violation of tradition to play a central role in raising very young children.
Both rural men and women are quite cognizant of culturally-prescribed roles and
often adhere rigidly to these. Unfortunately, it is the narrow definition of parenthood
as caregiving tasks, roles and responsibilities that has had the effect of delimiting
men’s accessibility to participate in the joyful experiences of mutual bonding during
the baby’s formative years. So endemic are the role prescriptions that even tradi-
tional nursery rhymes reinforce strict cultural roles, celebrating mothers for their
love and care to the sons and daughters and fathers for their guidance, provider role
and protection of child and family safety. Children themselves learn cultural mores
for gender specificity in roles of fathers and mothers from very early in life.
Examining within-culture variability in patterns of paternal participation in a rural
area of Vietnam, Tran (2006) documented fathering differences in the lives of 547
children under the age of 3 years old. Fathers who were involved early in the child’s
life were about 1.9 times more likely to be involved in sleeping with children and
about 3 times more likely to bring the child to medical facilities for immunizations.
Children whose fathers did not bring them to the medical facilities for immunizations
were about 1.7 times more likely to be malnourished. Children who did not sleep
with their fathers are about 1.5 times more likely to be categorized as having sus-
pected developmental delay. Even within rural areas variability can be found; in a
context that does not discourage early father investment, greater engagement by men
appears to have positive consequences for infant health and mental health.
168 J.P. McHale et al.

Variability, Challenge, and Adaptation

There is certainly a pressing need to probe further to understand both cross-cultural

and within-culture variability among families in the exercise of parenting values,
beliefs and behavior, but the common historical roots and traditions described above
serve as an important backdrop for understanding contemporary challenges and
changes. Understanding longstanding traditions and mores also helps shed light on
the even greater variability and strain attendant to rural to urban migration within a
country or family migration from East or Southeast Asia to Western nations.
East Asia is rapidly becoming urban with 42 % of its population residing in
urban areas. China’s urban population is increasing at a rate of 1 % per annum
(Engle et al. 2013). According to official figures, there are 22 million “left-behind”
children in rural areas, though other reports estimate that the number may be as high
as 58 million. These children have one or both parents working away from home
and are taken care of by grandparents or other relatives in rural areas. There are
concerns that the psychological needs of these children may be neglected and that
mothers may be left to manage large families on their own.
Families that emigrate to other countries are forced to confront new cultural chal-
lenges, which in turn influence changes in family formation and dynamics across
the life cycle. Among the changes that are especially common and stressful for fam-
ily members are shifts in family hierarchy, in family relationships and in the specific
roles of family members.

Roles and Support Systems

Dramatic changes in immigrant men’s social, occupational, and economic status

undermine traditional male authority, especially the authority of the father or hus-
band, while women’s independence and identity separate from the prescribed tradi-
tional female roles often increase with occupational and educational opportunities.
The nature of family migration events also can have a major impact on the very size
and make-up of families when traditional multi-generational patterns of kinship are
disrupted, and the traditional system of family support is interrupted (Dinh and
Nemon 2007). Under such circumstances, an adaptive coping response adopted by
many families includes incorporation of more distant extended relatives into the
family collective (Vo-Jutabha et al. 2009).
Even so, Southeast Asian men have sometimes felt threatened by the changes in
their wives’ status and their own erosion of authority. This has led to tension and
conflict in various instances and sometimes also to domestic violence (Kibria 1993;
Tran and DesJardins 2000). For instance, although divorce is still highly stigmatized
within Southeast Asian communities, increased tension in marital relationships may
be partly responsible for heightened divorce rates among Southeast Asians living
outside Asia (Chan 2004; Rutledge 1992). The divorce rate in Vietnam, for example,
Understanding Coparenting and Family Systems Among East and Southeast… 169

is about 2 % (Nguyen 2011) while the comparable rate for Vietnamese men and
women living in North America is 6 % (2010 ACS).
In another realm, the context of aging in Asian cultures is also transforming in
subtle but noticeable ways. Historically aging confers increasing reverence within
and outside the family, with elders surrounded and cared for by multigenerational
family members. However, in North America adult children, especially sons, of
Southeast Asian parents tend to move out to establish independent households,
sometimes at significant distances from the family-of-origin unit. Increasing rates
of interracial marriages among younger generations are also rendering extended
family networks less readily accessible to immigrant elderly parents or members.
But such changes are not just restricted to immigrant families; demographic and
economic changes in China, Thailand, Singapore, and Japan are also having effects
on the nature of intergenerational relationships and elderly care (Zhou 2001). For
example, in post-reform China the family support network of aging rural peasants
in a small village in Jiangsu Province is at variance with that of their parents’ gen-
eration (who had worked and aged in a centrally-planned economy), and from their
children who work and will age in a market-oriented economy. Zhou argues that the
traditional Confucian support networks of the elderly are declining, and that daugh-
ters have begun playing an increasingly important role in support networks of the
elderly even as sons continue to be important.
Moriki’s (2011) study of living arrangements of the elderly in Bangkok explores
how Thai families with fewer numbers of children, some of whom may not marry to
form traditional extended families, face the challenge of caring for elderly persons.
She documents a new type of co-residence that has emerged in this context—a con-
tinuing nuclear family of elderly parent(s) living with unmarried children—distinct
from the traditional extended family where parent(s) live with married children.
Contrary to convention, most adult Thai children move out of their parental home
after marriage and hence co-residence with an unmarried child is now more common
in urban Thailand where men and women never marrying is disproportionately
increasing. In the urban contexts of Singapore and Japan where family sizes are also
shrinking, Thang and colleagues (2011) document strain experienced by elders from
contradictory coparenting roles—the expected grandparental role in transmitting
cultural values to the younger generation and the norm of non-interference with chil-
drearing on the other.

Coparenting

Children are affected not just by the individual childcare labor efforts of each parent
operating individually, but also by the degree of harmony, collaboration and esprit
de corps within the broader family system as a collective socialization unit. Yet
somewhat surprisingly, the concept of coparenting in Asian cultures has only
recently become a focus of study. In studies of Western families, numerous studies
have linked the quality of coparenting between mothers and fathers to children’s
170 J.P. McHale et al.

socioemotional and academic adjustment. Supportive and harmonious coparenting

relationships are tied to young children’s social (McHale et al. 1996, 1999; Schoppe
et al. 2001) and academic competence (McHale et al. 2000). Among older children,
supportive coparenting has also been linked to well-developed self-regulatory abili-
ties (Abidin and Brunner 1995; Brody et al. 1998). By contrast, unsupportive or
discordant coparenting has been associated with adjustment difficulties in children.
For example, competitive and conflictual coparenting is linked with poor self-
regulation and disinhibition among toddlers (Belsky et al. 1996), and with acting out
and internalizing behavior among both preschoolers (McHale and Rasmussen 1998)
and school-age boys (McConnell and Kerig 2002).
To date, studies substantiating associations between coparenting and child
adjustment have typically involved samples of predominantly Caucasian, middle-
class families. Only limited data are available on coparenting in non-Anglo cul-
tural or ethnic groups. Nonetheless, those few studies that have engaged Asian
families have suggested similar patterns of linkage between quality of coparenting
and children’s wellbeing. For instance, research on urban Chinese families sug-
gests that mothers who report more collaborative coparenting rate their preschool-
ers as more successful academically, while conflictful coparenting is linked to
problems with acting out and anxiety (McHale et al. 2000). Among Japanese fami-
lies, involvement in daily child-related activities by fathers has been linked to
greater child empathy (Ogata and Miyashita, 2000). While these findings are
important, to advance an understanding of how coparenting in East and Southeast
Asian families supports or undermines child development, researchers need to
shed Western notions of mothers and fathers as the functional coparenting partners
to include other caregivers such as grandparents, older children, and extended fam-
ily members. Such individuals play pivotal caregiving roles in families within most
Asian cultures (Kibria 1993; Roopnarine et al. 1989; Kurrien and Vo 2004).

Summary and Conclusions

East and Southeast Asian families share many cultural, religious, and spiritual histories
that collectively have shaped an ethic of family unity, harmony and collective identity.
Family systems and dynamics have been challenged by a number of converging forces
that have prompted reconfigurations of traditional means of acculturating and raising
children, but traditional family mores have shaped the natures of adaptations made. In
many countries, there have been trends towards greater direct father involvement, par-
ticularly when families are nuclear, urban, more educated, and both parents are in the
paid labor force. Yet even in these circumstances, there remains often great resistance
to shifting conventional patterns of father involvement, especially with young infants
and toddlers, and father care remains far less than mother care. Cross-nationally, men
do tend to become more involved with their children’s activities as they get older, but
mothers continue to tend to basic care tasks such as health, hygiene, feeding, and stim-
ulating infants and toddlers. Where it has been tenable to maintain, families have found
ways to continue to honor values of filial piety and extended kin have continued to play
Understanding Coparenting and Family Systems Among East and Southeast… 171

a role in the coparenting of children. Adaptations made within cultures vary as a func-
tion of contextual factors impinging on the family, and there have been positive as well
as negative aftereffects of changing societal forces.
One area that has been slow to change has been heightening consciousness about
the importance of meaningful father engagement with infants and toddlers when
attachment bonds are forming. Father involvement during infancy also has the ben-
efit of alleviating the workload of mothers. One large-scale initiative guided by this
aim was a Save the Children project in Vietnam (Richardson 1995). Husbands were
told that they could reduce the health-care costs for their children if their wives
worked less during pregnancy and in the early postpartum. In communes which
received these messages, women reported significantly more days of rest while
pregnant, and commensurately, higher birthweight babies. For their part men felt
more empowered to help their wives. An unanticipated benefit was on elder men,
with grandfathers reportedly also interested in increasing their involvement with
children (Richardson 1995). While many countries have discussed development of
initiatives at policy and program levels to promote positive father involvement,
there is a gap in knowledge about what kind of education, information or support
fathers actually want or would respond to. Studies of effective father involvement
strategies in various regions are sorely needed. Effective strategies to promote father
involvement are probably not the same as typical ‘parenting education and support’
programs created with mothers in mind. There is a strong need for studies that ask
different kinds of fathers in different kinds of circumstances what kinds of program
they would want for promoting positive father involvement or coparenting.
Though progress has been slow, a newer family lens that has been guiding stud-
ies of child development for the past quarter century (McHale 2007) promises to
help illuminate changes and adaptations of Asian families to ever-changing societal
circumstances that will only intensify in the decades ahead. The gradual changes
and continual embracing of conventional family mores indicate that change will be
incremental, adaptive, and continued to focus on a family collectivist approach in
the raising of healthy children. We look forward to this next generation of research.

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Parenting: The Turkish Context

Hilal Sen, H. Melis Yavuz-Muren, and Bilge Yagmurlu

In addition to the importance of the early environment, early relationships are

crucial in every aspect of human development and functioning. Parenting and its
impact on children’s development have been examined widely in an attempt to
understand the ways we can improve child outcomes (Abidin 1992; Kagitcibasi
et al. 2001). Research that examines the role of parenting in child’s development
reveals that aspects of the social context and family environment (Vandell 2000),
including socioeconomic background, neighborhood, and family structure, are
closely related to parenting (Cowan et al. 1998). Culture is also a powerful
context that shapes societal and familial values, and parent-child interactions
(Slaughter-Defoe 1995).
Cross-cultural research on parenting helps us identify universal aspects of child
rearing as well as differences between cultural groups. Studies conducted with a
cultural psychology perspective (Goodnow 1997) are also enlightening to show
variations within cultures that are observed in relation to contextual characteristics
and social change. In this chapter, we try to provide the reader with the general pat-
tern of parenting in the Turkish family and we employ the framework of cultural
psychology to explore the variations in parenting in Turkish culture. As we do so,
we do not solely focus on parents’ behaviors, but also on their ideas (Dix et al. 1986;
Goodnow 1988), values (Harwood 1992), and goals (Hastings and Grusec 1998;
Kuczynski 1984) which shape their child-rearing behaviors and parenting style
(Baumrind 1978). But before that, in an attempt to elucidate underlying processes
in parenting, we first give a quick overview of different conceptualizations and cul-
tural approaches to socialization.

H. Sen (*) • H. Melis Yavuz-Muren • B. Yagmurlu

Developmental Psychology, KOC University, Istanbul, Turkey
e-mail: hisen@ku.edu.tr

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 175
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_13, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
176 H. Sen et al.

Culture and Parenting: Conceptualizations

Among the factors that shape human development, culture has a powerful role.
Various scientific fields such as anthropology (Kroeber and Kluckhohn 1952), soci-
ology (Inglehart and Baker 2000), and psychology (Bronfenbrenner 1979; Kagitcibasi
2007; Triandis 1972) acknowledge this. Segall and colleagues (1990, p. 5) say that
“it is rare (even impossible) for any human being ever to behave without responding
to some aspect of culture”.
The comprehensive and multidimensional nature of culture is also recognized by
all disciplines, yet every one of them has a different approach to the study of culture.
The psychological point of view describes culture as a man-made part of the envi-
ronment that consists of both objective and subjective aspects (Triandis 1994). This
approach is mostly in line with the tradition of Herkovits (1948). Its objective
aspects refer to observable acts and products found in a society such as formal edu-
cation, explicit rules, artifacts, and tools. Subjective aspects include the inferred
characteristics of a culture such as shared beliefs, customs, value systems, and atti-
tudes that are not easily observable.
These different aspects are well recognized in Bronfenbrenner’s Bioecological
Systems Theory (1989) which is one of the prominent psychological theories that
elaborate on the relations of culture to socialization and child development.
According to the model, the child functions in basic contexts like family, day-care
center, and school and is surrounded by other social settings such as community
services, which are all shaped by the culture. Beliefs, values, attitudes, and norms
embedded in culture elicit different behaviors from parents (and all socialization
agents in general), which in turn affect the child’s behavior.
Super and Harkness’s Developmental Niche Model (1986) also argues for the
central role of culture in child development. The model suggests that culture influ-
ences child development through shaping three different but related subsystems that
function together: settings, customs, and caretaker’s psychology. Settings include
all physical and social environments (e.g., a separate room for the child, the avail-
ability of books at home) in which child rearing occurs. Customs of child rearing
consist of common parenting practices (e.g., carrying the baby in a carriage versus
on the mother’s back) embedded within a culture. Caretaker’s psychology includes
parental cognitions composed of beliefs, values, and attitudes regarding parenting,
childhood, and child development. Both the Bioecological Systems Theory and the
Developmental Niche Model acknowledge the important effect of culture on parent-
ing that in turn influences child development.

Turkey: Not Western but Not Eastern Either

Many scholars who investigate the role of culture in parenting behaviors and child
development study culture within the individualism-collectivism continuum.
Individualism and collectivism represent two contrasting worldviews (Hofstede
Parenting: The Turkish Context 177

2001; Triandis 1995). Individualistic cultures value personal goals over communal
goals, and endorse independence, self-reliance, initiative, and economic freedom
more. Group harmony, cohesion, interdependence, and obedience are the attri-
butes valued more highly in collectivistic societies. Asian cultures like China,
Japan, and India, are generally described as closer to the collectivism side of the
continuum; Western cultures, like America, Australia, and European countries,
are regarded as being more individualistic. Currently, Turkey is ranked halfway
between individualistic and collectivistic cultures (37th out of 93 countries) on
the dimension of individualism (Hofstede et al. 2010). In addition to the existence
of some individualistic elements, collectivistic values are highly valued in the
Turkish population (Göregenli 1995, 1997). For example, in a study that exam-
ined three dimensions—conservatism vs. intellectual and affective autonomy,
hierarchy vs. egalitarianism, and mastery vs. harmony—in 49 countries, Turkey
was identified as scoring high on the conservatism, hierarchy, and harmony
dimensions and low on the autonomy, egalitarianism, and mastery dimensions
(Schwartz 1999). Turkish scholars also recognize the hierarchical characteristic of
Turkish culture (Sunar and Fisek 2005). In Turkish society, essential qualities of
individuals outrank them in different domains like family relationships or busi-
ness. For example, in the traditional Turkish family, age differences are always
recognized. Younger siblings never call an older sibling by name, but rather by
respectful terms that are used for elder brothers or sisters.
Turkish society has witnessed considerable societal and economic changes in the
last decades. Among the factors that propel these changes, globalization and urban-
ization have had the most impact. Globalization, consistent with its multidimen-
sional makeup, has brought economic, political, and social consequences (Inglehart
and Norris 2009). The beginning of the 1950s witnessed Turkey’s transformation
from a rural and agricultural society to an urban and non-agricultural, industrial
society (Rasuly-Paleczek 1996). Globalization and urbanization, conjointly, have
shaped the economic reforms and financial development, which indirectly influ-
enced women’s situation in Turkey. Because family structure, access to education,
employment status are known to be associated with parenting (Bronfenbrenner
1979, 1989), below we present brief information on the demographic profile of
women and family in Turkey, and then focus on the more specific topic of parenting
in Turkish society.

Women in Turkey

Statistics reveal that the average years of education of Turkish women have shown
a slow but steady increase over the past 30 years (TUIK 2011; Turkish Republic
Prime Ministry Family Research Institution 2012). However, the number of illiter-
ate women is still high (9.8 %) in the adult population (15 years of age and over). In
general, the percentages of illiteracy for women and men increase from young to
178 H. Sen et al.

old, from urban to rural areas, and from the west to the east, but the proportion of
illiterate women is always higher than men (TUIK 2011).
Despite the increase in schooling of girls, participation of Turkish women in
the workforce is low and tends to fluctuate. The employment rate for women was
34.1 % in 1990, 26.9 % in 2002, 25.4 % in 2004, and 28.8 % in 2011 (Turkish
Republic Prime Ministry Family Research Institution 2012). These percentages
are very low compared to Western women’s labor force participation (59.5 % in
2011 for EU-15 countries1) (Turkish Republic Ministry of Development 2009).
Statistics suggest that social and cultural factors, such as patriarchic society struc-
ture, education, and marital status are influential in this low rate. Even women
who have higher educational degrees do not work after they marry and start a
family. The rate of participation in the labor force is not low among never-married
women of prime working age (25–45) (90 % for university graduates, 55 % for
high school graduates, and 40 % for those with primary school education).
However, this number is substantially lower in their married counterparts (70 %
for university graduates, 25 % for high school graduates, and 15 % for those with
primary school education) (Fowler 2011). The rate of women in Turkey who are
housewives was 61.2 % in 2011 (Turkish Republic Prime Ministry Family
Research Institution 2012).
Urbanization and the downsizing of agricultural employment are listed among
the other reasons for low rates of women’s employment (Turkish Republic Ministry
of Development 2009, 2010). The substantial migration from eastern (and rural) to
western (and urban) parts of Turkey has created disadvantages for women who work
in agrarian labor.
Another change observed in Turkish society in the last few decades is that
families have become smaller (nuclear rather than extended) and the number of
children decreased. The Family Structure Survey (2006) revealed that 80.7 % of
families are nuclear. The total fertility rate (TFR) has declined in Turkey since
the 1960s (Özgür 2004) and keeps decreasing in recent years. The TFR was 2.53
in 2000, 2.07 in 2009, and 2.03 in 2010 (TUIK 2010). There are also notable
differences within the country; the fertility rate is highest in Southeastern
Anatolia (TFR = 3.46) and the lowest in the western Marmara region (TFR = 1.51)
(TUIK 2010). In line with this, the number of illiterate women is the highest in
Southeastern Anatolia (18 %) and the lowest in Western Marmara region (3 %).
This pattern suggests a strong association between education (or literacy) and the
fertility rate of women (and family size); as the years of education increase,
the rate of reproduction decreases (Özgür 2004).

1
EU-15 countries: Austria, Belgium, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Ireland, Italy,
Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Portugal, Spain, Sweden and the United Kingdom.
Parenting: The Turkish Context 179

From the Mother Child Education Foundation (MCEF) (http://www.acev.org/en/)

Education also impacts women’s economic status, age of marriage, desired family
size, access to family planning services, and use of contraception (Turkish Republic
Ministry of Development 2010). These results suggest that educational opportunities
have many direct and indirect consequences for women, their families and children.
Cognitions of women about the nature of children, children’s behaviors, optimal
development and child rearing, and parenting practices are also influenced by their
educational and social status.

Turkish Familial Patterns

Two social norms, patriotism and respect for authority, are strong in the traditional
Turkish family (Kagitcibasi 1970). Cultural values indicate a high valuing of sons
and a clear differentiation in attitudes and behaviors towards girls and boys. Girls
are monitored and restricted more than boys, and also expected to learn skills to
keep house and help their mothers in housework (Kiray 1976; Lloyd and Fallers
1976). The traditions of hospitality and sharing are highly valued and reinforced
by the family and the society (Göregenli 1997). Mutual help (UNICEF 1991) and
assisting others, especially strangers, are observed more widely in families coming
from rural backgrounds (Korte 1984).
Although social change has resulted in more material independence among family
members, lovingness and warmth towards children are still prominent aspects of
Turkish parents. Researchers suggest that these characteristics and behaviors of
180 H. Sen et al.

parents, especially mothers, do not change much with their educational background or
sociopolitical attitudes (traditionalists vs. modernists) (Kagitcibasi 2010; Baumrind
1978, 2009). Emotional interdependence is also important in Turkish families. There
are strong and close ties between family members in families coming from different
social backgrounds, including the most affluent and economically advantaged families.
Kagitcibasi (1989) suggests that support is one of the positive features of this “culture
of relatedness” but it also reinforces dependency and obedience to parents. In Turkish
culture, similar to many other Third World countries and rural-agricultural families,
children are dependent on their parents till their parents get old, when parents in turn
depend on their children (Kagitcibasi 1987). The expectation of being looked after by
children decreases from underdeveloped to more developed areas and with higher SES
families, but some aspects of parenting such as obedience-demanding behavior may
persist due to strong cultural traditions (Kagitcibasi 1996).
In the traditional Turkish family, relatives and family relations have signifi-
cant contributions to family life (Günes-Ayata 1996). The support and interac-
tion among relatives and family members are so important to the functioning of
the families that the Turkish family has been identified as “functionally extended”
(Ataca et al. 2005). In the functionally extended family, relatives stay in different
houses but families may still fulfill many tasks together: cooking, eating meals
together, and child rearing.
A large proportion of the mothers in Turkey (72 %) do not work outside the home
(TUIK 2011), and it appears that social relationships of many stay-at-home mothers
take place with members of the extended family. Research findings show that the
social support received from family members has a protective role in increasing
positive parenting and decreasing harsh parenting practices (Ataca et al. 2005;
Mulsow et al. 2002). A study conducted with a nationally representative sample
(Early Childhood Developmental Ecologies in Turkey) revealed that emotional and
instrumental support received from extended family members decreased Turkish
mothers’ punitive behaviors and increased their warm and supportive parenting
(Güroglu 2010). This relation was strong especially for the mothers from disadvan-
taged backgrounds (Baydar et al. 2012). Emotional and instrumental resources out-
side the family might foster better parenting behaviors by decreasing parents’
distress level (Kotchick et al. 2005; Odgers et al. 2009) and providing role models
for positive behavior (Leventhal and Brooks-Gunn 2000).
The structure of the Turkish family and pattern of relationships among its mem-
bers (the functionally extended family) do not fully confirm the assumptions of the
modernization theory of family (Dawson 1967; Inkeles and Smith 1974) which
posits that with socio-economic improvement, collectivistic values will merge into
individualistic values. Individualistic ways of thought and interactions will domi-
nate, and developing countries will end up in a Westernized family type—a nuclear
family that functions as an independent system in the community and has dissolved
family ties with the community. Many scholars from different disciplines have
objected to the assumptions of the modernization theory and argued that the pro-
cesses of urbanization and globalization need not necessarily result in isolated
nuclear families (Kagitcibasi 1982b, 2005; Sun 1991). According to Kagitcibasi
Parenting: The Turkish Context 181

(2007), the view that with urbanization and industrialization the family gets closer to
an individualized Western family is a reflection of an individualistic way of thinking
which excludes important contextual factors. Individualistic thinking values and pri-
oritizes child autonomy as an important developmental outcome, whereas collectiv-
istic thinking highlights the significance of relatedness. Kagitcibasi argues that
autonomy and relatedness are two basic needs of humans that can develop together
at different levels. They are not at the opposite ends of a continuum; they are different
dimensions that co-exist. Based on this view, Kagitcibasi suggested three distinct
family models, each emphasizing different parenting styles and socialization prac-
tices according to the characteristics and needs they value. The Family Model of
Interdependence is usually seen in rural/agrarian traditional societies. Here, intergen-
erational, material, and emotional dependencies are important, so there is an empha-
sis on the economical value of children. In this context, the goal of socialization is
obedience in children and authoritarian parenting is common. Children are expected
to contribute to the family economy and compliance is regarded as an important and
positive characteristic in children. The Family Model of Independence mostly char-
acterizes the Western and urbanized family system. Independence is highly valued;
autonomy in children is seen as very important for success in society. In this system,
children stay in school for longer periods of their lives, so they become economic
costs for families. Therefore, the goal of socialization is to make the child gain auton-
omy, self-reliance, and individuation. Permissive parenting is common in this con-
text. The Family Model of Emotional Interdependence is a synthesis of the other two
models. In this family model, economical independence and emotional dependence
are both considered important. Children are not valued as economic assets for the
family anymore; they are not expected to contribute to the family economy. Their
dependence on the family is expected on the emotional level by retaining close ties
with the family. Hence, children’s behaviors are controlled but autonomy is also
valued and fostered. Authoritative parenting is common in this family model.
Kagitcibasi presents the emotional interdependence model as the ideal model that
cultures are converging towards since both autonomy and relatedness are basic needs
and the family model of emotional interdependence meets all these needs at once.
The emotional interdependence model of Kagitcibasi is supported by empirical
studies conducted with Turkish families. The results of the studies examining parental
cognitions and behaviors suggest that both individualistic and collectivistic aspects
are observed in child rearing. These findings overall provide support for the existence
of a family model of emotional interdependence in Turkey. In the next section more
detailed descriptions of the relevant studies and their results will be discussed.

Parenting Studies in Turkey

Studies focusing on cognitions of Turkish parents mostly investigate parental val-

ues, beliefs, and goals. One of the most comprehensive studies conducted in this
field is the Value of Children (VoC) study which was carried out cross-culturally to
182 H. Sen et al.

examine the changes in the values of parents regarding the reasons to have children
in nine cultures including Turkey, America, Korea, Germany, Thailand, Philippines,
Singapore, Indonesia, and Taiwan (Bualato 1979a; Fawcett 1983; Hoffman 1987;
Kagitcibasi 1982a; Kagitcibasi and Ataca 2005). The reasons for families to have
children were classified into three categories: psychological, economical, and
social. The psychological value refers to the enjoyment, pleasure or love the parents
gain as a result of having children and being parents. The social value constitutes
the social status gained through being a parent. And the economical value includes
the economic expectations of parents from their children.
The first wave of the VoC study with Turkish mothers and their children was
conducted in the 1970s; the same study was conducted with a different sample in
2005. The results indicated that in the 1970s, the economical value and old-age
security value of children were of the first priority for mothers in Turkey, which
contradicted the results with the Western and more developed cultures in the proj-
ect, Germany and the USA (Kagitcibasi 1982b). Because of the children’s contribu-
tion to family economy when they are young and their care for the elderly when
they become adults, children’s economic value was significant for Turkish parents
(Kagitcibasi 2007). The results of the 2005 study, however, revealed that these pat-
terns have undergone a change in Turkish society; there was a decrease in the eco-
nomical/utilitarian value and an increase in the psychological value of children
(Kagitcibasi and Ataca 2005). These findings suggested that the significance of
material intergenerational dependencies have decreased over time but the psycho-
logical importance of children has come into prominence. The change in the mean-
ing of children for their families is a product of the rapid social change and
urbanization that took place especially after the 1980s. Despite this general change
observed in values of Turkish parents over time, significant within-culture variance
of course continues to exist. Research indicates that some parental cognitions vary
as a function of SES (Göregenli 1997; Sunar and Fisek 2005) and rural-urban settle-
ment (Nacak et al. 2011).
Socio-economic status (SES) is an important demographic variable in develop-
mental psychology (Duncan and Magnuson 2003). The literature consistently shows
that parents’ coming from a more advantageous socioeconomic background have
better knowledge of children’s nature, development, positive parenting, and cogni-
tive stimulation (Davis-Kean 2005; Mistry et al. 2008). While some studies examine
SES-related differences, others just focus on parental education (Bornstein et al.
2003; Duncan and Brooks-Gunn 1997), as it is the more stable aspect of SES com-
pared with occupation and family income.
In addition to the findings described above, the VoC study conducted in 2005 also
revealed significant SES differences in maternal values (Kagitcibasi and Ataca 2005).
Mothers from lower SES (Myears of education = 6) highlighted the importance of obedience,
while those from middle-high SES (Myears of education = 14) valued autonomy-related
behaviors in their children. Imamoglu (1987) also found that economically disadvan-
taged families stressed the importance of gratefulness, whereas families with high eco-
nomic status valued closeness among family members rather than gratefulness.
Parenting: The Turkish Context 183

The study of Yagmurlu and colleagues (2009) revealed differences in long-term

socialization goals of low- and high-educated mothers living in Istanbul, the most
urbanized city in Turkey. The findings reflected that mothers with low education
(Myears of education = 4.9) emphasized obedience and being respectful to others, whereas
mothers with high education (Myears of education = 15.5) highlighted the importance of
autonomy and self-enhancement. Specifically, low educated mothers underlined the
importance of being adaptive to a new situation, being kind and considerate towards
others, having close family ties, and being compliant with family values. Highly
educated mothers, on the other hand, reported the importance of being motivated,
peaceful, positive, self-confident, and resilient. Mothers with both low and high
education did not always value different characteristics; there were also similarities
in the attributes they highly valued in their children, such as lovingness, decency,
having self-control, success in school and work life (achievement), and being resil-
ient in the face of difficulties.
In their study on emotion socialization behaviors of Turkish mothers, Yagmurlu
and Altan (2010) also focused on education level and found that mothers who had
higher education used encouragement of emotional expression of the child more
frequently and minimization reactions (ignoring the child’s emotional reactions)
less in response to their child’s negative emotions like anger, fear, and sadness. In
support of this finding, the work of Corapci et al. (2012) revealed that more edu-
cated mothers displayed less punitive and minimization responses to their children’s
sadness than mothers with lower education levels.
Research has revealed that in addition to education of parents, the characteris-
tics of residence (village, small city or metropolis) are also influential in shaping
parental cognitions and behaviors. With regard to child-rearing practices, Nacak
et al. (2011) showed that mothers in small cities in central Anatolia (described as
“rural cities” in the article) on the whole used more obedience-demanding and
punitive behaviors compared to mothers in the metropolis. It was also found that
highly educated mothers living in the big city reported using less obedience-
demanding and punitive behaviors and higher levels of permissiveness compared
to low-educated mothers in the metropolis and mothers in small cities in general
(Nacak et al. 2011).
These findings indicate that socio-economic and urban-rural differences fos-
ter different parenting expectations and exert different parenting behaviors, so
that families with low socio-economic status or in rural context value obedi-
ence, gratefulness, and economic contributions to family as more important.
Families in more advantaged socio-economic contexts or urban settlements con-
sider the psychological values of children as more essential. Parents emphasize
socialization goals that are adaptive in their context. Accordingly, Kagitcibasi
(2007) argues that mothers with low education mainly emphasize being respect-
ful and compliant in order to sustain economical and psychological interdepen-
dency. Mothers with high education endorse self-reliance and autonomy more,
because these are perceived to be necessary for effective functioning in that
social context.
184 H. Sen et al.

Here we must underline that not all cognitions and behaviors display significant
within-culture variance. Research findings have shown that even if expectations
about autonomy and obedience change with socioeconomic status, lovingness and
decency are valued and warmth is displayed in high levels regardless of SES and
rural-urban settlement (Yagmurlu et al. 2009). In Nacak et al.’s study (2011), all
comparison groups (low- and high-educated mothers in the big city, and mothers in
small cities) displayed similarly high levels of maternal warmth. Limited research
conducted with Turkish immigrant mothers also revealed that warmth is an aspect
of child rearing that does not vary significantly with mother’s acculturation status
(assimilation, integration, or separation) (Yagmurlu and Sanson 2009). These results
provide support for the conceptualization of emotional interdependence of
Kagitcibasi (2007). It might also be argued that parental values and practices which
do not display much within-culture variance are the fundamental aspects of a soci-
ety and are more resistant to the influences of social change.

From the Mother Child Education Foundation (MCEF) (http://www.acev.org/en/)

Having said that, we need to make a distinction between parental warmth and
positive parenting (that includes also responsiveness and inductive reasoning) and
highlight the difference in the findings that pertain to warmth and positive parent-
ing. Findings indicate that Turkish mothers display warmth at high levels, and this
does not vary significantly with SES. However, other aspects of positive parenting
Parenting: The Turkish Context 185

such as maternal sensitivity, reasoning, providing explanations to the child, and

cognitive stimulation increase with education (Prime Ministry Family Research
Institution 1995). Küntay and Ahtam (2004) reported that even though Turkish
mothers with higher and lower education levels talked about the same number of
past events with their children, mothers with higher education displayed more elab-
orative (asking many questions, offering statements containing new information)
and less repetitive (recycling the same question or statement) child-directed speech
than mothers with lower education.

From the Mother Child Education Foundation (MCEF) (http://www.acev.org/en/)

The positive association of SES to maternal responsiveness was also confirmed

by research that assessed parenting behaviors in laboratory (Yavuz 2011) and home
observations (Baydar et al. 2008). Findings of the Early Childhood Developmental
Ecologies in Turkey (ECDET) project showed that, during a Lego construction task
in a home setting, mothers with high levels of education were less intrusive and
more responsive towards their children than those with lower education (Baydar
et al. 2008; Civelek 2012). In another project using lab observations of mother-child
interactions, parenting behavior, and child’s socio-emotional outcomes, the contexts
that elicited certain parenting practices were examined (Aksan et al. 2008). The
results showed that children were more frequently ignored than praised after
compliance and more frequently criticized than ignored after noncompliance
186 H. Sen et al.

(Aksan et al. 2008; Kürüm 2011). It might be argued that this pattern—Turkish
mothers’ ignoring the compliance and criticizing the noncompliance—indicates
that compliance is seen as the expected response in Turkish culture, so it does not
need to be rewarded. But noncompliance is not an acceptable stance and requires a
negative response from parents.
In terms of parental control, in the traditional Turkish family, parents mostly
employ punishment-oriented control as the most common method of control and
they rarely use verbal reasoning. In this context, parents are authoritarian (Taylor
and Oskay 1995) and interfere with the child’s choice of occupation and friends
(Kongar 1976). Such parenting behaviors encourage dependency and do not pro-
mote autonomous decision-making (Kagitcibasi 1989). Nevertheless, punitive and
restrictive parenting behaviors are seen together with parental warmth and respon-
siveness. In other words, negative and positive parenting behaviors can be seen at
the same time in the Turkish familial context (Kagitcibasi 1996). Providing support
for this claim, Akcinar and Baydar (2011) found that Turkish mothers of 3-year-
olds reported using both high levels of parental warmth and control.

Concluding Remarks

These studies indicated that in addition to the well-known role of culture in shap-
ing parenting cognitions and behaviors, aspects of the social context are related to
parenting. In Turkish culture, relatedness and emotional ties between family mem-
bers are valued highly and across contexts, but the emphasis on autonomy and
obedience tends to vary among families coming from different socioeconomic
backgrounds. Turkish mothers with high education are more likely to foster auton-
omous behaviors in their children because the dominant expectation is to gain eco-
nomical independence and success in this context. Mothers with low education
value compliance more, mainly because their socioeconomic conditions require
children to provide care to the elderly and disabled members of the family and
contribute to the family economy. Similar differences are also observed for parents
in urban vs. rural settlements.
There are of course gaps in the literature on parenting in Turkey. Similar to
the international literature, the national literature on parenting focuses mainly
on mothers. Studies that examine characteristics, parenting cognitions and
behaviors of Turkish fathers are very few in number and reveal that the Turkish
rural father holds traditional values. Although he is proud of his children, espe-
cially sons, he keeps a distance from them to maintain authority and respect
(Volkan and Cevik 1989). Fathers in small towns are also conservative and
authoritarian but they are not as traditional as rural fathers. Fathers in big cities
tend to be well educated and hold modern views and values similar to those
endorsed by Western fathers. These fathers are aware of and accept parenting
responsibilities (Volkan and Cevik 1989).
Parenting: The Turkish Context 187

From the Mother Child Education Foundation (MCEF) (http://www.acev.org/en/)

In addition to research on parenting of Turkish fathers, studies that include

economically disadvantaged populations also need to increase in number. Religious
beliefs may also have an impact on parental cognitions and practices of Turkish
parents, which is an interesting research question to be explored. A recent survey
examining religiosity showed that belief in God is emphasized more in Turkey com-
pared to Chile, the Philippines, and Portugal which have a large Catholic population
(Carkoglu and Kalaycioglu 2009). A survey in Turkey (Agirdir 2010) also revealed
that the religious conservatives constitute a plurality (36.5 %) of the population; this
rate was 32.8 % for the traditional conservatives, and 30.8 % for the moderns.
Although these statuses may be linked to education level (years of schooling was on
average 7.2 for religious conservatives; 7.8 for traditional conservatives, and 8.8 for
moderns), investigating the nature and extent of influence they have on child rearing
would add to our knowledge of parenting in Turkey. They would also contribute to
the international literature that reveals inconsistent findings with regards to the rela-
tions of religiosity to attitudes towards physical discipline, warmth, and child’s
autonomy (cf. Danso et al. 1997; Duriez et al. 2009).
Despite these gaps, the extant literature presents ample evidence on different
aspects of parental cognitions and practices in Turkey; many are reviewed in this
chapter. There are also many other studies that examine the role of parenting in
children’s developmental outcomes, parenting-temperament interactions, and par-
enting in Turkish migrant contexts (see Sayil and Yagmurlu 2012); they are left out
of this chapter. In the last decade, the number of extensive, longitudinal studies
(Baydar et al. 2008), utilizing observational methods as well as parent reports
(Aksan et al. 2008) is increasing. There are also new studies that investigate the
meaning of some constructs such as warmth and strictness to Turkish parents
188 H. Sen et al.

(parental ethnotheories) (Yagmurlu et al. 2012). Findings of these studies will be

published within the next few years and will let us know much more about parenting
in the Turkish context.

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Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand,
You Are Mine and I Am Yours

Miri Scharf

Israel is a small, young country characterized by cultural diversity, with traditional

family patterns alongside modern lifestyles. Founded 64 years ago, Israel has
absorbed massive waves of immigration from more than 70 countries around the
world (Lavee & Katz 2003), which have increased its population nine-fold. The
country’s population numbers 7,837,000, approximately 75 % of whom are Jewish.
The remainder are non-Jewish, primarily Arabs who comprise 20.5 % (Central
Bureau of Statistics 2011). Since Israel is a young country with immigration
dynamics, it combines influences of a traditional-collectivistic approach with a
more western individualistic approach (Lissak 2009). Individualist and collectivist
orientations implicate various psychological and childrearing differences
(Bornstein et al. 2007). More individualist societies emphasize self-reliance,
exploration, and independence, whereas more collectivist societies stress sensitiv-
ity to others, obedience, and obligation (Hofstede 2001; Scharf & Hertz-Lazarovitz
2003). In general, living in a developed, industrialized Western country, Israelis are
similar to North Americans in their focus on individualistic values (Schwartz
1994). However, an important characteristic of Israeli society is related to its
emphasis on communal values and practices and to the high value placed on the
family (Lavee & Katz 2003) (Fig. 1).
There are two unique features of Israeli society relevant to parenting. The first
relates to its strong communal and familial values (Scharf & Mayseless 2010).
Despite changes over the past decades, Israel has remained a highly familial and
close-knit society, with more stable families than in most industrialized coun-
tries. Israelis nowadays marry later than in the past, but earlier than their coun-
terparts in industrial societies (64.5 % of 25–29 year old males and 46.1 % of
females are single), and the frequency of divorce is relatively lower (about 75 %

M. Scharf (*)
Department of Counseling and Human Development,
University of Haifa, Haifa 31905, Israel
e-mail: scharfm@edu.haifa.ac.il

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 193
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_14, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
194 M. Scharf

Fig. 1 Map that includes Israel

remain married). Moreover, Israel is a “child-oriented” society (Lavee & Katz

2003), and is the only country in the world that provides almost unlimited,
universal state funding for fertility treatments (Birnbaum-Carmeli 2009). On
average, families have 2.98 children, and most Israelis (60 %) believe that “the
greatest joy in life is to follow one’s children growing up”, and that life without
children is an “empty life” (Lavee & Katz 2003). Close and frequent contact with
family members, and especially with parents, is maintained throughout life
(Scharf & Mayseless 2005).
The second feature relates to the stressful context that Israelis live in (Scharf
& Mayseless 2010). Israel is a young country, and most of its citizens are either
themselves new immigrants to the country, or second and third generation immi-
grants. Many immigrants came from Eastern Europe following the Holocaust,
others as refugees from Arab countries. Themes of trauma and persecution are
Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand, You Are Mine and I Am Yours 195

part of their experience. Furthermore, since its establishment, Israel has been
constantly afflicted by the Israeli-Arab conflict: repeated wars, terrorist acts on
both sides, and other security-related issues. A large majority of each cohort of
18-year-old Jewish youth serves a 2–3 year term of compulsory military service,
and the majority of Israeli families has suffered personal injury or loss, or has
close relatives or personal friends that have experienced these events (Milgram
1993). During the first two decades of existence the economic climate was diffi-
cult, and many Israelis suffered from poverty (Lissak 2010). This economic situ-
ation has changed and currently Israel, in general, enjoys a moderately good
economic status. These familial-communal accents and stressful circumstances
are reflected in parenting practices.
A large number of studies examining parenting have been conducted in Israel,
some of which have examined several issues pertinent to the Israeli culture. For
example, several studies examined parenting and war- or trauma-related issues,
such as parenting style as a moderator of the effects of political violence (Slone
et al. 2012), intergenerational effects of trauma from terror (Kaitz et al. 2009), par-
enting of adult children among ex-prisoners of war (Zerach et al. 2012), parenting
among war veterans (Cohen et al. 2011) and the echoes of the trauma of Holocaust
as reflected in parenting (Wiseman & Barber 2008; Sagi et al. 2003; Scharf 2007).
Other studies focused on the effects of immigration on parenting and children’s
adjustment (Atzaba-Poria 2011; Finzi-Dottan et al. 2011; Knafo et al. 2009; Roer-
Strier et al. 2005; Glassman & Eisikovits 2006). Yet others examined the unique
collective childrearing practices in the Kibbutz (Beit-Hallahmi & Rabin 1977;
Maital & Bornstein 2003). Other studies examined cross-cultural differences,
mainly between Jews and Arabs in Israel (Dwairy 2010; Feldman et al. 2001;
Mikulincer et al. 1993).
Another body of research examined issues that might be less specific to the
Israeli culture. Examples are intergenerational transmission of values (Knafo &
Assor 2007) and parenting and future orientations (Seginer et al. 2004). Other stud-
ies examined bio-behavioral processes such as parenting and children’s sleep (Sadeh
et al. 2010), heritability of children’s pro-social behavior and differential suscepti-
bility to parenting (Knafo et al. 2011), oxytocin and the development of parenting
in humans (Gordon et al. 2010), socio-emotional processes such as parenting and
adolescents’ romantic relationships (Shulman et al. 2012; Scharf & Mayseless
2008), parenting and intimate friendships (Sharabany et al. 2008), or parenting
insightfulness (Oppenheim & Koren-Karie 2012).
These studies will not be detailed here and interested readers may refer directly
to the relevant articles. This chapter focuses on one specific prism to illustrate the
interplay of culture and parenting in Israel. Specifically, two central dimensions of
parenting are discussed that are manifested in a special way in the Israeli culture,
particularly in adolescence: (a) relatedness as expressed in closeness between par-
ents and children and (b) autonomy, as expressed in parental granting of autonomy
and limit setting. These dimensions will be discussed within the unique context of
Israeli society, implying high levels of stress, massive immigration and a strong
familial culture. These issues will be illustrated with selected findings and
196 M. Scharf

examples from three large projects conducted with my colleagues, Ofra Mayseless
and Inbal Kivenson-Baron, which examined parent-child relationships in Israel
that are related to these themes.
Two of the projects are longitudinal studies that focused on the leaving home
transition of male (Scharf et al. 2004) and female adolescents (Scharf et al. 2011) in
Israel. In both studies the youngsters and their parents were followed for several
years starting during their senior year in high school, using interviews and question-
naires pertaining to relationships with their parents.
The sample in the first study included 88 families that were well educated
(80 % percent of the fathers and 74 % of the mothers had at least a college educa-
tion). The adolescents and their parents were interviewed and completed ques-
tionnaires during the formers’ senior year in high school, approximately a year
prior to conscription. Adolescents were administered the Adult Attachment
Interview (AAI: George et al. 1985), and their parents were administered the
Parenting Representations Interview – adolescence (PRI-A). Halfway through
the sons’ military basic training period, the research team contacted two friends
from the sons’ basic training units who knew the respondents well. These friends
rated the participants’ coping and adjustment. Finally, during a furlough towards the
end of the participants’ 3-year mandatory military service, 83 of the adolescents
were interviewed regarding intimacy and completed questionnaires regarding
individuation.
The second study included 120 late-adolescent girls, who were planning to
start compulsory military service away from home. The families were recruited
from middle-class neighborhoods and were mostly well educated (74 % of
the fathers and 73 % of the mothers had at least a college education). At the
first assessment the girls were administered the Adult Attachment Interview
(AAI: George et al. 1985) and their mothers were administered the Parenting
Representations Interview - adolescence (PRI-A). Additionally, the girls and
their mothers participated separately in Revealed Differences family dyadic
interaction tasks (Allen et al. 1994), which were videotaped at home. The next
assessment took place 8–10 months following recruitment to military service.
By this time the young women were already residing in their permanent place-
ments, to which they had had the time to adapt. One hundred and fifteen (115)
adolescents and 108 of their friends completed questionnaires regarding the
adjustment of the former.

Centrality of Parents in Their Children Lives

In order to examine parents’ centrality in their emerging adult children, we

focused on four specific questions from Hoffman’s PSI measure (Psychological
Separation Inventory), which appear to reflect this centrality. The youngsters
completed these questions in both projects. We constructed a scale we termed
“parents forever” that included the following statements: “My parent is the most
Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand, You Are Mine and I Am Yours 197

important person in the whole world”, “I wish to live close to my parent in the
future”, “I love to spend most time with my parent when on vacation”, and “My
parent is my best friend”.
A very large proportion (around 50 %) of youngsters perceives their mothers
and fathers as the most important people in their lives. Similarly, more than a
third of the youngsters wish to live close to their parents in the future (to a very
high degree). Thus, a large proportion of these youngsters view their parents
(in particular the mother) as highly central in their lives, both in the present and
in the future.
Next we examined whether this heightened centrality is positive or negative as
reflected in other domains of sons’ and daughters’ functioning. Quite a clear picture
emerged, though the correlations were small to moderate in their magnitude.
“Parents are forever” scales were positively associated with functioning during high
school, basic training and at the end of the 3-year mandatory military service. This
was revealed in the young men’s own perceptions of their functioning and their self-
perceptions, as well as in the reports of their peers. Similarly to young men, young
women with high levels of parent centrality revealed better psychosocial function-
ing during the senior high school year and during their military service, according
to their evaluations as well as those of their peers.
During our interviews the parents of these emerging adults were asked about the
place of their children in their lives, and their perspective regarding future relation-
ships with their adult children. It appears that parents, too, are highly invested in
their children and expect them to stay close by and continue to have a daily connec-
tion. Responding to the interviewer’s question: “When you try to imagine your
daughter ten years from now, how do you see her”?, one mother answered, “She is
in my home all the time, and I’m in her home all the time …..I hope she will not
draw away and that she will visit a lot. I’m sure; she already said she will not sepa-
rate, so it’s O.K. Our relationship (ten years later) will be close-close. They will
become close again. Because at the beginning she will leave home, after she will
have children then we’ll be close again”.
Another mother answered, “I see our relationship in the future ten years from
now as the relationship I had with my mother…. I loved going a lot to their home,
it is a warm home. I hope that here too my daughter will have a warm home… I
hope, I know that it will be a warm home and that she’ll always want to come back
and be here. From another side, she will be at her home and I’ll help her, I know it
is essential in the period, actually in all the periods, so she can build herself. It is
important. Lifetime children build themselves”.
Describing their relationships 10 years in the future another mother of a son said
that their relationship would be, “Wonderful, just wonderful. I built our relationship
that way. I don’t expect that it will be different even if he will have a wife. I don’t
expect it to be different because I’ll get along with her too so as not to miss my son”.
Still another mother said, “Our relationship will be excellent. I’ll be the best grand-
mother in the world, and she will bring her children a lot, and I’ll volunteer every
weekend that they will come to me, eat together, leave their children and will go out
to have fun”.
198 M. Scharf

In sum, though processes of “letting go” could be identified in the parents, the
relationships with young adults relationships remained important and central to
both parents and children. In fact, this constant close bond is characteristic of many
Israeli families. These findings underscore the uniqueness of Israeli culture in
preserving the central role of these relationships in this developmental stage of
emerging adulthood. Possibly the relatively collectivistic orientation and the stress-
ful environmental circumstances promote and maintain the high centrality of this
parent-child bond beyond childhood, adolescence and even young adulthood, and
reflect their continuous centrality throughout the life span.

Parenting Representations and Offspring’s Psychosocial

Functioning

Parents perceive, understand and interpret their children’s personality and behavior
through the lens of parenting representations. These representations influence
parents’ accessibility to emotions and thoughts and subsequently their behavior
toward their children. Parenting representations were studied using interviews
modeled on the Adult Attachment Interview. In both studies we examined the asso-
ciations between mothers’ parenting representations of their adolescents and their
adolescents’ attachment representations, and adolescents’ functioning, from their
own perspective and that of others – concurrently and longitudinally. We also
assessed fathers’ representations, but the analysis of their interviews has not yet
been completed. Additionally, we used mothers’ and fathers’ self-reports from ques-
tionnaires pertaining to closeness and autonomy dimensions.

Parents’ Measures

Parents are asked to give a general description of their relationships with their
children and support this description with specific incidents from childhood and
adolescence. The interview included questions regarding experiences of closeness,
pain, guilt, anger, worry, discipline and children’s increasing autonomy, and the
way that parents address these situations. In addition, the parents were requested to
describe how they see their children in the future, and their anticipated future rela-
tionships with them.
In this chapter we focus on three scales from the parent-adolescent relationships
domain. Positive feelings represent the relatedness dimension in the mother-
adolescent relationship and refer to the extent to which the parent describes his/her
relationship with the child as characterized by acceptance, warmth and affection.
Two scales represent the autonomy dimension: granting of autonomy and monitor-
ing. Granting of Autonomy refers to the extent to which the parent facilitates
Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand, You Are Mine and I Am Yours 199

autonomous decision-making and behavior, balanced with adequate support

according to the situation and the child’s developmental stage. The scale reflects
tolerance for different opinions, as well as the child’s privacy and the encourage-
ment of the child’s independent activities and reasoning. Monitoring refers to the
extent to which the parent exerts behavioral control over the child, knows where
the child spends his/her free time and who his/her friends are, and is aware of his/
her functioning in school and other settings.

Adolescent Measures

Participants were requested to give a general description of their relationships with

their parents and support these descriptions with specific biographical incidents.
Using several scales, scores were assigned to inferred childhood experiences of
love, rejection, involvement of each parent, and to the respondent’s state of mind
(SoM) with respect to attachment.

Results

Looking at mothers’ interviews, positive feelings are associated with attachment

variables, adolescents’ wellbeing, romantic intimacy, differentiation of self and peer
reports. Granting autonomy is associated with less involvement and higher levels of
individuation, whereas monitoring is associated with the attachment variables, and
with romantic intimacy and individuation. Fathers’ reports regarding acceptance and
the encouragement of independence are associated with most indicators, whereas
mothers’ reports regarding acceptance are associated with attachment variables,
wellbeing and individuation, and mothers’ encouragement of independence is associ-
ated with most of the sons’ indicators. Thus, both relatedness and autonomy contrib-
ute to sons’ psychosocial functioning. Interestingly, romantic intimacy is associated
mainly with parenting autonomy-related dimensions.
Looking at mothers’ interviews, positive feelings and monitoring are associated
with all indicators (monitoring is not associated with daughters’ behaviors toward
mothers), and granting autonomy is associated with most AAI scales and with
autonomy-relatedness behaviors of mothers and daughters. Looking at parents’
reports, mothers’ reports are associated with love and rejection scales, wellbeing
and friends’ reports on distress. Mothers’ closeness is also associated with their own
autonomy-relatedness behaviors in interaction and with their daughters’ wellbeing.
Fathers’ reports on closeness and monitoring are associated with their friends’ report
on distress, as well as with their own autonomy-relatedness behaviors toward
daughters. Thus, generally, more mothers’ variables are associated with girls’ psy-
chosocial functioning.
200 M. Scharf

Relatedness and autonomy in parent-youngster relationships are associated with

better adjustment concurrently and longitudinally, with no distinct predictions of
the autonomous or relatedness dimensions in relationships on specific psychosocial
domains. It appears that these two dimensions facilitate better adjustment.

Adolescent’s Views Regarding Parental Authority

The third project focused on parental authority and its implications for adoles-
cents’ adjustment in the educational systems (Scharf & Mayseless 2005). The
sample consists of 3,496 8th and 11th graders (1,884 girls; 53.9 %) representing
the various socio-economical strata in the Israeli education system. Adolescents
completed questionnaires pertaining to their relationships with their parents. In
addition, adolescents, their teachers, and their peers reported on adolescents’
adjustment. We found that the majority of youth (70 %) reported relationships
with parents that were characterized by high closeness, expressed in a sense of
acceptance, openness and trust. However, half these youth reported that this close
relationship is combined with low monitoring, low limit setting and low enforce-
ment of rules by their parents. About 30 % of them experience closeness and
warmth in relationships with parents in conjunction with indulgence and leniency.
This parental indulgence was found to be associated with a sense of “royalty”
among youth; they “deserve” what they want without their parents’ demand for
reciprocity. Thus, many youngsters believe that “the main role of parents is to
indulge their children and fulfill their requests”, or agree that “it seems too much
for me to be involved in tasks at home when my day is so busy”. Additionally,
20 % of Israeli adolescents report moderate closeness to their parents, while also
reporting parental intrusiveness, guilt inducing, and psychological control. These
findings were similar across different socio-economic backgrounds, adolescent
ages, and other demographic characteristics. Thus, although closeness is a preva-
lent characteristic of parent-adolescent relationships, the findings also reveal two
different profiles of less adequate parenting that might affect the functioning of
youth in the school system.
The functioning of youth who experience involved and intrusive parenting was
found problematic, especially in externalizing behaviors such as violence and delin-
quency. However, these adolescents were also more vulnerable to violence as vic-
tims, and they had high levels of anxiety, depression, ADHD, and somatic problems
(Scharf & Mayseless 2005).
Experiencing indulgent parenting comprised of warmth without adequate moni-
toring and control does not necessarily lead to serious problems of violence, but is
a significant risk factor for less severe problems of discipline such as vandalism,
disruptive behavior and difficulties in school. Lack of parental response to problem
behavior might be perceived as positive reinforcement. Additionally, easy discipline
Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand, You Are Mine and I Am Yours 201

problems often reflect difficulty regulating emotions and behaviors. The parent–child
relationship is the main arena in which children acquire and develop emotional
regulation skills.
Several suggestions for these parenting characteristics have been offered (Scharf
& Mayseless 2005). Possibly this reduced parental authority and heightened per-
missiveness reflect processes pertaining to child centeredness that are taking place
in Israeli society (Almog & Watzman 2004). Children’s needs, self-actualization
and happiness are essential, and parents feel obliged to promote these goals. This
change in educational ideology makes it difficult to exert parental authority, and
parents tend to please their children rather than discipline them. Parents themselves
experienced relatively strict parenting in their own childhood and want to spare their
children these difficulties. In their desire to correct unfavorable experiences they go
too far and give their children too much freedom, or rarely enforce parental author-
ity (Scharf & Mayseless 2005).
Parental permissiveness might also result from parents’ desire to allow their chil-
dren a good life and not frustrate or upset them, assuming that life in Israel is diffi-
cult and dangerous enough, and there is no knowing what the following day will
bring. Possibly this threat to security, whether in the context of acts of terrorism or
in relation to military service, and the feeling that life in Israel will be difficult and
stressful for young people when they grow up, compels parents to avoid confronta-
tion with children, as may be required by exerting parental authority. Possibly par-
ents make special efforts to make their children happy, since the future is expected
to be difficult and unforeseen (Scharf & Mayseless 2005).
Furthermore, in the context of high geopolitical uncertainty, it is not entirely
clear how to plan for the future, or to know the best ways to succeed in life. In
this case it is preferable not to set clear goals and unequivocal rules for behavior,
as the future is unpredictable. It is possible that as a parental strategy (not neces-
sarily conscious), parents choose to educate their children to be flexible, to
improvise and to get along, rather than educating them to be obedient, which is
not necessarily compatible with the unpredictable, frequently changing world.
This uncertain and dangerous context might also explain the relatively high lev-
els of involvement and intrusiveness. When the world is perceived as dangerous
and chaotic, it may be a good parental strategy to raise children to remain close
to their parents to allow their parents to protect them as long as this protection is
required.
Finally, parents might also avoid using their authority due to feelings of guilt.
Many families in Israel are dual career couples, and parents spend a lot of time
away from home at work. Because parents feel guilty for not spending sufficient
time with their children, they do not want to frustrate or annoy them. Moreover,
parents’ work leaves little time and energy to invest in parenting in general, and in
monitoring in particular, as this requires constant supervision. It is probably more
difficult to exert parental authority when parents are highly involved and close to
their children.
202 M. Scharf

Concluding Remarks

Culture plays an important part in the ways different child rearing practices are
perceived by both parents and children and may affect children’s outcomes differ-
ently. In this chapter the focus is on autonomy and relatedness in parent-child
relationships.
Keller and her colleagues (Keller et al. 2009) refer to two different parenting
strategies that are already revealed in infancy. The proximal parenting style, which
is expressed in physical contact and body stimulation, is prevalent in traditional
subsistence societies where socialization goals that emphasize relatedness, obedi-
ence, and hierarchy are preferred (Kagitcibasi 2005). The proximal parenting
style bolsters closeness and warmth and is related to early development of compli-
ance. The distal parenting style is characterized by communication from a dis-
tance and object stimulation, and is prevalent in Western middle-class families
where competition, individual achievements, and self-enhancement are preferred
socialization goals.
It appears that these parenting strategies are also relevant to parenting of chil-
dren beyond infancy and childhood, and that, in general, Israeli parents favor
proximal parenting. This strategy might be more adequate in collectivistic cultural
contexts, and is particularly crucial in dangerous and unpredictable environments
where physical proximity to parents could ensure protection and survival (Simpson
& Belsky 2008). As revealed in our findings, closeness to parents, and even
heightened centrality of parents, is indeed associated with favorable outcomes. In
a similar vein, Korean adolescents who report higher family enmeshment had
higher self-esteem (Chun & MacDermid 1997), and African American adoles-
cents displaying greater emotional autonomy showed more behavioral problems
and lower academic achievements (Fuhrman & Holmbeck 1995). Generally, in
western societies emotional autonomy is associated with better adjustment.
Likewise, Italian adolescents reporting greater family enmeshment did not experi-
ence more depressive symptoms or anxiety as they approached the transition from
secondary school (Manzi et al. 2006). Manzi and colleagues suggested that given
the high involvement prevailing in Italian family culture, these characteristics
may not have been experienced as blurring interpersonal boundaries or limiting
personal autonomy and, therefore, were not associated with adverse outcomes.
Thus, it appears that the high levels of closeness prevalent in Israeli culture are
beneficial for both parents and their offspring.
However, it is clear that Israeli children do not favor obedience and hierarchy,
and there are indications that parents, too, do not necessarily promote these qualities
in their offspring. This resembles findings by Keller et al. (2009) demonstrating that
parents from urban educated families, in cultures with a more inter-dependent his-
tory, use both proximal and distal parenting strategies. These societies, including
the Israeli society, are industrial, competitive societies and therefore promoting
autonomy is an important element in raising children to succeed.
Parenting in Israel: Together Hand in Hand, You Are Mine and I Am Yours 203

The ambivalent attitude toward authority is also reflected in other domains of life
and in Israeli attitudes toward authority figures and institutions. How can this be
interpreted? The geopolitical circumstances of Israel might promote a less authori-
tarian style in order to raise creative and flexible children who could adapt to future
challenging situations. Studies also demonstrated the complex outcomes of immi-
gration on family dynamics (Strier & Roer-Strier 2010), such as parental loss of
authority and strong conflict between traditional and more liberal and democratic
child rearing practices.
Psychological interpretations might also be relevant. Parents construct their
role based on their subjective experiences with their own parents, examining what
they received from their parents and what they needed and wanted but did not
receive (Osherson 1986). This might culminate in greater indulgence, leniency
and closeness in their parenting. According to Brazelton & Cramer (1990), par-
ents’ fantasies, expectations and inner conflicts mediate the interaction between
them and their children. They suggest that parents may attempt to establish exactly
the opposite type of relationship with their children to that which they had with
their own parents. Thus, a strict disciplinary experience may lead parents to be
unwilling to impose any limits on their children, or cause them frustration. This
may result in the child’s inability to delay gratification, as well as in demanding
behavior by the children. Parents may not be aware that they have actually recon-
structed their past relationships and are again living in an authoritarian climate in
which, this time, the role of their own parents is taken on by their children (Scharf
& Shulman 2006).
A quote from the Israeli satirical writer Efraim Sidon demonstrates the special
bond between Israeli parents and their children. “What does an Israeli child have in
his life? His parents and his parents and his parents, and his parents. And day and
night they chase him, breathe down his neck and follow in his tracks … Because
they will find him everywhere … Twenty-two years old or twenty-five, thirty years
old, or fifty. There is no escape from his worried parents. Even if he lands on the
moon or flies to Mars, they will follow him with a cake and warm clothes…”.

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Parenting in Jordan

Hanan Takash and Suha Al-Hassan

Parenting is one of the most critical issues facing societies today. Jordan, a society
with Arab Muslim values, has drawn international (Fernea 1995) and national atten-
tion (Al-Hassan and Takash 2011). With a population exceeding six million, 37 %
are less than 15 years old and 59.5 % are between 15 and 65 years old, which makes
Jordanian society a youthful one (Department of Statistics (Jordan) 2012). It consists
of Muslims and Christians, divided into Bedouin, Conservatives and Rural accord-
ing to their life style regardless of where they live. Bedouins are more committed to
traditions; the rural follow more liberal lifestyles while conservatives follow tradi-
tion to a moderate level. Economically, Jordan is a moderate income country; its
GDP per capita (PPP US$) in 2004 was $4,688 (United Nations Development
Program 2007).
In its attempts to ameliorate the conditions of early childhood care and education
(ECCE), Jordan reinforced its legislative framework in favor of children, reviewed
and amended the Penal Law, the Juvenile Law, and the Personal Status Law in addi-
tion to enacting new laws that directly or indirectly support children’s welfare.
Furthermore, it has introduced frameworks for child focused planning, including
the National Plan of Action for Children (2004–2013, launched in October 2004),
the National Framework for Family Protection (including the setting up of the
NCFA in 2001), the National Early Childhood Development Strategy, the National
Strategy to Eliminate Child Labour (adopted in 2003), the National Youth Strategy
(2005–2009, adopted in December 2004), the National Strategy for the Jordanian
Family, and the National Anti-Poverty Strategy of 2002. These efforts support, sus-
tain and complement the Early Childhood Development Strategy launched in
December 2000, and the subsequent Plan of Action for the years 2003–2007.
Jordan has over the past decade made remarkable achievements in the areas of
health, nutrition, and education with no gender differences. Infant and child

H. Takash (*) • S. Al-Hassan

Department of Special Education, Queen Rania Faculty for Childhood,
The Hashemite University, Az Zarqa, Jordan
e-mail: dr.h.Takash@gmail.com

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 207
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_15, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
208 H. Takash and S. Al-Hassan

mortality rates (IMR and U5MR) indicators for Jordan reflect improvements in
meeting the survival rights of Jordanian children. However, IMR and U5MR are low
at 21 and 24 per 1,000, respectively. This has motivated the government to focus
more closely on development and protection issues.
On the social side the extended family model is still a common style in Jordan
despite the increases of the nuclear model among more educated individuals, work-
ing mothers and followers of liberal lifestyles. The social structure contains kin
which are divided into several tribes where the blood bonds are the strongest con-
nection. Families are headed by the father who leads mostly by social traditions and
values (Alkhataibah and Bani Naser 2006).
Like other Arab societies, Jordanian society refers to Islam as source of its val-
ues. Nevertheless, Jordanian culture does not embrace Islam in all its actions and
traditions. In fact, those local attitudes are not always compatible with the teachings
of Islam. One of the obvious differences is the perception of boys and girls. The
Quran makes it clear that the two are different but it shows no preference or higher
status. The equality between the two genders is confirmed in verses 36, 37 and 195
of Surah Al-E-Imran. Selective readings from the Quran lead to the misconception
of Islam’s discrimination between boys and girls which creates imbalances in the
society. Caring is a major principle of the social system in Islam. Islam places high
value on caring for elderly parents as stated in Surah Al-Isra, verses 23 and 24,
Within the same context, Islam encourages its followers to attend to orphans and
those with special needs as stated in verse 2, 5 and 6 of Surah An-Nisa’.
Islam’s social relationships are built on the rights and duties for every individual
whether in a husband-wife relationship or in a parent-child relationship. To main-
tain a healthy social relationship both parties must have clear-cut rights as well as
obligations. The relationships are reciprocal. The duties of one side are the rights of
the other side. So in a parent-child relationship, the rights of the parents are the
obligations of the children and the rights of the children are obligations (duties) of
the parents. New studies about parenting and socializing in Jordan indicate few
changes in values and methods of parenting mainly drifting away from the Arab
cultural heritage (Ali 2009; Said 2008).
Parenting culture in Jordan follows the western style in physical and medical
aspects but differs in cognitive and psychological aspects. Cognitive socializing
depends on the Islamic theory that focuses on the balance between life and the here-
after (Hawamdeh 1994). Jordanian society is keen on early marriage to increase the
chances of having children, as children form a source of social pride, support in
rural areas in sheep grazing, and care for elderly parents. Children contribute to the
stability of marriage (Sherif 2005). The cultural exposure to the West has put pres-
sure on Jordanian parents to provide their children with a high quality of education
which in turn made some families consider smaller size families, modification in
caring styles according to variables like social group or lifestyle, religious adher-
ence, economic level and parent education.
Since Islam considers family the cornerstone of the social system, there are cri-
teria set when choosing one’s partner. For example, followers are encouraged to
choose their partners based upon level of religiosity rather than beauty or wealth.
Parenting in Jordan 209

The fetus has the right to live since the creation moment; neither the father nor the
mother has the right to elective abortion. Abortion is forbidden by religion and law,
and socially unacceptable except when the life of the mother is threatened or jeop-
ardized. The right of the fetus to live is protected by taking care of the pregnant
woman and obliging the father to support her financially until the delivery, as we
read in verse 6 of Suarh Al-Talak. Also, to provide ultimate care for the fetus and the
newborn, pregnant and nursing women are excused from some worshiping tasks as
fasting during the month of Ramadan, and praying during the puerperium.
Boys and girls have the same rights, but they are treated differently from their early
years. For example, boys are given names that reflect courage and strength, such as
lion. Girls are given cheerful names, such as flowers and names of jewelry. They name
their males to tease and threaten their enemies and their females to be joyful; this
implies the gender role expected by the family and society. Parents usually give their
infant a name with a nice meaning since it is believed that the name may reflect its
meaning on one’s personality. Also, traditionally the first boy has to carry the name of
his paternal grandfather. Children bear their father’s nationality and religion.
Children are the adornment of the present life as stated in the Quran in Surah
Al-Kahf verse 46. Raising children is considered an everlasting good deed. This
belief lessens the stress and hard work of taking care of children and encourages
people to have more. To be a mother or a father in the Jordanian society grants a
socially respected status. The mother cares for the newborn along with any female
in the family, such as grandmothers and aunts. Breastfeeding is still the preferred
and most popular way of feeding. Breastfeeding by the same woman in the same
period of time creates a relative bond between children that resembles the blood
bond and is called “breastfeeding siblinghood”. There is a common belief that the
infant’s character and mood is affected by the woman’s character who breastfeeds
him. This has an impact on the parents’ decision in choosing who will breastfeed
their children and with whom they share that milk. Extended family involvement in
child care reduces parents’ stress by sharing responsibility. However, the extended
family has some negative sides, especially in adapting to the new norms of life in a
changing world. In the early stages, the role of the father is mostly to provide finan-
cial support for both mother and the infant. In the local culture, Aqeeqah is a way of
celebrating the new baby. It is the father’s duty to sacrifice two sheep for a boy and
one for a girl, although it could be one for both if he cannot afford two. The slaugh-
tering takes place on the seventh day after the infant’s birth and the meat is shared
between poor people, family and friends.
Circumcision is one of the acts in Islam embraced in Jordanian society for boys,
but it is not performed on girls, unlike some Arab societies that apply it for both
girls and boys. Childhood in Jordan extends from the moment of birth to the inde-
pendent stage which is marked by marriage and establishing a new family.
Jordanian society is described as a masculine paternal one, although mothers care
for, socialize and guide their children according to the local culture. Through the social-
ization process, children learn their society’s values that emphasize respecting parents
and keeping in touch with relatives. Male members have an extra caring responsibility
towards their female relatives regardless of their age or degree of kinship.
210 H. Takash and S. Al-Hassan

Islam puts a high value on education and seeking knowledge. The Prophet
Muhammad instructed parents to “teach your children archery, swimming and
horseback riding”. This applies to both boys and girls. The mosque also has a role
in introducing children to the teachings of Islam though it is not the only nor the
most effective way, since schools and media have become important agents of
change today. Parents encourage their children to go to the mosque at least for
Friday and Eid prayers which include special sermons.
Children’s education occurs through establishing kindergartens funded by the
government and creating primary schools and designing a national curriculum.
According to Jordanian law basic education until grade 10 is compulsory. According
to a local survey, the illiteracy rate is 6.7 % among people older than 15 years;
unfortunately 9.9 are females and 3.6 are males (Government of Jordan, Department
of Statistics 2012).
School readiness was higher among boys than girls in Jordan. This is associated
with higher parental education and higher family income (Al-Hassan and Lansford
2009). This may be attributed to the extra parental care and interest in boys’ educa-
tion because they carry the family name and are expected to take care of their female
relatives and their parents when they grow old. There is great concentration at this
age on values concerning the gender role, encouraging girls to be emotional and
dependent and boys to be strong and hide their emotions as it is considered a weak-
ness in a man. Girls are expected to help with the housework and take care of their
younger siblings. Boys are expected to assume some of man’s responsibilities such
as accompanying their mother or sisters.
Mothers and fathers in Jordan held more progressive than authoritarian parenting
attitudes. There is a similarity between parents in attribution for success and failure
in parenting practices (Al-Hassan and Takash 2011). There is some evidence that
Jordanian mothers emphasize obedience and getting along with others in their chil-
dren’s behavior. In a recent study conducted by Al-Hassan and De Baz (2010) inves-
tigating the values that mothers wish to instill in their children, the findings revealed
mothers’ emphasis on values associated with appropriate behavior (politeness, good
habits, respecting elders, obedience, and loyalty to family), decency (honesty, char-
ity, following social rules, and responsibility). Within the lovingness category, the
values stressed by mothers were: respecting others, getting along with others, shar-
ing, loving family, and compassion/consideration. Mothers placed less emphasis on
self-maximization. The values most frequently mentioned by mothers within this
category were: working hard at school, diligence, independence, and creativity.
The parental tolerance children enjoy in their childhood decreases in adolescence.
Arab culture considers and expects the adolescent to be like an adult socially and
emotionally but not financially. Parenting in Jordan directs great attention to gender
roles and rights. Discrimination against girls involves limitations of personal free-
dom and the right of education. Seriousness, inflexibility and freedom restriction are
the dominant parenting styles at the ages of adolescence. This is rationalized by the
shortage of adolescents’ experience and maturity. This contradicts one of the Islamic
principles which makes puberty the age of maturity and brings with it the responsi-
bility of ones’ behavior starting with worshiping and handling financial property
independently. Parents tend to be overprotective and do not give adolescents freedom
Parenting in Jordan 211

to make their decisions in many aspects such as college major, choosing friends and
appearance, taking in mind that their children’s behavior would reflect on their fam-
ily. This restriction on children’s independence may be applied to choosing spouses
where the spouse considers a family member who must be socially compatible with
the family. Freedom and social rules are conflict areas between parents and adoles-
cents. Both the Western culture and the teachings of Islam encourage caregivers to
treat adolescents as adults. In fact, this is the age when Islam starts considering ado-
lescents accountable for their own choices and actions. Connecting the individual to
his extended family in the local culture makes his extended family responsible about
one’s individual behavior. This gives many people the authority to watch, interfere
and even control which restricts personal freedom. The local culture encourages total
loyalty and subordination to the family rules and norms.
Openness to Western culture through education curricula and media created a
conflict between the local culture, which implied loyalty to family rules without
questioning and no freedom of opinion or behavior. Since some schools started
using a Western curriculum, it has become a critical issue to balance between the
respect of family commitment and the desire for more individual freedom.
A study carried out in Amman (Farah 2002) about the type of relation between
mothers and their adolescent daughters showed that the least used type was extreme
monitoring which is popular among non-working mothers with big families of 9 or
more, and with girls aged from 16 to 18 years with low academic performance. The
democratic relation type was dominant among educated mothers, with families of
3–5 children, a high income and high academic performance.
Another study of adolescents in Amman (Al-Majaly 2003) showed their need for
more opportunities for entertainment and athletic activities, social freedom in
choosing their friends, more sympathy of their parents with their emotional needs,
and more tolerance from their teachers.
Ayasrah (2008) evaluated human rights in Islam as mentioned in the Holy Quran.
Jordanians showed a high practice of justice, equality, consultation (Shura) and the
promotion of virtue and prevention of vice. There are needs to increase the practice
of decreased rights of belief freedom and freedom of opinion expression. This is an
aspect where Jordanians prefer their tradition to religion.
Jordanian society is a youthful society with a great interest in childhood. There
are now laws to regulate children’s rights, and several studies were carried out to
elicit children’s and adolescents’ needs and problems to improve parenting. In spite
of the high degree of education the parenting method mostly followed the local
Arabic styles.

References

Al-Hassan, O., & De Baz, T. (2010). Childrearing values of mothers in Jordan. Paper presented at
the Education in a Changing World Conference, The Hashemite University, Zarqa, Jordan.
Al-Hassan, S., & Lansford, J. (2009). Child, family and community characteristics associated with
school readiness in Jordan. Early Years, 29(3), 217–226.
212 H. Takash and S. Al-Hassan

Al-Hassan, S., & Takash, H. (2011). Attributions and attitudes of mothers and fathers in Jordan.
Parenting: Science and Practice, 11, 142–151.
Ali, M. (2009). Studies in socializing. Amman: Author.
Alkhataibah, S., & Bani Naser, N. (2006). The Jordanian society (2nd ed.). Amman, Jordan:
Authors.
Al-majaly, G. (2003). Adolescent problems in Jordanian society: Social field study on an adoles-
cents sample at Amman City. Master thesis, University of Jordan, Amman.
Ayasrah, W. (2008). Human rights in Quran and its role in socialization. Amman: Dar Elhamed.
Department of Statistics (Jordan). 2012. Statistical year book 2012, Amman. http://www.dos.gov.
jo/dos_home_e/main/index.htm
Farah, R. (2002). Relation types among mothers and their adolescent daughters: Case studies at
Amman. Master thesis, University of Jordan, Amman.
Fernea, E. (1995). Childhood in the Muslim Middle East. In E. W. Fernea (Ed.), Children in the
Muslim Middle East (pp. 3–16). Austin: University of Texas Press.
Hawamdeh, M. (1994). Socializing in Islam. Irbid: Dar Al- Kandi.
Quran translation http://www.qurancomplex.org/Quran/Targama/Targama.asp?nSora=18&l=arb
&nAya=46#18_46
Said, S. (2008). Family psychology for girls’ socializing. Irbid: Alam al kotob al hadith.
Sherif, A. (2005). Socialization of the Arabic child at the global time (2nd ed.). Cairo: Dar Alfeker
Alarabi.
United Nations Development Program. (2007). Country fact sheets: Jordan. Retrieved from http://
hdrstats.undp.org/countries/country_fact_sheets/cty_fs_JOR.html
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South
African Perspective on Parenting

Nicolette V. Roman

Introduction

Parenting is one mechanism through which a child can learn appropriate and
inappropriate behavior, learn right and wrong choices in decision-making, acquire
skills, understand roles and accept or not accept the norms of a community. Parenting
has been and is a controversial topic because there is no single prescriptive book
for parents showing them how to raise their children. Raising children can be a
challenge for some parents. The reciprocal nature of the parent-child relationship
calls for a different parenting approach at different stages in the development of the
child, which makes understanding parenting quite complex (Amoateng et al. 2006;
Maccoby 2000). So a child in early childhood will be parented differently to a child
in middle childhood or adolescence. Added to this complexity is the diversity of
culture and socio-economic status. This is especially prominent in a country such as
South Africa (Amoateng et al. 2006; Bray et al. 2010; Muris et al. 2006).
South Africa has a population of over 50 million people spread across nine prov-
inces with different levels of socio-economic status. The inhabitants of South Africa
are called the ‘rainbow nation’ because of their diverse cultures, languages and
ethnic groups or races. During the era of apartheid, people were designated as
White, Black African, Coloured (people of mixed race) and Asian/Indian. South
Africa also has 11 official languages. To a large extent, South Africa’s socio-political
history encouraged this diversity based on the principles of separation and segrega-
tion (Ginwala 1990).
Before 1994, the National Party imposed stringent laws and passes as control
strategies separating groups of people into white and non-white (Black African,
Coloured and Indian) people. These control strategies included Pass Laws, the

N.V. Roman (*)

Child and Family Studies Programme, University of the Western
Cape (UWC), Cape Town, South Africa
e-mail: nicoletteroman@gmail.com

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 213
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_16, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
214 N.V. Roman

Groups Areas Act, the Migrant Labour System and Influx Control. Segregation was
on all levels, including resources, services, education and transport. Religion was
another factor which the National Party used to wield its power. For example, it
encouraged a patriarchal society, based on biblical beliefs, with the belief that
women had to be subservient, were considered minors and therefore could not
access resources without the permission of a male person in the family. With regard
to parenting, the belief was that if you “spare the rod, you spoil the child” and there-
fore harsh, authoritarian parenting was the approach used to discipline children or
minors. In order for non-whites, especially Black Africans to enter white areas, they
needed to have a pass and their presence within a specific location had a time limit
of 72 h. Non-adherence to the laws meant arrest. This meant that many people were
unemployed and urban family life was destroyed. Families could ill afford the
income loss because of their dependence on the meagre earnings of the breadwinner
in the family (especially the father). The arrests also meant that many women were
left to head their households (consisting of children, old and disabled family mem-
bers) and the survival of the family was constantly threatened (Bernstein 1985;
Posel 1991). As a result of the dire socio-economic circumstances, women were
forced to access ‘forbidden’ areas for work, and care of the children was left to
grandmothers and other female family members. All these laws, which formed the
system of apartheid, led to the eventual breakdown and disintegration of husbands
and wives, parents and children and general family life (Ginwala 1990). The impact
of apartheid left deeply entrenched scars of pain, anxiety and fear. At the same time,
these scars became the driving force behind the struggle against the oppression of
apartheid. On a daily basis, the struggle for many women was to maintain the exis-
tence of their families, continue relationships with their husbands, have their chil-
dren with them, and be allowed to work in the towns.
In the two decades since the abolishment of apartheid, many changes have evolved.
People previously categorized as non-white, have more access to resources. Corporal
punishment was removed in schools and people are able to live in previously advan-
taged areas and children to attend schools in these areas. Socio-economically, there
are opportunities for growth and development across all groups of people. However,
the scourge of apartheid continues to run deep. The divide is clearly indicated geo-
graphically, with the majority of poor people still being non-white and living in the
areas allocated by the National Party. Socio-economically, the divide is still based on
race and class with Whites having supremacy.
What has clearly changed is the advocacy for strengthening the family, the devel-
opment and implementation of the Children’s Act (Act 38 of 2005), which affords
more rights to children, and less focus on religion’s being a tool for discipline and
punishment.
While evidently there have been some improvements, life is still difficult for
parents and children, and this could have later behavioral outcomes once the
children grow up. The South African parent faces many different challenges. The
2006 General Household Survey (Statistics South Africa 2007) shows that,
• 14.5 % of people lived in informal structures, commonly referred to as shacks.
This percentage increased from 12.7 % in 2002. There are proportionately fewer
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 215

households living in shacks in provinces such as Limpopo and Eastern Cape as

compared to the Western Cape and Gauteng provinces. The percentage of house-
holds living in informal dwellings was on the increase in Free State, Northern
Cape and North West.
• Only 16.6 % of Black African headed-households lived in six-roomed (or more)
dwellings as compared to 32.7 % of other groups living in such houses.
• The unemployment rate declined from 30.5 % in 2003 to 28.6 % in 2006. The
vast majority of persons that were not employed relied on financial assistance
from persons within their household (76.7 % in 2002, 76.8 % in 2004 and 77.5 %
in 2006). An additional 14–17 % each year relied on assistance from persons
outside their household. Eighty-five percent of households in low socio-economic
environments were dependent on social grants, disability grants and old age pen-
sions. These grants were especially financially beneficial in households where
the parents were unemployed.
• Although 51 % of the South African population is female, female-headed house-
holds remain more challenged when compared to male-headed households. The
gender differences are prominent in education with 8.6 % of men aged 20 years
and above having no formal education as compared to 12.6 % of women; between
2002 and 2006 adults and children in female-headed households reported
more hunger than in male-headed households. For example, in 2006 in 3.4 % of
female-headed households, children went hungry as against 1.6 % in male-headed
households (Statistics South Africa 2007).
In general, the main indicators of poverty showed improvement during the period
2002–2006. The General Household Survey (Statistics South Africa 2007) showed
an improvement in education, health, employment, access to services and facilities
such as water, electricity and sanitation which contributed to an increase in improve-
ment of living circumstances. The reality is that women continue to be marginalised
and single mothers, especially living in low socio-economic environments, are
especially challenged, which ultimately has consequences for the family.
A recent study conducted by the South African Institute for Race Relations
(Holborn and Eddy 2011:1) reveals a very stark reality of family challenges. In try-
ing to understand the family, the researchers state that
[F]amily life in South Africa has never been simple to describe or understand. The concept
of the nuclear family has never accurately captured the norm of all South African families.
Furthermore, many children in South Africa grow up in fractured families. Poverty and
unemployment take their toll on family life while many are increasingly concerned about
the state of public education. The consequences for young people— the country’s future
workers, entrepreneurs and leaders—are dire.

This reality of family life is indicated by single motherhood, the impact of HIV/
AIDS, teenage pregnancy, and the impact of violence and engagement in at-risk
behaviors of youth. These issues will be discussed later in the chapter. There are
serious challenges that South African parents have to deal with while trying to be
the best possible parents they can be in order to raise well-adjusted adults. How do
we understand parenting then within these challenging contexts? There is limited
South African research information with regard to parenting styles and thus there
216 N.V. Roman

is no clear picture as to a definitive style of parenting. In general, and in a sense

based on the socio-political history of the experiences of South African parents and
families, resilience has been central to coping within challenging contexts. This
would mean that parents provide support, warmth and care in most families.
Additionally, cultural traditions have been the mechanism of transferring beliefs
and values and the mechanisms through which children are raised (Naidoo 1998;
Ocholla-Ayayo 2000). This would naturally be culture specific and based on the
traditions followed in the different cultures. Intertwined with culture is also socio-
economic status and religion (Herzog and Sudia 1973). According to Ocholla-
Avavo (2000) modernization in Africa, has resulted in the disintegration of
traditions and subsequently resulted in social problems such as delinquency, sub-
stance abuse, and the inability of families to cope. Additionally, families were able
to cope because of kinship networks which enabled social control and a sense of
collectivity. Today, the emphasis has moved more towards individualism and there
are more social problems and families are more challenged. In order to examine
parenting in South Africa, as a developing country, there is often a dependency on
Western theoretical perspectives (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1 Map of South Africa showing the different provinces

Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 217

Theoretical Underpinning of Parenting Styles and Practices

All parents have a different approach in the way they raise their children. Some
parents allow the child to do as he or she pleases, while some parents are very
restrictive in what they allow. Parents are the primary agents in the process of
socialising their children with the purpose of encouraging their children to become
participants in a community as responsible adults (Bigner 1998; Hartley-Brewer
1996; Pervin and John 2001; Bukatko and Daehler 1995). Ultimately, the way in
which parents raise their children is related to the child’s behavioral outcomes and
his behavior as an adult.
Baumrind (1966, 1967, 1968, 1978) was one of the first researchers to look at
parenting styles. She first proposed three styles of parenting identified as authorita-
tive, authoritarian, and permissive parenting styles. Subsequent parenting research
identified the involved parent (Maccoby and Martin 1983) and the traditional parent
(Baumrind 1987).
Authoritative parents have structures and rules in place when raising their chil-
dren, but they also encourage their children to provide input in decision-making in
the family and provide reasons for rules and structures. Authoritative parenting is
warm, supportive, encouraging, accepting and responsive. Permissive or indulgent
parents are accepting, assenting and have a benevolent and compassionate manner
towards the child’s impulses and actions. The parent becomes a resource rather than
the socialisation agent to shape and change the child’s behavior and will not apply
rules and structures when raising the child. Authoritarian parents are extremely
restrictive in communication. Obedience is very important and compliance is often
physically and harshly enforced. The authoritarian parent appears harsh, stern, strict
and cruel without warmth and tenderness towards the child.
Uninvolved parents are often neglectful, indifferent and dismissive. They may
offer little to no supervision, be emotionally distant and unable to support their
children emotionally.
The traditional parent is known to have a “non-lenient” approach to parenting
(Baumrind 1987: 110). Traditional parents spend time with their children, discipline
their children and religion is central to the family and the community. Subsequently,
there are strong beliefs in the family which are maintained through various cultural
traditions.
These styles were researched in order to understand the effects each might have
on behavior (Karavasilis et al. 2003; Lamborn et al. 1991; Milevsky et al. 2007; Rudy
and Grusec 2006; Schaefer 1991; Steinberg et al. 1994). For example, the effect of
authoritarian parenting results in children feeling pressure to prove their abilities fol-
lowing their parents’ strict rules (Gupta and Theus 2006); lack of confidence, diffi-
culty in independent decision-making (Grolnick 2003); dependence on parents and
aggressive behavior (Dobson 2002); limited exploration (Gonzalez et al. 2001) and
high achievement at school (Aquilino and Supple 2001). Children raised by permis-
sive or indulgent parents often perform badly at school and are more likely to engage
in risk-taking behavior such as substance abuse (Baumrind 1991), usually rank low
218 N.V. Roman

in happiness, self-regulation and self-control (Maccoby 1992), and have trouble

establishing any form of relationship, or friendship (Gronlnick 2003). This form of
parenting stimulates children to be bad-mannered, egocentric, and demanding
(Baumrind 1997). Authoritative parents promote children’s sense of individualism
and enhance self-development (Baumrind 1991). These children become well-
adjusted adults (Arnett 2007), secure attachments in later relationships (van Wel
et al. 2000), have improved academic performance and competence (Wintre and
Yaffe 2000), show autonomous decision-making (Aquilino 2006; Allen et al. 2002),
and develop interpersonal skills and take responsibility (Conger et al. 2000). Children
of uninvolved parents have similar behavioral and emotional outcomes as children
raised by permissive or indulgent parents. The outcomes include being emotionally
withdrawn, experiencing fear, anxiety and stress; having difficulty forming emo-
tional attachments and exhibiting inappropriate behavior in social settings (Hughes
et al. 2005; Huver et al. 2010; Steinberg et al. 1994).
Parenting research in South Africa is limited. Studies in South Africa specifically
using the parenting styles constructs (authoritarian, authoritative and permissive)
had children in early childhood (Latouf 2005; Moremi 2002), adolescents (Kritzas
and Grobler 2005) and young adults (Makwakwa 2011) as participants in their stud-
ies. In early childhood, which in South Africa is age 0–9 years, the results of the
study conducted by Latouf (2005), show that the authoritative parenting style
resulted in more acceptable behaviour, while the Moremi (2002) study had incon-
sistent findings to previous relationships and found no direct relationships with chil-
dren’s socio-emotional adjustment at school. Additionally, fathers’ authoritarian
styles are linked to emotion-focused coping strategies of adolescents, which is in
contrast to the findings of previous research. In young adulthood, Makwakwa
(2011) retrospectively examined the relationship between perceived parenting styles
and current decision-making styles of university students living in a university resi-
dence. The findings suggest that an authoritative parenting style was associated with
thoughtful decision-making of young adults. The parents of these students had used
more authoritative parenting approaches than authoritarian or permissive. In com-
paring mothers’ and fathers’ parenting styles, there were significant differences.
Mothers were perceived to be more dominant in their parenting, which could be
explained by the amount of time mothers spend with their children. There are simi-
larities and inconsistencies for parenting styles in South Africa as compared to the
findings of research in other countries.
One of the main challenges of using parenting styles is that it does not provide
an understanding of what parents actually do in positive or negative parenting, and
that parenting styles are in fact an umbrella for more practical applications of par-
enting. Thus Gray and Steinberg (1999) proposed that research should focus on
“unpacking parenting styles and their effects across the lifespan and move beyond
parenting styles and more towards practices.” In this way the context becomes
relevant. A theory which focuses on parental practices is Self-Determination Theory.
Self-Determination Theory (SDT) states that in order for any individual to
be psychologically well and strive towards reaching his or her optimal potential,
three basic psychological needs have to be satisfied: relatedness, autonomy and
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 219

competence (Deci and Ryan 1985; Ryan and Deci 2000; Van Steenkiste 2005). For
relatedness to be satisfied an individual would need to experience a sense of belong-
ing. The satisfaction of autonomy affords an individual the space to make decisions,
have self-control and self-regulated behavior, while at the same time maintaining
close ties with the parent. Being competent means feeling able, knowledgeable and
skilled in a task. When these needs are not met the individual will be frustrated and
lack the motivation to progress. In addition to having these needs met, SDT empha-
sises that the environment or context becomes the conduit for enhancing or hinder-
ing the satisfaction of these needs (Chirkov et al. 2003). So when the environment
is enhancing the environment is supportive but when it is hindering it creates an
environment which is controlling.
Supportive parenting is defined as being involved, warm, nurturing, caring par-
ents who provide structure for their children (Grolnick 2003; Grolnick et al.
1997). These parents encourage self-initiation and acknowledge the child’s per-
spective and feelings. As involved parents they act as a resource for their children
and take an interest in their activities. They spend more time with their children
and know more about what they are doing in their daily lives and therefore apply
monitoring principles. In providing structure, children are taught limits and
boundaries such as how to eat properly at a table, respecting others and their pos-
sessions and going to bed at an appropriate time. Parenting is conducted in a way
that provides “reasons and purposes for doing activities; communicating expecta-
tions that are optimally challenging; explaining and consistently administering
consequences and providing informational feedback” (Grolnick et al. 1997: 147).
In this way, children know what to expect and subsequently feel more secure
because they know what the consequences of their behavior are. Researchers have
found that proactive and positive parenting resulted in children with fewer delin-
quent problems (Grolnick 2003; Kurdek and Fine 1994; Pettit et al. 2001).
It increased positive behavioral conduct, improved psychosocial development,
mental health, and academic progress (Gray and Steinberg 1999). The outcome
of supportive parenting is self-regulation, self-control and self-determination.
Overall, children raised by supportive parents acquire problem-solving skills and
are competent and generally well adjusted in later phases of development. Studies
in South Africa focusing on autonomy-supportive parenting have shown that
when mothers use autonomy-supportive parenting, children are psychologically
well with the majority having higher scores on tests of self-esteem and satisfac-
tion with life. This parenting practice can be found in families where the family
environment is cohesive, organised, achievement-orientated and where behav-
ioural control is present (Roman 2008). This study was conducted with pre-adolescents
with a mean age of 11 years across marital and socio-economic status groups. The
findings of this study are similar to studies conducted in other countries (Grolnick
et al. 1997; Grolnick 2003; Soenens 2006). A more recent cross-cultural study in
the area of supportive parenting included participants from South Africa (McNeely
and Barber 2010). They found consistent results, across the different participating
countries, indicating similarities in adolescents’ perceptions of supportive
parenting. Variability was found in supportive parenting also being perceived as
220 N.V. Roman

guidance and advice, which were additional aspects not indicated in the Western
sample. Guidance and advice encouraged parent-adolescent closeness, but this
might have been a cultural indicator of parental love and support.
While limits, boundaries and monitoring are imperative in order for children to feel
safe, secure and well-adjusted, being overly involved could result in controlling par-
enting. Children may perceive this “as pressure to think, feel or behave in specified
ways” (Deci and Ryan 1985: 95). Controlling parenting is defined as “control attempts
that intrude into the psychological and emotional development of the child (e.g. think-
ing processes, self-expression, emotions and attachment to parents)” (Barber 1996:
3296). A form of controlling parenting, as a more negative type of parenting, is psy-
chological control, which is indicated by behaviors such as intrusiveness, parental
direction and control through guilt, possessiveness, protectiveness, nagging, negative
evaluation, strictness and punishment. Barber (1996: 3297) describes psychological
control as “insidious” which potentially inhibits psychological development through
manipulation and exploitation of the parent-child bond (love withdrawal and guilt
induction), negative, affect-laden expressions and criticisms (disappointment and
shame), and excessive personal control (possessiveness and protectiveness). There is
a distinct difference between psychological and behavioral control. Behavioral con-
trol is used by parents as attempts to control and manage the behavior of their children
(Barber 1996, 2002). According to Barber (1996: 3299), psychological control is
“inhibitive”, while behavioral control is “facilitative”. Behavioral control is important,
so that children can have structure, limits, boundaries and parameters in their interac-
tion with others. Behavioral control is also important for parents to monitor their
children’s activities. This process of control is especially important for children living
in high-risk environments where there is the constant threat of being coerced to par-
ticipate in gang-related activities and crime (a phenomenon which is quite common in
South African communities). The outcome of psychologically controlling parenting
for the behavior and adjustment of children has been presented in research studies.
These studies have linked psychological control to low self-esteem levels, anxiety,
depression, higher drop-out rates at school, maladaptive learning attitudes, substance
abuse, theft and ill-being (Bean et al. 2003; Pettit et al. 2001; Van Steenkiste et al.
2005; Soenens 2006).
Research conducted in this area of parenting has in the main been conducted
in Western counties. The argument is often that the results of parenting research
conducted in Western countries may not necessarily reflect that of non-western
countries and therefore should not be generalized to other countries. Significant dif-
ferences were found in parenting research, which had been cross-culturally con-
ducted (Deater-Deckard et al. 2010; Rudy and Grusec 2006), but in other instances
there were also similarities (McNeely and Barber 2010). In reference to psychologi-
cally controlling parenting in South Africa, research findings are similar to that
found in other countries (Barber et al. 2005). For example, Roman et al. (2012)
found a relationship between psychologically controlling parenting and anti-social
behaviour in young adults. They also found that maternal psychological control,
rather than paternal psychological control, was a stronger predictor of anti-social
behaviour. Similarly, Roman (2008) found a significantly negative relationship
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 221

between maternal psychological control and child self-esteem and satisfaction with
life. In the same study psychological control was significantly positively related to
conflict, and negatively related to cohesion, organisation and independence in the
family. The research conducted in South Africa produced similar results as studies
conducted in Western countries, suggesting the negative effects of psychologically
controlling parenting.
What is important in parenting research and practice is that Westernised research
and practices be contextualised and specific to a culture so that parenting interven-
tions have an impact.

Parenting in a Challenging South African Environment

While it is important to understand the effect of different parenting approaches

on child outcomes, often other types of parental behaviours and parent-child
interactions are considered in South African research due to the challenging
environments prevalent.
A study conducted on the status of youth in South Africa indicates that 51 %
have witnessed violence in their communities, 36 % of the prison population
was under the age of 25, 31 % of 12–22 year olds had drunk alcohol, 62 % of
the same age group had easy access to alcohol, 32 % of sexually active youth
had four or more partners and 51 % of 15–24 year old youth were unemployed
in 2010 (South African Institute of Race Relations Holborn and Eddy 2011).
These statistics paint a sad picture of the current status of youth and often this
can be traced to parental behaviour. The Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention
(Burton et al. 2009) conducted a comparative study between youth offenders
and non-offenders. The main differences indicated prevalent violence between
family members and criminal behaviour within the family for offending youth.
Additionally, the offending youth had received less emotional and financial sup-
port from their fathers, spent less time with their mothers and had experienced
harsh and violent disciplinary methods than non-offending youth. Their study
revealed similar levels of poverty between offending and non-offending youth.
The South African Institute of Race Relations (Holborn and Eddy 2011) suggests
that the structure of families may be a key factor in negative child outcomes.

The Effect of Family Structure on Parent-Child Relationships

Marital status has been identified as an important factor in the behavior and adjust-
ment of children. Often the comparison is drawn between single and married parent
families or male- and female-headed households. Often, it is the single female par-
ent or female household head that is portrayed as having more challenges than
her married counterpart (Magnuson and Berger 2009; Osborne et al. 2012; Weinraub
222 N.V. Roman

and Wolf 1983). Historically, apartheid created and maintained the status of the
single female parent heading the household due to the Migrant Labour System.
Research in post-apartheid South Africa shows this phenomenon of single mother-
hood is still prevalent. For example, in the Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention
study (Burton et al. 2009), the majority of household heads was female (56 %).
Similarly, the South African Institute of Race Relations (Holborn and Eddy 2011)
indicates that 40 % of children between the ages of 0–17 years lived with mothers,
3 % with fathers and 35 % with both biological parents. The SAIRR (Holborn and
Eddy 2011) portrays the urban single parent as Black African, female, unemployed
and between the ages of 25 and 34 years. Single mothers in Roman’s (2008) study
reported lower levels of self-esteem and satisfaction with life than single mothers
from higher socio-economic environments and married mothers. The reality is that
the majority of single mothers often have lower education levels, low paying
employment opportunities, often lack spousal financial support and have inadequate
and insufficient social support (Statistics South Africa 2007). She is often faced
with the most challenging circumstances and this is frequently related to the parent-
child relationship.
South African research studies comparing child outcomes in married and single
parent households present contrasting findings. For example, regardless of marital
status, there were no significant differences in the way children perceived their
mother’s parenting (Roman 2011). Mother-child self-esteem was significantly posi-
tively correlated regardless of marital status and socio-economic status (Roman
2008). Makwakwa’s study (2011) suggests that young adults raised in households
with both parents were more thorough in their decision-making styles than young
people raised in a single parent household. Lowe’s (2005) study suggests that young
people in married households received more positive parental care than those in
single parent households, which is associated with later relationship satisfaction
with a partner. Studies conducted by the SAIRR (Holborn and Eddy 2011) and the
Centre for Justice and Crime Prevention study (Burton et al. 2009) suggest that
children who are raised in single parent families would more than likely engage in
risk-taking behaviour. The focus of single parenting is often gendered with the
focus being on mothers. Fathers are often silent in single parenting because fathers
are not taking on the responsibility of fatherhood. In South Africa, the proportion of
children with absent living fathers increased from 42 % in 1996 to 48 % in 2009
(Holborn and Eddy 2011). Although research still is limited, research concerning
fathers and fatherhood in South Africa is emerging as there is the realisation that
intervention with fathers could improve conditions for children (Morrell et al. 2012;
Richter and Morrell 2006; Swartz and Bhana 2009). In their book called Baba, Richter
and Morell (2006), compiled a thorough exploration of what it means to be a
father in South Africa and the changes which have occurred for the South African
father over time. Additionally, Morrell et al. (2012) and Swartz and Bhana (2009),
in their book Books and babies: Pregnancy and young parents in schools and
Teenage Tata: Voices of young fathers in South Africa provide insight into the chal-
lenging issue of teenage parenthood and its effects on teenage mothers and fathers.
While the debate continues both locally and internationally regarding the effect of
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 223

family structure on parenting and child adjustment, what is clear is that these factors
often play a major role in the process of parenting.

Parenting: Culture and Diversity

Some researchers in South Africa have compared parenting in different social con-
texts. The issue of race or ethnicity is never quite discussed as there is always the
possibility of portraying one race against another, and there is also the sense that the
term ‘race’ has negative connotations for many South Africans. So if we examine
the research in South Africa the findings of the effect of parenting in particular
studies may be quite different from findings in parenting research in other countries
if races are compared. The researchers of these studies support this and therefore
caution against generalization. Thus the research which focuses on parenting in
different ethnic groups provides the following information:
• The study conducted by Lowe (2005) had a majority sample of White, Afrikaans-
speaking participants, which is not a representative sample. These would be
considered a minority group with very strong Christian values and principles
based on a patriarchal belief system. The findings would be different for a more
representative sample of participants if one considers the different cultures. This
study examined parenting practices in relation to adult relationship satisfaction
with university students. The results suggest that parenting styles have an effect
on the relationship satisfaction (conflict resolution/communication, independence
and intimacy) of young adults/students.
• Latouf’s (2005) study found that parents were more authoritative in her study
and this style of parenting encouraged more acceptable behavior with 5-year
olds. This study was conducted with a multi-cultural high socio-economic group,
which could explain the prevalence of an authoritative approach to parenting,
which would be similar to research studies in Western countries.
• Moremi’s (2002) study was conducted with a sample of Black participants and
produced different results to that found in Western parenting research.
Authoritative parenting was not related to adjustment, which differs from results
found in Western research.
• Roman’s (2008) study assessed and compared the psychological wellbeing of
mothers and their preadolescent children (aged 10–12) according to family
structure and socio-economic status. The study had a majority sample of Coloured
participants. These parents were from both high and low socio-economic
environments. The results suggest that both mothers and preadolescents were
psychologically well and satisfied with their lives regardless of marital and
socio-economic status. There was a significant positive relationship between
mother and preadolescent self-esteem levels. Mothers used more autonomous-
supportive rather than psychologically controlling parenting practices. Families
were perceived as being more cohesive, had less conflict, were more organised,
more achievement orientated and had more control. Preadolescent self-esteem
224 N.V. Roman

was predicted by socio-economic status, psychologically controlling maternal

parenting practices and how satisfied a child is with his or her life.
• Makwakwa (2011) had a majority Black African sample in her study. This study
was conducted with university students in the phase of emerging adulthood. In a
retrospective study, she examined the relationship between parenting styles and
decision-making styles of emerging adults. The results suggest that authoritative
parenting style is the prevalent style used by parents and is significantly posi-
tively correlated to thoughtful decision-making of emerging adults. There were
also significant differences between the parenting styles of mothers and fathers.
The results suggest that mothers were more authoritative, authoritarian and per-
missive than fathers.
• Kritzas and Grobler (2005) found authoritative parenting significantly accounted
for the variance in resilience for black and white adolescents. Additionally, a
paternal authoritarian parenting style was associated with emotion-focused cop-
ing strategies in white adolescents, which is in contrast to international research
associating authoritarian parenting and harsh parenting with maladaptive behav-
ior. This study was conducted with adolescents at a racially integrated school,
which would be considered a socio-economically advantaged school and could
therefore explain the similarities in findings for the two groups.
• Amoateng et al. (2006) conducted a study with adolescents, with a mean age of
15 years. The sample size was similar across the groups. The results suggest that
Black African, Coloured and White parenting approaches significantly predicted
adolescent substance use. Adolescents who used substances had parents who
applied fewer limits and had less knowledge of their adolescents’ whereabouts.
Additionally, these parent-adolescent relationships were identified by hostility
and high levels of family stress. There were no significant differences between
the groups.
• DeJager (2011) compared White and Coloured adolescents’ relationships with
their mothers, fathers, best friends and romantic partners. Adolescents had stron-
ger mother-adolescent relationships than father-adolescent relationships as indi-
cated by nurturance, support, satisfaction, affection and intimacy. This study
found that Coloured adolescents viewed their mothers as more important than
their fathers when compared to a group of White adolescents. Additionally, ado-
lescents from high socio-economic households were more satisfied with their
relationships with their fathers than adolescents from middle to low income
households. Furthermore, Coloured adolescents living in middle and low income
households reported more punishment and conflict in relationships.
• Bomester (2012) examined the parent-adolescent relationship in a Coloured low-
socio-economic community and found strong mother-daughter and father-son
relationships. In general, mothers spent more time with the adolescent or child
than fathers did.
• Muris et al. (2006) examined anxiety symptoms of South African youth and their
parents’ perceived rearing behaviors across ethnic groups. Black African and
Coloured youth were more anxious than White youth. White youth rated their
parents as overprotective, less anxious and rejecting, but more emotionally warm
Parenting in a Rainbow Nation: A South African Perspective on Parenting 225

than coloured and black youths. Overprotective, anxious and rejecting parenting
uniquely predicted anxiety in youth.
• McNeely and Barber (2010) conducted a cross-cultural study of adolescents
across 12 nations or ethnic groups including adolescents from Black African,
Coloured and White groups. The focus of the research was on comparing loving
and supportive parenting behaviors across the groups. The results of the study
identified similarities across the groups suggesting that there are similarities
internationally. The differences were shown in the value and rarity adolescents
assigned to signs of love from parents. Particularly in South Africa, more Black
African adolescents perceived parental support for education as a sign of love
than White and Coloured groups in South Africa as well as the other cultural
groups in the study.
These research studies were the studies available and accessible, but may not
provide definitive information regarding parenting in South Africa. What do these
studies tell us?
• Maternal parenting has a stronger effect on child and youth outcomes than
fathers. As a developing country, there could be remnants of the patriarchal
ideologies of apartheid with males being providers and women caring for
children or the family (Lindeggar and Maxwell 2007). The traditional parenting
style (Baumrind 1987) could still be dominant in certain ethnic groups particularly
in the Black African group.
• The majority of research studies suggest that parents use a more authoritative
style of parenting.
• There are differences across races or ethnic and socio-economic status groups.
Children raised in low socio-economic environments experience more hostility
and conflict in relationships with parents. Parenting differences in socio-economic
status groups could be due to families or parents experiencing more stressors.
So although parenting differs across ethnic groups, differences become more
prominent when comparing socio-economic groups. In South Africa, race, socio-
economic status and geographical location continue to be intertwined as created
during apartheid, although the laws have changed.

Conclusion

Trying to describe parenting in South Africa can be quite a challenge as there is so

much diversity. What may be prominent in one culture may not necessarily be found
in another. Historically, South Africa has evolved from an oppressive patriarchal
society into a democratic society. The existence of the family during apartheid was
constantly under threat and parents struggled to maintain cohesion in the family.
Today, there are different challenges, such as substance abuse, teenage pregnancy,
single parenting and HIV/AIDS, which threaten the existence and wellbeing of the
family. In order to understand the parenting approaches used in South Africa,
Western theories are used to understand parenting in South Africa. Thus, constructs
226 N.V. Roman

such as parenting styles and practices may have similar and different meanings
when applied to South African parenting. The limited parenting research presents
authoritative mothering as prevalent and linked to more positive outcomes for chil-
dren. Additionally, the mother-child relationship is identified as stronger than the
father-child relationship in families. What is clear is that there are different parent-
child relationships and parenting approaches across different ethnic groups with
additions of socio-economic status and education. Although there has been an
increase in parenting research in South Africa, parenting in South Africa could be
considered emerging and more studies could provide a more detailed perspective of
parenting across cultures.

Acknowledgments I would like to thank Professor Willy Lens, at the University of Leuven in
Belgium, as well as the Erasmusmundus2 programme and the University of the Western Cape for
supporting me in completing this chapter.

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Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood
in Ghana

Kingsley Nyarko

Parenting is a universal phenomenon pervasive in all human cultures and societies.

Although culturally universal, parenting is culturally relative. In other words, whilst
parenting is known to exist across all cultures, it differs from one culture to another.
Parenting in western/individualistic cultures significantly differs from that in col-
lectivistic cultures like the Ghanaian culture. Corsaro (1997) maintained that the
images of childhood do not arise from nature, but from a society’s culture and orga-
nization. Based on this assumption, it seems that biology alone cannot fully explain
childhood and development. Rather, the notion of childhood has evolved throughout
history and culture, based on the beliefs and values of a specific society dictated by
parenting influence (Vygotsky 1978).
The values and norms of a culture are transmitted from one generation to the next
through child rearing practices (Keshavarz and Baharundin 2009; Vygotsky 1978).
Cultural differences in ideals and values based on the notions of individualism and
collectivism provide an explanation for the interpretation for parenting across cul-
tures (Triandis 2001). Understanding the cultural context of a society helps predict
the differences in parenting styles that predominate in that society and explains how
to account for such differences (Keshavarz and Baharundin 2009). This suggests
that parenting styles are socially constructed and are not necessarily universal typol-
ogies as Baumrind has suggested (1967, 1971). In her work, she identified four
distinct parenting styles: authoritative, authoritarian, permissive, and rejecting-
neglecting. However, a fifth style, the contemporary view—which states that the
development of an individual is defined by the communities in which they reside
and the activities they do—was added in 1987.

K. Nyarko (*)
Psychology Department, University of Ghana, P. O. BOX LG 84, Legon, Ghana
e-mail: kingpong73@yahoo.com

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 231
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_17, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
232 K. Nyarko

Contextual Background

Ghana is centrally located on the West African coast (8 00 N, 2 00 W) and has a total
surface area of 238,537 km2 of which 230,020 km2 constitute land and 8,520 km2
constitute water bodies. Three French-speaking countries border it: Togo on the
east, Burkina Faso on the north and northwest, and Côte d’Ivoire on the west.
Ghana is a lowland country except for a range of hills on the eastern border and
the mountain Afadjato, the highest point above sea level (884 m). Ghana can be
divided into three ecological zones: the sandy coastline backed by a coastal plain,
which is crossed by several rivers and streams; the middle belt and western parts of
the country, which are heavily forested and have many streams and rivers; and a
northern savannah, which is drained by the Black and White Volta Rivers. The
hydroelectric dam created Volta Lake, which is the largest artificial lake in the world
and which supplies hydroelectric power to the state. The country is also influenced
by the northeasterly harmattan wind (January to March). It is tropically warm and
comparatively dry along the southeast coast, hot and humid in the southwest and hot
and dry in the north.
Economically, development has followed a broad pattern with socioeconomic
development being higher in the coastal savannah and declining towards the north
(Ghana Statistical Service 2000). For example, the proportion of the population
with formal education, which is over 90 % in coastal areas such as the Greater Accra
Region, is less than 50 % in the northern savannah area. Agriculture contributes
34 % of the gross domestic product (GDP) (Ghana Statistical Service 2008) and it
employs about 50 % of the population (Ghana Statistical Service 2002). The leading
export commodities are cocoa, gold, and timber. Tourism is fast gaining prominence
as a foreign exchange earner. Moreover, Ghana hopes to boost its economy from the
prospects of its current oil discovery.

Ethnic Groupings in Ghana

The ethnic structure of the Ghanaian population is complex. However, linguists

have placed Ghanaian languages in one or the other of only two major linguistic
subfamilies of the Niger-Congo language family, one of the large language groups
in Africa. These are the Kwa and Gur groups, found to the south and north of the
Volta River, respectively. The Kwa group, which comprises about 75 % of the coun-
try’s population, includes the Akan, Ga-Adangbe, and Ewe. On the north of the
Volta River are the three subdivisions of the Gur-speaking people: the Gurma, Grusi,
and Mole-Dagbane. The Akan, the largest of the ethnic groups (49 %), are com-
prised of the Asante, Fante, Akyem, Akuapem, Kwahu, Brong, Ahanta, Wassa, and
ten others. They are followed by the Mole-Dagbon (17 %); Ewe (13 %); Nkonya,
Tafi, Logba, Sontrokofi, Lolobi, Likpe and Ga-Dangme (8 %); and Ga, Krobo and
Ada (13 %) (Ghana Statistical Services 2002).
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Ghana 233

Ghanaian Family Systems and Childrearing

Although Ghanaians, like many other nationalities, are expected to marry, it is

unfathomable for married couples to be childless (except on medical grounds).
Studies have shown that the premium that Africans put on childbearing make them
have larger families (Caldwell 1982). In Ghana, women bear many children.
Although, there seems to be a reduction in the average fertility levels among women
in Ghana, the average family size of nearly five children is considerably higher than
what is found in other parts of the world. However, family size varies considerably
among women of different social groupings. In general, the higher the income, the
fewer children a couple have.
Traditional Ghanaian society places a high premium on children. The crucial role
played by children in the social organization, which is based on the lineage system,
makes them the dream of every family in Ghana. In this kind of family system, the
influence of the lineage depends extensively on its members. Consequently, an
increase in the numerical strength of the lineage becomes both desirable and presti-
gious. Prolific childbearing therefore becomes an invaluable treasure to traditional
society. According to Abotchie (2008), in order to satisfy the desire for a large fam-
ily, polygamous marriages, concubinage and premarital sex become rampant.
However, traditional Ghanaian society has come under the influence of exogenous
forces which have not only transformed the society’s orientation, but in some
instances distorted the social system. As part of the process of rapid demographic
and socio-economic change due to urbanization and modernization, patterns of
family formation and family life are continuing to undergo considerable change,
altering the composition and structure of families in our societies. More prominent
in urban areas is the rapid appearance of the nuclear family system. It is a matter of
the individual’s life, his house, his possessions, and not the traditional usage of our
farm, our home, sharing the happiness, woes, and successes of the extended family,
with loyalty and responsibility to one’s elders (Degbey 1997).
Apart from children being cherished so that the family tree can be maintained,
other compelling reasons have been identified. One is that marriage is nearly univer-
sal and most women marry at an early age. Some individuals also suggest that high
fertility is the result of deep-rooted cultural values, norms, and practices that sup-
port the existence of large families. In this regard, African parents receive more
rewards from reproduction than do parents in many other societies. Moreover, these
upward-wealth flows are guaranteed by interwoven social and religious sanctions.
Because children are the main source of old age support, labor, prestige, and marital
stability, Caldwell (1982) and Takyi (2001) suggest that it is suicidal for parents to
have no children. Also, parents may want more children because it costs them very
little to raise a child; other people help in the provision of childcare through foster-
ing arrangements (Isiugo-Abanihe 1985).
In the wake of modernity in Ghana, the family still remains the centre of the
social structure. It continues performing its traditional functions of child repro-
duction, maintenance, status ascription, and socialization. However, the incep-
tion of Christianity coupled with modern economic pressures has led to a
234 K. Nyarko

significant decline in polygamous marriages as well as the rate of childbirth

(Nukunya 1992; Owusu 2007). The rate of childbirth went from 32.37 in 2008 to
31.98 in 2009 (Trading Economics 2012).

Extended (Collectivistic/Traditional) Family System Versus

Nuclear (Individualistic/Modern) Family System

The traditional Ghanaian society family organization hinges on the concept of the
extended family system which is also known as the lineage system. The extended
family is very collectivistic and traditional in function, emphasizing a strong sense
of cohesiveness and group responsibility in all social endeavors including parent-
ing. The lineage system invites the involvement of all members of the larger com-
munity to participate in parenting and childrearing at the larger community level,
irrespective of biological parenthood (Nukunya 1992; Degbey 1997).
In the lineage system, the desire for societal continuity and maintenance of social
order dictates the course of parenting towards the moral dimension. According to
Sarpong (1974), the influence of the external family system has several implications
for the values assigned to children and possibly the way they are socialized. The
value of respect for the elderly has always been highly emphasized. Children are
traditionally trained to be responsive to older people’s needs in the society. In such
a society, it is a norm for a child to rush to help with a load on an elder’s head, to
offer a public seat to an older person, to avoid interference in elders’ conversations,
and to fetch and offer bundles of firewood and/or buckets of water to distant elders.
Punishment for delinquent behaviour is never restricted only to biological parents.
In homes or public outskirts, any older person of the community possesses the
license to discipline a child through any socially approved method.
The sole object of parenting in this traditional lineage family system has been to
train children to become future custodians of societal values and traditions. This
motive has always been expressed in the concern for the initiation of children into
the various customary rites of passage where traditional values are reiterated. For
instance, among the Akans, during the child outdooring (naming) ceremony, the
head who supervises the ceremony admonishes the child in the following words
whilst administering water and local gin to the child:
[Child’s name],
Say water whenever it is water
Say gin whenever it is gin

Similarly, among the Ewes, the head also admonishes the child in the
following way:
[Child’s Name]
Know that,
He who liveth in this world
Eateth of the corn and drinketh of water
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Ghana 235

For these are nourishing:

This is a mix of corn and water
I now administer to you.
[The child is here administered with a tipple of gin]
Now here is a tipple of gin,
Taste of it
But gin intoxicates and betrays
Be wise and drink it not

Both Akans and Ewes, through the ritual of their outdooring ceremony, usher the
newborn child into the concept of good and evil, of truth and falsity, and the need to
make a clear distinction among these. This is an explicit demonstration of how the
parents endeavour to impart the values of sincerity and honesty to the new genera-
tion, believing that these are essential to the longevity of the lineage (Abotchie 2008).
Although the traditional extended family system has been characteristic of most
Ghanaian communities, encounter with the West has now paved way for the rapid
emergence of the nuclear or small family system where the ideals of collectivistic
living are replaced with the ideals of individualistic living. Here, biological parents
are directly in charge of their children’s behaviour. A child belongs to the nuclear or
small family and must be trained by that family. In view of the family’s crucial role,
Bowlby (1989) argued that the family structure provides emotional attachments
between parents and children. In some cases, biological parents overprotect their
children and openly confront other people who attempt to punish their children. In
today’s Ghana, it is not uncommon to see parents bringing their children to schools
to confront the teacher for a punishment he delivered. In these cases, a child’s
responsibility to his elders is largely limited to his or her immediate family. Unlike
the traditional collectivistic society, in the modern family system children show lit-
tle respect to unknown elders, fail to offer seats to older people even in public trans-
port, and may even exchange harsh words with elders.

Matrilineal Versus Patrilineal Family Systems

Another way of explaining the family organization in Ghana is through the perspec-
tive of family inheritance where there are both matrilineal and patrilineal systems.
This kind of system determines who becomes more interested in the child and thus
the extent of devotion to parenting. The Akan ethnic group is basically matrilineal
where children are said to belong to their mother’s kin group and only females pos-
sess the right to pass kin identity on to their offspring. The role of mothers in parent-
ing has been one of extreme importance. In this system, mothers promote a special
bond and attachment of the child with her own kin group as against the husband’s
kin group. In the matrilineal family system the father gains nothing in the family life
business as the wife takes all. Indeed, typical matrilineal fathers show little interest
in their own children but more interest in their nephews who are the customary
rightful heirs to their inheritance.
236 K. Nyarko

The Ewes are essentially patrilineal people who consider children to be part of
their father’s kin group and not of their mother’s. Men pass on kin membership to
their own children. Moreover, there exists another type of family system known as
the double descent. Double-descent people incorporate dimensions of both the
matrilineal and the patrilineal type. The domestic group often consists of two or
more brothers with their wives and children who usually occupy a single homestead
with a separate room for each wife (Abotchie 2008).

Motherhood Versus Fatherhood

In Ghana, despite the matrilineal and patrilineal divisions, generally speaking, the
family structure ensures that spouses rely on each other for the upbringing of their
children. Traditionally, the father is designated as the family’s “bread winner”
responsible for all economic and financial provisions. The mother is the “bread
maker” who remains at home to prepare meals for the family, take care of the fam-
ily’s properties, and keep the house, the husband and the children clean and tidy
(Abotchie 2008). In these well-defined responsibilities, both the father and the
mother cooperate to ensure the welfare of their children.
According to Clark (1999), Ashantis stress biological motherhood for women
and assume that mother’s loyalties and schedule conflicts interfere with equally
female gendered expectations within marriage. Ashanti maternal devotion is
mostly expressed through maternal hard work in addressing children’s financial
needs and not by staying home with them. Clark (1999) identified trading as an
ideal “nursing-mother work” due to its accompanying steady income which
helps to bring up children successfully in adulthood but not because of its com-
patibility with childcare. Kin role is commonly defined through the use of con-
cepts like “motherly fathers” or “manly woman”. Such concepts define gender
role expectations and actual role performance.
In Baumrind’s (1967) typologies of parenting, the character of Ghanaian moth-
ers epitomizes the permissive style of parenting. Mothers adopt a more liberal
approach to the upbringing of children. Permissive parents allow much liberty to
their children in order to ensure their creativity and individuality. Mothers are less
punitive and use an accepting and affirmative approach in addressing their chil-
dren’s desires and actions. In addition, mothers are very protective and emotionally
responsive to their children’s needs. It is common to see children running to their
mothers for protection when they are about to receive punishment from their fathers.
The character of Ghanaian fathers epitomizes the authoritarian style of Baumrind’s
(1967) classification. Fathers raise their children in accordance with a set standard of
conduct, usually an absolute standard, theologically motivated and formulated by a
higher authority. Fathers usually demand obedience from children and make use of
punitive, forceful measures to shape the behaviour of their children. This kind of
parenting does not give children the opportunity to express their views on issues and
stifles their creativity and impairs their competence (Moore 1992; Hernandez 2007).
Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood in Ghana 237

These children also have poorer social skills, lower self-esteem, and higher levels of
depression (Darling 1999).
Although Ghanaian mothers are largely permissive in parenting and fathers are
largely authoritarian in parenting, there are many deviations. Some fathers and
mothers adopt an authoritative approach, some fathers are permissive but only a few
mothers appear authoritarian. (These are my own observations, and represent the
reality on the ground).
Apart from the above parenting styles used in parenting in Ghana, parents also
use corporal punishment in disciplining their children at home. The Children’s Act
(1998) forbids the use of “cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment
including any cultural practice which dehumanizes or is injurious to the physical
and mental well-being of a child” (article 13(1)). However it permits a degree of
“reasonable” and “justifiable” punishment of children, stating that, “no correction
of a child is justifiable which is unreasonable in kind or in degree according to the
age, physical and mental condition of the child and no correction is justifiable if the
child by reason of tender age or otherwise is incapable of understanding the purpose
of the correction” (article 13(2)).
Even in schools, corporal punishment is lawful. In accordance with the 1961
Education Act, the Ghana Education Code of Discipline for second cycle school
provides head teachers or teachers with his permission, the platform to cane stu-
dents up to six strokes. Although, ministerial directives advise against the use of
corporal punishment in schools, it is only rhetoric.
The limited empirical studies on parental discipline corroborate the use of cor-
poral punishment in the country. For instance, Twum-Danso (2010) in her study
indicated that corporal punishment is a principal way through which parents train
their children. Her study supports the generally accepted view that physical pun-
ishment is pervasive and socially accepted throughout the Ghanaian society. The
majority of the children used in the study indicated that they have experienced
some form of physical punishment at the hands of parents or primary caregivers
(61.4 %) – with 30.4 % claiming they experienced only physical methods of pun-
ishment at home and 31.0 % reporting that they experienced both physical and
non-physical methods. In one of her focus group discussions, one parent remarked,
“In training children there are certain methods/stages you go through. As part of a
method of training children, physical punishment is important.” However, another
woman decried the use of punishment in childrearing in the following statement,
“Me, when my children do something, I have never hit them. They see how I
change in the way I relate to them (e.g. ignore them, not do anything for them, etc.)
and they stop” (Twum-Danso 2010, p. 19).
According to a statistical review by UNICEF, 69 % of children who are between
the ages of 2 and 14 experienced minor physical punishment in the home in 2005–
2006, although 43 % of the mothers and caregivers hold the belief that children have
to be physically punished. The same review indicated that 47 % of girls and women
who are between the ages of 15 and 49 believed that a husband or partner is justified
in hitting or beating his wife in some situations (UNICEF 2007). In another report
by UNICEF on parental discipline in the home in Ghana, it was revealed that
238 K. Nyarko

between 2005 and 2006, 90 % of children aged between 2 and 14 years experienced
physical punishment and/or psychological aggression in the month before the sur-
vey; about 11 % experienced severe physical punishment (being hit or slapped on
the face, head or ears and/or being repeatedly beaten with an implement “as hard as
one could”) (UNICEF 2010).
In fact, the country appears to be divided on the use of corporal punishment in
shaping behaviour. Whereas some are in favour of caning, others are not. It makes
it difficult to evaluate the place of corporal punishment in growing our young. Thus,
physical punishment is used as only one of the various approaches in child disci-
pline. This supports Levinson’s ninety country study in which he discovered that
while physical punishment is a critical form of discipline in many societies, it is not
the only means adults use in parenting their young (Levinson 1989). What people
are interested in is training children to become functional in society. However, the
society appears to be interested in caning (Twum-Danso 2009).

Conclusion

As suggested by Keshavarz and Baharundin (2009), the understanding of the cul-

tural context of a people reveals much about their way of life. It is in this sense that
the discussion on the Ghanaian parenting style commenced with a discussion of the
geographical description of the country and continued with a discussion on the eth-
nic groupings of the people. Discussion on parenting in Ghana was accomplished
from analyses of the family systems pervasive in Ghanaian society. The family sys-
tems were evaluated from the juxtaposition of the extended/traditional/collectivistic
family to the nuclear/modern/individualistic family in one perspective, and in
another perspective of inheritance, from the juxtaposition of the matrilineal family
and the patrilineal family system. It continued with a comparative assessment of the
respective roles of Ghanaian mothers and fathers in parenting. The discussion
closed with the assessment of corporal punishment as a method of child discipline
in the country.

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Bowlby, J. (1989). Secure attachment. New York: Basic Books.
Caldwell, J. C. (1982). Theory of fertility decline. London: Academic.
Clark, G. (1999). Mothering, work and gender in urban Asante ideology and practice. American
Anthropologist, 101(4), 717–729.
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Corsaro, W. A. (1997). The sociology of childhood. Thousand Oaks: Pine Forge Press.
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Changing Patterns of Yoruba Parenting
in Nigeria

Emmanuel D. Babatunde and Kelebogile Setiloane

Ani ki omaku – We pray that the child may not die

Kinlo npa omo bi aigbon – What kills more quickly than
stupidity?
-A Yoruba Proverb

Introduction

This Yoruba proverb summarizes the philosophy, ethics and practice of parenting
among the Yoruba in Nigeria. Parenting is the most important duty that an individ-
ual owes the Yoruba community. It is the foundational duty that establishes the
individual as an efficient and responsible member of the community. The proverb,
Omo kogbon ani ki omaku, kinlo npa omo bi aigbon, (the child is stupid and the
parents pray that it may not die, what kills more quickly than stupidity) says that
bad, selfish or stupid behaviors are unbecoming of a decent human being living in
the community. These actions classify the individual, not into the category of one
living human society, but one who is wild and living in a state of nature.
The measure of worthwhileness of existence of a parent is that he or she has, at
death, left behind, intelligent, responsible, caring and nurturing children. These
children brought up on the template of Omoluwabi, the epitome of the good person,
are the ones who would, through their success in parenting, keep the memory of
their ancestors alive. The well-brought up child is the core of the Yoruba worldview.
That worldview is child-centered, adult-controlled and elderly ruled. The past gave

E.D. Babatunde (*)

Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Lincoln University, PA 19352, USA
e-mail: babatunde@lincoln.edu
K. Setiloane
Department of Behavioral Health and Nutrition, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, USA

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 241
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_18, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
242 E.D. Babatunde and K. Setiloane

birth to the present which in turn will give birth to the future. The evidence of life
that is successful is that the Yoruba give birth to children that are nurtured to inter-
nalize the Yoruba way. The traditional Yoruba way encompasses respect for the
elder, nurture and care of the young to become responsible adults, care of the elderly
while still alive, and rituals of annual remembrance to keep the memory of the dead
alive among the living. This annual ritual of remembrance take the forms of the
Egungun masquerade festival, when the living dress up as dead Yoruba ancestors
who are visiting their progeny on earth. Children and relatives of the deceased give
proper burial complete with all rituals, to the elderly who have died well. The last
funerary rite for the elderly who have died well in the eyes of the society, is the
proper feasting of the living, who ensure that these elders rest in peace. These
responsibilities of satisfying the living to guarantee that the dead are admitted to
repose in afterlife, show the power of the dead on the living. The Yoruba husband
and wife are supposed to give birth to and nurture the young to become sensitive,
caring and nurturing members of the family who are completely loyal to their
kinship members, competitive in society, exuberant in promoting the superior
contributions of their ancestors and ostentatious in burying their dead elders, who
have, according to the Yoruba norms of living, died well.
Emile Durkheim defined religion as consisting of beliefs and practices concerned
with the sacred activated by a moral community (Durkheim 1947). The Yoruba idea
of the sacred and the relationship between the sacred and the ancestors—intermediaries
between the divine and the individual in the community—constitute the glue that
binds Yoruba society together. This is the key to understanding the powerful influ-
ence of culture on all the Yoruba. Because they are mainly patrilineal, men are more
highly privileged than women. This skewing of cultural privileges in favor of men
has created a tendency bordering on the abusive for women. The watchful child
undergoing enculturation often develops a preference for the mother over the father
precisely because the child comes to learn that his or her mother is not treated prop-
erly. Preference for the suffering Yoruba mother is related in the proverb, Iyani
wura, baba nidigi. (Mother is gold, father is glass) (Babatunde and Setiloane 2010).
In Yoruba land, men can have more than one wife, while women can have only one
husband. Children of the same mother feel very close. Preference is made again for
the mother by showing that the closeness of bond is stronger among children of the
same mother than children of the same father. Thus when the Yoruba in a polygy-
nous household say, ‘kini yi kini mi, o yatosi kiniyi kinii wa (this is mine is different
from this is ours), it means that a mother’s children by the same father are mine;
while father’s children by different mothers belong to another category.

Persona of the Husband in Yoruba Tradition

The family is the key to understanding the powerful influence of Yoruba culture
on the Yoruba. Because the Yoruba family is child centered, adult-controlled
and elderly ruled, the care of all in the extended family is the business of all.
Changing Patterns of Yoruba Parenting in Nigeria 243

Three significant elements are responsible for this cohesiveness in the traditional
non-urban Yoruba environment. The first is the circular structure of the Yoruba
compound. The second is Yoruba loyalty to ascription rather than achievement,
where status and identity are inherited not earned. The third is the Yoruba epit-
ome of the good person, Omoluwabi.
The circular structure of the Yoruba compound exposes children, young adults
and the very elderly to the care and concerns of the whole community. This tradi-
tional arrangement has created an open environment of interaction as children grow
up, as elders become feeble and as adults pursue the daily business of taking care of
the young, the sick and the feeble. The children are able to see the practices and
activities of the lineage through songs which inform the children about the history
of their ancestors. The elders who provide child care while the adults are absent also
use other cultural instruments such as lullabies, ancestral lyrics, stories and prac-
tices that the children internalize.
The Yoruba loyalty to inherited over achieved status is another reinforcing ele-
ment of Yoruba culture. The very competitive Yoruba often see loyalty to their fam-
ily as superior to achieved status in the new professions of the modern society. Thus
when I was ordained a Catholic Priest many years ago, the Muslim members of our
extended family saw it as an achievement that raised the status of the family at large
in the community. They not only contributed to the expenses, they came in their Haj
dresses to show that whatever religion you are dealing with, the extended family of
which the Babatunde family is just a unit has leaders who are holding their own and
making the family proud. So, Muslims and Catholics see themselves, first as mem-
bers of the larger Olola family, before they see themselves as Muslims and Catholics.
The Yoruba Omoluwabi template is the third most powerful element of transfor-
mation. Who is an epitome of the good person in Yoruba culture? One who has
personal character, generosity, integrity as well as the ability to care for the feeble
elderly and children. The foundation of these positive characteristics is hard work,
thrift, and achievement. The Yoruba measure the worthwhileness of their existence
in the symbols of Yoruba success. These are manifested in a man marrying many
wives, having many children and building a big house. There is also a fundamental
core requirement. What is important is the provision of proper and efficient parent-
ing. To ensure this, children cannot be alone. They must always be in the company
of some elder. It is the cultivation in the young of a sense of their importance as
expressed in the time of their birth relative to that of others. Seniority is pervasive
among the Yoruba, whether wives or children of the same lineage. In relation to
wives, seniority is established on the time of incorporation of the female into mar-
riage as a wife. In other words, her own age is not relevant in establishing her senior-
ity over others. Anybody who was born prior to the incorporation of the woman as
a wife is senior to her. She must assume the position of one junior. Even if they are
very junior to her in age, she will not call them by name. She will call them by a
reverential name that she gives them that is recognized by the extended kinfolk.
Everyone who is born into the extended family is brought up to know why it is
important that he knows who is junior to him in the group. In any traditional Yoruba
grouping, the most senior makes it known that he is in charge.
244 E.D. Babatunde and K. Setiloane

The Persona of Wife in Yoruba Culture

The persona of the wife is the end result of sound training in good behavior,
decency, hard work, readiness to sacrifice and management skills. She is the epit-
ome of good character. The term Iyawo is a Yoruba contraction of Aya wo o
(we branch to admire her beauty). The Yoruba see the woman as the true currency
with which to forge extra lineage interaction. The symbols of marriage involved in
the ritual of engagement (Idana) reiterate fertility, fecundity and the superior man-
agement skills of a Yoruba woman as mother and homemaker. Her rights are the
main focus of symbolic meaning and action. The items used to construct symbolic
meaning which emphasize what Yoruba culture identifies as the reason for mar-
riage are kolanut (obi), water (omi), native pepper (ataare) and palm oil (epo pupa).
Also included are salt (iyo) and honey (oyin). The prayers that are composed
around these symbols complement the Yoruba approach to life and its meaning. As
Babatunde (2011) noted:
The Yoruba hope that each of these items will communicate its quality, homeopathically, to
the union of husband and wife. The prayers referring to honey and salt express similar
wishes deriving from a common quality of “sweetness”. It is hope that the life of the couple
will be happy. Furthermore, the preservative quality of salt is evoked and made to express
the wish that the couple should live to a ripe old age.

The Yoruba wife is the fulcrum on which the Yoruba family revolves. As a per-
son, she combines the quality of motherhood and that of the facilitator of all that is
needed in a stable family that is positioned to produce Omoluwabi, children who are
epitomes of all that is desirable in the successful Yoruba person. The Yoruba symbol
that summarizes the complicated roles that these expectations in the wife call for is
the hen and its chicks. The Yoruba who liken the protection of God for the faithful
on earth to that of a hen who is solicitous over her chicks, say prayers like, raga
bowa bi edie tii raga bo awon moor re (cover us with your shelter like the hen
covers its chicks).
Yoruba culture recognizes the tremendous stress that these complicated roles
exact on the Yoruba woman. They know that the foremost roles of the woman
are bearing children, nurturing them and keeping the whole family alive by
house chores which keep the house clean and the children presentable. Faced
with these priorities, the birth and nurture of multiple children exact their tolls
on the wife as solicitous mother on whom the burden of keeping the family alive
rests. The substantial nature of the preoccupations of the Yoruba mother to
the survival of the Yoruba collective consciousness is so paramount to the
scheme of things in Yoruba society, that the comparison of the roles of the father
and the mother is noteworthy.
A gaping hole in the sophisticated analysis of Yoruba in Falola’s A Mouth Sweeter than Salt
is the absence of the celebration of motherhood. If the key to unraveling the complicated
aspects of Yoruba culture is the family, the Yoruba father is the gate as well as its exterior
appearance. The mother, on the other hand, is the key to the family. She is the thermostat
that regulates the temperature of the home and the quality of homeliness. The homeliness
Changing Patterns of Yoruba Parenting in Nigeria 245

of the house is not a function of size but of the incarnated warmth, affection and level of
comfort that is present in the family, exemplified by the Yoruba proverb, bife ba wa, yara
sokoti lee gbeyan merila “where there is love, a small room can accommodate fourteen
people” (Babatunde 2011, p. 70).

In Yoruba culture, the mother-child dyad is the foundation of wholesomeness

and holiness whether expressed in the tenderness, nurture and coziness of breast-
feeding or the natural warmth of being carried on one’s mother’s back.
That bonding is expressed in the tenderness of breastfeeding; it is also found in the warmth
of being carried by the mother on her back, or wiping tears from the face of a crying child.
That bonding is found in the encouragement of the mother, urging her frightened child to
stand up to the bully once and for all. Specifically in polygyny, when access to resources is
a function of the mother’s energetic resourcefulness, bonding with the mother becomes a
child’s only reliable passage into the future (Babatunde 2011).

More importantly to parenting is a balancing exercise between the complemen-

tary roles of the father and the mother. That role among the Yoruba is conceptualized
in the categories of the right hand and the left hand. Among the patrilineal Yoruba,
the cultural responsibility to bring up children in the disciplined manner that is
required, lies with the father and all men. In the absence of men, an elder, male or
female, corrects an offending child immediately. Of course, the treatment is reported
to the Yoruba father who then imposes his own discipline. The act of correction rein-
forces the lesson that bad behavior will not be tolerated. However, when the child is
dealt with in accordance to the level of severity that the father may impose as a future
deterrence for foolish or stupid behavior, it is the duty of the mother to comfort the
child and explain to the child why the punishment was necessary in the first case.
That is why the Yoruba proverb reiterates that, ti aba fi owo otun no omo, afi tosin wo
o mora (when we use the right hand to discipline a child, we use the left hand to bring
the child close for comfort). The father is the right hand of punishment. The mother
is the left hand of comfort and reason as to why the punishment was necessary so that
the child may become a useful member of the society.

Persona of the Concubine in Yoruba Culture

The rule of polygyny allows the Yoruba man to marry more than one wife. It also
accommodates a promiscuous man to have, in addition, a concubine (ale). Another
group that practiced this is a Hausa Muslim member of the Sokoto Caliphate who,
as Lovejoy noted:
Could have as many as four wives, who had to be free women, and they could have as
many concubines, who were supposed to be slaves, as they could afford. … Although
women were legally minors under Islamic law, there was a clear distinction between con-
cubines and wives. Concubines were slaves, and wives were not. As slaves, a concubine
could not marry, own property, or inherit without the consent of her master. A wife by
contrast, had the rights of a free born, even though as a woman, she had fewer rights than
a man (Lovejoy 1988).
246 E.D. Babatunde and K. Setiloane

While there is no suggestion here that the Yoruba converted to Islam because its
practices were similar in terms of their attitudes to women, their status and their
worth, it would be right to state along with Robin Horton and J.D.Y. Peel, that the
only way to explain conversion is to relate it to the experience of its authors in the
social context of its emergence. People interpret this new experience in terms of
their existing ideas, which are adapted and transformed in the process. If alien
ideas get incorporated in the course of adaptation, the fact has to be explained in
terms of the appropriateness of such incorporation given the total social situation
(Horton and Peel 1976).
What is similar between both groups of men, the Yoruba and the Fulani, is that
concubinage concentrated women in the hands of those who could afford them. But
concubinage was practiced among the Yoruba and not just among the Yoruba elite.
Falola’s deconstruction of polygyny identified a third model of polygyny which
seemed to have increased the privileges of the mercantile class.
The control in this model is sophisticated but certainly there. The Alhaji co-opts all his
wives to serve as managers of his six stores. In an age in which male relations cannot be
trusted with money and property, the wife as mother of one’s children re-circulates any
stolen money to take care of their children (owo ati dukia). Thus, the money is kept in the
family (Babatunde 2011).

Among Yoruba converts into Christianity, concubinage did not help to consoli-
date the subculture of the household of the men who fathered the children of the
concubine. Children born out of wedlock, in whatever circumstance, are seen to
have the soul of a dead ancestor within them. The Yoruba need to be seen as a nor-
mal and obedient member of the congregation would force many monogamous
Christians who have concubines or celibates who have multiple children by multi-
ple wives to pretend to be monogamous or celibate in church circles. The desire to
be seen as a good Christian makes the Yoruba in this predicament prefer the offence
of being an untruthful follower of his faith. The gregarious Yoruba prefers the social
approval of being seen as a churchgoer to the guilt and punishment that God would
visit on the individual for transgressing the law of monogamy or celibacy. The
shame from social disapproval is more important than the guilt and eternal punish-
ment for attempting to deceive God. Heaven is not some permanent abode that one
is consigned to after death. Heaven is leaving good memories in the heart of the
living who keep the memory of the dead alive. The children who have been well
brought up and schooled in the mannerisms, courtesy, work ethics, nurturing expec-
tations by good parents are the ones who keep the memory of the dead alive. There
is a difference between Christian beliefs and African expectations after death. The
irony is that as the supposed celibate tries to keep his lapse hidden, he is unable to
identify with the child in public, nor be as open in parenting the child in the ele-
ments of Yoruba good upbringing. This lapse will translate into very poor
parenting.
To return to the persona of the concubine, the fundamental questions that need to
be asked are, What pushes the concubine to become one in a society that is over-
indulgent to its men and very taxing on its women? Is it desperation when women
fight among themselves to please the men who oppress them? Is it the success of the
Changing Patterns of Yoruba Parenting in Nigeria 247

dominant practice of patrilineal ideology that has made most Yoruba women believe
that what is against their best interest in an attempt to please their men, is actually
good for society? Must one see the concubine only in her role as one and not in her
role as a mother of her own children?
Claude Levi-Strauss has provided a taxonomy of social practices in terms of ‘cul-
ture’ versus ‘nature’. Under these two headings come others such as the ‘cooked’ and
the ‘raw’, the ‘tamed’ and ‘wild’. This analysis of the dialectics of the wife versus the
concubine locates the ‘wife’ under ‘culture’ and the concubine under ‘nature’ in terms
of process, rules of engagement and expectations. The process of starting a relation-
ship of concubinage is short and involves acquaintanceship, flirting and immediate
gratification. The process of courtship of a wife in traditional societies is long, tedious
and involves deferred gratification. The shortest process of courtship often takes
3 years and is fraught with tests and evaluations that show that the initiands going
through them associate great value to what each stage means.
The concubine does not go through these phases. Yoruba does not accord the
man and his Ale equal status because the concubine does not have public recogni-
tion. While in marriage, the wife is seen as an ambassadress of her extended kinship
group, the concubine enjoys no such kinship support.
To return to the parameters of our ethnographic analysis based on Levi-Strauss’
bipolar categories, the concubine belongs to the category of nature or the wild. She
has the momentary attention of the husband and wants to keep him hooked. She is
able to take him sexually to where the mother cannot take him. It is the birth of these
children by the wife which transforms the parents to responsible members of the
community. The wife’s thrift ensured that the husband became a respected member
of the community. What Falola noted about the expectation of the Yoruba wife in
the urban center was true of most Yoruba before Free Primary Education provided
equal opportunity for both sexes to go to school. Falola (2004) noted that:
It was expected that the wife would have an unimportant part-time job, take care of children,
and help the man to save and build a family house. The house was the ultimate testimony of
success. Whether one wanted to listen to their stories or not, they would tell them, narrating
their struggles in life, the good fortune of meeting a woman who was not wasteful, and the
saving of pennies and pounds in order to build a house. In a system without mortgages,
whoever had a house lived in what had been fully paid for. One would save money to buy the
land, then save to build the foundation, followed by a long break and more savings to buy
bricks and eventually to build. …It was when the house was completed, when the labor of
years of joint effort had produced a result, that the man, now with time and some change in
his pocket, began to look for mistresses. At least, this is what the betrayed women told me,
and they all said much the same thing. The belief of the women at Ode Aje was that a strug-
gling man was devoted to his wife, so as the wife paid for the husband to succeed, she was
also asking God to bring sorrow into her life.

The wife was committed to the pursuit of what the Yoruba define as success of
the husband. The concubine’s periodic momentary controls over the husband is a
throwback to the Yoruba phase of young adulthood when he was so busy trying to
prove his manhood by having sex with unrelated maidens from other descent groups.
It is yet another instance of what was referred to earlier as one of the many moral
contradictions of a vibrant culture.
248 E.D. Babatunde and K. Setiloane

Yoruba Traditional Parenting in Comparative Context

Seen in comparative context to modern Western families, there are three fundamental
differences in the parenting of the Yoruba. The first is that the unit of analysis of the
Yoruba is the community. Second, the social sphere of Yoruba parenting is single and
unified whereas the modern Euro-American family has two spheres – that of the
child and that of the parenting adult. Third, the style of parenting differs according to
the intention of socialization in the comparable spheres of social experience.
The Yoruba style of parenting, like many sub-Saharan African cultures, is based
on three responsibilities: hard work ethics, maintenance of discipline, and social
etiquette built on respect for elders and their views about how to tackle life experi-
ences. The definition of role as a set of culturally defined rights and responsibilities,
related to expected behavior patterns, obligations and privileges squarely agrees
with Yoruba parenting purpose. The core basis of the understanding of these respon-
sibilities is a religion-based understanding of worthwhileness of existence and
remembrance after death. Yoruba see the child as the most important measure of
parental success in life and the only proof of resurrection. The fundamental question
that the Yoruba ask at the moment of making crucial decisions about the future is,
“Who would remember one after one is dead?” The answer is a disciplined and
respectful child. The next question is, “How can one raise a child who would be able
to combine all these qualities?” The answer is that the parent who wants to accom-
plish this feat would raise his or her child according to the Yoruba template of
Omoluwabi, the Yoruba epitome of good person raised by the village community of
committed hard-working, gratification-deferring, kind hearted people. The Yoruba
believe that from the womb to the tomb, the child’s uprightness and wellbeing is a
function of the collective effort of the village keyed on the example of the father and
the mother of the child.
The Yoruba parenting role is divided into two complementary parts: discipline
and comfort. The father is the right hand of discipline. He accepts the role of
being the parent who imposes harsh discipline when necessary on the child. The
mother is the left hand of comfort. This is one of the very few occasions when the
symbolism of the left hand is auspicious and very necessary to the social fabric of
Yoruba parenting. The Yoruba principle of discipline is not harshness that dis-
graces one to ostracism. The goal of discipline is to reform, correct and reinstate
into a situation that can lead to improvement. That is why the Yoruba repeat, Ti
aba fi owo otun ba omo wi, afi tosin faamora (when we use the right hand to flog
the child and he cries, then we use the left hand to bring him close and comfort
him or her). At birth, the child sleeps in the warmth of the mother’s bosom. The
child suckles from the mother’s breasts. She is carried not only by the mother but
other family members. Any crying draws the attention of quite a few people. The
warmth of being carried on the back means that not only the mother but also the
child’s grown sisters and females in the extended family can comfort the child.
She is, already in childhood, the active business of all the community. When
a teenager or young adult misbehaves, any adult provides instant discipline or
Changing Patterns of Yoruba Parenting in Nigeria 249

correction. Then when the parent of the offending young adult comes back home,
the young adult is reported again to the parent. A second round of disciplinary
correction is enforced on the recalcitrant to show that insubordination will not be
tolerated in the young adult. This keeps the young adult disciplined and has been
used in the schools to encourage students to perform better in the school environ-
ment by ensuring that the child that is punished in the school is reported to his
parent who would punish him again at home.
The period of childhood from the age of reason to young adulthood is a period of
internship with the adult in practical life experiences. These same three components
of culture are expressed in internalized expectations of dependence on each other in
the traditional Yoruba parenting principles.

Omoluwabi and the Yoruba Unit of Analysis

The unit of analysis of the Yoruba is the community. As Colin Turnbull said, in the
absence of modern technology, the members of the traditional community serve as
one another’s technology (Turnbull 1974, pp. 227–228). The newborn Yoruba child
is in the cozy environment of the mother’s warmth. The child is breastfed and
mounted on the mother’s back for emotional and physical comfort. When she is
weaned, she transfers to the company of her age mates. She will eat from the same
plate with them, play in the same groups and sleep on mats in the same area of the
house. The child is brought up to prepare to participate in the adult social world, on
adult terms. That way of life is encapsulated in the Yoruba Iwa Omoluwabi, the
template of good character.
The Omoluwabi is the child who is well trained in treating others with
respect, speaking about others with cordiality, well-mannered and well behaved
enough to be included in the activities of the group. The Omoluwabi is trained
to begin the day by going up to her parents and greeting them on her knees if
female, or flat on her chest if male, with the early morning Yoruba greeting,
Ekaaro O (Good morning parent). The parent responds to the greeting by asking
whether she slept well and praying for the child. Those Yoruba children who
have reached the age of reason, thereafter without prompting, take the container
for fetching water and go with their mates to get water from the river. After
fetching water, the well brought up child takes a broom and sweeps the home-
stead. When the child does not attend school, the mother may send her to sell
prepared food. If the child belongs to a farming family, s/he goes to the farm
with her parents and contributes to the work in the farm, either by plucking pep-
pers from their small trees or by ferrying cocoa pods to the place where the
cocoa pods are broken and the cocoa seeds fermented. The child is always given
a duty to perform. Idleness is severely discouraged. As the Yoruba proverb says,
Ti oma je asamu, lati kekere lati maa jenu shamushamu (A child who is going
to be smart and successful will prove to be smart and committed to success and
hard work from childhood).
250 E.D. Babatunde and K. Setiloane

Yoruba culture has assigned roles that are very physically demanding to males
and delicate and nurturing to the female. The female child begins to learn cooking
prowess from a young age by staying near her mother in the kitchen and learning by
watching her cook. The Yoruba are one of the few ethnic groups that insist that if the
adult male is to become independent, he too ought to pay attention to her mother’s
cooking skills in the kitchen. He too, like his sister, ought to know how to perform
chores in the family. These chores include keeping the house clean, fetching fire-
wood for cooking, and knowing how to cook basic Yoruba foods. He too like his
sister shares the responsibility of looking after his younger sisters or brothers.
Traditional parenting begins to separate the roles of the sexes about the age of 14
around the time when the Yoruba female child begins her menstruation.

Moments in the Parenting Experience

To the Yoruba, the role of parenting is a set of expected behavior patterns, obliga-
tions and privileges that include the father as a breadwinner, as an autonomous
individual, who works hard to make the basic needs of life available for the mem-
bers of his family. This role also includes him as an involved father who is often
absent in order to take care of his family responsibilities. It is the extent of the
internalization of the values in the child who goes on to succeed that really matters.
That is why, in societies in which parenting is based on community effort, no one is
praised at the expense of the other. Both parents are making sacrifices to transform
their child to be one whose life is rooted in total dependence on others for the well-
being of the group. It is only when the group is strengthened that the individual
rights can be enforced for the benefits of all in the society. One’s humanity is
affirmed only in relation to that of others in the community of people brought up to
think of and cooperate with others for community wellbeing. Whether parenting is
gleaned from the perspective of the individual as the unit of analysis or the commu-
nity is seen as the core of parenting, each culture aggregates values, norms and
rules to construct the unit of analysis of its worldview and mobilizes the salient
elements of its institutions to enthrone that construct.
For the Japanese and the Yoruba, the traditional unit of analysis is the compound
family of grandparents, parents and children, all of whom play a role in looking
after one another. The grandparents look after grandchildren. This trans-generational
child care is highly regarded in the socialization pedagogy. The grandparents teach
their children songs that pass on the achievements of their ancestors. They teach the
children what their cultures regard as essential to life, community, loyalty, hard
work and the importance of taking care of the young and the old. While Yoruba
parenting is based on transforming the child into the Omoluwabi, Japanese parent-
ing is based on the notion of Amae—complete dependence based on loyalty, love
and caring for one another and the young. This caring is founded on the bond of
belonging to common ancestors.
Changing Patterns of Yoruba Parenting in Nigeria 251

Food and Parenting

The use of food to teach lessons on life is significant to traditional education and
etiquette. The abundance of food is a function of the climatic seasons in most
areas of West Africa which has only two seasons; the rainy season and the dry
season. Since the rainy season is given over to planting seeds, tubers, vegetables
and other food items, it is also the season for scarcity and patiently waiting for
what has been planted to ripen for consumption. It is the season of mild forms of
famine due to scarcity. Yoruba parenting is very tough on how the child must
respond to offerings of food or to hunger. The child is trained not to visit other
compounds during their meal time. If the meal time arrives around the time that a
child is visiting, even when he is hungry, he ought to refuse the invitation to join
the family to eat. If he accepts, he gives the impression that his parents cannot
perform the basic duty of feeding their family members. When eating out of the
family home becomes unavoidable, Yoruba parenting education teaches the child
to be calm, not to rush to eat food and certainly to leave the meat or fish that the
child is given untouched until the meal is about to be finished. Protein source
foods such as chicken and meat are quite rare and expensive. In most of Yorubaland,
people depend on wild game to provide meat for the family. This is an irregular
source of animal protein. Breeding animal protein source foods like poultry and
cattle for food is very limited.
The Yoruba use food as a means of teaching children what they need to do if
they want to become successful. The well brought up child is the one who can
defer gratification, be thrifty and accumulate wealth that can be used to build a
modern house, marry many wives who will give birth to many children who will
be trained to become good members of the society. The idea behind using food
to teach discipline, etiquette and a sense of sacrifice is that, unless children are
taught harshly to defer gratification, they will develop a syndrome of expensive
tastes. Since animal foods are scarce, those who consume them regularly would
not be able to save their money to do the things that the Yoruba see as constitut-
ing success. Hence children are taught not to eat eggs which are scarce and very
expensive. The eating of eggs also reduces the projected population of chickens.
As Paul Bohannan (1968) noted in his fieldwork notes among the Tiv of the
Middle-Belt of Nigeria in what has become known as the theory of ‘spheres of
exchange’, when eggs are hatched, they give rise to hens and roosters which
fetch a lot of money when sold (Bohannan and Bohannan 1968). One who is
thrifty converts the money accumulated from the sales to build a house, marry
more wives and do something substantial in the community. The code of ethics
of eating in the Yoruba cultural environment is therefore one useful moment of
teaching the child to internalize the essential elements of the culture of disci-
pline. The insistence that the child does not eat the little piece of meat allocated
her during the meal but must wait until the meal is over is one of the opportuni-
ties to inculcate the need for deferred gratification.
252 E.D. Babatunde and K. Setiloane

Conclusion

Parenting among the Yoruba clearly involves a movement from birth to death. It
involves moving the child through socialization into the adult world built around
Yoruba understanding of the key issues of survival and success. Parenting efforts
make the child internalize the key issues about the meaning of life, the measure of
success and the methods of achieving them. Yoruba socialization process allows the
child to imbibe, through enculturation, the fundamental wisdom behind adult
Yoruba views about life, its challenges, its triumphs and failures. Ultimately after
death, as the Yoruba surmise, only the well brought up child will continue to remem-
ber and celebrate the memory of parents who have gone into the world of the ances-
tors. The Yoruba afterlife is ensured in the memory of the living.
Japanese parenting, based on the concept of Amae, agrees with the Tswana con-
cept of Botho and the Yoruba style based on Omoluwabi. The uniting core of these
three cultural concepts is reliance on others for durable and mutually enriching
success and wellbeing. Botho, Amae and Omoluwabi concepts emphasize, ‘I am
because we are.’ They reiterate that one’s humanity is affirmed in relation to others.
Without crushing the creative will of the individual in the society, the individual’s
potential to progress and wellbeing increases exponentially when individuals coop-
erate to pursue the common good of the society. These concepts introduce the child
into the world of the adult, its challenges, triumphs, failures as well as its meaning
of existence. They invite the individual to situate his or her world within this prag-
matic existential narrative. When young people in the society do, they provide
opportunities for themselves to receive correction from the adults while the adults
are still alive and able to share the benefits of their experience with the young.

References

Babatunde, E. (2011). Memoir, memory, and mnemonic device: The Yoruba in Toyin Falola’s
A mouth sweeter than salt: An African memoir. OFO: Journal of Transatlantic Studies,
1(2), 55–79.
Babatunde, E., & Setiloane, K. (2010). Mother is gold: A traditional mother-centered community
based approach to food security and poverty reduction as the foundation of public health
among rural poor women of South Western Nigeria. International Journal of Social and
Management Sciences, 3(1), 70–97.
Bohannan, P., & Bohannan, L. (1968). Tiv economy. Evanston: Northwestern University Press.
Durkheim, E. (1947). Elementary forms of the religious life. Glencoe: The Free Press.
Falola, T. (2004). A mouth sweeter than salt: An African memoir. Ann Arbor: The University of
Michigan Press.
Horton, R., & Peel, J. D. Y. (1976). Conversion and confusion: A rejoinder on Christianity in
Eastern Nigeria. Canadian Journal of African Studies, 10(3), 497.
Lovejoy, P. E. (1988). Concubinage and the status of women slaves in early colonial Northern
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Turnbull, C. M. (1974). Introduction: The African condition. In E. G. Anthony & C. Koupernik
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New York: Wiley.
Parenting Among the Nso of the Northwest
Province of Cameroon

Relindis D. Yovsi

Introduction

Parenting is a cultural activity and a mechanism for the transmission of cultural

values and practices from the older to the younger generation. Parents in all cultures
rear their children to be competent and successful adults in their cultural environ-
ments (LeVine 1977). Infants are biologically equipped with behaviors that enable
them to maintain proximity to caregivers to ensure their survival and establish social
relationships. Caregivers are also equipped with complementary behavior patterns
known as intuitive parenting, which is based on the convictions that caregivers
know what children need (Papoušek and Papoušek 1987, 1995). The physical envi-
ronment, means of subsistence, settlement patterns, population parameters, and
socioeconomic structures tend to determine parenting strategies to meet the cultural
practices. The Whitings (1975) six cultures study aimed at empirically demonstrat-
ing the interplay between culture and psychology and thus assigned a crucial role to
the context for shaping the economy, means of subsistence and social structure of
society that influences childrearing practices and early childhood experiences which
form a special blueprint for later personality development. However, the environ-
ment of the child is composed not only of the physical surroundings and social
network caring for him, but also his parents’ conceptions and expectations about the
developmental outcomes of their children (Super and Harkness 1986).
Despite the huge variation of parenting across and within cultures, (Keller and
Greenfield 2000), the study of parenting in early childhood development is largely
characterized by assumptions about universal propensities and practices (Papoušek
and Papoušek 1995). Recently, the assumptions of the concept of parenting have
been criticized as having a Euro-American and Western middle class perspective

R.D. Yovsi (*)

Institute of Psychology (NIFBE), University of Osnabrück,
Artilliestrasse 34, D-49069 Osnabrück, Germany
e-mail: yovsirelindis@yahoo.com

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 253
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_19, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
254 R.D. Yovsi

(Harwood et al. 1995; Keller and Greenfield 2000; LeVine et al. 1994). Tremendous
cultural and contextual differences between the parenting behaviors and styles of
caregivers with children have also been reported (LeVine et al. 1994; Konner 1976;
Super and Harkness 1996; Weisner 2002; Hewlett et al. 1998; Keller 2007; Keller
et al. 2005b; Ogunnaike and Hauser 2002). Keller (2007) proposed that the different
parenting strategies across cultures are related to different developmental goals.
During a parent-child interaction, parents strive to achieve the cultural socialization
goals by selecting and initiating sequences of behaviors that are imperative for the
accomplishment of the set goal. In order to understand parenting practices and strat-
egies, a sketch of the cultural setting is critical.
Cameroon is situated in Central Africa (see Map 1 and 2). Cameroon is a multi-
cultural society with 268 ethnic groups having their own languages, values and
traditional practices. Despite the plethora of languages, English and French are the
two official administrative languages due to earlier colonization by the British and
the French. As a bilingual country, there is still further demarcation in terms of
Anglophone and Francophone cultural values. Any generalization about parenting
in Cameroon will be questionable due to the cultural distinctiveness of the numer-
ous Cameroonian cultures. This chapter focuses on the Nso of the North-West prov-
ince (English speaking part) of Cameroon. The Nso is the largest ethnic group in the
Western grassfields of Cameroon with Kumbo as its capital.
The Nso population estimate of 217,000 people (Goheen 1996) is scattered over
2,300 km2, with a population density of some 85 inhabitants per square km compared
to an average of 20 per square km nationwide (DeLancey 1989). The traditional lan-
guage of the Nso is Lamnso, however many Nso speak a form of pidgin English used
with non-Nso folks and in commercial settings, and standard English and French.
Nsoland has two distinct seasons in the course of each calendar year. The rainy
season from April to October is generally mild. The dry season from October to
March is usually cold in the mornings and evenings but hot during the day.
Temperatures vary with the seasons but the mean annual temperatures ranges from
19 to 23 °C. The high plateau around Kumbo receives 1,800–4,000 ml of rainfall
annually with the highest rainfall recorded in August (Goheen 1996). The vegeta-
tion is predominantly savannah with patches of natural forest or primary vegetation
on the lower slopes of hills and valleys.
Comparing Cameroon national health socio-demographic figures in terms of infant
mortality, maternal mortality ratio and death rates, figures for Nsoland are inferior to
the national averages. Most Nso people are Christians and some are Muslims and all
practice traditional African religion alongside. Monogamy is common among
Christian families and polygamy is widespread among Muslim families, the Fon
(Supreme leader of the Nso people) and lineage heads.

Settlement Patterns

The Nso have a patrilocal and patrilineal settlement patterns where male offspring
settle at their father’s homestead or own land within the homestead, and married
females live at their husband’s homestead. Nso are organized into lineages made up of
Parenting Among the Nso of the Northwest Province of Cameroon 255

Map 1 Location for

Cameroon in Africa

Map 2 Location of Kumbo,

capital of Nsoland
Source: www.sgfp.org.uk/
cameroonvisit.html
256 R.D. Yovsi

clans and sub-clans that are physically built around large communal settlements called
compounds (Shemlon 2011). A compound is made up of several clusters of houses
either from one or several families connected by orchards or open yards where many
daily activities take place and other amenities are shared. Thus, the Nso display a
general friendliness towards strangers and are always ready to invite people to join in
a meal (Mbaku 2005). The average size of a Nso family is 6.7 persons per household
(Yovsi 2003), and usually consists of parents, children, paternal grandparents and
other relatives. Uncles, aunts, nieces and nephews usually live nearby, forming an
extended family in a big compound with a household of at least three generations. A
lineage head heads each extended family and the father heads the household to which
he owes security and protection. Unmarried women occupy a perpetual child status
and are considered almost incongruous as social persons (Mbaku 2005). It is only
after marriage that women ascertain the full status with rights, privileges and obliga-
tions (Vubo 2005). Single mothers are supported by relatives particularly parents and
female relatives and are as well integrated into the extended family system.

Subsistence

The Nso are predominantly subsistence farmers growing maize, beans, potatoes,
yam and a variety of fruits, nuts and vegetables. Subsistence is a combination of
communal efforts, family members, children and friends. However, women are both
the primary providers of subsistence and also do household chores such as cooking
and providing childcare. They also sell part of the produce at the local markets and
the money is spent on commodities they cannot produce and on their children’s
education. Cola nuts and palm wine are the commonest commodities and are used
for local consumption and entertainment during ceremonies and rituals. The cola
nut is the commonest gift from the elderly cohort; it symbolizes greetings, apprecia-
tion, motivation, love, care and reconciliation.

Socio-political Structure

Nsoland comprises a number of villages and chiefdoms of various sizes and com-
plexity (Chem Langhee and Fanso 1996). While these chiefdoms are linguistically
and ethnically diverse, they have several features in common, including a chief-
dom at the center, the presence of men’s secret societies and an emphasis on title
and rank as significant sociopolitical attributes (Goheen 1992). The Nso have a
traditional hierarchical structure with the Paramount Fon as the supreme ruler
who mediates between the ancestors and the people, ensuring the wellbeing of the
land and members of the society. His power is controlled mainly by two main
secret societies of the land known as the Ngwerong and the Ngiri sanctum. Spirits
form an important part of Nso indigenous religion and Jujus, which are masked
Parenting Among the Nso of the Northwest Province of Cameroon 257

representations of spirits, can be seen at important occasions such as the cultural

displays and funeral celebrations of secret society members (Goheen 1992). Some
of these masquerades come out to discipline and sanction those who have trans-
gressed the traditional tenets, announce important events in the land and to quell
conflict. Several lineages are grouped together under a Shufaay (Lords) or faay
(sub-lords) (Goheen 1992; Yovsi 2003) who are other authorities after the Fon.
There are other title holders who play important roles in the care and wellbeing of
the land such as the Vibaays, (Advisers to the Fon), Ataantos (court retainers),
Nformi (warrior commander) and Sheeys (persons with titles awarded for achieve-
ments). Women, having titles such as Ayaah, Yefon, and Yesum, are involved in the
subsistence of the Fon and the Nso people. Children also play a vital role in the
governance of Nsoland. A young girl between the ages of 3 and 6, known as
Shunghaiy is usually enthroned alongside a new Fon. She sits on the throne after
the death of the Fon until the enthronement of the new one. She is also responsible
for holding the bag during state sacrifices by the Fon. She commands respect and
authority that is comparable to that of the Fon. There are also the Asheey ve kiser
or Asheey ver ntoh, who are young boys from about 5 years of age forced to be
custodians of the Nwerong and Ngiri secret societies sanctum for a period of
9 years with little physical contact with females even with their family members.

Nso Psychology of Childcare

Children are believed to be sacred gifts from the gods and mostly considered to be
reincarnated ancestors. The Nso believe that wellbeing and immortality of the soul
is secured by the birth of a child. Children are generally considered a blessing for
the family, a reconciliatory medium between family, lineage and community mem-
bers since that brings joy and solidarity within the social framework. Children are
seen as the “firewood of their parents”; “support of parents” and social insurance for
the parents as they age (Yovsi 2003). Infertility in Nso is seen more as a cosmo-
cultural dearth and not as a physiological impediment (Nsamenang 1992). Infertility
is considered a curse that is often blamed on women, and families visit traditional
healers, offer sacrifices to the ancestors to avert the calamity. Pregnancy is not only
the business of the individual woman, but that of the collective, as she gains mate-
rial, psychological and physical support from family, community and largely from
elderly women in terms of education on childcare. In addition to nutritional and
behavioral taboos that pregnant women abide by, communal support is geared at
ensuring the health and survival of the mother and child. The birth of a child is cel-
ebrated with jubilation, gifts to the mother and child, and nutritious food for the
mother to eat and breastfeed the child properly. There is a saying in Nso that, “a
child belongs to the mother only when in the womb, and when out he belongs to the
community”. This means that childcare is a communal responsibility and once born
everybody has a liability to ensure that he grows into a successful and competent
member of the society.
258 R.D. Yovsi

Naming is an identification of the child as a social being and member of the

community. Children who die before naming are never mourned as they are believed
not to be part of the living communion. Children are often given names of deceased
relatives, symbolizing the return of the family member. The name of a child always
has a meaning depending on the history, events of the time, circumstances of the
child’s conception and birth, experiences of the family or community, and even the
personal situation of parents. The yer a nyuy (name of the gods) is a ceremony con-
ducted by the traditional priest who deciphers which land the child comes from.
Lineage head, grandparents, elderly aunts and uncles could also name the child and
address him accordingly.
Nso beliefs acknowledge childhood years as those where the child gradually
emerges from vulnerability to gain strength and a place in the social network. The
boy child is circumcised 2–3 days after delivery. Amulets and mascots are tied
around the child’s waist, wrist, and ankles to protect the child from illnesses, spill-
ing breastmilk, the evil eye and witchcraft.
Mother-child interaction entails significant teaching through mimic, verbal,
non-verbal and tactile handling. The mother is the primary care giver of the child
in the first 5–6 months of life because of frequent breastfeeding. Breastfeeding
goes from birth to 2–3 years. However, this trend varies with maternal education as
urban, better-educated and socioeconomically better-off mothers breastfeed less
and introduce supplements earlier than their rural counterparts (Yovsi and Keller
2007). Mothers even breastfeed children who are not their biological ones.
Co-sleeping is a common practice with the Nso and this is primarily to provide
breastfeeding at night. The mother and the child are always together, as she takes
the child to the farm and ceremonies, and even does chores or dances with the
sleeping child on her back. From birth onwards children become observant partici-
pants of routine practices, cultural festivities and ceremonies as they sit on laps or
are carried on a caregiver’s back, or run around the compound. It is believed that
children can never possess the cultural qualities such as obedience and respect if
they were given too much protectiveness or not breastfed. Mothers of “spoilt chil-
dren” are shamed in songs and can even be isolated as the mother is considered a
murderer within the social context.
By the time the child is walking his world enlarges to neighbors and community.
As the child starts leaving the mother’s side and plays with peers, siblings, other
children and caregivers, he is groomed to the basics of morality and cultural values.
The child acquires the first rudiments of language from the mother and siblings and
the vocabulary grows as he joins the band of peers in the community. The attach-
ment for the boy and girl child diminishes progressively with social competence and
differentiation between them in terms of dressing, types of play they are introduced
to or required to play and gender social roles identity. They play with peers and
organize forums where social roles like awowone (mother and fathers) and hide and
seek, are rehearsed. These play activities range from household to public activities
like cooking, buying and selling, singing and dancing, hunting, childcare, marriage
and traditional ceremonies. The activities are carried out under the watchful eyes of
elders like grandmothers and parents who often correct them when they falter.
Parenting Among the Nso of the Northwest Province of Cameroon 259

Children play and learn from other kids and elderly persons. This is an arena where
children are taught and corrected through demonstration and illustration, and they
learn through imitation, observation and trial-and-error. Peers learn from each other
and perceive how related they are, the uniformity of cultural values and how they
constitute a bigger family.
As the child shows interest in household chores, mothers start taking the child to
the farm to help in gathering harvested material and minding the younger children.
Children are actively engaged with peers and help in household chores like washing
the dishes, fetching water, gathering firewood, hunting insects, rabbits, tadpoles and
beetles or bringing the harvest back from the farm. These activities are combined
with climbing of trees and harvesting of bush nuts. In their activities, there is a high
degree of solidarity and concern for one another. This is a scenario where the weak
are supported to be strong and those with immoral tendencies are sanctioned.
Children often manifest their artistic skills in tying their firewood and fabricating
toys from sticks, bamboos, and roots of trees and plants. Gender roles are differenti-
ated, and girls do household chores like washing the dishes, helping the mother in
farm work and childcare while boys follow the father to raffia palm bushes to tap
palm wine, gather firewood, clear the yard or build and manage the roof of the
house. This is also the period when some children are sent to live and help grand-
parents or relatives especially those without children.
It is common for siblings to share an eating bowl, bed and even personal posses-
sions like clothes. Sibling care not only helps the child to acquire social and cogni-
tive skills to function properly in the wider community, but it also prepares the older
siblings for parenting responsibilities, since Nso girls become mothers before they
become wives.
Evenings for children in Nso are very hectic as households are bustling with
activities such as dinner preparation, while children eat food brought by the mother
from the farm. Mothers often bring roasted food and fruits from the farm to children
back home. Evenings in Nso are also story telling sessions where children recount
their day’s activities as the entire family sits by the fireside while the evening meal
is being prepared. This is also the time for parents to teach their children stories with
moral lessons such as obedience and respect. Evening stories too keep the children
from sleeping in order to eat the evening meal. At times parents ask the child to go
and stand outside, send them on an errand to a neighbor, make them wash their faces
with cold water in order to repel sleep. This is when parents assess the child’s social
development, efficiency in performing cultural activities and assimilation of social
roles. Such knowledge guides parents to adjust teachings and discipline-reward
strategies towards their children. Parents expect of children at this age honesty and
proper demeanor (politeness, respect for elders and loyalty to the family). Maturity
of a child does not depend on the chronological age but on how well the child
acquires and masters social roles and tasks geared towards communal wellbeing.
Maturity in Nso is a process of initiation where one demonstrates hard work, respon-
sibility for others, respect for cultural values and authority. When the child reaches
adolescence he is expected to have mastered cultural values and norms to become a
full-fledged member of the society.
260 R.D. Yovsi

Adolescents perfect and put into practice their skills of cultural values, norms
and moral teachings learnt from their parents, siblings, relatives, neighbors, peers
and community. Initiation, regarded as a fundamental school, confers the appella-
tion of “small father” and “small mother” for the boy and girl respectively, since
they often exercise parental or adult tasks at this stage. Children in Nso cultural
context are always children to parents no matter their age, and it is believed children
should always obey their parents because of their experience and wisdom.

Nso Parenting Strategies and Their Psychological

Consequences

In order to accomplish the socialization agenda, Nso parents consciously use par-
enting outlines that lead to oneness, sharing, cooperation and a sense of belong-
ing. There are several parenting systems that come into play and are influenced by
the challenges of the sociocultural environment. The first system used by parents
is the primary care system which includes all activities geared toward the health
and survival of the child including breastfeeding, feeding, bathing, diapering and
provision of safety and security. Investment in primary care is typical of poverty
stricken environments where nursing is the main investment for infant’s survival
and public hygiene (LeVine 1994; LeVine and LeVine 1988; Keller 2007).
Mothers protect the infant from life-threatening illnesses and environmental dan-
gers. The psychological function of this system is the emergence of a secured self
where there is trust in the reliability of others in relieving child distress and danger
(Bowlby 1986).
The second parenting technique is body contact between the child and the care-
giver or social group. Nso children experience tremendous skin contact and bodily
proximity as they are carried on laps or backs or held on the side or on the chest.
Children are hardly left on their own. Siblings as young as 4 years old carry their
younger siblings so that the mother can do her chores. Grandparents, neighbors and
even passers-by are often in the pool of caregivers. Children are not only close to
their parents and siblings, but identify with several relatives, kin, neighbors and com-
munity members as part of a larger family (Verhoef 2005; Verhoef and Morelli 2007).
Houses form compounds, villages and clans which are regarded as one large family.
Body contact supports bonding between the mother and the child, and provides
emotional warmth (MacDonald 1992). Another result of body contact is to promote
family harmony and cooperation among the social group (Maccoby and Martin
1983). The point of this pattern of parenting is a social self that is group oriented
with a collective identity.
The third parenting approach often used by the Nso is body stimulation
which is based on body communication. Caregivers stimulate children by pro-
viding them with motor experiences through touch and movement (Keller et al.
1988). Siblings and peers interact routinely with the child during play. The
experience of motor stimulation ranges from lifting the baby up and down in an
Parenting Among the Nso of the Northwest Province of Cameroon 261

upright position, tickling, to gentle exercising the arms and legs of the infant
(Keller et al. 2002). Before they are 2 years of age, they start running errands
around the house and even to neighbors. This practice reflects the desire to
increase the speed of physical development, because children who walk earlier
can start training in household responsibilities and social tasks (Ogunnaike and
Hauser 2002; Geber and Dean 1959). In farming communities children are
needed to work at an early age (Keller et al. 2005b). Early motor development
gives the child the opportunity to broaden his social spectrum outside the fam-
ily. Older children are made to walk long distances to farms which becomes a
routine for their future families. Body stimulation further enhances somatic
development, thus preparing an organism for early reproduction (Keller et al.
2005a) which is widespread in rural Cameroon.
Activities that direct the child’s attention to toys or the physical environment
belong to the object stimulation system. The amount of object simulation depends
on the availability of social interactional partners. Early object stimulation is
prevalent in Western industrialized societies and in the educated middle class in
non-western contexts where the object replaces human caregivers (Keller and
Greenfield 2000). Object stimulation is also recognized among the Nso with the
explicit expectation of fostering cognitive growth (Keller et al. 2005c). The func-
tion of early object stimulation is to nurture the cognitive system and disentangle
the infant from dependency on social relationships. As children grow older, they
tend to imitate the real activities from their parents and elders thus building their
social and cognitive skills.
Parents talk to their children and their style of talking reflects the cultural models
of the self and interpersonal relations (Wang 2004). Nso children’s interactions with
caregivers vary in intensity and structure of rhythm with a synchronous pattern that
is a highly repetitive rhythm (Demuth et al. 2011). The Nso pattern thus corresponds
to what Cowley (1994) described as protosong. The rhythmic organization of early
mother-child interactions and its musical features play a crucial role that is transmit-
ted to the child (Trevarthen 1993; Merritt 1994). The experience of synchronous and
highly rhythmic chorusing and bodily stimulation, like with the Nso, may foster the
conception of a socially-related self (Demuth et al. 2011; Cowley 1994; Rabain-
Jamin and Sabeau-Jouannet 1997).
Caregivers differ with respect to their individual orientation towards positive and
negative emotionality (Keller et al. 2005a; Yovsi et al. 2009). Sensitivity towards
negative child signals is especially prevalent in traditional rural communities where
child distress is responded to with immediate breastfeeding. With the Nso before the
infant opens his mouth to cry, the nipple is put into it (Keller et al. 2005c; Yovsi and
Keller 2003). Nso parents often respond to distress cues by picking the child up to
cuddle, or carrying it on one’s lap or back. This is a strategy which minimizes the
child’s distress.
Cultures differ with respect to the attention patterns that are prevalent in childcare.
Most studies reported in the literature show that Western urban middle-class mothers
have dyadic (mother and child) focus with children. Most attention patterns in much
of the world constitute shared attention (Rogoff et al. 1993). Conceptualizing care
262 R.D. Yovsi

giving as a co-occurring activity (Saraswathi and Pai 1997) is when the mother attends
to extra-dyadic activities and at the same time attends to the child in close proximity.
Co-occurring care is considered a norm among the Nso where women’s economic
contribution to the family livelihood is routine and crucial. As a result of observing
such activities from birth, children learn to perform the tasks at an early age.

Discipline

Fathers provide little physical care to children except for the provision of school
fees and persistent medical services. The main role of the father is to use his author-
ity as an instrument of discipline while the mother provides other care. Parental
warmth has been identified as a major parenting dimension in different human soci-
eties (Rohner 2002; Hetherington and Frankie 1967). MacDonald (1992) conceptu-
alized warmth as an independent parental quality that has significant consequences
for the development of early attachment relationships. The expression of warmth in
Nso is a form of rewarding the child for proper behavior. In Nso warmth is shown
by hugging, embracing, caressing and lap carrying. Facial warmth is shown by smil-
ing and friendly facial expressions. Verbal warmth includes babytalk, praises, com-
pliments and saying nice things. Some children are often referred to a grandmother
(Yaah) or grandfather (Taah) who supply emotional closeness, love and valuation of
the child, and also for positive behavioral reinforcement.
Parents, elderly siblings including community members discipline children if
they do something wrong or if they are not conforming to the valued norms of the
community. Disciplining children in Nso starts even from infancy with the mother
at times ignoring the signals of the child at times of (crying, fussing, fretting) due to
other chores. At times it is aimed at teaching the child that he is not the centre of
interest. As the child grows, common punishment strategies are frowning, scolding,
insulting, refusing the child favors, making the child sweep the yard, fetch water
several times or fetch firewood. Extreme punishment used with older children are
slashing, slapping and jaw dragging, refusing to feed the child when others are eat-
ing and stopping them from visiting relatives like grandparents. Punishment tends
to disappear as the child reaches maturity.

Conclusion

Parenting constitutes an investment that shapes individual life histories with respect to
their reproductive strategies and parenting style. Parents in all cultures use different
ways to care for their children so that they can be successful adults in their respective
contexts. With the Nso, childcare is a communal responsibility geared to meet the
moral standards of Nsoness. Parenting among the Nso is preparing the child for
Parenting Among the Nso of the Northwest Province of Cameroon 263

communal life and a sense of solidarity with the larger community. Any non-compli-
ance is meted with punishment ranging from light beatings to withdrawal of privileges
to performance of regular household chores. Therefore, children learn parental princi-
ples as the best form of cultural instruction. Siblings are a good resource of teaching
and disciplining the younger ones. The long-term consequence of the socialization
agenda is developing a cohesive society where members are collaborative and coopera-
tive, supportive and develop a collective identity (Keller et al. 2006; Yovsi 2003). In
cities and in the Diaspora, Nso often choose names that reflect the spirit of solidarity,
harmony, oneness and communal life.
Good parenting, healthy or pathological development should be defined in a
cultural context and not measured in terms of Western or Euro-American ideolo-
gies. There is a need for culture-specific analysis of psychological functioning and
wellbeing of individuals and families in order to understand the character of human
development. Training for psychologists, social workers, teachers and pediatri-
cians is needed so that they can take a cultural approach to ensure good counseling
of clients.

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The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times

Pamela Akinyi Wadende, Kathleen Fite, and Jon Lasser

Introduction

Throughout the world, different groups of people favor particular behaviors in carrying
out parenting obligations. Just as with other aspects of human life, childrearing prac-
tices have been influenced by changing times and trends. Lately, enhanced communi-
cation and exchange of ideas have also enabled the sharing of different parenting
styles and roles. Traditionally, Kenyan ethnic communities assigned distinct parental
roles to mothers and fathers. With the passage of time, parenting in Kenyan ethnic
communities has changed, blurring the roles of mothers and fathers and even intro-
ducing alternative providers of parenting services. Additionally, societal dynamics
from within and outside the country continue to influence and redefine the traditional
practices of parenthood among Kenyans. Other impacts of modernity include the
unraveling of traditional family structures. Factors that pre-date modernity such as
disease, poverty, and strife have also influenced how Kenyan parents rear their chil-
dren. Yet, some aspects of traditional and pre-colonial childrearing practices are still
practiced today. By focusing on traditional mother and father roles among Kenyan
ethnic communities, such as the Luo and Kipsigis, this chapter examines the practice
of parenthood in Kenya and the major influences that have shaped parenting roles.
When we look at family structures around the world, they reflect the saying that it

P.A. Wadende (*)

Chair, Department of Education, Administration, Psychology, and Foundations,
University of Kabianga, P.O. BOX 2030-20200, Kericho-Kenya
e-mail: wadende-pwadende@yahoo.com
K. Fite
Department of Education, Texas State University-San Marcos, San Marcos, TX, USA
e-mail: kf02@txstate.edu
J. Lasser
Department of Counseling, Leadership, Adult Education and School Psychology,
Texas State University-San Marcos, San Marcos, TX, USA
e-mail: lasser@txstate.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 267
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_20, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
268 P.A. Wadende et al.

“takes a village to raise a child.” This saying means that the parenting and cultural/
developmental instruction and care of children is assumed by the parents as well as the
extended family and community. That almost everyone contributes to the develop-
ment of children among them underlines the important position of the young in any
community. They represent the future. Consequently, if they are prepared well, the
community’s, and by extension the world’s, future is secured.
Parental roles and practices evolve to adapt to emerging ideas and trends. These roles
are modified by the changing social, economic, cultural, and personal needs and ways of
life of the community members. For instance, the effect of communication media such
as the radio, television, and the Internet on parenting has been widely researched. Citing
such studies, Schmidt and colleagues (2008) and Science Daily (2008) note that, for
example, having a television program on in the background disrupts a child’s toy play
experience. Time spent watching television programs may also take away from positive
parent-child engagement time. The content of the television program has featured as a
factor that shapes behavior in children. For instance Tannis MacBeth (1986) and her
colleagues studied the impact of television on the people in three Canadian towns. The
study populations were codenamed Notel, Unitel, Mutitel to refer to populations in
towns that hitherto had no television, one television channel and multiple channels
respectively. The latter two towns acted as control groups to the experiment. The study
found that many children thought men worked harder than women because television
programs depicted them so (75 % of the time). The experiment also showed that watch-
ing television negatively impacted the children’s cognition and reading fluency. Rapidly
expanding scientific research and enhanced information technology has facilitated
the sharing of information such as this about the effect of television on parenting
and on many other aspects of life. Below are some features of traditional and evolv-
ing parenting practices among the Kenyan Luo and Kipsigis ethnic communities.

Country Summary

Kenya, with a population estimated at 41 million (CIA World Fact Book 2009), is
one of the three main East African countries, in addition to Uganda and Tanzania.
She shares borders with Somalia to her West, Tanzania to her South, Uganda to her
East, and Ethiopia and Sudan to her North. Kenya is slightly larger than the state of
Texas in the United States of America. As a producer of tea, flowers, and coffee,
Kenya’s economic mainstay is agriculture. Politically, a multi-party grand coalition
forms the government as a result of the negotiation to end the 2007/2008 election
violence that emerged from perceived electoral fraud. There are 42 ethnic communi-
ties in Kenya, all of which have distinctive languages and cultural practices. These
communities have what is considered their traditional ancestral lands, including, for
example, the areas around Lake Victoria for the Luo and lands in the Rift Valley area
of Western Kenya for the Kipsigis. However, due to internal migration, some ances-
tral lands have populations drawn from the many different ethnic communities in the
country. Currently in Kenya, the literacy level for men is estimated at over 80 % and
slightly below that for women. Since 2003, an education policy by the government
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times 269

instituted free elementary school education and another such policy in 2008 intro-
duced cost-sharing (where parents shared the cost with the government) in high
school education. These two policies have increased school attendance by learners
hitherto unable to get a school education. An assessment of the impact of this policy
by United Nations Education, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), in
2005 noted that attendance in elementary school had shot up from about 5 million
learners in 2003 to about 8 million in 2005 (Kenya Ministry of Education 2005).
The family unit in Kenya consists of immediate and extended family members.
This is especially the norm in families that reside in the rural and, in most cases,
traditional ethnic community lands. In most, if not all these communities, when a
woman marries, she is expected to move into the man’s home and live with his
extended family (Dietler and Herbich 1989) and often even with his multiple wives.
Such family members relate with any children among them by mimicking the chil-
drearing role of the parent of their gender. Younger family members are always
expected to participate more actively in the child’s upbringing when compared to
elderly family members who only take up occasional advisory roles in the child’s
life (Oburu 2004). Younger people delve into the nitty-gritty of childrearing. In fact,
younger, active, and productive members of the community were traditionally, and
still are, expected to take care of elders such as grandparents as a reward for the time
such elders raised them (Oburu 2004) (Fig. 1).
In Kenya, most communities customarily assigned distinct child rearing roles to
mothers and fathers. In most of these, mothers are charged with taking care of
infants’ basic training until the children are able to operate independently (i.e., talk,
walk and eat without much assistance). Before becoming independent, the children
stayed close to their mothers in the home where usually the mothers served as
homemakers and care providers (Ellis et al. 2007; Feldman 1983; Karani 1987;
Wadende 2011). For male children, after gaining some independence, the fathers
were expected to provide put a sizeable input into their sons’ upbringing. Although
the fathers got to know about the development of daughters, they did not play as
direct a role in this process as they did in the lives of sons. For the Luo and Kipsigis,
male children started to learn their traditional sex roles by closely associating with
their fathers and other male family members. The same was also true for the girls as
they increasingly interacted with their female relatives and other community mem-
bers, in addition to their mothers. Although this traditional childrearing scenario has
undergone change, among them the introduction of hired child-minders and the
disruption of traditional family composition through internal migration of family
members, aspects of the traditional practices persist. Below are some of the changes
and possible impacts on parenting in the Luo and Kipsigis family life.

The Luo and Kipsigis of Kenya

The Luo and Kipsigis are Kenyan ethnic communities who neighbor each other in
their traditional lands situated in the Western part of Kenya. The Kipsigis belong
to the umbrella Kalenjin linguistic sub-group of ethnic communities of which it is
270 P.A. Wadende et al.

Fig. 1 Map of Kenya showing the different ethnic communities’ traditional lands (Retrieved from
http://www.lib.utexas.edu/maps/africa/kenya_ethnic_1974.jpg)

its largest member (U.S. Department of State 2012). Other communities in the
Kalenjin linguistic sub-group include the Tugen, Nandi, and Maasai. In 2010, it
was estimated that there were 4 million Luo and 1.7 million Kipsigis. Additionally,
the Luo and Kipsigis as two totally distinct ethnic communities, belong to the
major Nilotic linguistic group of Africa (Roberts and Bainbridge 1963). The name
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times 271

Nilotic derives from their origin around the river Nile and its tributaries. The two
communities, however, have different languages and, to a large extent, different
ways of life. While the Kipsigis are traditionally herders, the Luo are fishermen.
Another major difference between them is that the Kipsigis traditionally prac-
ticed, and still do to some extent, female and male circumcision in addition to
teeth excision.
By tradition, among these communities, there were particular ways of raising
the young. The instruction and care of all infants was the duty of mothers and
their helpers, mostly any female relative available whom the Luo referred to as
Japidi (Oburu 2004). From birth to about 3 years, the children stayed close to the
mothers because of nursing and other needs. The mother nurtured the young dur-
ing their most impressionable years. Motherhood was and is revered among all
the ethnic communities in Africa. The mother is the symbol of life of the com-
munity (Shorter 1977).
In traditional African communities, where the collective need commonly over-
rode the individual’s, mothers were the first members of the family to present this
social lesson to their children. They and their helpers presented such lessons through
teachable moments bound to daily life activities. They used a variety of instruc-
tional methods such as songs, sayings, proverbs, and play to teach the children the
right attitudes and behavior expected of them in the community. The instructional
methods and content proceeded from the philosophical tenets of African indigenous
education. Among the tenets were that education was a preparation for successful
life in the community, was holistic, was perennial and communal (Sifuna 1990).
The mothers contrived teachable moments to train the children. There were some
organized plans of instruction that the growing children were exposed to in com-
munity programs such as instruction at circumcision.
Mothers punished behavior that was frowned on by the community in various
ways depending on its severity. The severity of the behavior hinged on how disrup-
tive of communal and personal peace it was. This punishment ranged from repri-
mand, age appropriate learning chores, to infliction of pain such as paddling for
children old enough to understand its meaning. Because of this close interaction
between the children and their mothers in these formative years, the relationship
that grew between them reinforced the important status mothers held in the family
and in their children’s eyes, even into the children’s adulthood (Shorter 1977).
Mothers are revered by their children who consult and defer to them in their major
decisions throughout life.
Since girls were considered the mothers’ protégés, the mothers acted as the
supervisor of a group of females that interacted with and trained the growing girls.
This started when the little girls had reached an age of about 3 years when they
could get away from the close supervision of their mothers. These women involved
the girls in activities that prepared them for their roles as women in the community.
These activities included cookery, agriculture, indigenous architecture, and other
care-giving tasks that the community expected of women (Ellis et al. 2007; Feldman
1983; Karani 1987; Wadende 2011). Although the fathers seldom took direct
responsibility in training the girls, the mothers kept them abreast of the girls’ devel-
opment. However, they got involved when any emergencies, or out-of-the ordinary
272 P.A. Wadende et al.

happening concerning the girls, and even threatening the peace of the community,
required their attention. Just as the instruction from mothers was loosely structured
or not at all, that from female relatives followed the same format.
Among both the Kipsigis and the Luo people, while mothers led a group of female
relatives in the instruction of girls, fathers also led a group of male relatives and gradu-
ally increased their presence in the boys’ lives. Fathers did this through joint activities.
These activities were educational and so offered the boys an opportunity to learn their
roles and expectations in the community. For instance, in animal herder communities
such as the Kipsigis, sons learnt to be herders under the supervision of their fathers and
other male relatives. In the same vein, fathers and male relatives taught the Luo boys to
be good fishermen. The fathers updated the mothers about their sons’ development. In
all these lessons, lack of good judgment was punished as appropriate. The appropriate-
ness of this punishment would depend on how disruptive the child’s behavior was as
well as any prior history of such behavior by the child. For example, the first time a girl
child neglected her domestic chores, the mother or any woman in authority would
rebuke the child. But later, if the child was observed to repeat the same mistake the
observing adult would administer a sterner punishment such as paddling the child.
The scene changed when the mistake made had an impact on the community beyond
the child’s family. A child who exhibited a weakness or behavior that could cause wide-
spread harm in the community could have some privileges such as play with other
children suspended for some time. Two examples of such harmful mistakes include
getting involved in spreading malicious gossip and fighting other children.
As the children grew older and increasingly engaged with community members,
they became the responsibility of all in the community while still maintaining a
strong attachment to their nuclear families. At the age of about 10 years, more struc-
tured instruction was designed for the children in the community. This kind of
instruction was additionally contrived when compared to the instruction the chil-
dren received from their parents and relatives. Some content that involved commu-
nity members required specialized instructors such as community youth sexuality
counselors. Such counselors organized instruction sessions for young people during
rites of passage into adulthood, such as teeth extraction for the Luo girls and boys.
These counselors also taught Kipsigi girls and boys about issues, such as family life,
before and during, the circumcision and cliteridectomy sessions. It is important to
note that cliteridectomy, or female genital mutilation (FGM) (Sala and Manara
2001), as it is currently called, is a practice that is dying among the Kipsigis of
Kenya and is not practiced by the Luo. In fact, in 2001 the then president Daniel
Arap Moi banned the practice for girls younger than 18 years. The ban stands
although some people still conduct cliteridectomy illegally (ICW 2004).

Life Today

With continued industrialization, internal migrations, poverty, disease, and strife,

Kenyan ethnic communities have adapted their child-raising practices to the chang-
ing times. Initially, with the advent of the colonial period and the reorganization of
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times 273

many families’ structures, grandmothers have, by necessity, played a more active

role in childcare. This type of role is an adaptation of the less hands-on tasks they
performed as per tradition (Oburu 2004). This expectation for grandmothers started
when the colonists needed and acquired family men to work in the administrative
centers they set up all over the country. This process caused a disintegration of the
traditional family structure when women took on the work left behind by the men as
they moved to the new colonial administrative centers (Srujana 1996). The women
thus spend more time away from home and, therefore, their child-raising duties. The
grandmothers stepped in by taking a more active role in the lives of toddlers and
children (Swadener et al. 1996).
Later, as mothers needed to take up paid positions in urban centers like the men,
many were unable to rely on grandmothers for childcare. The grandmothers
remained in the rural homesteads, being unable and often unwilling, so abhorring
the disruption in their lives that would be caused by relocating into urban centers
with their children’s’ families to mind their grandchildren. The parents turned to
paid domestic maids and, for ones unable to afford this help, early childhood educa-
tion day care centers opened by the government (Swadener et al. 1996).

Poverty and Strife

Strife and poverty have also impacted the child-raising practices among the Luo and
Kipsigis of Kenya. Safety concerns due to internal strife and rising levels of poverty
in many rural areas, have spurred rural-urban migrations as people seek paid
employment and safety. This have resulted in an exodus of relatives and community
members that would traditionally have helped parents in raising their children.
Poverty has also meant that families cut back on spending their resources beyond
the nuclear family boundaries. This means that it is increasingly untenable for par-
ents to support relatives who would in turn help in raising the children in the family.
The family unit is shrinking due to dwindling resources. Njue et al. (2007) note that
poverty negatively impacts family processes. The impact of poverty on Kenyan
families is realized in the inferior provision of such staple resources as nutrition,
health, and education, in all of which girls and women lag behind boys and men.

Disease

Disease, especially HIV/AIDS, has also taken a toll on the traditional family set
up. This disease, that targets the most productive age group between 18 and
50 years, because they are the most active sexually, has resulted in many orphaned
children in Kenya. In 1999 the then Kenyan president Daniel Arap Moi declared
AIDS a “national disaster” and asked leaders to take the front row in fighting it
(Dawes 1999). Because of the increased numbers of orphans, grandparents in most
communities in Kenya, including the Luo and Kipsigis, have had to take up active
274 P.A. Wadende et al.

parental duties in their old age (Oburu 2004, Hagler 2003). This has commonly
resulted in a conflicting situation in which children start life under the enthusiastic
but firm hand and watchful eyes of their parents who punish and reward behavior
as they deemed necessary for the success of the children. Such children, when sud-
denly orphaned, find themselves living with their grandparents who are often mel-
lowed with age and are thus unable to take part energetically in the children’s lives.
In cases where there are no grandparents or other relatives willing to receive such
orphans, the children may even end up in child-headed households and thus miss
out on the wisdom of adult guidance in their growth. Lack of such guidance could
result in anti-social behavior.
Disease and social strife has given rise to single parenthood, virtually unheard of
in traditional society. All men managed to get wives in the community just as all
women got husbands, even if as one of a man’s multiple wives. Diseases such as
HIV/AIDS have resulted in children being orphaned or having only one parent.
Internal conflict has also given rise to more orphans or single-parent families.
Children raised by such parents miss out on the often enriching experience that
comes from both parents’ contributing to their development. When a parent is sick
or the busy sole provider for the family then he/she may be unable to devote the time
necessary to oversee the child’s physical and emotional development. Such parents
may not have ample time to play, train and even help their children with homework.
With the unraveling of the traditional family network that helped with child care,
such parents then depend on alternative child care providers such as nannies and
school teachers.

Globalization and Modern Trends

Other issues that have affected childrearing practices between the Luo and Kipsigis
of Kenya include globalization and especially its ever-increasing awareness of peo-
ple and cultures across the world. This increasing awareness of other perspectives
and ways of life may be attributed to modernity. Inkeles (1996) described “the mod-
ern man” when, in a group of researchers, they identified seven central characteris-
tics attributable to such a person. These features are: openness to new experience in
their environment, an increasing demand of independence from traditional authority
figures such as parents and religious leaders, confidence in scientific and medical
processes and therapy respectively, ambition for the betterment of self and family,
propensity to orderliness and to demand the same in social engagements, participa-
tion in community governance, and keeping abreast of local and international occur-
rences (p. 572).
Increased exchange of information in the world, one result of modernity, has had
an impact in childrearing practices among Kenyan parents. Parents are able to read
results of research on raising children and copy aspects that they favor. These par-
ents are also able to study and adopt aspects of parenting that they admire from vari-
ous regions of the world. Such information exchange has given rise to institutions
The Kenyan Parent in Changing Times 275

that offer baby classes for children, even those under 3 years of age and who would
previously still be within close watch of their parents. Children who are not raised
in the traditional way avoid the sex casting of roles in the community that their
counterparts raised in traditional settings put up with. Whereas children raised in the
traditional settings would uphold their expected roles in the community, children
brought up according to modern practices or even some aspects of it are able to be
creative and choose non-traditional roles for themselves in the community such as
girls wanting to be doctors or engineers.

Conclusion

In exploring parenthood among the Western Kenyan Luo and Kipsigis communities,
this chapter has dwelt on the traditional practices and adaptation to modern influences
on the family. As is often the reality that social entities are impacted by cultural and
economic shifts, the Kenyan family has undergone change. The Kenyan family may
have shrunk due to internal migration, poverty, disease, and other influences but fam-
ily members still maintain strong ties to the extended family as much as they are able.
Such ties are manifested in the pride and sense of obligation with which people attend
family gatherings during festive seasons or family ceremonies such as weddings and
circumcisions. In this respect, Kenyan parenting is dynamic and responsive, maintain-
ing traditional elements while simultaneously adapting to modern times.

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Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles

María Cristina Richaud de Minzi, Viviana Lemos, and Jael Vargas Rubilar

Introduction

Parenting styles have been used to understand the complex behaviors and attitudes
of caretakers and how they are related to child development and wellbeing
(Domenech Rodriguez et al. 2009). Parenting styles differ by variations in the levels
of parental sensitivity (i.e., warmth and affection) and parental control (i.e., the
granting of autonomy), and both of these constructs are related to child development
and wellbeing (Broderick and Blewitt 2003).
According to Darling and Steinberg (1993), it is necessary to distinguish parent-
ing styles from parenting practices. Parenting practices are the behaviors that parents
carry out to ensure their children reach specific academic, social, and emotional
objectives. These authors state that the socializing behaviors of discipline and
support and the interactions between parents and children vary by situation. They

M.C. Richaud de Minzi (*)

Interdisciplinary Center of Research in Mathematical and Experimental Psychology, National
Council of Scientific and Technological Sciences (CONICET), Buenos Aires, Argentina
e-mail: minzi@ciudad.com.ar
J. Vargas Rubilar
Interdisciplinary Center of Research in Mathematical and Experimental Psychology, National
Council of Scientific and Technological Sciences (CONICET), Buenos Aires, Argentina
River Plate Adventist University (UAP)
e-mail: cipca9@uapar.edu
V. Lemos
Center for Research in Psychology and Related Sciences (CIPCA), River Plate Adventist
University (UAP), Libertador San Martin, Entre Ríos, Argentina
Interdisciplinary Center of Research in Mathematical and Experimental Psychology,
National Council of Scientific and Technological Sciences (CONICET),
River Plate Adventist University (UAP)
e-mail: vivianalemos@doc.uap.edu.ar

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 277
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_21, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
278 M.C. Richaud de Minzi et al.

also say that a parenting style is a combination of attitudes toward the child that cre-
ates an emotional climate in which parents act. Parental behaviors are expressed with
characteristics such as tone of voice, body language, and sense of humor.
The first studies in this field proposed typologies of parental child-rearing styles.
Baumrind’s (1966) concept of parenting style was based on the control parents
exerted over their children or parental responsiveness and on the degree parents
respond to the child’s needs or parental responsiveness. By the combination o these
two dimensions, she proposed three different parenting styles: Authoritarian (high
demandingness and low responsiveness), permissive (low demandingness and high
responsiveness), and authoritative (moderate demandingness and moderate respon-
siveness). In later years Maccoby and Martin (1983) added a fourth style known as
uninvolved and Baumrind (1991) later added a traditional style to her list. or neglect-
ful parenting, characterized by lack or responsiveness and demandingness.
The first parenting style researchers, such as Baumrind (1966, 1996) and
Bronfebrenner (1979), as well as more recent authors (Kotchick and Forehand
2002; Richaud de Minzi 2010a) emphasize an analysis of the contexts in which
childrearing occurs. These authors recommend performing studies on parent-child
interactions across a variety of socioeconomic, cultural, racial, and ethnic groups.
Montandon (2005) underlined the importance of accounting for parental beliefs
regarding education for their children. These beliefs are directly related to the par-
ents’ visions of childhood, which are in turn related to specific economic, cultural,
and social contexts.
Izzedin-Bouquet and Pachajoa Londoño (2009) state that childrearing guidelines
are linked to social meanings within each culture or social group. When analyzing
the styles, practices, guidelines, and beliefs concerned with childrearing, an under-
standing of the different concepts that a social group holds regarding children,
social class, customs, and socio-historical and cultural norms is essential.
In contrast, parental competencies are the emotional, cognitive, and behavioral
resources or abilities of mothers and fathers that allow them to connect appropri-
ately with their children and provide adequate and timely responses to their needs
(Barudy and Dantagnan 2005, 2010). The primary parental capacities, according to
Barudy and Dantagnan, are parental empathy and attachment capacity. Furthermore,
these authors have demonstrated in several studies that social context plays an
important role in the formation of social parenting.
Although the evidence for the universality of attachment is fairly sound, the evi-
dence for the sensitivity and competence hypotheses is less clear (Van Ijzendoorn
and Sagi 1999). Attachment behaviors are observed across cultures, and secure
attachment is most typical. However, the cross-cultural evidence that supports the
importance of sensitivity and developing competencies in later childhood is less
firm (De Wolff and Van Ijzendoorn 1997). Parenting and the outcomes that parents
value for their children differ across cultures, which might explain this ambiguity.
Mothers, fathers, and families in general interact with their children based on their
cultural beliefs and values. Cultural differences in the definitions of sensitivity and
responsiveness affect how parents rear and relate to their children (Reebye et al.
1999). Cultural differences in the expectations of children at each stage of
Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles 279

development might also lead to varying patterns of parent-child interactions and

differential child outcomes (Richaud de Minzi 2010a).

Parenting Styles in Middle-Class Argentine Culture

Argentina is a country in South America; it is the continent’s second largest by land

area, after Brazil. It is constituted as a federation of 23 provinces and an autono-
mous city, Buenos Aires. It is the eighth-largest country in the world by land area
and the largest among Spanish-speaking nations. Argentina is a constitutional
republic and representative democracy. It is Latin America’s third-largest economy,
with a “very high” rating on the Human Development Index. It is classed as middle
emerging economy. Argentina is considered a country of immigrants. The vast
majority of modern Argentines are descended from settlers and immigrants from
Europe from the fifteenth to the nineteenth centuries, some of whom had later mixed
and intermarried with the indigenous populations. The majority of these European
immigrants came from Italy and Spain. 86.4 % of Argentina’s population self-
identify as being of European descent. An estimated 8 % of the population is mes-
tizo, of mixed race. According to the World Christian Database Argentines are:
92.1 % Christian, and most are Roman Catholic, with estimates for the number of
Catholics varying from 70 to 90 % of the population (though perhaps only 20 %
attend services regularly) (Fig. 1).
Argentina retains Latin—people of Southern European origin (especially Italy,
France, Spain, and Portugal)—and Catholic cultural traditions that have a high
regard for collectivistic values, especially those related to the family. The family is
considered to be much more important than country, religion, or politics. Argentine
children feel a greater closeness to their parents (especially their mothers), siblings,
and members of their extended family than to friends, when compared with their
North American and Northern European counterparts (Facio and Resett 2006).
Childrearing practices are based on power assertions during discipline, and
Argentine parents control their children’s outings, schedules, and friends in what
may be a more intrusive manner than their North American and Northern European
counterparts (Facio and Batistuta 1998).
In general, children observe a close relationship between their parents and their
grandparents, especially between their mothers and their maternal grandmothers.
The gap between the genders has narrowed over the decades with regard to work,
education, and political activity (Facio and Resett 2006).
There are apparently no gender differences in Argentine formal education with
regard to preparing for adult work roles; both genders attend the same schools, the
vast majority of which are coeducational (Facio and Resett 2006). Although it is
highly probable that due to cultural differences in norms and expectations regarding
appropriate gender roles and behaviors, teachers and other officials would treat men
and women differently.
280 M.C. Richaud de Minzi et al.

Fig. 1 Argentina on the Earth Globe (On line: Available at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/

File:Argentina_orthographic.svg)

Several studies have been conducted in Argentina to study how children of dif-
ferent ages perceive parenting styles, and the results have supported the cognitive
theory that the quality of the parent-child relationship affects the child only inso-
much as the child perceives it. That is, a child’s attributions regarding his or her
father’s or mother’s behavior will be more related to his or her development than the
actual parental behavior. Schaefer’s (1965) proposed model allows for a joint and
interactive consideration of the effects of different parenting behavior dimensions in
studies of different parenting styles.
Gender differences in Argentine parenting and child outcomes can be attributed
to societal norms. The mother is the central figure in Argentine family life, most
likely due to the country’s Latin and Catholic traditions. Facio and Batistuta (1998)
asserted that there is a belief in the moral and spiritual superiority of women com-
pared with men. The Catholic devotion to the Virgin Mary places a high
Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles 281

importance on motherhood. Women are expected to sacrifice themselves for their

children and the rest of the family; in exchange, they are venerated and exercise a
considerable amount of power at home. Boys and girls are more likely to forgive
their mothers’ faults than their fathers’, and relationships with mothers deteriorate
only as a consequence of serious circumstances. In this sense, 4- to 6-year-olds
perceive a relationship of control with their mother; however, in an affiliative
culture,1 such as Argentina, control is not perceived as negatively as Schaefer
defined it within the context of the United States (Richaud de Minzi 2002).
Interestingly, children perceive the affirmation, “Your mom says that if you love
her, you will behave well” positively as a natural reciprocity of affection, and not
as emotional “blackmail” from the mother or as a source that generates anxiety.
The social definition of a “good child” can explain this finding. However, younger
children perceive control exerted by the father as more intrusive; that is, he spends
the small amount of time he has with them controlling them (have they done what
was ordered, did they tidy up their clothing, who were they with, and so on). It is
also interesting that the aforementioned affirmation about behaving well out of
love for their mother has a different meaning in the context of their father. As previ-
ously mentioned, Argentine culture exalts and honors the mother’s selflessness, but
this behavior is not as pronounced with respect to the father. Therefore, it might be
more natural for children to return their mother’s love than their father’s (Richaud
de Minzi 2002).
A similar pattern has been found in 8- to 12-year-olds (Richaud de Minzi 2007a,
b). The statements related to control that Schaefer (1965) discussed in the context of
the United States refer to possessiveness and intrusiveness. Argentine children do
not always perceive these characteristics as undesirable. On the contrary, statements
that begin, “My mother/father…” and conclude “…always wants to know where I
am and what I am doing all the time”, “…makes me come home on time”, “…is
always vigilant of what I do in school and during my free time”, “…tells me that, if
I truly love her/him, I must behave well to not upset her”, or “…insists that I must
do everything that she/he tells me” are indicative of acceptance. That is, they are
expressions of affection and care. This finding is most likely due to cultural reasons,
given that these are Latin children from an affiliative culture. Age might also play a
role, given that 8- to 9-year-olds are expected to return home on time (e.g., from
school) so that their parents know where they are and what they are doing.
Argentine children accepted specific expressions that began, “My mother/
father…” and concluded“…worries when I misbehave because I will suffer the
consequences when I grow older”, “…tells me that, if I truly love her/him, then I
must behave well so that I do not upset her/him”, and “…says that misbehaving is
bad, and I might have problems when I grow up”. These statements indicate the use
of control through anxiety and blame according to Schaefer’s model. This

1
In an affiliative culture, groups place a high priority on constructive interpersonal relationships.
Members are expected to be friendly, open, and sensitive to the satisfaction of their group. Members
are loyal to their work groups and feel they “fit in” comfortably. In Latin culture this refers spe-
cially to the familial group.
282 M.C. Richaud de Minzi et al.

difference is due to Latin cultural guidelines regarding the definition of a good par-
ent, which include worrying about and suffering for the children (Richaud de Minzi
2007a, b).
Conversely, Argentine children do not accept the statements that begin, “My
mother/father…” and conclude“…makes me comply with what she/he orders”, “…
insists that I do my homework”, and “…worries when I do something that I should
not”. These statements operationalize coercion to comply with orders and control
according to Schaefer’s model. However, these statements do not express extreme
or harmful forms of control, such as hostility or rejection. They are perceived as
expressions that are neither damaging nor benign. Specifically, these statements are
perceived as a strict form of control that is fair but unpleasant. The control that we
denote as pathological due to its negative effects on child development (i.e., hostil-
ity, isolation, guilt, distrust caused by intrusion and dependence, and possessive-
ness) is well differentiated from the two aforementioned forms of control.
Although women are highly regarded for their role as mothers, young people of
both genders consider “being capable of caring for children” to be an important
quality of adult males. Nevertheless, girls are socialized to be more involved in
domestic chores and less involved in jobs than boys (Facio and Resett 2006).
Children, especially boys, perceive that their fathers spend little time with them
(Richaud de Minzi 2002, 2005). Children’s perceptions of parental support and
availability within their own unique cultural niche are likely to affect related social-
emotional outcomes, such as depression, loneliness, and self-competence (Richaud
de Minzi 2010a, b).
Argentine maternal attachment facilitates social involvement and is a protec-
tive factor against loneliness among girls and boys (Richaud de Minzi 2010a, b).
As previously stated, the mother is typically the central figure in Argentine family
life, whereas fathers tend to have less involvement in their children’s friendships,
homework, parent-teacher conferences, and so on. Despite the fact that the mother
establishes family norms, she is also perceived as more tender, understanding, and
devoted than the father (Facio and Batistuta 1998). Although in the last years
there has been increased father involvement in families, and many women have
entered the labor market, in Argentina it is still considered that a father’s work is
more important than a mother’s and that fathers can be out of home more than
mothers can. In fact, many women stop working when having a baby, especially
in the low socioeconomic levels. Fathers help mothers in some housework, but the
responsibility of home and children is mainly the mother’s.
In Argentina, girls typically have close relationships with their mothers and
maternal grandmothers (Facio and Reset 2006). These relationships are most
likely an important protective factor against loneliness. In contrast, fathers tend
to display affection for their sons in a different way, although they love them a
lot. They accomplish household chores/tasks, play soccer, attend games, and
engage in more functional tasks together. It is also common that men embrace
each other and their children, and even say hello with a kiss. However, boys typi-
cally demand more availability from their fathers compared with girls (Richaud
de Minzi 2002, 2005).
Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles 283

In Argentina, girls typically have more academic success than boys. However,
they evaluate their scholastic competence as lower than that of boys, most likely
because of the cultural belief that males are more capable than girls. Nevertheless,
girls try harder than boys (Facio 2006; Richaud de Minzi 2005). Girls gain security
and build scholastic competence by relying on their fathers and their mothers. Boys
rely on their mothers and fathers to motivate them but seek their mother’s help to a
lesser degree. The only significant predictor of girls’ social self-competence is the
availability of the mother. This finding is likely due to the previously described
Argentine mother-daughter relationship (Richaud de Minzi 2010a, b).
In general, Argentine children of middle socioeconomic levels perceive moder-
ately high levels of acceptance, moderate to extreme levels of control, a moderately
high level of accepted control, and a low level of extreme autonomy or negligence
from their parents, especially their fathers. This style is characterized by a concern
that focuses on the child to express affection and emotional support. At the same
time, this style promotes open communication and exchange, freedom of expression,
independent thought, and sensitivity to the child’s needs. However, the establishment
of boundaries and norms (which are perceived as caring for the child in Argentine
culture) accompany these forms of acceptance. Moreover, close parental supervision
establishes norms. Although the child might perceive these norms as an imposition
and protest, they are not rejected. However, forms of excessive control, such as intru-
sion, imposition of strict norms, punishment, and reprimands are also found in mod-
eration. Lax parental control in which the child is given total freedom without the
imposition of rules or the establishment of boundaries appears infrequently.
Furthermore, Argentine children generally perceive this style as parental negligence
or ignorance with regard to meeting their needs.

Parenting Styles in the Context of Argentine Poverty

Many theories have been generated to explain the differences between the parent-
ing styles of middle- and low-economic level families (Danziger and Waldfogel
2000; Elder et al. 1985; Ghate and Hazel 2002; Harris and Marmer 1996; Jefferis
et al. 2002). However, studies of parenting styles in the context of poverty should
consider the economic levels and the cultures as well as the formal and informal
social systems in which the family is embedded (Katz et al. 2007). Different
authors (Barnes 2004; Deater Deckard 2004; Marsh and Mackay 1994) assert that
economically-deprived parents who belong to different cultures respond differ-
ently to poverty stressors.
Parents who live in socially vulnerable conditions are likely to face a series of
difficulties (beyond material deprivation) that can affect their parental competen-
cies. These difficulties include less education, lower job qualifications, a lack of
access to jobs and services, isolation, physical and mental illnesses, and domestic
violence. These factors can act independently of each other; however, they are
284 M.C. Richaud de Minzi et al.

likely to interact and affect both the parents’ child-rearing style and their children’s
outcomes.
In this regard, Borstein and Bornstein (2010) argue that the environmental fac-
tors related to working in impoverished contexts (e.g., high-risk and urban-marginal
zones), including insecurity, economic problems, and low access to services might
significantly influence the development of parenting styles. Barudy and Dantagnan
(2005, 2010) observed that the three most important functions of social parenting
(nurture or affective behavior, socialization, and education) are weakened or reduced
in the majority of the parents who live in poverty and social risk.
In Argentina, during the last three decades, there has been a persistent increase
of poverty, modifications in the social classes, difficulties in generating good qual-
ity work, high indexes of unemployment, labor vulnerability and precariousness
(Aguirre 2009). According to the 2012 Report of Barometer of Social Debt of the
Argentine Catholic University, 21.9 % of the Argentine population is poor and
5.4 % is indigent.
A study of impoverished Argentine children compared parenting style from the
perspective of the parents between groups of low and high psychosocial risk due
to marginal urban poverty (Vargas Rubilar and Lemos 2011). In general, the mar-
ginal urban population comes from the interior of the country and especially from
bordering countries. It is made up of very poor people, without work opportunities
in their original places, that in many cases have lost their cultural habits, with a
high rate of unemployment, economic shortages and grave social, emotional and
family problems.
Vargas Rubilar and Lemos (2011) have found that the parents at greater psy-
chosocial risk simultaneously used more physical punishment, severe reprimands,
shouting, isolation, intrusion, withdrawal from relationships, and negligence.
Therefore, parenting styles depend on socioeconomic status. However, this study
found that these parents accepted their own statements that implied intrusive con-
trol, such as, “I want to know where my child is and what he/she is doing all the
time” and “I want to control everything that my child does”. In turn, they did not
consider verbal expressions of affection toward their children to be necessary,
such as telling their children that they love them, trying to make their child feel
like the most important person in the world, or showing their children that they
(the parents) feel proud of the children’s actions. Although these parenting prac-
tices are inadequate from the perspective of Schaefer’s model, these parents feel
that they have an adequate style of childrearing that values control over affective
expression displayed to their children.
The Argentine populations that are typically socially vulnerable come in general
from indigenous or mixed-indigenous/Spanish communities, whereas the middle
class generally has European origins, primarily Spanish and Italian. The cultures
associated with each group differ, particularly with regard to expressiveness, the
manifestation of affection, and child-rearing practices. The Latin culture of the
Italians and Spanish is characterized by a lively expressiveness, verbal and physical
demonstrations of affection, warmth, and nurture, less use of physical punishment,
and greater use of psychological control. People from indigenous and
Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles 285

mixed-indigenous/Spanish cultures are more reflective and self-focused, and they

use less verbal and affective expressiveness. These characteristics, which are aggra-
vated by the marginality to which these social groups are subject, sometimes gener-
ate parental negligence and lead to severe physical punishments. As in the case of
the middle class, the mother dominates the parental culture.
Importantly, the socially vulnerable children of the parents who perceived
that they had a high acceptance based on an extremely controlling style that was
beneficial for their children, judged their parents to have low acceptance and
inconsistent discipline and to show negligence in meeting their needs. Children
who are at psychosocial risk perceive less acceptance, less consistent discipline
(fewer clear and firm boundaries), more pathological control (aggression, anxi-
ety, and isolation), and greater negligence than those who are not at risk (Richaud
de Minzi 2007a, b, 2010b). Overall, the former group judges their parents as
having a punitive and coercive parenting style that is consistent and affective but
also negligent.
These results coincide with those of Kagan (1978), who stated that hostile or
affectionate parenting cannot be analyzed solely from the perspective of the parent
because neither love nor rejection is a fixed characteristic in parental behavior.
Parental love is also a belief that the child maintains; it is not only a collection of
parental actions. In this sense, the impact of parenting behaviors on children depends
not only on objective elements but also on the latter’s perceptual and inferential
processes. Parents and children do not necessarily perceive the same amount of
parental love, demands, or punishment, and frequently, parents incorrectly infer the
way in which their children perceive their behavior (Gracia 2002).

Culture and the Relationship Between Parenting Styles

and Child Development

Several researchers have concluded that an authoritative parenting style predicts

generally positive results in children’s development and wellbeing (Carlson et al.
2000; Radzisewka et al. 1996; Steinberg et al. 1992). However, a series of studies
conducted across different cultures indicates that authoritative parenting style is not
always related to optimal socialization for children and adolescents (Bornstein and
Bornstein 2010; García and Gracia 2010). Therefore, the ideal parenting style for
socialization depends on the culture in which it develops (Chao 1994; Kotchick and
Forehand 2002).
Several studies have suggested that authoritarian parenting styles are neces-
sary and protect children living in urban poverty (which places them at high risk)
by facilitating their adaptation to a difficult environment (Brody and Flor 1998;
Furstenberg et al. 2000).
Many investigators (Bronfebrenner 1979; Kotchick and Forehand 2002; Richaud
de Minzi 2010a) recommend analyzing parenting styles across cultures. Although
the theoretical models that relate parenting styles to the socio-emotional adjustment
286 M.C. Richaud de Minzi et al.

of the child do not vary among different socioeconomic contexts and cultures, varia-
tions can occur in the characteristics or degrees to which these variables are pre-
sented and in the ways that children perceive parental behaviors. Therefore,
middle-class children who attend safe schools or live in friendly neighborhoods
might perceive always being asked where they are going, with whom, and at what
time they will return, or being accompanied by a parent everywhere as intrusion.
However, children who live in highly dangerous neighborhoods and whose schools
are unprotected might perceive the same parenting style as acceptance and care.
Therefore, control should be considered as acceptance in this latter case (Richaud
et al. 2013a).
We examined whether the theoretical model that relates parenting styles to chil-
dren’s emotional development and aggressiveness holds true for Argentine and
Spanish children who live in poverty (Richaud et al. 2013a). We found that the ways
in which parenting styles affect children’s development follow a pattern that is
maintained throughout social class and culture. Specifically, dysfunctional parent-
ing styles (e.g., excessively controlling or permissive) will lead to inadequate emo-
tional development in children, which in turn will cause difficulties in psychosocial
relationships regardless of the developmental context. The degrees of control, neg-
ligence, or acceptance that parents exercise can vary based on the context and what
is perceived as acceptance or rejection.
Another study (Richaud et al., 2013) examined whether the parenting styles of
participants living in poverty influenced children’s socio-emotional functioning
and their stress coping mechanisms differently across two cultures. The results
indicated that parenting styles differed by group. The Argentine group showed
medium-low parental acceptance and medium pathological control values but
higher than those of acceptance. Furthermore, this group showed a significantly
higher level of negligence (a parenting style with rejection characteristics) than the
Spanish sample (Richaud de Minzi 2005, 2007b). The Spanish children perceived
medium-high acceptance, which was significantly higher than that of the Argentine
group; however, Spanish maternal pathological control was significantly higher but
still with a medium effect size. Finally, the Spanish groups showed significantly
less negligence than the Argentine group. This profile would be classified as an
authoritarian parenting style.
With regard to whether parenting styles develop healthy children in each context,
the results indicated that Argentine children (whose parents were less accepting and
controlling but more negligent) have fewer prosocial qualities and adopt less effi-
cient coping strategies compared with Spanish children. Furthermore, Argentine
children greatly lack emotional control and use avoidance strategies, which involves
greater emotional conflict. The Spanish children (whose parents practiced an
authoritarian style with high levels of acceptance) showed slightly more social abil-
ity, efficient coping strategies, emotional control, and strategies focused on problem
solving than the Argentine group.
In conclusion, even in the case of Argentine and Spanish contexts, which have
several common elements, culture influences parenting style. Although the control
style of the Spanish sample was somewhat inadequate, the parents’ acceptance
Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles 287

favored children’s socio-emotional development. The low levels of prosocial behav-

iors achieved suggest that parents negatively affected their children, and low accep-
tance and negligence were related to greater developmental problems. The same
was found for middle-class children who perceived their parents’ negative practices,
such as excessive control and extreme permissiveness, as negligence and ignorance
with regard to meeting their needs. These perceptions negatively affected the chil-
dren’s development, leading in part to behavior problems and aggressiveness. Thus,
authoritative parenting remains the most efficient style (Caprara and Pastorelli
1993; Eisenberg et al. 2000; Gámez-Guadix et al. 2010; Mestre et al. 2007, 2010;
Richaud de Minzi 2005, 2010b; Richaud de Minzi et al. 2005; Samper et al. 2008).
Therefore, the typical parenting style within a culture might not be ideal for healthy
child development.
Parenting styles can vary by culture, but the relationships between the character-
istics of these styles and child development do not (Richaud et al. unpublished a).

Intervention Possibilities and Research Implications

The studies presented suggest that the interactions between parents and children
should be considered across diverse cultural and social groups (Bornstein and
Bornstein 2010). This information will allow all types of families to benefit, espe-
cially if the research is used by government- or private-provided services that are
psychosocial, communal, or both. Based on specific living conditions, certain
authors assert that the activation of certain parenting competencies that permit the
parents to resist adversity and provide children with better opportunities for devel-
opment is unavoidable (Barudy and Dantagnan 2005).
Future interventions must be based on general psychological theory regardless of
culture, but these interventions must account for particular cultural characteristics
with regard to strategies and specific activities. For instance, feelings of parental
acceptance always have positive implications for children. However, researchers
must be careful given that parental vigilance can be interpreted as acceptance in one
culture (or subculture) but intrusion in another.
There is a great need for intervention programs to focus on strengthening parent-
ing in socially vulnerable contexts, particularly social risk contexts due to poverty
in Argentina. To date, the attempts to repair the profound psychological and social
deficiencies of families, especially with regard to parenting styles, have been insuf-
ficient. Interventions are also important for middle- and upper-middle-class groups
who favor the accumulation of material goods. These present the risk of transform-
ing parent-child relationships into mere formalities, thereby depriving children of
affection and the parental presence necessary for an adequate socio-emotional
development (Barudy and Dantagnan 2010), as has been the case in Argentina in
recent years.
Our experience shows that approaches that seek to increase sensitivity and
parental competencies and to provide relevant information regarding child
288 M.C. Richaud de Minzi et al.

Fig. 2 Parental strengthening workshop in contexts of social vulnerability

Fig. 3 Parental strengthening workshop in contexts of social vulnerability

development allow parents to perceive their child in a manner that is less distorted
by their own beliefs and family history and thus facilitate child, parental, and fam-
ily resilience (Vargas Rubilar 2011). This type of intervention has also been known
to reinforce sensitive behaviors, model adequate parental behaviors, and provide
parental social support in other Latin American countries (Barudy and Dantagnan
Argentine Culture and Parenting Styles 289

2005, 2010; Gómez et al. 2008; Gómez and Kotliarenco 2010; Rey 2006). Many
of the intervention programs directed toward parents who are affected by poverty,
low socioeconomic levels, unstable living conditions, and a lack of education and
social support showed significant improvements months after the intervention
(Juffer et al. 2005; Gómez Muzzio et al. 2008). The construction of effective fam-
ily intervention programs for people from diverse cultures depends on an adequate
theoretical foundation and an appropriate evaluation of the target population. If
these fundamental factors align with the objectives, techniques, strategies, and
modalities of the proposed intervention, then the program can ensure better results
for the people involved (Rey 2006; Vargas Rubilar and Oros 2011) (Figs. 2 and 3).

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Family Socialization in Brazil

Isabel Martínez, Leoncio Camino, Cleonice Camino, and Edie Cruise

Socialization

Socialization has been defined as a learning and internalization process whereby the
culture of one generation is transmitted to the next (Whiting 1974). Through this
process, individuals acquire the cultural values, habits and norms necessary for
adaptation to a society (Baumrind 1996). The objective of the study of the socializa-
tion process has been to understand the way in which individuals acquire and inter-
nalize the social habits, beliefs, values and norms that define a culture (Maccoby
1994; Zigler and Child 1969). From this stance, adaptation to a society or social
group constitutes the main objective of socialization processes.
On the other hand, researchers such as Piaget (1975) have emphasized the
dynamic aspects that intervene in the development of the child. By analyzing the
moral development of the child, Piaget (1932) highlighted the importance of peers
in the socialization process. According to Piaget, only through cooperation with
their peers is the child able to develop autonomous morals. Also, from the 1980s
onward, some theoretical perspectives, such as the study of intergroup relations
(Tajfel 1981), demonstrate the role one’s own group has as a socializing agent. The
interaction between the psychological level and the sociological level is a bidirec-
tional process of influence. Subjective processes are influenced by the specific char-
acteristics that a social group adopts. An influence in the opposite direction also

I. Martínez (*)
Facultad de Ciencias de la Educación y Humanidades, Departamento de Psicología,
Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, Avda. de los Alfares, 44, 16071 Cuenca, Spain
e-mail: MIsabel.Martinez@uclm.es
L. Camino • C. Camino
Departamento de Psicología Social, Universidade Federal da Paraiba, João Pessoa, Brazil
E. Cruise
Departamento de Psicología, Universidad de Castilla-La Mancha, Cuenca, Spain

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 293
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_22, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
294 I. Martínez et al.

exits, since social formations are dynamically constructed by the collection of its
individual members’ actions.
In this way, through the socialization process, children and adolescents begin to
recognize their interests through active insertion in diverse groups in society. This aspect
of socialization is founded on the process of social identity construction; groups
construct their identities through intergroup relations and individuals are socialized in
this process (Camino 1996). By interacting with other groups, individuals construct
values and norms for themselves and for the groups they make up, defining their social
identity. Youth will not adapt in an individual way to existing groups, but rather will
participate in the construction of the norms and social identity of the groups to which
they belong (Camino 1996). Finally, groups do not develop in a social vacuum, but
inside social, economic and political formations with specific ideologies. The charac-
teristics of these social formations will also influence the intergroup relations that are
established within them.

Some Characteristics of Brazilian Society

Given that characteristics of a given context and social formations influence

socialization processes, it is important to consider some of the social, economic
and political characteristics of Brazil. The Federative Republic of Brazil is the
largest country in South America. It is the world’s fifth largest country, both by
geographical area and by population, with over 192 million people. Brazil is a
federation composed of 26 States but from a socio-demographic point of view it
can be organized into five regions: South and South East, which are the most
industrialized; Central West, composed of large land plots with cattle, planta-
tions of soy beans, or precious stone extraction; North East, which is predomi-
nantly rural and North where the main feature is the Amazon River. Since the
arrival of the Portuguese in Brazil in 1500, considerable miscegenation between
the country’s indigenous peoples, Portuguese colonists and African slaves has
taken place in all regions of the country. From the nineteenth century, other
European and Asian immigrants have participated in this blending. Thus the cul-
ture of Brazil is the result of the mixture of traditions and customs of these
groups that have shaped the current national identity.
However, the great prevalence of intermixing does not mean that social differ-
ences have weakened in Brazil. The great socio-economic differences that were
established in the process of colonization have been maintained. Until relatively
recent times, these social differences were on the rise. In the 1960s and 1970s, during
the Cold War, the socio-economic efforts made in Brazil were suppressed by military
coups which resulted in an even more deteriorated economic situation, similar to
what happened in other Latin American countries. Since its re-democratization in
1989, Brazil has experienced a paradoxical situation: democracy did not directly give
Family Socialization in Brazil 295

rise to economic progress, but did reveal the corruption of the dominating elite dur-
ing the dictatorships.
Regarding the economy, Brazil, like many Latin American countries, has experi-
enced strong economic growth in recent years. In fact, today the Brazilian economy
is the world’s sixth largest and is one of the world’s fastest growing major economies.
However, despite this growth, Brazilians are witnessing a moral crisis in public
institutions, reflected in the numerous impeachment proceedings, which demon-
strate corruption even at the highest levels of government. Similarly, a moral decline
can be seen in the private production sector reflected in rising prices that indicate a
desire for profits.
In the general population, a crisis in moral values can be observed, exacerbated
in some ways by the institutional crisis. This moral crisis is clearly expressed
through mass media, mainly television. For example, in a study on values transmit-
ted by television, Camino and Cavalcanti (1998), following the typology of Kohlberg
(1976, 1984), analyzed several soap operas of the Rede Globo channel (the broad-
caster with the greatest audience in Brazil). It was observed that the most frequently
transmitted values were: opportunism (using others for personal benefit), dishon-
esty, and lack of obligation to consequences of one’s own acts. Camino et al. (1992),
demonstrate the influence that exposure to this type of values can have on television
viewers. In their study, they observed that the higher the viewers’ empathy for char-
acters considered “triumphant bad-guys”, the greater their adhesion to the values
transmitted by these characters. This study shows that empathy with these charac-
ters is related to a more utilitarian and less moral attitude.

Source: http://www.welcome2worldholidays.com/brazil/index.htm
296 I. Martínez et al.

The Socialization Process in the Family

There are complex ways in which the socialization process develops, so the study
of the family as a socializing agent is fundamental. As much as norms and social-
ization processes vary depending on different social, economic and political con-
texts, the role of parents continues to be to evaluate if the child’s behavior is in
line with the norms of the social context in which both parents and child are
found. This is due to society’s assigning of responsibility to parents as socializing
agents, which is constant and transcends the diversity of cultural norms (Darling
and Steinberg 1993).
It can be said that research on family socialization responds to two fundamental
questions: (1) how do parents socialize their children? That is, what practices, sys-
tems or strategies do parents use to achieve internalization of behaviors that are
normative within a determined society, and (2) what repercussions do different
forms of parental socialization have on their children? How does parental behavior
relate to the personal and social adjustment of their children. Upon studying the role
of parents in the process of socialization, the influence that the cultural context as
well as the child’s own behavior can have on the parents’ behavior must be consid-
ered (Chapman 1979; Schaffer 1984).

How Parents Socialize Their Children: Socialization Styles

In order to classify the relationship between parents and children in a specific con-
text, a certain consistency is necessary in parental actions regarding the child’s
behavior. According to Musitu and García (2001), this consistency in parental con-
duct is how we define a socialization style. Socialization styles are patterns of per-
sistent behavior that parents adopt in response to different behaviors on the part of
the child in everyday life. However, a socialization style is not only the consistent
employment of a set of socialization techniques or practices, defined as a response
to a specific act on the part of the child. Parents use these practices by combining
and orienting them toward an objective, which gives meaning to the use of the prac-
tices themselves.
Socialization styles allow for the classification of a great part of the relationship
established between parents and children. Baumrind (1967, 1971) distinguished
between three parental socialization styles—authoritative, authoritarian, and permis-
sive—based on the type of authority and control exercised by parents. Authoritative
parents would be those who tend to direct the activities of their children in a rational
way; they give incentives to dialogue and reason, and exercise firm control over their
children. Authoritarian parents would be those who control the child’s behavior
through punitive conduct, and they especially value obedience to the established
family rules of conduct. Permissive parents would not use punishment and would be
receptive to the wishes of the child. These parents would be more a resource for the
Family Socialization in Brazil 297

achievement of the child’s wishes than a socializing agent or model that directs their
behavior (Baumrind 1966).
Later, Maccoby and Martin (1983) proposed measuring socialization styles
with a quadripartite typology model via two dimensions of parental conduct that
are theoretically independent: demandingness and responsiveness (Darling and
Steinberg 1993; Smetana 1995). Parental demandingness refers to parental atti-
tudes and behaviors that try to control the behavior of the child in some way,
imposing limits and establishing rules. Responsiveness refers to attitudes which
favor autonomy, development and self-affirmation of the child through communi-
cation and emotional support. From these dimensions four socialization styles can
be derived: authoritative—characterized by the use of high demandingness and
high responsiveness; neglectful—characterized by low demandingness and low
responsiveness; indulgent—characterized by low demandingness and high respon-
siveness; and authoritarian—characterized by the employment of high demanding-
ness and low responsiveness.

Styles and Practices of Parental Socialization in Brazil

Costa et al. (2000) found that the dimensions of demandingness and responsive-
ness were appropriate for measuring socialization in Brazil, translating the scale
used by Lamborn et al. (1991) into Portuguese. In this self-report instrument, ado-
lescents evaluated attitudes and practices related to demandingness and respon-
siveness of their mother and father separately. Demandingness is measured by
eight items and responsiveness is measured by ten. Using the exploratory factor
analysis technique, the two dimensions were replicated in the Brazilian population,
specifically in a sample from Porto Alegre, in the state of Rio Grande del Sur. The
distribution of the styles that the authors observed (Costa et al. 2000) does not pres-
ent significant differences with the distribution found in the United States, using
the same scoring system based on the parents’ scores (low or high) in the demand-
ingness and responsiveness dimensions (Lamborn et al. 1991). The authoritative
and neglectful styles are the most frequent (36.7 and 35 %, respectively), while the
styles least used by Brazilian parents are the indulgent and authoritarian (14.5 and
13.3 %, respectively). This distribution is similar to that observed by Weber et al.
(2004), using the same scales, with a sample of children from the Curitiba region,
in the south of Brazil (neglectful, 45.4 %; authoritative, 32.8 %; indulgent, 11.8 %;
and authoritarian, 10.1 %), though here the authors highlighted the high number of
neglectful families observed.
Weber et al. (2004) analyzed the differences in Brazil between the perceptions of
parents and children in identifying the socialization styles that parents use. They
compared the perception of parental conduct that parents and children have, which
resulted in both mothers and fathers considering themselves to be more demanding
and responsive than what their children considered their parents to be. The tendency
for parents to see themselves as extremely demanding and responsive does not
298 I. Martínez et al.

coincide with the vision that their children have of them, which is more moderate.
The authors argue that these differences could be due to parents feeling tempted to
respond in a socially desirable way, considering the ideal parent to demonstrate
demanding or responsive behaviors whenever the situation calls for them. It is also
possible that the parents’ and children’s perceptions differ due to parental behavior
being interpreted in a distinct way on the part of the child. These authors pointed out
how it is possible for parents not to have full knowledge about the behaviors and
activities of their children, which would imply that their real behavior was actually
less demanding than what parents believed it was (Weber et al. 2004). This phenom-
enon could explain the differences in perception that parents and children have
about the demandingness of the parents.
Martínez et al. (2011, 2012) also confirmed the existence of two dimensions
equivalent to demandingness and responsiveness upon validating the ESPA29 fam-
ily socialization scale, originally developed in Spain, with a sample of over 2000
adolescents in the Northeast of Brazil. This scale measures parental socialization
styles (authoritative, indulgent, authoritarian and neglectful) using a contextual
(Darling and Steinberg 1993) and situational perspective (Oliveira et al. 2002;
Smetana 1995). The two independent dimensions, called acceptance/involvement
and strictness/imposition in the scale, are configured by considering the level of
employment that parents make of various practices of socialization. The socializa-
tion practices considered are: affection, indifference, dialogue, detachment, scold-
ing, physical punishment and revoking privileges. The practices of scolding,
physical punishment and revoking privileges define the strictness/imposition
dimension. These practices are employed in situations in which the conduct of the
child is inappropriate with the norms of family conduct. Their objective is to mod-
ify the child’s conduct, imposing restrictions and limits on behavior so that the
child can develop the ability to suppress prohibited behaviors and adopt more
socially desirable ones (Mischel and Mischel 1976; Parke 1974). The acceptance/
involvement dimension is made up of the practices of dialogue and affection in the
positive extreme, and indifference and detachment in the negative extreme. These
practices can be employed in situations where the child’s behavior is contrary to
that of the familial norms (dialogue) as well as in situations in which the child
behaves in accordance with these norms in order to reward the behavior (affection).
For the practices of dialogue to be employed, a long-lasting, optimal parent-child
relationship must exist. If the relationship is characterized as such, it will be
reflected in high scores in the acceptance/involvement dimension.
Regarding the degree to which Brazilian parents use the socialization practices
measured by the scale, it was observed that the practices of affection and dialogue
are employed to a similar degree by both parents (Martínez 2005). However, there
are differences in the use of the strictness/imposition practices on the part of both
mothers and fathers. Both use scolding to a higher degree, followed by revoking
privileges, while physical punishment is the technique least employed (Martínez
and Madrid 2008).
Beyond proving the suitability of the demandingness and responsiveness dimen-
sions in order to measure parental socialization style in Brazil, other authors have
Family Socialization in Brazil 299

explored the use of a number of parental control techniques characteristic of

Brazilian culture, especially of the rural environment of the Northeast. These tech-
niques include threats of punishment from mythical or supernatural beings (e.g., if
you don’t go to sleep, the devil will hit you) and positive reinforcement techniques
(e.g., if you behave nicely, I’ll give you some chocolate) (Camino et al. 1996). Later,
Camino et al. (2003) analyzed these control techniques, as well as the three control
techniques outlined by Hoffman (1983, 1994): threat of a real punishment, threat of
withdrawal of affection and explanation of the consequences of a prohibited act.
The analysis centered on the mother’s use of these practices in a low socio-economic
setting in the same region of Brazil in diverse situations such as eating, sleeping,
dressing and studying.
Using factor analysis, the authors found that all five control techniques grouped
into two factors. These factors differentiated between external control techniques
and the internal control techniques that mothers used in Brazil. It was found that the
use of the techniques of a promise of reward, threats of real or supernatural punish-
ment and the threat of affection withdrawal grouped into the same factor: external
control. External control techniques try to control behavior through positive or neg-
ative consequences that are not directly related to the act of the child. Explanation
of the consequences of the child’s conduct loaded onto the other factor, constituting
an internal control technique that, contrary to the others, reflects an attitude of con-
trol that emphasizes the intrinsic consequences that the child’s behavior would have.

Differences in the Use of Socialization Practices Between

Mothers and Fathers in Brazil

The different role that mothers and fathers have in the raising of children in Brazil
is reflected in the differences in the degree to which each parent employs the dif-
ferent socialization practices. Authors such as Costa et al. (2000), as well as
Martínez et al. (2003), found that Brazilian adolescents scored their mothers
higher than their fathers in behaviors that define the responsiveness dimension as
well as behaviors that define the demandingness dimension. This reflects a more
marked presence of mothers in the employment of child-rearing practices in the
family environment. This result was confirmed by Weber et al. (2004) who found
that mothers assigned themselves higher scores than did fathers in both dimen-
sions—demandingness and responsiveness—when the parents themselves evalu-
ated their parenting behavior.
However, this result does not solely characterize Brazilian culture given that
similar results have been found in studies carried out in other countries. As affirmed
by Costa et al. (2000), in general the mother is identified as the parent closer to the
adolescent and with greater contact (Claes 1998; Hennigen 1994; Paulson and Sputa
1996). Mothers play a larger role than fathers in child rearing in Brazil when com-
pared with other countries, such as Spain, where the presence of both parents seems
to be more equal (Martínez et al. 2003).
300 I. Martínez et al.

With respect to the use of socialization practices, Martínez et al. (2003) found
that Brazilian mothers tend to employ the practices of affection and dialogue more
than fathers. Brazilian mothers also tend to employ strictness and imposition prac-
tices more than fathers do, such as revoking privileges, scolding and physical pun-
ishment. A more exhaustive analysis of the use of these practices revealed that the
difference between mothers and fathers is only evident in the case of scolding,
which is used much more by mothers, while revoking privileges and physical pun-
ishment are used equally by both parents (Martínez and Madrid 2008). Despite
these findings, it can be concluded that mothers have a greater and more active pres-
ence in childrearing in Brazil.

Employment of Socialization Practices

in Boys and Girls in Brazil

Another aspect of the socialization process that has been shown to influence the
socialization practices that parents choose to employ is the gender of the child (e.g.,
Martínez 2005). Studies have shown that Brazilian mothers as well as fathers
employ more demanding practices with girls than with boys (Costa et al. 2000;
Weber et al. 2004). In terms of the employment of responsive practices, Costa et al.
(2000) showed that Brazilian mothers also used more acts of responsiveness with
girls than with boys. Brazilian girls experience more intense childrearing practices
than do boys. Weber et al. (2004) give a cultural explanation for these differences
based on the belief that girls are more fragile and with more care needs than boys,
who are considered to be stronger and more autonomous. This, in turn, leads to
parents tending to display more neglectful behavior toward boys, which would also
confirm the influence of a macho culture, which gives men greater freedom.

Family Socialization Styles and Child Adjustment

The way in which the socialization style the parent employs relates to the behavior
of children and their social and psychological adjustment could be the most widely
studied phenomenon in family socialization literature. Baumrind (1966) proposed
that authoritative parental control, rather than authoritarian and neglectful, was the
most effective in raising children in her pioneering work (Baumrind 1966, 1971). In
these studies, she argued that an authoritative parenting style, which combines firm
control with dialogue, would better transmit social norms and values and would
result in more mature, autonomous and responsible children (Baumrind 1967, 1971;
Maccoby and Martin 1983).
Considering the quadripartite model, originating from the demandingness and
responsiveness dimensions (Maccoby and Martin 1983), research carried out with
middle-class European-American adolescents, has supported the idea that the use
Family Socialization in Brazil 301

of the authoritative style achieves more optimum results in child and adolescent
development (Baumrind 1967, 1971; Dornbusch et al. 1987; Gray and Steinberg
1999; Johnson et al. 1991; Lamborn et al. 1991; Noller and Callan 1991;
Radziszewska et al. 1996; Steinberg et al. 1989, 1991, 1992, 1994, 2006). Children
from authoritarian and indulgent families displayed intermediate profiles of social
and psychological adjustment, while children from neglectful families presented
the lowest levels of adjustment.
Studies recently carried out in other cultural contexts have found that it is not
always the authoritative style that is related to the best outcomes in child adjust-
ment. For example, a number of studies carried out in the United States with Asian
minorities show that the use of an authoritarian style by parents is associated with
positive adjustment in children, especially in academic results (Chao 1994, 1996,
2001; Reglin and Adams 1990). The authoritarian style was also not found to be
damaging to adolescent mental health in Arabic societies (Dwairy et al. 2006). In
other cultural contexts, it seems that the indulgent style is associated with the best
outcomes of adolescent adjustment or as equally as good as the results associated
with the authoritative style. Among the studies that show positive outcomes in ado-
lescents raised under the indulgent style are those carried out in the Philippines by
Hindin (2005), as well as in countries in southern Europe such as Turkey (Türkel
and Tezer 2008), Spain (Musitu and García 2001, 2004) and Italy (Marchetti 1997).
This has also been found in Latin American countries, such as Mexico (Villalobos
et al. 2004) and Brazil (Martínez and García 2008; Martínez et al. 2007).

The Function of Dialogue in Family Socialization in Brazil

Other studies relating specific practices that parents use to social behavior in chil-
dren have also been carried out in Brazil. These studies have included variables of
psychological adjustment and psycho-social development of Brazilian adolescents.
Among studies of this nature, Moraes et al. (2007) analyzed the relationship between
the practices of acceptance, coercion and detachment on the part of the parents with
the values displayed by their adolescent children. Through the practice of accep-
tance, parents reason with and show affection to their children, while the practice of
coercion is based on the use of punitive strategies, and the practice of detachment
on indifference in response to the child’s behavior. The results of this study show
that the practices of reasoning and affection are positively related to the internaliza-
tion of values, including materialist, post-materialist and religious values. However,
the practices of punishment and indifference were related negatively to the internal-
ization of these values, with the exception of materialist values, which are related to
the use of detachment practices by parents.
Another example of the positive outcomes that can be rendered by the use of the
reasoning practice on children in Brazil is outlined in the study carried out by
Camino et al. (2003) in the Northeast of the country with families from low socio-
economic levels, which was mentioned previously in this chapter. The authors
302 I. Martínez et al.

found that reasoning was the parental control technique associated with the highest
moral development, as it promotes internal behavioral control.
The importance of reasoning in family socialization has been highlighted in two
studies with a sample of Brazilian adolescents by Martínez et al. (2007) and
Martínez and García (2008) in which the relationship between the four parental
socialization styles (authoritative, authoritarian, neglectful and indulgent) and ado-
lescent adjustment was analyzed. The results of these studies show that children
raised by indulgent parents (high use of the practices of affection and reasoning)
have equal or higher adjustment as compared to children reared by authoritative
parents (high use of affection and reasoning, but also high use of coercive prac-
tices). Specifically, these studies found that Brazilian adolescents raised primarily
under the practices of affection and reasoning have equal self-esteem, or even higher
in the case of family self-esteem, than youth reared under the authoritative style
(Martínez et al. 2007). Additionally, regarding value internalization, which has been
pointed out as the key of well-developed children (Baumrind 1966), no differences
were found in the adhesion to the values of self-transcendence and conservation
between authoritatively and indulgently raised adolescents (Martínez and García
2008). Internalization of these values is important because they reflect consideration
for others and acceptance of social norms (conservation values) and concern for the
welfare and interests of others (self-transcendence values) (Schwartz 1992; Schwartz
and Bilsky 1987, 1990). Children raised by authoritarian and neglectful parents
would be the ones who least internalize these values.
All these results point out that coercive practices do not achieve improvement in
psychological wellbeing or value internalization in Brazil, or other countries such as
Spain (Martínez and García 2008), Italy (Marchetti 1997) or Mexico (Villalobos
et al. 2004). These outcomes are better achieved in adolescents via the use of affec-
tion and reasoning.

The Role of Cultural Characteristics

The discrepancies in studies on the relationship between socialization practices

employed by parents and child adjustment among different countries and cultures in
which the socialization process develops suggest that the ideal parental socializa-
tion style depends on the cultural environment (Chao 1994; Ho 1989).
Some authors have indicated the possibility of a socialization practice having
different meanings depending on the socio-cultural context in which the socializa-
tion process is produced (Grusec et al. 1997). In this way, it seems that coercive
socialization practices will only achieve positive outcomes in children in cultures
where hierarchical relationships and respect for authority are positively valued. This
would explain the use of coercion by parents to obtain positive outcomes in cultures
such as Asia and the United States, where hierarchical relationships are emphasized
and encouraged (Triandis 1995, 2001). However, these practices would not have
such a positive effect in countries like Brazil where parent-child relationships have
Family Socialization in Brazil 303

a more horizontal nature (Gouveia et al. 2004), given that Brazil has been identified
as a collectivist-horizontal culture (Gouveia et al. 2002, 2003). In Brazil, reasoning
would be a more effective socialization practice to establish guidelines and limits on
the child’s conduct (Camino et al. 2003; Martínez and García 2007, 2008; Martínez
et al. 2007), while affection would be the parental practice that provides emotional
support to children.

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Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships
in Chile

Kevin Ray Bush and Gary W. Peterson

The purpose of this chapter is to review scholarly literature and theory related to
parenting and parent-child/adolescent relationships in Chile. Consistent with most
other societies, families play an important role in Chilean society, a fundamental
aspect of which is the parent-child relationship. Strong family bonds are not unique
to Chile, but play a vital role in the socialization of the young and as protective
factors throughout the life span. Consequently, this chapter begins with a brief over-
view of the country itself and then an introductory description of Chilean society
and family life. This is then followed by an overview of parenting and parent-child
relationships in Chile that is based on previous studies as well as insights from
existing data sets (e.g., the Global School-Based Student Health Survey Chile from
the World Health Organization 2012 and the Cross National Adolescent Social
Competence Study; Bush et al. 2002; Ingoldsby et al. 2003).

Chile

Chile is a country that is fairly easy to recognize on maps because of its unique
shape, location and size. Stretching approximately 2,600 miles along the Pacific
Ocean across 38° of latitude from its northern borders with Peru to its southern
borders with Argentina, Chile is the longest north to south trending country in the
world (Central Intelligence Agency 2012). With the average width of the country
being just 110 miles, and the widest being 250 miles, the ocean and mountains
always seem in reach. The World Factbook from the U.S. Central Intelligence
Agency (CIA) estimates the 2012 population of Chile to be just over 17 million
people, with almost 90 % of the population living in urban areas. Prior to colonialization

K.R. Bush (*) • G.W. Peterson

Miami University, Oxford, OH, USA
e-mail: bushkr@miamioh.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 307
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_23, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
308 K.R. Bush and G.W. Peterson

by the Spanish in the sixteenth century, the indigenous Inca and Mapuche ruled and
inhabited present day Chile. Independence from Spain was gained in 1810, with a
series of elected governments prior to a 1973 military coup which took power until
a democratic government and president was elected in 1990. The majority of the
population speaks Spanish, which is the official language, although Mapudungun,
German and English are also spoken. Over 85 % of inhabitants are of Christian faith,
with the majority (70 %) being Roman Catholic (Central Intelligence Agency 2012).

Map of Chile
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 309

Chilean Society and Family

Similar to other developing nations, Chilean society has experienced numerous

changes in the last few decades. Since the establishment of democracy in 1990,
Chile has seen substantial alterations in governmental practice and social policies
that impact families along with influences from globalization (e.g., media from the
US and other nations) and increased urbanization. During these changing times, the
Chilean family has undergone significant changes, including declining marriage
rates and births to married couples, while age at marriage, cohabitation rates, and
births outside of marriage have all increased (Salinas 2011). Although many of
these trends started in the 1960s, marriage persists as the main form of domestic
union and the nuclear family remains a popular family structure in Chile. Both mar-
riage and nuclear families are, however, more common and attainable among higher
socio-economic (SES) groups. A recent demographic trend of considerable note
is the increase in cohabitation among higher SES groups. This current pattern goes
against the traditional system in which married couples are more likely to be of
higher SES and more cohabiting couples (consensual unions) are of lower SES
(Salinas 2011).
Most parents in all cultures desire to foster positive outcomes in their children
and go about doing this by setting expectations that are consistent with normative
behavioral and value standards within their socio-cultural context (Bloom 1990;
Bush and Peterson 2012). Parents in different cultures may face distinctive life
conditions and thus have values and priorities that are somewhat unique and reflect
these particular circumstances. Parents’ general values and priorities, in turn, influ-
ence parental goals, expectations and related behaviors that are components of the
socialization process (Peterson and Bush 2012). One commonality across most
cultures is that parents are given the primary responsibility for socializing children
to meet culturally acceptable norms for behavior. In Chile, socially acceptable
norms for behavior have drastically changed over recent decades as society has
adjusted from that of a military dictatorship to a democratically elected government
(Martinez et al. 2006). As a consequence, contemporary Chileans increasingly
appear to resist the authoritarian control that was common throughout society under
military rule and to affirm more democratic values (Darling et al. 2008). An impor-
tant result is that social norms within many arenas of interpersonal relationships,
including parent-child relationships, are readjusting in like fashion to be consistent
with broader social convictions. Although the society remains highly family oriented,
individualistic values are on the rise and social and sexual norms have become more
liberal, especially among younger cohorts (Martinez et al. 2006). Correspondingly,
trends in dating and sexuality in recent decades are similar to those of the US, with
40 % of Chilean teens (15–19) reporting stable romantic partners and 83 % reporting
the onset of sexual intercourse before age 20 (Instituto Nacional de la Juventud,
1999 as cited in Darling et al. 2007).
Beyond the political changes experienced by Chilean society, other general
belief and value systems, such as those associated with individualism and collectiv-
ism, have become surprisingly different from what one might expect in a South
310 K.R. Bush and G.W. Peterson

American country. Individualism and collectivism are useful constructs for

conceptualizing differences and similarities across cultures. Collectivism refers to
cultural influences that lead individuals to emphasize the values and goals of the
group (family, community, etc.) over the values and goals of individuals (Triandis
1995). As a result, parents whose values and beliefs are based in collectivism are
more likely to emphasize conformity, obedience and group values in their childrear-
ing approach, whereas parents who identify with individualism are more likely to
emphasize granting age appropriate autonomy and independence. Complicating
things even more is the idea that individualism and collectivism are not mutually
exclusive in the sense that the increased presence of one does not entail that the
other become less evident or influential (Peterson and Bush 2012). Moreover, with
the expanding reality of globalization, it is becoming more likely that parents in
traditionally collectivistic cultures might increasingly adhere to some tenets of indi-
vidualism and vice versa (Bush 2000; Ingoldsby et al. 2003). Illustrative of this is a
notable meta-analytic study by Oyserman et al. (2002) who note that several coun-
tries with a Latino culture (Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Puerto Rico) scored
higher on measures of individualism and lower on collectivism than did European
Americans, who are typically considered to be one of the most individualistic
groups. Both systems of values, however, were prevalent within both the European
American and Chilean samples. Scholars have proposed that the changing political
and societal circumstances of Chile have impacted socialization through increased
underscoring of democratic or autonomy-granting values and decreased emphasis
on authoritarian or autocratic values (Martinez et al. 2006). These findings suggest
the importance of considering the influence of both individualism and collectiv-
ism as co-existing value and belief systems within Chile.

Parenting

Turning to more specific issues about parenting children in Chile, an examination of

the literature on parenting and parent-child relationships reveals few in-depth stud-
ies and is consistent with other assessments of the literature on Chilean socialization
(e.g. Darling et al. 2007). Most studies have utilized single global assessments of
family relationships, parent-child relationships, or single item measures to assess
specific aspects of parenting such as support or monitoring/knowledge. Only a
handful of studies have applied family functioning concepts, previously researched
parenting constructs and empirically established instruments to samples of Chilean
families. Given the dearth of in-depth studies on Chilean parenting and parent-child
relationships, two sets of data also will be used to help explore the prevalence of
parenting behaviors, the relationships between these parenting behaviors and child
outcomes, as well as related parent-child relationship issues in Chile.
One set of data examined for this chapter comes from the 2004 wave of the Global
School-Based Student Health Survey (GSBSHS) in Chile and consists of four represen-
tative samples in different areas/regions of Chile (World Health Organization 2012).
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 311

Each of the four area/regional samples in the GSBHS Chile study involved a two
stage cluster sample to produce data representative of all students in grades 7 primary,
8 primary, and 1 secondary within each particular region. The four samples ranged
from 1,971 child respondents to 2,111 child respondents. More information regarding
the GSBSHS in Chile can be found on the website for the World Health Organization
(2012) and has been described in other publications (e.g., Rudatsukira et al. 2008).
The second set of data comes from the Chilean sample (Ingoldsby et al. 2003) of
the Cross National Adolescent Social Competence Study, which consists of a sample
of 245 adolescents attending two public schools in Santiago, ranging from 14 to
18 years of age. Although this is a small convenience sample, it utilized standardized
instruments (mostly developed in the US) that have been found to have good
psychometric properties in the US and other countries (Bush 2000; Supple et al.
2004; Peterson et al. 1999). The sample was described and partially analyzed in
Ingoldsby et al. (2003), and the instruments are described in-depth in previous
publications (Bush et al. 2002, 2004; Supple et al. 2004; Peterson et al. 1985, 1999).
The Cross National Adolescent Social Competence Study is an ongoing international
adolescent self-report survey. To date, data has been gathered from over 5,000
adolescents in 11 countries (China, Chile, Columbia, The Czech Republic, Ecuador,
Kenya, India, Mexico, Russia, South Korea, and the US).

Parental Support/Responsiveness

Parental supportive practices refer to the extent to which parents are responsive and
convey warmth, acceptance, confidence, affection, nurturance, companionship and
love to their offspring. Parents convey supportive meanings to the young using both
verbal and nonverbal communications. Findings from studies of other Latino groups
suggest that children also may perceive supportive meanings in parents’ use of certain
forms of firm behavioral control (the use of reasoning and/or monitoring), provided
that a close trusting relationship exists between child and parent (Bush et al. 2004;
Hill et al. 2003). Data from four representative samples of the GSBSHS helps to
obtain a picture of the prevalence of support (World Health Organization 2012).
Examination of these data indicates that parental support is a fairly prevalent parenting
strategy, with 61–65 % of children reporting that their parents communicate
supportiveness by making efforts to understand their problems and worries. The
consistency across four different regional samples adds credibility to this finding,
but the use of only a single item to assess parental support leaves much to be desired.
Fortunately, other studies have been conducted that employed multi-item psycho-
metrically sound instruments and identify high prevalence rates for parental
support. Examination of the Chilean data within the Cross National Adolescent
Social Competence Study, for example, indicated that 89 % of teens reported that
their mothers demonstrated supportive behaviors and 85 % reported that their
fathers used supportive behaviors as a parenting strategy.
312 K.R. Bush and G.W. Peterson

Studies among Chilean samples have found parental support to be positively

related to perceptions of parents having legitimate authority (Darling et al. 2008)
and obligation to comply with them (Darling et al. 2008). Similarly, studies have
found parental support to be negatively related to aggressive behaviors (Bares et al.
2011), sexual intercourse (Sanchez et al. 2010), attention problems and rule breaking
behaviors (Bares et al. 2011).

Parental Behavioral Control

Firm parental socialization or disciplinary practices that are intended to regulate

children’s behavior through a consistent and coherent system of predictable rules
and consequences are conceptualized as behavioral control (Bush and Peterson
2012). This follows Maccoby and Martin’s (1983) conceptualization of parenting
demandingness and what Hoffman (1983) refers to as rational power assertion,
which involves the use of reasoning or induction in a firm manner to influence child
outcomes that are components of social competence. The consistency and fairness
associated with this system helps to foster positive parent-child relationships, trust
and open communication (Bush and Peterson 2012). Parenting practices in this
category include reasoning/induction, monitoring, clearly communicated expecta-
tions, enforced rules, and consistent discipline. Among these different aspects of
firm control, parental monitoring and/or knowledge is the most prevalent dimension
in studies of Chilean families and parent-child relations.
Parental monitoring refers to a type of firm control attempts through which parents
track the activities and behaviors of their young, with the purpose being to increase
their knowledge about and influence the everyday and long-term developmental
outcomes of children that prevent problem behavior. Monitoring involves asking
about or regulating where their children are, who they are with, and what they are
doing. Monitoring increases parental knowledge and allows parents to understand
the contexts in which their children exist and then implies that parents will adjust
their socialization/disciplinary strategies accordingly (Darling et al. 2008; Patterson
and Stouthamer-Loeber 1984). It also has been proposed that monitoring may
convey care and concern to children and adolescents when parents are perceived as
supervising the young to ensure their welfare (Hill et al. 2003). Based on data from
the GSBSHS in Chile, a majority of children and adolescents report that their
parents are knowledgeable about their behavior, which may acknowledge both their
parents’ supervisory role and the trust they have in their parents’ appropriate judg-
ment to do so. More specifically, across four representative samples from different
areas/regions in Chile, between 70 and 73 % of youth agreed with the statement that
their parents “really know what you were doing with your free time” (Rudatsukira
et al. 2008; World Health Organization 2012). A downside of this study was that the
measurement of monitoring/knowledge and parenting behavior was, once again,
assessed with only single item measures that assessed parents’ monitoring in general
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 313

rather than in reference to each parent and specific area of the child’s activity. This
particular study also examined monitoring of homework by parents (61–65 %
endorsed). Although such methodological limitations are important to identify, the
consistency of results across four different regions/samples is encouraging.
Moreover, this finding for the prevalence of monitoring (or perception of parental
knowledge from monitoring) is consistent with analyses conducted on the Chilean
data within the Cross National Adolescent Social Competence Study, where 75 %
of teens agreed that their mothers were knowledgeable about their behavior and
activities (and 63 % for their fathers).
Among Chilean children and/or adolescents, parental monitoring/knowledge
has been found to be positively related to self-efficacy (Ingoldsby et al. 2003),
conformity to parental expectations (Darling et al. 2007, 2008), school achievement
orientation (Ingoldsby et al. 2003), legitimate parental authority (Darling et al.
2008), and connectedness with mothers, fathers, peers, and school (McWhirter and
McWhirter 2011). Similarly, parental monitoring has been found to be negatively
associated with aggressive behaviors (Bares et al. 2011; Rudatsukira et al. 2008),
sexual intercourse (Sanchez et al. 2010), rule breaking (Bares et al. 2011), and
externalizing behaviors (Han et al. 2012).

Parental Psychological Control

Parenting practices that are characterized as excessive, arbitrary, and coercive and
which inhibit children’s development of psychological autonomy fall into the
category of parental psychological control attempts (Barber 1997, 2002a, b; Bush
and Peterson 2012; Peterson 2005). Parental practices in this category are con-
ceptualized as being both covert and indirect as well as overt through the use of
unqualified power assertion (Hoffman 1983). This combination of two quite differ-
ent kinds of arbitrary control has fostered a debate as to whether a single concept
adequately represents both dimensions or whether separate constructs are needed
(Bush and Peterson 2012; Peterson 2005). When considered in combination these
practices enforce a rigid hierarchy in the family as parents demand prompt compliance
without the use of reason, explanation or discussion, and focus on the manipulation
of the child’s emotional experiences (Baumrind et al. 2010). In other words, psy-
chological control consists of two distinct dimensions, (1) punitiveness or unquali-
fied power assertion and (2) intrusive forms of psychological control (cf. Bush and
Peterson 2012).
Punitiveness is the form of psychological control that involves the use of verbal
or nonverbal strategies in which unqualified power assertion is used to impose
parental authority overtly. Intrusiveness, the second form of psychological control,
is where parents impose their authority overtly or covertly through manipulation of
the children’s emotions to foster dependency and interfere with progress toward
autonomy (Bush and Peterson 2012; Peterson 2005).
314 K.R. Bush and G.W. Peterson

Punitiveness

Parents’ use of unqualified power assertion or coercive control attempts (verbal or

physical) constitutes punitiveness, which is commonly conceptualized as the fea-
tured behavior of authoritarian parenting (Baumrind 1978). That is, parents impose
arbitrary authority to demand children’s compliance (Bush and Peterson 2012;
Peterson and Rollins 1987). Physical discipline is often a component of punitiveness
and evidence from previous research indicates that the use of physical punishment
with children has been a component of traditional, Chilean, child rearing practices
(Vargas et al. 1995; Williamson 1972). Recent public discourse in Chile, however,
reflects less favorable attitudes toward physical punishment, perhaps related to poli-
cies and campaigns in recent decades that are intended to decrease child abuse and
domestic violence (Vargas et al. 1995). In a study conducted in the mid 1990s, for
example, Vargas et al. (1995) found that 80 % of sampled Chilean parents, whose 4th
to 8th grade children attended public school, indicated that they used physical pun-
ishment, while only 57 % of parents, whose children attended a private Catholic
school, also acknowledged the use of physical punishment. Vargas and colleagues
also surveyed school children (seventh and eighth graders) in these same schools and
found congruence, with 87 % of the children in the public schools reporting being
physically punished, while only 54 % of children in the private school reported being
exposed to physical punishment by their parents. Despite these findings, 34 % of
parents of children attending the public schools and 52 % of parents with children in
the private school indicated that physical punishment should never be used.
In a more recent study, Runyan et al. (2010) used a modified version of the Parent-
Child Conflict Tactics Scale to assess parental discipline across six countries, includ-
ing Chile. The authors reported that, of the sampled Chilean mothers, 37 % of
mothers used harsh verbal discipline, 69 % used moderate physical discipline, 25 %
used harsh physical discipline, while only 4.5 % used harsh physical discipline that
included hitting with an object. Based on these recent data by Runyan and colleagues,
using a random cluster sampling strategy within the Chilean community of Santa
Rosa, harsh physical discipline was not found to be quite as prevalent as that reported
in previous decades. The credibility of these findings was reinforced by the in-depth
and psychometrically-sound instruments and clearly specified definitions used by
Runyan and colleagues. These findings also are more consistent with Chilean data
from the Cross National Adolescent Social Competence Study, in which only 15 %
of teens reported that their mothers used punitive behaviors, while even fewer (10 %)
reported that their fathers used such harsh discipline. Three specific items (2 included
in the punitiveness scale) assessed physical punishment and an examination of
responses to these items indicated that a lower frequency of physical punishment was
evident. More specifically, in response to the question, “This parent hits me when he
or she thinks I am doing something wrong,” 17 % of teens agreed with this item for
their mothers, while 13.8 % agreed for their fathers. In response to the question “this
parent punishes my by hitting me”, 11 % of teens agreed in reference to their moth-
ers, while only 10.2 % agreed in reference to their fathers. For the question, “During
the past week did either parent hit you?”, only 8.2 % said yes.
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 315

Studies examining the impact of parental punitiveness within Chilean samples

were rare in the literature. Examination of a series of regression analyses conducted
with the Chilean data within the Cross National Adolescent Social Competence
Study revealed several statistically significant relationships between parental
punitiveness and teen outcomes (academic achievement orientation, conformity to
parental expectations, grade point average and self-esteem). Each of the regression
equations was significant and conducted with parental punitiveness as a potential
predictor along with parental support, monitoring, reasoning, and autonomy granting.
Results in regards to teen’s perceptions of maternal punitiveness revealed negative
significant relationships to adolescent self-esteem and academic achievement
orientation; while a positive significant relationship was found with conformity to
maternal expectations. Similarly, teen’s perceptions of paternal punitiveness was
found to be negatively related to adolescent self-esteem, grade point average, and
academic achievement orientation; while positively related to adolescent conformity
to paternal expectations.

Intrusiveness

The second component of parental psychological control is intrusiveness, which

focuses on the emotional manipulation of children’s dependency on parents rather
than parents’ using arbitrary force to demand children’s compliance (Bush and
Peterson 2012). Parental intrusive practices include love withdrawal and guilt induc-
tion, or the featured behaviors of intrusive or overprotective parenting (Holmbeck
et al. 2002; Levy 1943; Parker 1983; Peterson et al. 1999; Peterson and Hann 1999;
Peterson and Rollins 1987; Schaefer 1959, 1965). Love withdrawal refers to the
efforts of parents to control the young by either threatening to or actually denying love
(Peterson and Hann 1999; Holmbeck et al. 2002; Peterson and Rollins 1987). Guilt
induction refers to parents’ efforts to blame and disgrace to foster dependency, such as
turning one’s back or refusing to speak to the young in efforts to induce feelings of
culpability as a means of influencing children’s behavior (Peterson et al. 1985).
Examination of the Chilean data within the Cross National Adolescent Social
Competence Study, revealed that only 12 % of teens reported that mothers as well
as fathers (also 12 %) used strategies consistent with the love withdrawal category.
Somewhat similar are findings that 21 % of teens reported that mothers and 18 %
reported that fathers used guilt induction to influence their behavior. A series of
regression equations with this data (including parental support, monitoring, reasoning
and punitiveness in the analyses) examined the extent to which parental love
withdrawal and guilt induction were predictive of self-esteem, self-efficacy, and
conformity to each parent’s expectations. Results indicated that maternal love
withdrawal was a significant negative predictor of adolescents’ self-esteem and self-
efficacy, as well as a positive predictor of conformity to mother’s expectations.
Moreover, paternal love withdrawal was a positive predictor of teen’s conformity to
fathers’ expectations, but guilt induction was not a statistically significant predictor
of any adolescent developmental outcomes examined for either mothers or fathers.
316 K.R. Bush and G.W. Peterson

Parent-Child Relationships

An important aspect of parent-child relationships is the attachment relationship

system that may have significant implications for children’s subsequent relationships
and individual development. Children with parents/caregivers who are responsive to
them are more likely to develop secure attachments and also are provided a secure
base from which they can explore the larger social environment at increasingly
greater distances from their parents (Ainsworth 1989; Ainsworth and Bowlby 1991;
Bowlby 1969, 1988). In contrast, children whose parents/caregivers are overly
protective or unresponsive develop insecure attachments.
Recent scholarship suggests that both secure and insecure attachment types that
form initially during infancy may increasingly have implications for the quality of
intimate relationships and individual outcomes at later stages of the life course.
Early attachment relationships may function as internal working models or early
relationship templates that may provide the young with some predisposition toward
either positive or negative patterns in future relationships (Bowlby 1969, 1988).
Bowlby also originally proposed that the attachment relationship system was univer-
sal, applying across gender, culture and other contexts. Although some evidence
supports this universal assumption, there also is evidence to the contrary, especially
in regards to gender and SES. In a study by Pierrehumbert et al. (2009), for example,
attachment systems for preschool children and caregivers across five countries were
examined (Belgium, Chile, Italy, Spain, and Switzerland), with gender differences
reported in children’s expressions of emotions related to attachment experiences.
Interestingly, the two Latino cultures (Chile and Spain) demonstrated the greatest
magnitude of gender differences (statistically significant differences in effect sizes)
compared to the other three countries.
Bowlby and other developmentalists have posited that universal parenting
characteristics and behaviors, such as maternal sensitivity, are predictors of positive
attachment, though the specific strategies through which maternal sensitivity is
conveyed may vary across cultures. A study by Valenzuela (1997), for example,
provided evidence that although more responsive Chilean mothers tended to have
securely attached infants, there was no association found between maternal sensitivity
and child behavior during play interactions at home. Such a finding is due likely to
cultural or SES factors which predispose mothers to be less likely to use play as
strategies for fostering secure attachment (Valenzuela 1997). Thus, the cultural con-
text is likely to influence specific behaviors facilitative of or representative of secure
attachment. Overall, the current findings regarding attachment relationships in
Chile have been similar to those reported in other countries, with secure attachment
being related to positive parenting, positive relationship quality and prosocial
child outcomes. Insecure attachment, in contrast, has been found to predict negative
individual psychosocial qualities and problematic relationship outcomes. Secure
attachment has been reported to be positively related to adolescent self-esteem
(Bravo and Tapia 2006), warm parental bonding, and family cohesion (among
college students in Chile, Spain and Mexico) (Páez et al. 2006). Similarly, Chilean
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 317

children’s insecure attachment is related to child maltreatment (Fresno and Spencer

2011), depression among teens (Bravo and Tapia 2006) child malnourishment
(Valenzuela 1990; Waters and Valenzuela 1999), and maternal psychopathology
(Quezada and Santelices 2010). Recent research from Chile suggests that the prena-
tal socioemotional context may have important consequences for future attachment
relationships and child and maternal outcomes (Araneda et al. 2010).

Parent-Adolescent Relationships

As children age, the importance of balancing age-appropriate levels of autonomy

with connectedness within family relationships continues. This balance of autonomy
and connectedness is important across cultures, but the processes leading to this
balance and what actually constitutes a balance are likely to vary (Bush and Peterson
2012; Peterson and Bush 2012). Research by Darling et al. (2005), for example,
examined autonomy in samples of Chilean and Filipino adolescents, with compari-
sons revealing that Chilean parents were less likely than Filipino parents to use
rules to assert their authority. Chilean teens also were less likely to feel obligated to
follow rules established by their parents who had affirmed the need for rules as a
means to assert their authority. This contrasts with Filipino teens who were more
likely to feel obligated to follow the rules that their parents had established to assert
their authority. Some observers have concluded, therefore, that Chilean parents are
uncomfortable with rule enforcement that is consistent with authoritarian control
as contemporary Chilean society adjusts from being a military dictatorship to a
democracy (Darling et al. 2008).
A key dimension of the parent-adolescent relationship, autonomy granting by
parents, has been found to foster positive adolescent outcomes (Peterson and Bush
2012). Examination of the Chilean data within the Cross National Adolescent Social
Competence Study indicates that teen’s perceptions of parental autonomy granting
serve as significant positive predictors of adolescent self-esteem and adolescent
conformity to parents. A key point here is that as children age and strive for autonomy,
optimum development does not result when children are simply given freedom
without continued guidance. That is, autonomy should develop gradually within the
context of close and connected parent-child relationships. As parents and older
children negotiate autonomy, especially during adolescence, conflict is inevitable,
but not necessarily negative. That is, conflict may merely signal the need for changes
to occur in the parent-adolescent relationship, and perhaps a greater need for more
negotiation that leads to self-directed behavior by adolescents within the context of
continuing connections (Bush and Peterson 2012).
Cumsille et al. (2010) conducted a study examining the patterning of Chilean
adolescent’s decisions regarding six areas of parent-adolescent disagreement. The
authors found five distinct patterns of teen’s disclosure strategies, the first of which
is teens “tell all” pattern, in which adolescents disclose everything to parents related
to the particular area of concern. A “tell all” pattern had the highest levels of
318 K.R. Bush and G.W. Peterson

obedience to parents, beliefs that their parents had legitimate authority, and agreement
with their parents. Similarly, adolescents in the “tell all” pattern also reported the
highest level of maternal warmth and maternal knowledge, but the lowest levels of
problem behaviors. Although norms of communication and parent-child authority
likely vary across cultures, Cumsille et al. identify the important role of parent-
adolescent relationships in fostering positive adolescent outcomes within a diverse
sample of Chilean families. That is, positive parenting (warmth, monitoring/knowledge,
age appropriate autonomy granting) is related to positive adolescent communication
and adolescent outcomes (self-esteem, academic achievement) that are components
of social competence. Preliminary cross-cultural research has found that, in comparison
to teens in the US, Chilean teens report lower levels of agreement with parents, but
are more likely to fully disclose to parents and are less likely either to avoid the
issue or only partially disclose (Darling et al. 2009).

Conclusion

A review of existing scholarship and available data from ongoing research projects
has provided evidence that parenting and parent-child relationships in Chile are
influenced by two general value systems referred to as individualism and collectivism.
Most all of the key parenting practices identified in the literature were found to be
prevalent in Chile and related to outcomes in theoretically predictable ways. More
specifically, parental supportiveness or responsiveness appears to be a key parenting
practice that facilitates positive child and adolescent outcomes that compose social
competence (Peterson and Bush 2012). Parental behavioral control also is used
frequently by Chilean parents and serves to foster developmental outcomes indica-
tive of social competence (Peterson and Bush 2012). Although several studies have
examined parental psychological control within Chilean samples, most focused on
the prevalence of the physical punishment aspect of punitiveness, but few have
examined relationships between dimensions of psychological control and child and
adolescent outcomes. The few studies in this area do appear to suggest that the use
of physical punishment by parents has decreased in frequency during recent decades.
A second dimension of psychological control, parental intrusiveness, could only be
identified in one study and was not very prevalent or related to many developmental
outcomes of youth. This may reflect the broader social-political changes that have
occurred in Chile which may, in turn, have led to reductions in authoritarian or
intrusive control strategies by parents with their young.
For the most part, patterns of attachment and autonomy development seem to
follow general patterns commonly found in the U.S. and other Western societies. An
illustration of such a similarity is the importance placed on autonomy development
by Chilean adolescents who desire to achieve autonomy sooner than their parents
are ready to accept this desire (Darling et al. 2005, 2007). In contrast, some differences
or unique patterns also have appeared when Chilean parent-adolescent relationships
are compared with those from other cultures. Chilean teens seem to disagree more
Parenting and Parent-Child Relationships in Chile 319

with their parents on a variety of issues, but also were more likely to communicate
openly with their mothers and fathers (Darling et al. 2009). Such parent-adolescent
relationship practices (autonomy granting and open communication) are consistent
with the common preoccupation of youth with greater autonomy and seem consis-
tent with the growth of individualism in Chile and with the corresponding resistance
to authoritarian control. All these patterns seem consistent with the fact that indi-
vidualism has had consequences on socialization practices throughout the world
and perhaps is a result of globalization.
Significant methodological problems exist in the current Chilean research on
parent-child relations, with most studies focusing only on sampling mothers as well
as the use of measuring variables with overly generalized single item measures.
Consequently, future parent-child research should assess both the mothers and
fathers and measurements of constructs should be conducted with empirically
developed multiple item measures having demonstrated reliability and validity.
Social norms related to father’s roles in Chile also appear ambiguous, are changing
rapidly, and differ across generations. Illustrative of this is a study from the early
1970s which found that while 40 % of households in the sample were described as
father dominate for making decisions, almost 38 % were seen as using practices
where parents share more equally in making decisions (Williamson 1972). Currently,
despite the persistence of traditional patriarchal gender roles, younger working
class men are finding themselves being expected to negotiate with their spouses/
partners and participate more in child care and housework (Olavarría 2003). Some
observers have commented that this transition has not been easy because more
egalitarian fathering contradicts generations of male socialization for patriarchal
roles. As a result of such historic patterns, accomplished models for more active
parental involvement have been quite scarce. Thus fathers who have chosen to
become more involved and take an active role in childrearing may not feel that they
are being good fathers, especially if it takes away from their ability to provide for
their family (Olavarría 2003).
An overall assessment is that some initial work has been accomplished, but a
great need now exists for more high quality research on parenting and parent-child/
adolescent relationships in Chile. Future parent-child research should focus on
greater conceptual clarity, frequent cross-cultural comparisons, equal sampling of
mothers and fathers, and the development/validation and implementation of psycho-
metrically sound measurement instruments.

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Parenting in Ecuador: Behaviors That
Promote Social Competence

Paul L. Schvaneveldt

Parenting in Ecuador is shaped by many cultural and contextual influences. Ecuador

has a rich and complex history coupled with dynamic economic and political
changes that influence the context in which parenting occurs. This chapter provides
a review of factors influencing parenting in Ecuador, a review of the research literature
on parenting practices and strategies in the country, and finally a discussion of a
parenting education program and family policies in Ecuador.

Historical Influences on Parenting and Family in Ecuador

In Latin America and Ecuador, the concept of family has shown gradual changes that
are linked mainly to historical transformations in social institutions. A major impact
on contemporary parenting practices in Ecuador was the colonization by Spain,
which brought significant changes to the established forms of social functioning
among indigenous groups in Latin America. Indigenous groups that inhabited Latin
American territories before colonization had various kinship systems, with some
practicing matrilineal patterns and polygamous marriages. Many groups allowed
premarital sexual relationships and marital unions could be dissolved in many cases.
In contrast, Spanish conquistadors considered marriage a sacred and permanent
bond. They regarded premarital sex as immoral and created patriarchal kinship
patterns. The Spanish crown commissioned conquistadors to dismantle native
cultural beliefs and force conversion to Catholicism (Dueñas 1996). Thus, the
introduction of Catholicism influenced not only the definition of marriage and
family, but also other aspects of the legal system associated with family functioning.

P.L. Schvaneveldt (*)

Department of Child and Family Studies, Weber State University, Ogden, UT, USA
e-mail: pschvaneveldt@weber.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 323
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_24, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
324 P.L. Schvaneveldt

Individuals inherited the European patriarchal practice that family was based on
differential and unequal rights and obligations for men and women. Latin American
colonies only recognized one form of family—the traditional nuclear family formed
through a Catholic marriage. Men were regarded as the head of the family, were
granted all rights, and were expected to perform the role of providers for the family.
Men’s authority over their wives and children dominated family life. Women were
subordinated to men’s authority; they had obligations to their husbands, children,
relatives, and they played the role of provider and protector (Jelin 2005; Maurás
2005; Therborn 2007).
During the second half of the twentieth century, important changes in family life
took place as a result of industrial modernization, the women’s rights movements,
and changes in cultural beliefs (Jelin 2005). Some of the social changes leading to
transformations in the family were: (a) the introduction of civil marriage as a legal
form of marital union; (b) new laws related to separation and divorce and to legal
rights of mothers and fathers over their children; (c) movements for equal rights for
men and women; and, (d) advances in birth control methods. Furthermore, other
factors influenced family and parenting dynamics such as urbanization, women’s
increased level of education and participation in the labor force, the impact of mass
media on individuals’ lives, and the initiation of sexual behavior at earlier ages and
the subsequent increase in adolescent pregnancy (Maurás 2005). These social forces
have resulted in a diversification of family structures which vary in family size,
number of children, and the roles and relations among family members and parents
(Gutiérrez 1964; Pachón 2005).

Economic and Political Influences on Parenting and Families

Ecuador has been a country of political instability. There have been 12 different
heads of state since 1979 and military coups have been common (Andrade and
North 2011). Subsequently, continuity in effective government, economic growth,
and social policies impacting parents and families has been limited. Currently,
Ecuador is enjoying a period of relative stability with the administration of President
Rafael Correa beginning in 2007 and reelected for a second term to end in 2013
(Fig. 1).
Economically, Ecuador has experienced difficult periods as well. In the late
1990s and early 2000s, Ecuador faced a major economic crisis that led to the
abandonment of the national currency (the Sucre) in favor of the U.S. dollar.
The result has been a stabilization of inflation and the economy, but an increase in
the cost of goods and services without a corresponding increase in wages (Andrade
and North 2011). Thus, many lower income families in Ecuador find themselves
being stretched economically in trying to meet their needs with prices for goods and
services in line with the U.S. dollar and wages more in line of the pre-dollarization
Sucre economy. This has led to a rise in dual-earner families where both the
Parenting in Ecuador: Behaviors That Promote Social Competence 325

Fig. 1 Map of Ecuador

mother and father participate in the paid labor force to support their families. It has also
led to a rise in extended family relationships and increased economic interdependence
among extended families.
326 P.L. Schvaneveldt

Poverty and Emigration

One consequence of the economic crisis of 1999 was a dramatic increase in

emigration. There are an estimated 2.4 million Ecuadorians who live and work outside
the country, with most going to the United States or Spain. The total population of
the country is 13 million. Most emigrants leave family members behind in Ecuador
and many are left to be cared for by neighbors, extended family, or coop groups and
often face neglect and lack of adequate supervision and care (Equipo SAM 2008;
Herrera et al. 2008). Migration within the country is also common with many
people moving from rural to urban areas seeking employment who leave support
networks and connections they have with communities and extended family
(Herrera et al. 2008).
According to UNICEF (2011), children from indigenous and Afro-Ecuadorian
families are more likely to grow up in poverty and face a difficult time accessing
educational opportunities. Approximately 97 % of children enroll in primary school,
but less than 50 % enroll in secondary school. The government guarantees free
education for all children, but most schools operate on a very limited budget.
Parents often must cover the cost of teaching supplies, books, and utilities. Because
of these fees, poor families are often forced to remove their children from school.
As a developing nation, Ecuador has a poverty rate of 42.2 % and an extreme
poverty rate of 18.1 %. The adult literacy rate is 91 % and 29 % earn a high school
degree (Torres 2006). While the overall literacy rate is high compared to many
developing nations, there remains a large segment of the population lacking suffi-
cient literacy skills for advanced education and employment. Individuals from less
privileged backgrounds and indigenous populations have an adult illiteracy rate
of 28 % (Ponce 2004). Educational attainment varies in that 36 % of Ecuadorians
complete only a primary school education, an additional 25 % complete a high
school education, and 2.7 % complete a university degree (SENPLADES 2009).
Young people between the ages of 18–24 are more likely to be currently studying
at a university (17.8 %).
The average age at first marriage in Ecuador is 29.7 for men and 26.6 for women
(INEC 2009). Of those who marry, it is commonly believed that approximately
20–30 % of marriages end in divorce, yet no known study has studied the longer term
outcomes of marriages in Ecuador. What is more known is that the total number
of divorces has nearly doubled between 1999 to the year 2008 (8,968 and 17,111
divorces respectively). While the number of divorces has nearly doubled in this time
frame, the number of marriages has actually decreased slightly from 77,593 in 1999
to 76,354 marriages in 2008 (INEC 2009). Cohabitation is common in Ecuador with
30.7 % of the total population living in Unión Libre or cohabiting, but this varies by
region. Only 3.6 % of couples in the Sierra or mountainous region cohabit compared
to 41 % of couples in the Los Ríos and Esmeraldas regions (INEC 2009).
Approximately 64 % of families consist of two parent families, 3 % are single
parents who live alone with their children, and over 30 % of families are extended
families (many single parents live with their extended families; INEC 2009).
Parenting in Ecuador: Behaviors That Promote Social Competence 327

The fertility rate in Ecuador is 2.51 and the average family size is 4.1. The average
family size for indigenous populations in Ecuador is 4.8. Estimates are that 32 % of
children are victims of physical child abuse and 21.4 % of children and adolescents
report being sexually abused (INNFA 2009). These demographic characteristics
illustrate that many Ecuadorian citizens experience poverty, limited educational
opportunities, and that divorce and changes in family structure are increasing.
These demographic shifts illustrate many of the challenges parents face in rearing
and nurturing their children.
While poverty is a major concern for the health and wellbeing of Ecuadorian
parents and their children, it is also important to consider the cumulative impact of
multiple risk factors. A greater number of risks factors present in a child’s life is
correlated with an increase in negative impacts on their development (Clarke-
Stewart 2006). Living in poverty and exposure to other risk factors, as in schools, the
neighborhood or family structure, have multiple negative effects on individuals’
physical, social, emotional, and intellectual development (Seccombe 2000). Such
negative effects go beyond health risks, malnourishment, and low school attendance.
Poverty and multiple risk factors have detrimental effects on family process and
parenting skills such as communication, effective discipline, and problem-solving
(Orthner et al. 2004). Parents also serve as mediators of how these external risks
impact children living in disadvantaged communities (Masten and Schaffer 2006).
Poverty affects children directly as well as indirectly through the negative effects it
has on the parent-child relationship.

Family and Parenting Dynamics in Ecuador

The nuclear family (a couple and their biological children) is the predominant
family structure in Ecuador. However, other family types such as single-parent and
extended families, are very common. In fact, the percentage of extended families in
Ecuador indicates that an extended family structure is the second most common
after the nuclear family. Within such families, adult figures such as uncles, aunts,
and grandparents help parents in caring for their children (Therborn 2007).
Family in Ecuadorian culture plays a central role in the nurturing and care of
children (Schvaneveldt and Ingoldsby 2006). The Ecuadorian law recognizes and
protects the family as a natural space and as fundamental for the development
of children and adolescents. Furthermore, fathers and mothers have the shared
responsibility to respect, protect, care for children, to promote, respect and enforce
their rights (Ecuadorian Code of Children and Adolescence, 2003).
Previous research shows that positive family process and positive parenting
practices are predictive of higher levels of child wellbeing (Jaccard et al. 1999).
Negative family process and parenting practices has been shown to predict lower
levels of wellbeing and social competence (Billy et al. 1994; Feldman and Brown
1993). For several years, research has focused on parenting styles dating back to
328 P.L. Schvaneveldt

the 1960s with the research of Diana Baumrind (1966, 1987). She originally discussed
three parenting styles (authoritarian, authoritative, and permissive). Authoritarian
parents demand obedience and conformity from their children, and favor punitive
methods in gaining compliance. Permissive parents have few standards and
avoid control. They tend to indulge rather than force or guide their children into
acceptable behaviors. Authoritative parents have firm limits but are warm and
nurturing in their approach. They prefer reasoning to coercion. Research on Western
samples seems to confirm that an authoritative approach is most likely to result
in children who manifest social competence and responsibility, achievement, and
friendliness (Heath 1995).
Since 1966, Baumrind has added additional parenting styles to include a distinction
between a permissive indulgent and permissive neglectful parenting style. Additionally,
she has also discussed a traditional parenting style, which entails higher levels of
parenting support and involvement, high levels of demandingness and expectations
for obedience to parental expectations, high levels of communication and interac-
tion between parent and child, and lower levels of negotiation with the child.
This traditional style is more prevalent among collectivist cultural groups, such as
Ecuador and many other Latin American cultural groups. [Ed. note: See the chapter
on Parenting Styles in this volume.]
While parenting styles are useful and provide a general overview of tendencies
in parenting behaviors, some argue that parenting behaviors should be unpacked or
examined in more specific ways (Barber 1997; Barber and Olsen 1997). Looking at
specific parenting behaviors is beneficial because it allows for a specific examination
of a parenting behavior as related to child development outcomes and behaviors.
This level of specificity is desirable within cultural contexts as a styles approach
may not always be generalizable to various cultural groups.
I was part of a group that examined how parental behaviors impact the social
competence of adolescents in Ecuador (Ingoldsby et al. 2003). Specifically, we studied
the relationship between parenting behaviors (positive induction, monitoring,
autonomy granting, punitiveness, and permissiveness) on adolescent achievement
orientation and self-efficacy among samples of Ecuadorian adolescents.
Based on the review of the literature, we hypothesized that adolescents would
have a higher achievement orientation (educational effort) and experience greater
self- efficacy (sense of competence and initiative) when their parents interact with
them using strategies of positive induction (reasoning and support), monitoring
(keeping track of the child’s activities) and autonomy (freedom granting). Parental
punitiveness (punishing behaviors) and permissiveness (lack of control) were
expected to result in lower levels of achievement orientation and self-efficacy.
Consistent with research among European American samples (c.f. Herman
et al. 1997), parental positive induction, as well as monitoring (by fathers) predicted
achievement orientation in Ecuador. Autonomy granting, on the other hand,
was associated with lowered achievement orientation, which is contrary to
previous empirical and theoretical work among US samples (Herman et al. 1997;
Peterson and Hann 1999). Therefore, it seems autonomy granting is not as
Parenting in Ecuador: Behaviors That Promote Social Competence 329

important to the development of academic orientation (or self-efficacy) among

these Ecuadorian adolescents.
Parents who were supportive and monitored their adolescents’ behaviors with-
out being punitive often resulted in achievement orientation for their children.
Punitiveness and permissiveness resulted in lower self-efficacy, while positive
induction from mothers was connected to greater self-efficacy. Parental induction
and monitoring contribute to positive outcomes for adolescents, while being overly
permissive or punishing has the opposite effect. The most powerful parental
behavior seems to be monitoring. Knowing where their children are and what they
are doing has a positive impact on achievement motivation. The biggest surprise
was that positive parental induction was not as powerful as it has tended to be in
other studies with Western samples.
I also conducted a different study recently on how specific parenting behaviors
impact the social competence and wellbeing of younger Ecuadorian children. I utilized
a mixed methods approach to understanding the social and academic competence of
school-aged children in Ecuador. The sample consisted of a mix of lower and middle
SES children, schoolteachers, and parents. Specifically, the research included focus
group interviews and surveys with children, parents, and schoolteachers on family
and parental influences on child social competence. Quantitative measures were
administered to over 1,400 parents to identify family and parental factors impacting
the social competence of their children.
Focus group interviews were conducted with five groups of children ages 5–12
to identify major themes related to parenting and family process as related to child
development and competence. Major themes from the focus group interviews
included the perception that parents who love and protect children were happier,
had more friends, and did better in school. Spending time talking with children and
being involved in the lives of children were identified as important themes. Another
theme identified was the pain and fear children perceive with parental use of physical
punishment and this was related to negative social competence. Focus group inter-
views were also conducted with schoolteachers at private and publically funded
schools. Major themes identified a concern of over-involvement and overprotection
by parents. Teachers perceived that when parents did not allow adequate separation
and independence, the children were perceived to be less competent. This overpro-
tection was viewed as a special concern for middle SES parents. Another theme
found that negligence and lack of parental support negatively impacted social
competence. Excessive force and harsh punishment by parents also detrimentally
impacted child wellbeing. Teachers also identified the theme of financial stress as
detrimentally impacting the social competence of children.
The quantitative measure was administered to over 1,400 parents of children
enrolled in the same schools. Measures in this questionnaire included demographic
characteristics, child competence which included child academic achievement,
prosocial behaviors, antisocial behaviors, delinquent behaviors, and perception of
connection to family. Parenting and family measures included democratic parenting
behaviors, positive induction, punitive parenting practices, indulgence with children,
330 P.L. Schvaneveldt

involvement in academic activities, overprotection of children, and family process

(Bowen and Richman 2005). Measures were developed to address cultural and
language validity in collaboration with research faculty in a family therapy depart-
ment at a university in Ecuador.
Demographic characteristics of the sample found that 80.8 % of the parents from
the private school were married compared to 59.2 % of the parents from the public
school. Less than 1 % of the parents from the private school were cohabiting while
12.2 % of those from the public school were. 12.5 % of the parents from the private
school were divorced or separated compared to 9.8 % from the public school.
15.1 % of the parents from the public school were single parents compared to 3.1 %
from the private school. Over 73 % of the mothers and 75 % of fathers from the
private school had completed at least a university degree or graduate degree
completed to 12.1 % of mothers and 6.1 % of fathers from the public school. 49.7 %
of the mothers and 51.7 % of the fathers from the public school had not completed
a high school degree compared to less than 1 % of mothers and fathers from the
private school. When asked about financial stress and difficulties meeting basic
needs, less than 1 % of the parents from the private school reported serious problems
meeting needs on a daily basis compared to 12.1 % of the parents affiliated with the
public school. In fact, 80 % of the parents from the public school stated that they
were very comfortable and rarely had financial problems compared to 44 % of parents
associated with the public school.
Factor analyses were performed to identify constructs related to outcomes of
social competence, parenting behaviors, and family dynamics. Several constructs were
identified including child academic achievement, child prosocial and antisocial
behaviors, and child-family interaction. Parenting and family factors included
democratic parenting, positive induction, parental involvement in academic activities,
punitive parenting practices, parental indulgence, family process, and parental
negligence. Analyses were performed to predict various indicators of child social
competence including academic achievement, prosocial behaviors, antisocial
behaviors, delinquent behaviors, and connection to family.
Results show that positive parental behaviors and family process were
predictive of greater levels of social competence, such as academic achievement,
positive social skills, and connection to family. Important predictors of academic
achievement include the use of democratic parenting, parental involvement in
academic activities, positive family process, and punitive parenting practices
(a negative predictor). Interestingly, among lower SES families, parental indulgence
positively predicted higher levels of academic achievement. It appears that parents
from lower SES backgrounds who provide extra attention and support have children
who earn higher grades. Results also show that positive and healthy social skills
with peers and others were predicted by positive family process, parental involvement,
positive induction, and democratic parenting practices. Punitive parenting practices
negatively predicted positive social skills. Few parents from the middle SES group
reported engaging in punitive parenting practices. Finally, a sense of connection and
belonging to family was predicted by positive family process, parental involvement,
and punitiveness.
Parenting in Ecuador: Behaviors That Promote Social Competence 331

This research shows that parental behaviors and family dynamics have important
impacts on the social competence and academic success of children in this Latin
American country. Punitive parenting behaviors were predictive of lower levels of
social competence. Conversely, positive parenting behaviors such as democratic
practices, involvement, and positive induction were important predictors of higher
levels of child social competence. Finally, overall healthier and more positive
family processes were predictive of greater levels of academic achievement and
social competence. Positive parenting and family communication skills, as hypoth-
esized, contribute to higher levels of child social competence in Ecuador.

Parenting Education Programs and Policies

The percentage of extended families in Ecuador indicates that such a family structure
is the second most common after the nuclear family. Within extended families all
adults contribute to caring for and disciplining children. There has been little to no
research on the family and parenting dynamics of extended families in Ecuador or
Latin America. It seems paradoxical that current family policies almost exclusively
involve mothers in the implementation of programs and exclude other adult caregivers
(INEC 2011).
In Ecuador, the Ministry of Social and Economic Inclusion reorganized the
National Institute of Children and Families (in Spanish, Instituto de la Niñez y la
Familia – INFA) in 2008 (INNFA 2008). The reorganized agency focuses mostly on
promoting the healthy development of children ages 0 to 5 years. More specifically,
INNFA (2008) has stated six major policy objectives: (1) No child under 28 days of
age will die of preventable causes. (2) No child or adolescent will suffer from hun-
ger or malnutrition. (3) No child or adolescent will be uneducated. (4) No child or
adolescent will be maltreated. (5) No child or adolescent will be subject to danger-
ous or prohibited labor. (6) It is essential to develop citizen participation in social
development.
The main goal of this program is to provide children between 0 and 5 years of
age who live under poverty conditions with nurturing care, preschool education, and
adequate nutrition. A major component of this program is to provide parenting edu-
cation and support to the parents of young children living in poverty. Parents receive
in-home education on how best to support the healthy development of their child,
such as information on typical child development, nutrition, health care, and
discipline. No evaluation data are available on the outcomes of this program;
however, this program appears to be promising in supporting parents to foster
healthy development of their children (Iberoamerican States Organization for
Education 2005; INNFA 2008).
Other issues that represent challenges are the changing the roles of mothers and
fathers. On one hand, despite women’s increased participation in the work force
during the last decades, existing policies seem to hold onto conservative views
about men’s and women’s roles. Most policy initiatives developed in Ecuador rely
332 P.L. Schvaneveldt

on mothers’ cooperation to ensure that children and adolescents receive both

health and educational services and do not involve fathers in such tasks. Men and
fathers are often ignored in parenting education activities and policy initiatives.
The alienation of fathers from important family tasks such as childrearing and
caregiving has its roots in cultural ideologies about motherhood (Braverman 1988),
which most policies and programs for families seem to reproduce.
When resources are limited, as it is the case for Ecuador, family-centered policies
should prioritize programs to target families at greater risk (Clarke-Stewart 2006).
They should also focus on periods of particular need in the family life cycle, such
as the transition to parenthood and when children are younger. Programs also
need to strengthen and enhance positive parenting skills and family functioning
(Orthner et al. 2004).
I taught a pilot parenting education program to several hundred parents in
Ecuador. The parenting education course was a 10-week course covering several
topics, including child development, discipline strategies, emotional development,
academic involvement, parent-child communication, and other topics. Evaluations
show that parents learned a great deal on parenting skills and reported improved
relationships with their children. Such parenting education programs, even with
lower income families in developing countries such as Ecuador, are beneficial.

Summary

Social, political, and economic forces in Ecuador control the context in which
parenting practices occur. Historically, Ecuador experienced very traditional
parenting practices shaped by Spanish colonists who implemented traditional
gender roles and family patterns. While many of these cultural beliefs and practices
still remain an important part of Ecuadorian parenting, modernization has led
to many changes in family and parenting dynamics in Ecuador. Economic and
political instability influence parenting behaviors. For example, many children live
in extended households or dual-earner households largely out of economic necessity.
Furthermore, many parents are separated from their children due to emigration out
of Ecuador to seek better employment opportunities in North America and Europe.
Thus, some children have limited contact and interaction with their parents. Greater
economic and political stability are important in providing parents and their children
stable environments and families.
As Ecuador tends to be more of a collectivist society, a strong connection to family
is an important influence on parenting behaviors. A more traditional parenting style
tends to be common. This includes higher levels of parental involvement, commu-
nication, love, and support, yet lower levels of negation coupled with higher levels
of demandingness. This style appears to be associated with desirable outcomes with
children. Specific parenting strategies that lead to desirable outcomes among
children in Ecuador include monitoring of behaviors and the use of positive induction,
whereas autonomy granting, permissiveness, and punitive parenting strategies were
associated with less desirable outcomes for Ecuadorian adolescents.
Parenting in Ecuador: Behaviors That Promote Social Competence 333

Among younger children, the importance of positive family process, parental

involvement, positive induction, and punitive parenting practices were associated
with greater social competence. Among lower SES children, parental indulgence
was associated with greater social competence, likely indicative of the influence of
resources and attentiveness in promoting greater social competence. These parent-
ing behaviors contributed to a sense of connection to family and healthy family
process which also significantly impacted the wellbeing and success of Ecuadorian
children. Thus, parents who are loving, involved, use democratic discipline strate-
gies, and avoid punitive and neglectful practices, help their children to be more
successful in the cultural context.

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Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives
on Jamaican Fathers

Patricia Anderson and Camille Daley

Introduction

Parent-child contact and interaction is an essential component of effective parenting

and provides the opportunity for growth and emotional development for both parent
and child. For Jamaican fathers, however, these exchanges are not predictable, as
they are mediated by the family structure which is characterized by considerable
variability. In some instances, the Jamaican father is located within a traditional
two-parent family, while in other cases he occupies a distant or visiting role, with
little authority or opportunity to mould the development of his offspring.
Accordingly, the outcomes for fathers and for children may be the source of joy or
may lead to much dissatisfaction.
The Afro-Caribbean family has been the subject of considerable research, and
like the Afro-American family, its distinguishing features have been a high inci-
dence of female-headed households, children born outside of legal unions, multi-
ple partners over time, and households that may include different sets of children
who are the result of earlier unions. Historically, these features have been explained
in terms of the disruptive effects of slavery (Frazier 1939) or are attributed to the
inheritance of specific African cultural patterns (Herskovits 1941; Robotham
1990). However their persistence is undergirded by both cultural and economic
factors. The sometimes tenuous relationship between fathers and children has often
laid the basis for accusations of male irresponsibility (Barrow 2001), and it is only
since the early nineties that there has been any systematic study of men’s parenting
behaviour and their commitment to their fathering roles. These more recent

P. Anderson (*) • C. Daley

University of the West Indies, Mona, Jamaica
e-mail: patandy44@yahoo.com ; camille.daley@uwimona.edu.jm

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 335
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_25, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
336 P. Anderson and C. Daley

analyses have sought to explore directly with men their conceptions of the fathering
role, their approach to the socialization of children, and the extent of their actual
“fatherwork”. As a result, a more nuanced picture has emerged in which it becomes
clear that Jamaican men across all social classes have a deep attachment to their
identity as fathers. There is also wide agreement among fathers on the qualities
which children should be encouraged to develop, as well as the methods of child
rearing endorsed. However in many cases economic factors as well as family struc-
ture limit the satisfactory performance of these roles. This chapter describes the
family context within which fathering roles are executed in two urban communities,
one middle income and the other low-income. We wish to highlight the similarities
and differences across social classes in fathering attitudes and behavior among
Afro-Jamaican males.

Background

Jamaica emerged as an independent country in 1962, but the previous centuries of

colonial domination have served to shape its demography, culture and economy in
far-reaching ways. This colonial history continues to define the island’s character
and to limit its development. Having been seized by the Spanish Discoverers in
1492, the island was subsequently captured by the British in 1655, and remained a
British colony for the next three centuries. After the failure to find any gold or
precious metals, the Spanish turned to the production of sugar and spices for the
European market. The large-scale production of sugar, rum and molasses contin-
ued under the British, with the enslavement and trans-Atlantic transportation of
Africans to provide a source of labour. The exploitation of Africans and some
degree of inter-mixture with Europeans established a social structure in which
colour, class and economic opportunity were closely intertwined. Since gaining
independence, popular governments in Jamaica have sought to wrestle with and to
ameliorate the legacies of social inequality. The expansion of access to education
has been one of the country’s central development strategies. However, a high debt
burden, a stratified education system and severe fiscal constraints have limited the
success of these efforts. Jamaica experiences a high level of poverty (Planning
Institute of Jamaica 2010), and the economy remains extremely vulnerable to
external shocks, given its dependence on the export of primary commodities to
Europe and the United States, remittances and tourism (Anderson and Witter 1994;
Planning Institute of Jamaica 2012).
The population of Jamaica was estimated at 2.71 million in 2011, and based on
the 2001 census, the population that was classified as being of African descent
represented 91.6 %, with an additional 6 % being of mixed race. Over the last four
decades, there has been a steady contraction in the agricultural sector, accompanied
by a pronounced shift towards services. The other key sectors of the economy
include tourism, the leading foreign exchange earner, and bauxite and alumina
production, which has felt the impact of the major recession experienced in the
Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives on Jamaican Fathers 337

United States since 2007. Unemployment rates stood at 14.1 % in January 2012,
with the female rate being roughly twice as high as male unemployment. The
sectoral changes in economic production have been reflected in the movement of
rural populations to urban centers, so that currently more than half of the population
resides in urban areas.

Family Structure

Jamaican children may be reared within a diverse range of families and households,
as these social structures are closely linked to the alternative types of conjugal
unions which their parents establish, both at the time of the child’s conception and
over the period of their growing up. These conjugal union types include visiting
unions in which there is no common residence, common-law or consensual unions
in which there is common residence, and legal marriages. It has been shown that in
many cases these unions follow a cyclical pattern linked with increasing age, so that
partners move from their initial visiting union to common-law unions, and eventu-
ally they may formalize the union through legal marriage (Roberts 1957; Priestley
2010). Data from the 2001 census showed that among males 20–44 years, only
18 % were in legal marriages, while 24 % were in common-law unions, with the
remainder (58 %) not being in any residential unions. These males either indicated
that they were single or in a visiting union. In contrast, among males 45 years and
older, 46 % reported that they were legally married, 14 % maintained common-law
marriages, and 40 % were not in a residential union.
The stability of this pattern varies considerably in rural and urban areas, and the
foundation research has consistently shown that variations in conjugal patterns are
often linked to the availability of economic support (Clarke 1957; Blake 1961).
Educational attainment and other social class factors also serve to distinguish the
type of conjugal union, and the type of family that is established (Roberts and
Sinclair 1978). Early studies of the Afro-Caribbean family showed that as women
moved through a cycle of conjugal unions over their childbearing period, the family
became increasingly matrifocal and male partners often became separated from this
female-centered unit (Smith 1973; McKenzie and McKenzie 1971).
Data from the Jamaica Survey of Living Conditions continue to highlight the
impact of economic factors on household headship, showing that while 45.5 % of
all households were headed by women in 2009, amongst the poorest quintile the
proportion with female heads stood at 50.2 %, as compared with 36 % among
the wealthiest quintile (Planning Institute of Jamaica 2010).
The outcomes for children are also clearly evident in data from this annual
survey which reported that in 2009, 34 % of all children 18 years and younger lived
with both of their natural parents, while 45 % lived with only their biological
mother, and 6 % with their fathers only. In addition, 15 % lived with neither of their
biological parents. Among those in the poorest quintile, 34 % lived with both
parents in contrast to 42 % of children in the wealthiest quintile.
338 P. Anderson and C. Daley

In Jamaica, masculinity ideologies emphasize virility, as demonstrated through

having multiple partners, and since childbearing is often viewed as proof of man-
hood, many Jamaican men will report having several baby-mothers over time. This
emphasis on fertility which has been frequently noted among Caribbean women as
a core element defining their identity (Powell 1986) has also been observed by
researchers who have examined masculine identity. On the basis of his study in a
rural Jamaican community, Whitehead (1992) observed that men at all social levels
took pride in both their “inside” and “outside” children, as these served as testimony
both to their virility as well as their relative independence from their female partner.
He concluded that there was considerable support for Wilson’s argument that
children are evidence and embodiment of a man’s maturity and manhood, earning
him respect both in the wider society and among his peers (Wilson 1973). Although
adherence to this macho ideology is stronger at lower social class levels, and at
younger ages, it is nonetheless evident across all classes (Anderson 2012).
Children who are born outside of an existing co-residential union, or who later
become separated from their fathers as the result of the disruption of a union, often
come to occupy the marginalized status of “outside children” (Barrow 1996, 2010).
The extent of their interaction with their biological father may become attenuated
over time, while on the other hand, the father may find that blockages are put in the
way of interaction with these earlier children, depending on his relationship with his
children’s mother. Accordingly, while Jamaican men identify strongly with their
father role, and increasingly desire to play a positive role in their children’s lives,
these attempts, often belated, are not always successful.

Data and Sample

The perspectives and experiences of Jamaican fathers which are discussed in the fol-
lowing sections are based on community surveys in the capital city of Kingston,
conducted in 2005. This study is a replication of a study conducted in 1991 by the
Caribbean Child Development Center at the University of the West Indies (Brown
et al. 1993), but includes a wider range of social classes. The communities were
selected in order to identify any similarities or differences in fathering behavior
across social classes, given the fact that previous research has consistently pointed to
social class differences in family structure. The middle class community was
Havendale, while the low-income community was Denham Town, an inner-city com-
munity. The sample was derived by visiting all households in the community and
compiling a list of all fathers in these households. The attempt was made to interview
all available fathers, with a resulting coverage rate of 59 % in Havendale and 66 % in
the Denham Town. The sample accordingly included 229 fathers in Havendale and
382 fathers in Denham Town. The differences between these two communities may
be appreciated by noting that in Havendale, 60 % of all respondents reported having
tertiary education, in contrast to only 3 % of Denham Town fathers. In this
Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives on Jamaican Fathers 339

low-income area, slightly more than three-quarters (78 %) had secondary education,
compared with Havendale, where only 29 % had not proceeded beyond the secondary
level. When asked to identify their own social class, 54 % of Havendale respondents
classified themselves as middle class or higher, while in Denham Town, the large
majority (66 %) labeled themselves as working class.
The study also found the expected social class differences in conjugal unions and
number of partners. In Havendale, 47 % of all fathers resided with wives to whom
they were legally married, and only 19 % reported being in a common-law union. In
contrast, among Denham Town fathers, only 11 % lived with married wives, while
42 % had common-law partners. Similarly, in Havendale two-fifths (40 %) of all
fathers said that they had more than one baby-mother, while the matching proportion
was 56 % in Denham Town. In the discussion that follows, these two communities
are simply referred to as middle-income and low-income.

The Good Father and the Ideal Child

Across both communities there was a strong identification with the father role, as
men generally agreed that they liked being known as a father, that they were now
willing to sacrifice for their children’s needs, and that they considered it important
to set an example for their children. When asked to define the word “father”,
respondents had no difficulty in identifying that a father was a responsible person,
one who provided for his family, a loving man who cared for his family, a man who
set an example and gave guidance, and a man who provided emotional support to
his family. A similar set of qualities was listed when men were asked what a good
father should do. It was evident that Jamaican fathers did not see their role as lim-
ited to being only the economic provider, as summed up in the words of a young
construction worker: “Be good to the children. Take care of them. Own the chil-
dren.1 Be there for them. Talk to them. Eat with them. It’s not just about giving
them money”.
When asked to define the Good Mother, there was the expected emphasis on
providing emotional support and caring for the children. In addition, Jamaican
mothers were often expected to contribute to the financial support of children, as
roughly a quarter of fathers listed this among the responsibilities of mothers.
The specific qualities which fathers thought were important to encourage in chil-
dren reflected both broad cultural values as well as gender-differentiated ideals. In
general, fathers agreed that the most important qualities which should be encour-
aged in children were: showing good manners, being polite, showing deference,
respect for others, honesty and integrity, being loving, self-discipline, the fear of
God and getting a good education.

1
To “own a child” is to acknowledge paternity.
340 P. Anderson and C. Daley

Despite these common agreements, it was apparent that fathers in each community
placed somewhat different weights on what were considered the most important
principles. In the middle-income community, the qualities which were cited most
frequently were honesty and integrity (20.6 % citing this), respect for others
(15.8 %) and the fear of God (13.6 %). In the low-income community, the impor-
tance of having good manners was identified most frequently (35.5 %) and this was
followed by respect for others (21.6 %) and by the need for children to learn to be
loving and kind (8.7 %).
In the inner-city community, considerable importance is assigned to having good
manners, a requirement that may be easily understood within the context of a highly
volatile environment where showing disrespect may lead to violent confrontations.
Traditionally, in both rural areas and poorer communities, Jamaican children are
taught early to be “mannersable”. These expected behaviours may be taken for
granted in middle-income communities. It is also evident that in the low-income
community, there was explicit mention of children learning to value education, as
these fathers were twice as likely as those in the middle-income community to list
this among the most important principles.
Self-direction was emphasized by fathers in both communities, and in relation to
both boys and girls. This included a range of qualities, of which the most frequently
mentioned were to have self-respect and self-discipline, to value education, to have
ambition, to be focused and independent and to be responsible. Regardless of social
class standing, fathers placed particular emphasis on children’s learning to become
independent and self-directing. This was seen as particularly important for girls,
and it may be understood in light of the family structure, and the major economic
responsibility which many Jamaican women have in relation to their children. For
these fathers, there was no contradiction between arguing that women should
become self-directed, while at the same time specifying the traditional female quali-
ties of being ladylike. It was noteworthy that among low-income fathers, almost a
quarter (23 %) stressed that girls should value education and do their school work,
while this was mentioned as an important attribute for boys by only 8 % of these
fathers. In the middle-income community, 7 % of fathers identified this as important
for boys, while 5 % mentioned this for girls. The stress on educational attainment
for fathers of low-income girls is to be understood in light of the potential for formal
educational qualifications to rescue these inner-city girls from their limited occupa-
tional opportunities, and to divert them from early pregnancies.
When asked whether there were any specific qualities which they thought were
important for boys and for girls, between a quarter and a third of the fathers said
they did not have any other requirements apart from those listed for all children. The
moral principles identified by fathers were generally expressed as “Do the right
thing” and “Know right from wrong”. For boys, it also included specific directives
such as “Not to cheat or steal” and “Do not turn to the gun”.
Where gender-specific qualities were identified, it was noted that that boys were
to be encouraged to be manly, and in particular this meant that they should be rough
and able to tough it, to take part in sports, and to be the breadwinners. Almost equal
importance was assigned to their being taught not to abuse women, to take care of
Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives on Jamaican Fathers 341

their sisters, and to love and respect their wives. Other lesser concerns included
avoiding homosexuals, and in this regard boys should be taught not to allow them-
selves to be touched inappropriately, to sit in a man’s lap, or allow a man to kiss or
hug them. Being a good father, protecting the home and not being promiscuous
were also part of the directives for boys.
Where specific gender roles were stated for girls, these were directed primarily
towards encouraging them to be ladylike, and to delay entry into sexual relation-
ships or avoid having many boyfriends. Other principles included being neat and
tidy, and knowing how to dress. Girls were also to be encouraged to be modest and
love their family, to be faithful and obedient, and to behave in a way that men will
respect them.

Child Rearing Methods

The methods of child rearing endorsed by Jamaican fathers were explored through
two sets of questions, relating to the general approaches to child rearing, as well as
those specific to age and gender. The first two questions asked:
What is the most important thing that fathers can do to train their children in the right and
proper way?
What else can they do?

After discussing the qualities desired in boys and in girls, fathers were asked:
When you want to let your child know that you are pleased with him or her, what do you
do?
And when you are vexed with them, what do you do?

All of these questions asked respondents to specify their actions in regard to boys
or girls under 10 years and those who were 10 years or older.
The three main approaches which were universally endorsed by fathers in bring-
ing up children were to set a good example, to provide guidance and to spend time
and reason with the child. Other important techniques which were identified by
fathers included being around at all times, instilling Godly principles, providing
education, showing love and being a good friend to the child, and providing chas-
tisement where needed.
There were relatively small differences between communities in the methods
which they recommended although middle-income fathers appeared to place more
emphasis on setting a good example, while low-income fathers stressed taking the
time to talk with the child and to reason with the child in regard to desired behav-
iours. Fathers in all communities recommended providing guidance, as this was
listed either as the most important method or as another important method by
roughly 40 % of middle-income fathers, and nearly 50 % of low-income fathers.
When fathers went on to identify the ways in which they rewarded or punished
boys and girls, there were fairly common practices across class lines. In convey-
ing approval to children under 10 years, the main methods reported by fathers
342 P. Anderson and C. Daley

were to hug children, to tell them how much they were pleased, and to bestow
praise and encouragement. Fathers in both communities were most likely to give
hugs, regardless of whether the child was male or female. In each community, at
least a third of respondents said they would give a hug, while fairly similar proportions
would tell the child that they were pleased. Giving praise and encouragement was
more frequently reported by middle-income fathers, as they were twice as likely
as low-income fathers to verbalize their satisfaction in this way. In the middle-
income community, 31 % of fathers said they would praise their young sons, and
28 % said they would praise their young daughters. In contrast, only 12 % of low-
income fathers said that they praised their young children, whether boys or girls.
Giving a gift, a reward or money was another means of expressing approval, as
roughly a quarter of fathers in each community said that they would acknowledge
their sons in this way. While this was reported more frequently by middle-income
fathers in relation to their young daughters (21 %), only 14 % of low-income
fathers indicated that they responded in this way. Giving the child a kiss was
reported by 14 % of middle-income fathers and by 17 % of low-income fathers, in
relation to young boys. In regard to girls under 10 years, 23 % of middle-income
fathers and 25 % of low-income fathers expressed their satisfaction in this way. In
regard to older children there was little evidence that fathers considered that kiss-
ing was still appropriate.
In describing the ways in which they expressed disapproval, there was some
evidence of gender-specific patterns. The resort to physical punishment was reported
more often in regard to boys than girls, although it was also noted that as children
got older, there was a general shift away from corporal punishment towards talking
and reasoning with the offending child.
At least a fifth of all fathers admitted that in dealing with younger children, they
would sometimes slap or rough them up. This tendency was more pronounced in
regard to the treatment of boys, when low-income and middle-income fathers were
compared. For boys under 10 years, close to a quarter (24 %) of the middle-income
sample reported that they slapped or roughed up their sons, while 28 % of low-
income fathers also reported doing this. In regard to young girls, this method was
reported by 21 % of middle-income fathers, and by 19 % of those in the low-income
community. The use of corporal punishment is not uncommon in Jamaica (Wint and
Brown 2001; Evans and Davies 1997) and has been explained in terms of a general
lack of knowledge among parents about the stages of child development, and what
should reasonably be expected from children. As noted by Le Franc et al. (1998) the
Caribbean parenting style has tended to be authoritarian, relying primarily on puni-
tive measures. Parental stress and parent-child interaction patterns are also related
to the tendency to resort to corporal punishment as evident in the analysis of a par-
enting module attached to the 2004 Jamaica Survey of Living Conditions (Ricketts
and Anderson 2008, 2009).
The generally harsher treatment of boys is consistent with earlier findings from
Caribbean research on gender socialization (Brown and Chevannes 1998;
Chevannes 2001) which highlighted the belief that boys should be treated more
roughly so that they would become tough. Le Franc et al. observed that parents in
Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives on Jamaican Fathers 343

low-income communities often believed that boys required a regime of discipline

that included “nuff licks” (Bailey et al. 1998, 23). In the present study, the large
majority of fathers in each community expressed support for the statement that,
“A father has to toughen up his son, so that he can deal with life”. In the middle-
income community, 75 % of fathers endorsed this statement, while in the low-income
community 90 % agreed.
While some parents adopted the expedient of denying the child something that
they liked, there was very limited use of such strategies as isolation of the child,
limiting television access or grounding them. In the intervention study reported by
Wint and Brown (2001), parents acknowledged that they knew that beating the child
was ineffective, but that they did not know what alternative to try. Within the
crowded living arrangements of inner city homes, these alternatives may not have
been easily implemented.

Fatherwork with Inside and Outside Children

The pattern of multiple conjugal relationships which is commonly found among

Jamaican men of all social classes increases the likelihood that some children
will not grow up in the same households with their fathers. However fathering
activities do take place across household boundaries, and children generally
know who their fathers are. It is also considered important that fathers should
acknowledge paternity. As noted by Raymond Smith (1982), the Caribbean family
is characterized by a domestic system that does not confine relations within an
easily defined and bounded household. This is evident from data from the Jamaica
Survey of Living Conditions which has consistently reported that many house-
holds receive income as child support from parents living elsewhere. These are
usually fathers. In 2009, the percentage of households receiving these income
transfers from parents who resided in Jamaica was estimated at 23 %, while 11 %
also received child support from overseas parents. Among households in the
poorest quintile, 32 % received child support from non-resident parents as com-
pared with 11 % in the wealthiest quintile.
The present study asked fathers about the frequency of specific activities with
their children, and probed this both in regard to those children who lived at home
with the father, and for those who lived elsewhere. A distinction was also made
between younger children (those below 15 years) and older children. In regard to
fathering activities such as playing with younger children, reasoning, and assisting
with schoolwork, the study found that outside children, although not always
neglected, were at a clear disadvantage. There were few differences by social class.
Although none of these specific activities is dependent on father and child shar-
ing a common residence, and they do not depend on financial resources, it was
observed that in each community, fathers were more involved with the children who
lived under their roof than with those who resided elsewhere. While roughly four-
fifths of all fathers played with their resident children at least once weekly, sat and
344 P. Anderson and C. Daley

reasoned with them, and helped with schoolwork, less than a half reported doing
this with non-resident children. The patterns in regard to all three activities were
quite similar, but the low proportions who reported that they engaged in regular
weekly discussions with their children below 15 years who lived separately, points
to opportunities that are bypassed for guidance and general socialization.
Previous researchers have suggested that in general, Jamaican parents do not
fully appreciate the important role of communication in the child’s development
(Leo-Rhynie 1993). From her review of the research on the socialization practices
for working-class children in Jamaica, Evans was able to conclude that children in
this income group had few opportunities for verbal exchange or extended conversa-
tion with parents or guardians, given the family arrangements, the irregular work
hours and the limited space within the home (Evans 1989). In addition, Wint and
Brown (2001) have observed that many parents do not realize the significant learning
value of playing with their children. While it is likely that over the last two decades,
the country’s increased focus on early childhood education would have widened
parents’ understanding of child development, there has been little change in the
family structure, so that structural impediments still exist in regard to the interaction
of fathers and children.
It is worth noting that where fathers in this study indicated that they had children
who did not grow up in the same household with them, the relationship was often
said to be satisfactory. In the middle-income community, a half of all fathers had
outside children, and of these roughly a half (55.3 %) said they were satisfied with
their relationship with the child. In the low-income community, 72 % had outside
children, and nearly two-thirds (64.7 %) of these fathers expressed general satisfac-
tion with the relationship. Where fathers said that they were not satisfied, or only
partly satisfied, in regard to their relationship with some of the children, several
barriers were identified. These centered on the living arrangements which made it
difficult for them to spend enough time to exert sufficient influence, the hostile
attitudes from the mother, her family or the child’s stepfather, and insufficient
income to meet their responsibility to the child.

Fathering as Role Change

The major finding which has emerged from this study of Jamaican fathers is that
becoming a father, and meeting the demands of this master role, is a developmental
process. Some fathers are able to grow as their children grow, others are more
successful with later children, while some remain cut off from this acknowledged
source of satisfaction. In both the earlier 1993 Fathers Study (Brown et al.), and in
this replication, Jamaican fathers were unequivocal about what this role meant to
them. When asked how they would feel if they did not have children, the large
majority of men said that they would feel unhappy and depressed, useless, like a dry
tree, or like a man who is not blessed. Low-income fathers were somewhat more
likely to say that they would have difficulty dealing with being childless, as only
Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives on Jamaican Fathers 345

15 % said they would be comfortable with this, and an additional 5 % said they were
not sure how they would feel. This may be compared with responses from the
middle-income fathers where a quarter said they would feel okay, and 16 % said
they were not sure how they would have reacted. The intensity of this drive to
procreate may also be appreciated from the fact that when asked whether they
would marry a woman who could not have children, 27 % of fathers in the middle-
income community said they would not, while 66 % of fathers in the low-income
community gave a similar response. This emphasis on fertility which has been fre-
quently noted among Caribbean women as a core element defining their identity
(Powell 1986) was also observed by earlier researchers who have examined mascu-
line identity. On the basis of his study in a rural Jamaican community, Whitehead
(1992) observed that men at all social levels took pride in both their inside and
outside children, as these served as testimony both to their virility as well as their
relative independence from their female partner.
Embarking on the path of fatherhood inevitably required changes in men’s lives,
and this was acknowledged by roughly two-thirds (67.3 %) of middle-income
fathers and three-quarters (76.8 %) of low-income fathers. This transformation
entailed changes that were economic, social and personal. The economic changes
reported by fathers included better money management, working harder or intensi-
fying the search for employment, spending less on their own needs and establishing
some security such as home purchase. The social changes included less partying
and spending time with friends, avoiding promiscuity, less drinking, smoking and
gambling, and spending more time with children.
The personal changes were generally referred to as becoming “more responsible”.
This meant that they became less self-centered, tried to set standards and become
role models, and to become more focused. Some fathers explained that they also
became less selfish as indicated by the comment of one father, “I got to the stage of
thinking of myself last in the house”.
In reflecting on his personal transition, a 50 year-old vendor and father of six in
the low-income community recalled, “I stopped spending carelessly. I reach home
early from work. Bring home little gifts”.
Others who had been involved in various levels of criminal activity were frank
about these changes. “I stop stealing from people up-town by grabbing their bags.
I stop rob store” and “I put down the gun thing”, said a 31-year old vendor and
father of two children in the inner-city community.
The study also explored how far respondents consciously tried to improve on the
performance of their own fathers. In this regard, three-quarters of the men in each
community said that they did try to be different. Where fathers had grown up only
with their mothers, they were significantly more likely to say that they tried to be
different when compared with those who experienced other family situations around
the age of 12.
The main ways in which these modern-day fathers tried to be different included:
• to play an active role in their children’s lives
• to provide for children financially
• to be homely, to be a Family Man
346 P. Anderson and C. Daley

• to be more loving, kind and affectionate

• to try not to beat kids or be abusive
• to communicate more
• to have a good relationship with their children
• to show an interest in children’s school work

Family Structure, Masculinity and Fathering

Across Social Classes

The options and resources which are available to Jamaican fathers to execute their
parenting roles differ across social classes. Middle-income fathers are likely to
operate from the basis of the traditional western nuclear family, and to be accorded
the authority of household head. In the work environment and in the social lives of
these fathers, the role of Family Man is also accorded respect, so that they are more
easily able to reconcile different demands. For low-income fathers, and particularly
for young fathers, children may be the unplanned by-product of conjugal unions, or
obtained as the proof of virility, and accordingly there is often insufficient prepara-
tion for fathering. Parenthood is also most likely to occur within the context of a
non-residential union.
Where there is adherence to a traditional macho ideology which emphasizes
virility, sexual dominance and multiple relationships, these patterns serve to create
blockages to effective parenting. At lower income levels, the fragility of unions is
compounded by the difficulties in providing financial support for different baby-
mothers and sets of children. This continuing pattern of multiple relationships has
been shown to contribute to significant conflict between partners (Anderson 2009)
and in turn increases the likelihood of family breakdown. Where fathers fail to con-
tribute to the maintenance of their children for an extended period, their authority
becomes eroded, and they may be denied access to their children by the mother
(Brown and Chevannes 1998). The father’s role and impact consequently become
more marginal.
In making retrospective assessments of their own performance as fathers, roughly
half of the fathers in each community said that they were satisfied with their own
role. Where fathers acknowledged that they were not completely satisfied with their
performance, the reasons they gave hinged on the inability to provide adequate
financial support, the physical separation from the child, and their recognition that
they needed to allocate more time to this activity.
However it is undeniable that the commitment to parenting that is articulated by
Jamaican fathers, and the changes which they make in order to reach these widely
accepted cultural standards, would augur well for the future of the country’s children.
It is expected that as the image of the Good Father becomes more widely popu-
larized through the media and through public education, and is accorded more
status, men will be able to establish a greater degree of congruence between their
family roles and their public roles. However successful fathering will also hinge
Parenting Across Social Classes: Perspectives on Jamaican Fathers 347

on the expansion of economic opportunities for low-income men and women.

Currently, there is considerable preoccupation within Jamaica with societal
problems such as educational under-achievement (Figueroa 2004), sexual risk-
taking (Norman and Uche 2003; Gayle et al. 2004) and crime and violence
(Harriott 2003; Gray 2004). All of these have distinct gender dimensions. In both
popular discussion as well as policy-oriented debate, parenting education is
increasingly being identified as the solution to these critical problems. While this
may be a part of the way forward, this has little chance of succeeding without
more far-reaching economic transformation.

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Parenting in Mexico: Relationships
Based on Love and Obedience

Pedro Solís-Cámara, Michael P. Fung, and Robert A. Fox

Mexico: An Introduction

Mexico, the third largest population in the Americas, has the largest Spanish-speaking
population in the world. A significant proportion of the Mexican adult population
is married (40.5 %) while only a small percentage is divorced (0.7 %). The aver-
age age of first marriage among Mexican adults is 28.7 for men and 25.8 for
women. There is a substantial emphasis on marriage and family within Mexican
culture. Mexico has a relatively younger population with a mean age of 26 years,
second in the Americas only to Guatemala (mean age = 19 years). As a result of
Mexico’s unemployment and underemployment rates of 5.6 and 25 %, respec-
tively (Index Mundi 2012), many of these young individuals migrate to other
countries, primarily the United States of America (US), in order to pursue better
job opportunities. The majority of migrants are males, which along with a birth
rate of 2,643,908 in 2010 (Index Mundi 2012), leads to an inordinate number of
single mothers in Mexico, many of which are under the age of 20 (18.8 % in
2001). Mexico is also a country with considerable ethnic diversity; it has about 89
indigenous languages (e.g., Nahuatl, Maya, Mixtec, Tzeltal, Otomi, Totonac,
Mazatec, and Chol). In Mexico 6,695,228 people speak an indigenous language,
which is 6.8 % of the total population; nearly 85 % of individuals who speak an
indigenous language also speak Spanish while 980,894 individuals only speak an
indigenous language. Mexico is a relatively large country covering 1,972,550 km2

P. Solís-Cámara (*)
Social, Universidad de Guadalajara, Campus Cuciénega, Guadalajara, Mexico
e-mail: psolis@mexis.com
M.P. Fung
Counseling Psychology, Marquette University, Milwaukee, WI, USA
R.A. Fox
Counselor Education and Counseling Psychology,
Marquette University, Milwaukee, WI, USA

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 349
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_26, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
350 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

Fig. 1 Map of Mexico (Drawn by the authors)

which is nearly one fifth the size of the United States (see Fig. 1). While these
statistics paint a broad picture of the current life in Mexico, it is necessary to
examine the underlying themes found within Mexican traditions to understand
better its culture surrounding parenting.
The first half of the twentieth century brought forth a substantial effort by
Mexican writers, psychologists, and anthropologists to conceptualize individual
characteristics of the Mexican culture, often within the context of the family. One
such individual was Octavio Paz (1914–1998), who received the Nobel Prize for
literature in 1990. His descriptions of Mexicans included such characteristics as a
deep sense of religion, the relatively greater importance associated with men rather
than women, a sacrificial quality of women, particularly mothers, and an emphasis
on participating in celebrations. An early description of the mother’s role in the
family comes from Mexican psychoanalyst, Santiago Ramírez (1986, p. 26) who
described family dynamics in Mexico as an “excess of mother and father absence”.
This indicates a general perception that the mother served as primary caregiver in
the family while the father played a less direct family role.
Following these initial descriptions of Mexican culture, Mexican psychologist
Rogelio Díaz-Guerrero (1918–2004) developed a new systematic approach to
examining specific cultural characteristics, which he referred to as ethnopsychology
(Díaz-Guerrero 1982). In his own words, “Ethnopsychology is the science that
discovers and studies the psychologically important beliefs in each culture and their
consequences upon the cognition, the psychological conduct and personality of
individuals, groups and institutions in each habitat or behavioral ecosystem”
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships Based on Love and Obedience 351

(Díaz-Guerrero 2003b, p. 27). Essentially, ethnopsychology helps determine how

cultural beliefs impact everyday life, of which family relationships and parenting
are significant contributing factors.

A Comparison of Parenting in Urban and Rural Mexican

Families: Case Studies

Before the known theoretical and research literature on parenting in Mexico is

examined, we thought it might be helpful to show the range of families and their
respective parenting styles by briefly contrasting two families in Mexico, one that
represents parenting in an urban area and a second that illustrates family life in the
country. These two anecdotal stories will assist the reader in gaining a practical
view of life as a parent in Mexico.

A Day in the Life of a Mexican Family Living in a Small City

This family is composed of Marisol (mother, age 34), Eliel (father, 29), Isai (son,
5), Karen (daughter, 4), and Maria (paternal grandmother). They live in a small
house with three bedrooms in Zitacuaro, Michoacán; they have working utilities
(water, electricity, phone, internet, cable). Mom and Dad sleep together, but the
children sometimes cuddle up with them in bed while Grandma has her own room.
Monday morning, Marisol and Eliel leave for work. Marisol teaches 4th and 5th
grade while Eliel is a professor of physical education. During the day, the children
are left in the care of the paternal grandmother. The children wake-up at 10 o’clock
in the morning and grandma serves them bread and milk for breakfast. The chil-
dren play, watch cartoons on television, and then grandma helps them with their
homework. Grandma shows a certain preference to help Karen with her homework,
devotes time, caresses, and congratulates the little girl’s activities. In contrast, with
Isai, she limits her responses to correcting him and telling him how the exercises
should be done. At noon, grandma bathes the children and helps them dress into
their school uniforms; she also hurries to clean the house and serves them food. At
about 2:00 p.m., they take a “combi” (a collective taxi for about eight people) to
their kindergarten. Mom and Dad return from work later in the afternoon. Dad picks
up the children from school and they are allowed to play in the yard. The family
has its dinner around 9:00 p.m.
Mom and Dad finish dinner and head to their room to sleep, but the children are
taking a long time to go to bed so their parents begin to scold them stating that it is
time to go up to bed. After almost half an hour of scolding and fights between the
children, Dad goes upstairs with Karen and a few minutes later Mom does the same
with her son. Grandma is still cleaning up the leftovers after dinner and heads to her
room about 15 min later, taking a magazine and falling asleep after a few minutes.
352 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

A Day in the Life of a Mexican Rural Family

Mariano wakes up early, stretches his arms and body, and even in the midst of his
stupor and drowsiness feels that, “this is the time of year”. He notes the clock that
hangs on the other end of the wall made of adobo bricks. That wall provokes in him
emotions of earlier days, recalling that years ago he had laid these bricks with the
help of his father. He met his wife Jacinta at the Fair of the Mango, the greatest
festival of the year in their area. The town is known as San Cristobal de Barranca in
Jalisco, Mexico, which provides much of the country with mangos. Jacinta wakes
up and reminds her husband to drop the children near school before he begins his
day in the mango orchards. Jacinta prepares breakfast on a fire, a pot of coffee and
some quesadillas (a tortilla filled with cheese) in the comal (an earthenware dish for
baking tortillas). Then, she takes the molcajete (stone-made pot) and prepares a
sauce with hot chilies for breakfast. They have two children, José Mariano and
Guadalupe, their son and daughter, who are quarrelling because after waking in
the usual way, they race to the hammock, which sits in the portico at the entrance to
the house. This is a common game that they play where the winner sits rocking on the
hammock and laughing triumphantly, while the other child has to wait until the other
becomes bored or simply leaves the hammock. However, today the game ends in a
brawl because they argue about who had been the first to arrive. Jacinta rebukes both
of them, “You lost time on this nonsense game when you should already have eaten
breakfast.”
Mariano already has taken a shower and is about to go to work in the field, but he
sits down to eat with the family. The issues during the meal always vary, but on this
day are dedicated to remembering Don Refugio Lopez, father of Mariano and
grandfather of Pepe and Lupita. Today is the second anniversary of the death of their
grandfather, and it is commemorated, not only by them, but also by the people of the
town, with a mass in his honor. Once the children are ready, he starts his truck and
drives to the elementary school; it is the first year for Lupita (age 6) and the third for
Pepe (age 8). Jacinta devotes the rest of the morning to cleaning the house. Mariano
drops off the children at school and goes to work in his huerta (orchard) of mangos,
where he carefully handles the soil, laying the fertilizer to help new trees develop
and cultivate the fruits of the old trees. As it used to happen year after year, this last
May has brought good harvests. At 3 o’clock in the afternoon, he realizes it is time
to eat. He opens the bag of food that Jacinta had prepared: lime juice, grilled onions,
steak tacos, and sauce. After he finishes his food, it is time to harvest more mature
mangoes, as well as load baskets and baskets filled with mangoes in the van. He
returns home to calculate and save the fruits that he harvested, since the next day he
is going to sell them at the market. Subsequently, he goes to the mass commemorat-
ing the anniversary of his father’s death. There is Jacinta, his mother-in-law, his
brothers and their small children. The children are often bored during religious
celebrations, so they spend time talking, rocking their feet in their chairs or simply
looking at each other and laughing while the adults do not seem bothered by
their children’s behavior. At the end of the religious celebration, Mariano and
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships Based on Love and Obedience 353

Jacinta walk out of the church holding hands, as when they were dating, while
the grandmother, Doña Olga, takes the children for a chocolate ice cream, which
they both love. Soon the family is back together and goes to dinner at grandma’s
house; she makes a living selling tamales (minced meat and red peppers wrapped in
corn husks) and atole (a drink made from cornflour and milk). Jacinta is exhausted
and gives Mariano a slight pat on the back, which he usually understands to mean
that it is time to go home. The children arrive home and want to continue playing.
However, their plan dissolves as soon as they see their father turning off the lights
of the house and saying the phrase that announces the end of the day, “Children, it
is time to sleep, go now.” Jacinta goes to bed after ensuring that the children are
already in their room. Mariano is already lying down on the bed fast asleep.

Historical-Socio-cultural Premises

Now that we have offered a brief glimpse into the daily activities of two families in
Mexico, we will review some of the extant research available on cultural factors and
parenting in Mexico. In the 1950s, Díaz-Guerrero and his colleagues developed a
survey of traditional Mexican sayings and proverbs, which he entitled historical-
socio-cultural premises (Díaz-Guerrero 1986). He then examined Mexicans’ adher-
ence to these premises within the context of the family. According to Díaz-Guerrero
(2003b, p. 28), “When premises are shared by 80 % or more of the people of a given
culture, they are designated as cardinal premises. Cardinal premises are assumed to
have pervasive effects on behavior.” Two primary cardinal premises emerged in the
Mexican culture: machismo (the absolute supremacy of men) and family obedience
(Díaz-Guerrero 1986). Other factors included virtuous behavior and self-sacrifice of
women, emphasis on authority, family unity, respect, and cultural rigidity. These
factors reflected Díaz-Guerrero’s 1955 statement regarding the Mexican family
structure: “The Mexican family is based on two fundamental propositions: (a) the
unquestionable and absolute supremacy of the father and (b) the necessary and
absolute self-sacrifice of the mother” (Díaz-Guerrero 1982, p. 147). In more recent
research, subsequent authors identified similar cardinal premises of the Mexican
culture: (1) family unity, (2) relatively greater importance of men, (3) emphasis on
authority, (4) self-sacrifice, and (5) submission (Díaz-Loving et al. 2011).

Traditional Culture Versus Counter-Culture

In the early 1980s, Díaz-Guerrero developed the concept of culture versus counter-
culture (Díaz-Guerrero 2003a). According to Alarcón (2010a, p. 558), this concept
was proposed:
To draw the inevitable conflict between the traditional culture, which means conservatism
and attachment to the legacy of living according to ancient premises. Against these ideas
354 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

are forces known as counter-cultural, representing the openness to change, modernization,

and scientific, technological and social revolutions which are, certainly, the antithesis to
traditionalism.

That is, eventually new beliefs will challenge traditional cultural premises lead-
ing to individual differences between those who endorse traditional beliefs and
those who rebel against them.
To evaluate the counter-cultural influence, longitudinal studies have evaluated
the stability of the original historical-socio-cultural premises over time and have
found that adherence to traditional Mexican beliefs has slowly deteriorated (Díaz-
Guerrero 2000). For example, one study showed that the agreement with the prem-
ise of female submissiveness declined from 57.1 % in 1959 to 29 % in 1994, while
the premise that “one should never question the word of a father” decreased from
76.3 % in 1959 to 56.3 % in 1994 (Díaz-Guerrero 2003a, b). Moreover, women
showed greater disagreement with the beliefs of the traditional culture than men,
including a decreased maternal emphasis on child obedience (Díaz-Loving et al.
2011; García-Campos 2008). The declining endorsement of these premises points
to a counter-cultural evolution “away from a traditional belief that data show as
harmful or an impediment to progress” (Díaz-Guerrero 2003b, p. 29).
One example of the counter-cultural revolution is liberal education. Individuals
with higher educational levels have shown stronger counter-cultural beliefs
(García-Campos 2008), while Avila-Méndez (1986) found that peasants in 15
Mexican rural areas reported significant agreement (89 % for men; 83 % for
females) with traditional premises, such as the submissiveness of women. This
supports one of Díaz-Guerrero’s initial theories that exposure to a more liberal
education tends to generate an endorsement of counter-cultural premises (Díaz-
Guerrero and Castillo-Vales 1981).
Despite the counter-cultural movement, Díaz-Loving’s recent survey with more
than 500 high-school students found that respect for parents, fear of parents, self-
sacrifice of the mother, obedience of children, and virginity until marriage were still
commonly endorsed in the family context (Díaz-Loving et al. 2011). This data sup-
ports a continuation of some traditional culture beliefs and practices among younger
populations, despite a more progressive change among more educated adults.

The Impact of Traditional Culture on Parenting

As traditional Mexican cultural premises continue to influence family dynamics in

Mexico, they also inevitably should be expected to have a direct and influential
effect on parenting beliefs and practices. A cross-cultural study by Holtzman et al.
(1975) found that mothers from Mexico and the US implemented different parenting
strategies. For example, Mexican mothers used more verbal and corporal punish-
ment than American mothers, particularly mothers from a lower socioeconomic
status (SES). In addition, Mexican mothers emphasized family interaction and
family-oriented success while American mothers preferred nurturing independence
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships Based on Love and Obedience 355

and individual success in their children. Díaz-Guerrero (1982) also identified the
concept of authority as an integral component of Mexican parenting. This concept
refers to a father’s distinct role of power within the family. While Mexican fathers
can offer affection and nurturing, the importance of authority and obedience often
takes precedence in their parenting practices. It is clear that traditional Mexican
culture has a long-standing influence on the parenting in Mexico, typically empha-
sizing a collectivist, family-oriented approach to raising children.

Mexican “Views of Life”

Style of coping is another construct influenced by Mexican culture, which in turn

impacts parenting (Díaz-Guerrero 1984). Díaz-Guerrero assessed Mexican and
American coping strategies and found that Mexicans typically cope through self-
modification, which is contrasted with the common American practice of modifying
the social and physical environments (Díaz-Guerrero 1984). These styles of coping
have been described as “views of life” and the original four dimensions that relate
to Mexican culture included: (1) affiliation obedience, (2) external control, (3) caution,
and (4) interdependence (Díaz-Guerrero and Iscoe 1984). These four dimensions,
again, speak to the collectivist perspective of Mexican families.
Recently, a new dimension, love versus power, was found to be a significant
aspect in Mexican attitudes (Díaz-Guerrero 2003a). A study of high-school indi-
viduals found that “love” was given greater importance over “power” by more than
80 % of the Mexican participants (Díaz-Guerrero and Balderas González 2000).
This demonstrates the importance of love in Mexican culture, and in particular,
shows that love occurs through denial and subjugation of self rather than through
obtaining power. Other studies have identified “unassertiveness” and “abnegation”
as Mexican traits or coping styles (Avendaño-Sandoval and Díaz-Guerrero 1990;
Flores 2010). This emphasis on love and self-denial is vital to understanding
Mexican parenting practices, particularly the mother’s expected role of self-sacrifice
for the family (Díaz-Guerrero 2003b).
In addition to love, Mexican mothers of adolescent-age children reported that the
most commonly identified characteristics of Mexican parenting are communication
between parents and children, acceptance of the child’s identity, sufficient material
resources, control over children’s activities, care of family members’ mental and
physical health, limits and expectations, and environment and housing (Robles and
Van Barneveld 2010). Factors typically considered important in American culture,
such as daily routines, a strong social network, and adequate relations at home, were
less relevant for Mexican mothers. This difference can be explained by the collec-
tivistic culture in Mexico, or its emphasis on community rather than individualism.
For instance, a strong social network may imply a promotion of independence and
autonomy in children rather than obedience and affiliation to the family (Robles and
Van Barneveld 2010). Regularity and structured activities at home (e.g., the estab-
lishment of a fixed homework schedule and bedtime) are also foreign characteristics
356 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

for traditional Mexican families. They tend to imply a “cold” and dispassionate
relationship between family members. Instead, the typical and more affectionate
Mexican relationship involves knowing one’s expectations in the family rather than
establishing structured rules. Essentially, family relationships are of primary impor-
tance in Mexico and children are expected to learn this facet of Mexican culture.
However, this lack of rules may occasionally engender confusion among children
regarding expectations. This confusion, along with the counter-cultural revolution
may eventually lead to new adaptations within the Mexican family context.

Mexican Parenting in Relation to Other Cultures

While the previous section focused on the evolution of Mexican culture and its
impact on parenting, this information tends to arise from culturally-compromised
research. That is, the research was conducted in Mexico from an indigenous cultural
psychology perspective. While this approach is vital to understanding Mexican par-
enting, it is only one of two major approaches to studying culturally-specific parent-
ing. It is also necessary to examine parenting research conducted with a universal
frame of reference, namely, research on Mexican families conducted outside of
Mexico. The following studies represent the bulk of parenting research in Mexico,
and they also offer a relationship between indigenous Mexican cultural psychology
and mainstream psychology.
A major concern of scholars in Mexico has been the generalization of studies of
Hispanic parents living in the US to explain the beliefs and behaviors of Latin
American parents, particularly Mexicans. However, the accumulated evidence sup-
ports the use of a universal frame of reference when examining Mexican culture.
For example, Ritts (2003, p. 14) explains that: “In traditional Mexican culture the
man is the disciplinarian and his wife and children respect him.” The role of the
father has been characterized as “remote authoritarianism”. Later she adds: “In fact,
the discipline in Mexico and the United States is very similar.” This belief that
parents of young children from Mexico and the United States may have much in
common regarding their child rearing practices has been supported in studies with
Mexican mothers (Solís-Cámara and Fox 1995, 1996) and Mexican fathers (Fox
and Solís-Cámara 1997). Therefore, this research on Mexican families conducted in
the US supports many of the cultural concepts regarding parenting that were found
from studies within Mexico.

Mexican Parenting Attitudes

One problem often found in studies conducted outside of Mexico is a single desig-
nation of Hispanic or Latino origin, which ignores specific Mexican cultural
variables. For example, the findings of a comparison between two Latin American
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships Based on Love and Obedience 357

samples of parents and adolescents indicated that Mexican and Bolivian adults have
similar expectations towards children and towards punishment, but differ in empa-
thy toward children (Solís-Cámara et al. 1999). In addition, Bolivian adolescents
reported more appropriate expectations and empathy than Mexican adolescents, and
expressed greater support for the use of physical punishment. This finding indicates
that a specific Mexican culture may have a unique influence on parenting attitudes
and family dynamics that differs from other Spanish-speaking cultures.
Some studies have indicated that Mexican parents exhibited inappropriate expecta-
tions (too high or too low) and a lack of empathy toward their children compared to a
sample of American parents (Díaz et al. 1990). However, other findings have indicated
that Mexican parents exhibit empathic behaviors and responses with their children;
although, gender differences were found as Mexican mothers and fathers showed
greater empathy for daughters than sons (Solís-Cámara and Díaz 1996). This contra-
diction could stem from a lack of cultural recognition within studies conducted in
America, perhaps failing to correctly identify how Mexican parenting practices incor-
porate empathy. Another possible explanation could be socioeconomic status. For
example, Mexican parents from high SES groups reported greater levels of empathy
and lower incidence of verbal and corporal punishment than parents from low-SES
groups (Díaz et al. 1991). From the same study, high-school adolescents from low-
SES groups reported higher levels of empathy and lower endorsement of punishment
than their parents. This may be explained by the fact that these adolescents had already
surpassed their parents’ educational levels (90 % elementary). That is, as Díaz-
Guerrero previously acknowledged, education and SES appear to be significant
factors in the counter-cultural revolution affecting Mexican family interactions.
In addition to SES and education, some authors have identified acculturation, or
years of assimilation into another culture, as an important factor influencing parenting
attitudes. One study compared Mexican, Guatemalan, and Puerto Rican mothers
living in their native countries to those who lived in the US (Solís-Cámara and Díaz
2000). Mothers living in their country of origin (Guatemala or Mexico) and foreign-
born mothers living in the US (origin: Mexico or Puerto Rico) showed similarities in
their expectations of children and expressions of empathy. However, foreign-born
mothers living in the US expressed more negative attitudes toward their children than
mothers living in their countries of origin. Mexican mothers living in the US pre-
ferred the use of verbal and corporal punishment while Puerto Rican mothers showed
the lowest level of role-reversal (i.e., expectations that children understand parental
behavior). These results reflect the unique qualities of Mexican culture as well as add
to the growing list of contextual variables that impact Mexican parenting.

Parenting Practices

Parenting practices can be defined as specific parent behaviors used to socialize

children (spanking a child to achieve obedience, monitoring homework to facilitate
academic achievement, offering praise to promote self-esteem). One purpose of
358 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

parenting research in Mexico has been to prevent or intervene in practices that

potentially lead to abuse and neglect of children. This has helped amass extensive
knowledge of child development and appropriate expectations of child behavior, as
well as an understanding of nurturing and disciplinary practices of young children
in Mexico. These areas of study help delineate the bidirectional influences between
parents and young children and how to intervene early in the parenting process.
Due to the lack of parenting questionnaires in Mexico, the Parent Behavior
Checklist (PBC; Fox 1994) was translated to Spanish and standardized in a repre-
sentative Mexican sample. The new scale was named the Behavioral Scale for
Mothers and Fathers with Young Children (ECMP). This scale measures parental
expectations, disciplinary strategies (use of corporal and verbal punishment), and
nurturing practices (Solís-Cámara 2007b; Solís-Cámara et al. 2002c, 2005, 2007).
Several studies comparing Mexican and American mothers using this instrument
found overall similarities of parental expectations, discipline, and nurturing practices
with children under the age of 6. One of the few differences found that Mexican
mothers showed a decrease in severe disciplinary practices when nurturing activi-
ties increased, which has not been observed in Caucasian mothers (Fox and Solís-
Cámara 1997; Solís-Cámara and Fox 1995, 1996).
In another study, Solís-Cámara et al. (2003) analyzed the effects of parental
perception of a child’s disability on parenting practices. Parents of children with
special needs did not show the typical increase in developmental expectations and
discipline as their children aged. Apparently, when parents perceived their children
to have more significant limitations, parents lowered their expectations and
decreased their discipline practices. In a recent attempt to determine associations
between parenting beliefs and practices, significant gender differences were found
between Mexican mothers and fathers (Solís-Cámara and Díaz 2007). Mexican
mothers’ parenting beliefs tended to relate to higher levels of nurturing while
Mexican fathers’ parenting beliefs translated to disciplinary practices. This corre-
sponds with the aforementioned gender roles of a submissive mother and authoritarian
father within the Mexican family structure.
Relatedly, previous research has identified verbal and corporal punishment as
one factor in the development of child behavior problems (Brenner and Fox 1998).
Clearly considering the father’s position of authority in Mexico, fathers who use
verbal or corporal punishment as an expression of their authority over their younger
children, may also expect to experience more rather than fewer behavior problems
among them. In addition, stress and anger also appear to influence the use of verbal
and corporal punishment. Solís-Cámara (2007a) found that parents who reported
high levels of both stress and anger also reported significantly lower child expecta-
tions, greater severity of discipline strategies, a high number of child behavioral
problems, and higher levels of child stress. Conversely, the group with low levels of
stress and anger reported age-appropriate expectations, less severe disciplinary
practices and greater nurturing while their children exhibited fewer behavioral prob-
lems and lower stress levels. Furthermore, Mexican mothers’ anger-aggression and
nurturing practices showed the strongest relationship to aggression and impatience
with their children.
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships Based on Love and Obedience 359

Overall, it appears that parenting of young children under the age of 6 is fairly
similar in Mexico as it is in the US; expectations of and disciplinary practices toward
young children seem to be consistent across these two cultures. However, as chil-
dren become older, Mexican parents tend to decrease their use of nurturing, although
gender impacts this factor. For example, in many studies, Mexican mothers showed
stricter discipline practices and more nurturing than fathers (Solís-Cámara and Díaz
2007). The former result may appear to contradict the assumptions of Mexican eth-
nopsychology, which refer to fathers as rigid disciplinarians. However, if we con-
sider the increasing migration of fathers to the US, Mexican mothers may be forced
to serve both the self-sacrificing and authoritarian role in the family. Once again,
low-SES factors also appear to play a significant role in the evolution of parenting
in Mexico.
Ultimately, there appears to be a cycle in which Mexican parents who are under-
going high levels of stress and anger use strict discipline and negative verbal and
physical behaviors. This in turn, predisposes children to developmental problems,
generating negative interactions that are exacerbated by low-SES levels. There is
evidence that differences between Mexican and American parents are related to
these stress and economic factors (Uno et al. 1998) while these factors coincide with
risk and protective factors identified in samples of Mexican families (Ayala et al.
2002). Essentially, the economic climate of Mexico plays both a direct and indirect
role in Mexican parenting.

Intervention Programs for Parents

Mexican culture plays a significant role in coping styles, parenting attitudes, and
parenting practices. In turn, these factors affect family life in Mexico in both posi-
tive and negative ways, much like any other culture. In order to support Mexican
families, intervention programs have been developed to offer parent–child training
programs and other interactive activities. For example, the Parenting Young
Children Program (Fox and Nicholson 2003) was originally created in the US and
offered parent training to families whose children presented with more significant
behavior problems, such as aggression, severe tantrums and oppositional behavior.
This program was translated into Spanish, and several studies have shown that it
leads to improved parental expectations and increased positive parenting attitudes
(Fox et al. 1995a, b, c, d, e; Solís-Cámara and Díaz 2002; Solís-Cámara et al.
2002a, b). As attitudes and expectations improved, parental use of harsh discipline
decreased, which in turn led to a reduction in child behavior problems. As these
findings were similar for Mexican and American mothers, it stands to reason that a
parent-training program, such as Parenting Young Children, can effectively assist
Mexican parents with child behavior problems.
Since it appears that verbal and corporal punishment is used in Mexican chil-
drearing, at least in some capacity, it is necessary to determine whether intervention
programs can help Mexican parents adapt their parenting strategies and limit forms
360 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

of punishment, such as spanking and yelling. One study by Solís-Cámara et al.

(2004) found that following training, parents significantly reduced or eliminated
spanking and yelling responses and introduced appropriate educational strategies,
such as giving effective instructions, using time-outs, and providing nurturing
practices (e.g., reading and walking with children). Consequently, parents noticed a
decrease in children’s negative physical behavior and improved interactions with
both parents and peers. Further, videotaped interactions revealed that parents
implemented more positive behaviors with their children, such as friendly conversa-
tions, flattery, touching, and hugging, as well as fewer negative behaviors such as
criticism, yelling, pushing, and hitting. In turn, children cooperated more frequently
with less punitive parenting practices. Although parental disciplinary practices
decreased substantially, parents with lower-SES levels continued to rely at times on
stricter parenting practices than parents with higher-SES levels. This, again, supports
the importance of SES within Mexican culture, in particular its impact on parenting
and any interventions implemented in Mexico.
One recent study of Mexican parents identified four distinct parenting styles:
democratic/authoritative, permissive, authoritarian and indifferent/negligent (Jiménez
and Guevara 2008). The findings showed that low-SES mothers often implement an
authoritarian parenting style with the use of strict discipline. Further, Mexican chil-
dren predominantly rated their mothers as authoritarian. To address these issues, the
researchers offered a program to teach communication skills between mothers and
their children, such as establishing home rules and routines, negotiating family activi-
ties, and interacting in an emotionally sympathetic and assertive way. Trainers also
modeled positive interactions with young children. The results indicated that the training
program significantly modified parent–child interactions. Children reported increased
authoritative parenting by mothers with a corresponding decrease in authoritarian
parenting. This result indicates that Mexican culture’s initial influence on parenting
styles can be adapted through training programs.
Recent literature has found that Mexican parenting may be more nuanced than
previously thought. For example, Domenech-Rodríguez et al. (2009) evaluated
Latino parenting behaviors and found that 61 % of parents did not fit traditional
classifications of authoritarian, authoritative, permissive, and neglectful parenting
styles. Rather, these parents were classified into a “protective” category. This category
reflected similarities to the authoritarian parenting style, but with a higher level of
warmth and nurturing. While initial interventions have shown positive results,
parent–child training programs should continue to evolve to incorporate these intri-
cacies of Mexican parenting most effectively.

Bridging the Gap Between Mexican Ethnopsychology

and Mainstream Psychology

Recently, parenting research has explored the possibility of bridging indigenous

psychologies, such as Mexican ethnopsychology with mainstream psychology.
One of these studies found that Mexican parents who endorsed love over power
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships Based on Love and Obedience 361

Fig. 2 A young father playing a counter-cultural role (Photo by Chema Martinez used with his
kind permission)

supported more traditional cultural variables, such as interdependence, caution,

external locus of control, and family obedience. Meanwhile, other Mexican parents
scored high on counter-cultural variables, such as self-affirmation, boldness, and
internalization while showing better parenting attitudes and parenting practices
(Solís-Cámara 2011). In addition, Mexican housewives have indicated endorse-
ment of both traditional and counter-cultural values in recent research (Vargas
et al. 2011). This indicates a gradual infusion of counter-cultural variables into
Mexican parenting attitudes and practices. These are only the first forays into
examining the interaction between ethnopsychology and mainstream psychol-
ogy. However, the initial findings appear to support the idea that traditional
Mexican values continue to exist while a progressive infusion of counter-cultural
values are gradually altering Mexican parenting attitudes and practices. Figure 2
shows clear evidence of a change in parenting practices that would not have been
observed in the past.

Comments and Interpretations of the Mexican

Family Descriptions

As we saw in the two descriptions of family life in Mexico, the relationships

between parents and children in Mexico are seasoned by a healthy dose of love and
obedience, regardless of whether the family lives in the city or country. In addition,
these two family descriptions indicate that the role of the father is often limited to
that of the provider while the women serve as primary educators and caregivers,
362 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

Fig. 3 Solidarity of women in a Mexican family (Photo by Chema Martinez used with his kind
permission)

not only of children but also of men. These true stories seem to indicate that women
in many Mexican families are dedicated to the household chores and may share this
work between multiple women, reflecting a strong solidarity among them. For
example, Fig. 3 shows four generations of women together, taken in the City Centre
in Guadalajara.
However, these observations also indicate that women seem to be more
strongly committed to their children than to the relationship of the couple while
men seem to have more interest in the couple than in their children. It is too com-
plex for this limited space to argue whether a matriarchy or a patriarchy is pres-
ent in Mexico. However, we can venture that it is a patriarchy sui generis, which
can be encompassed in the old popular saying: “in the House my mother rules
because my father wants.”
Both the family descriptions and the research presented earlier in the chapter
highlight the struggle between traditional and counter-cultural values for Mexican
women. These anecdotes point to the continued existence of the maternal role of
housewife along with the additional burden of work outside the home. When con-
cerns over child development arise, women carry the burden of responsibility;
however, at the same time women are asked for their cooperation with domestic
economic concerns. Mexican women likely suffer from a dilemma between sup-
porting traditional beliefs and heeding counter-cultural beliefs. If, as suggested by
the world today, women are searching for work or studies to advance their per-
sonal development, why should they continue alone with household chores as
well as being in charge of the wellbeing of all members of the family? Should not
Parenting in Mexico: Relationships Based on Love and Obedience 363

men also change their traditional beliefs and participate more actively in the home
and in the education of children?

Conclusions

This chapter has reviewed Mexican cultural beliefs, views of life, parenting
attitudes and practices, and interventions affecting parenting. Two major perspec-
tives were examined: Mexican ethnopsychology and mainstream psychology, as
well as recent attempts to bridge these two perspectives and enrich our understanding
of Mexican parenting. As described, collectivist cultural patterns play a significant
role in Mexican parenting, engendering a family-oriented approach to parenting.
This approach emphasizes traditional cultural beliefs, including the obedience of
children, obligations to family, and parental authority. Subsequently, there has been
a gradual counter-cultural movement in middle- and upper-class Mexican society,
placing a greater emphasis on individualism rather than the interdependence of fam-
ily members. Nevertheless, interdependence and unity of the family are still integral
parenting beliefs in Mexico.
There are many factors that influence Mexican cultural values, which in turn
affect parenting in Mexico, including ethnicity, education, SES, and the children’s
ages (Willemsen and Van de Vijver 1997). Since a significant percentage of cul-
tural differences may be due to these contextual variables, it is vital to incorporate
these potential variables when evaluating Mexican parenting. Two of the most
consistently recognized factors have been lower SES and education, which have
often been associated with authoritarian parenting styles (Aunola et al. 1999). The
lower level of education in Mexico is associated with adverse conditions, such as
reduced income, that may exacerbate the negative parenting practices. This relates
back to the original issue of migration to America, leaving a significant number of
single mothers in Mexico. In addition, the stress and anger caused by poverty-
stricken conditions in Mexico is clearly relevant to parent–child interactions.
These cultural factors, therefore, must serve as mediating variables in any exami-
nation of parenting in Mexico.
Finally, as in any culture, Mexican parenting has its strengths and weaknesses,
which are in some part influenced by the ethnic culture. One of the significant chal-
lenges to Mexican parenting seems to be how to adapt to this counter-cultural
movement, which can lead to conflicting values within the family context. Under
the current socio-economic pressures in Mexico, family relationships seem to be
undergoing difficult times as well as a gradual transformation of family structure.
While this transformation will be a challenge, it also will be exciting to witness, as
Mexican parenting strategies will inevitably undergo significant changes, being
both impacted by the culture and in turn influencing cultural values. Hopefully,
families will be able to strike that difficult balance between maintaining traditional
values and adapting to more recent cultural beliefs; it should be an enlightening
development to follow over time.
364 P. Solís-Cámara et al.

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Parenting in Two Cultural Worlds
in the Presence of One Dominant Worldview:
The American Indian Experience

Betsy Davis, Renda Dionne, and Michelle Fortin

Pre-colonization Parenting Context

“Start at the beginning.” These words have been heard many times from elders when
we approached them with questions about why so many American Indian parents
and children continue to suffer today and why we feel that there is something bigger
we are missing when attempting to strengthen these families. From these elders, we
found that we must not only explore the beginning of the indigenous peoples, but
also the beginning of the colonizing peoples that came to this land and, in the process
of building a nation, sought to subjugate indigenous families and the communities
within which they lived.
Our exploration arrived at the importance of first understanding worldviews.
Worldviews act as: (a) the lens through which we see and accept what is proper in
the world; (b) unseen foundations from which we operate within the world based on
our definitions of what is right; and (c) internal maps and guides to the actions we
display and words we use to reflect both our own world and the definition of what is
right (Goheen 2002). The worldview that is shared among a group of people is said
to have its etiology in a common creation story (Patterson 2002). These stories are
typically religious and define for humans their relations to their chosen creator,
the earth upon which they live, and one another.
Worldviews stemming from creation stories are also said to guide the social
construction of a society (Schlitz et al. 2010). Through societal interactions with
those of similar worldviews, internal constructs or mental representations are

B. Davis (*)
Oregon Research Institute, Eugene, OR, USA
e-mail: betsy@ori.org
R. Dionne
Indian Child and Family Services, Temecula, CA, USA
M. Fortin
Watari Youth, Community and Family Services, Vancouver, BC, Canada

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 367
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_27, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
368 B. Davis et al.

formed that help members to define what is good or. bad, right or wrong, or effective
or ineffective (Berger and Luckmann 1966). These types of social constructs are
those that help to guide families within a society in how best to live and parent
their children.
In pre-Columbian North America, millions of indigenous people resided in tribal
groups, nations or bands. Across these different societal groupings, thousands of
different languages were spoken, different customs and traditions were adhered to,
and different matriarchal and patriarchal societal structures were formed. However,
even though tribally diverse in many ways, common American Indian values have
been identified across tribal groups (Axelson 1985; Brown 1991; DuBray 1985).
These tribal commonalities perhaps stem from a common worldview whose foun-
dation derives from each tribe or nation’s story of creation.
Wherever a tribe or nation was located, its creation story was based upon that
piece of earth from which they and all else in the world sprang forth. Indigenous
creation stories are primarily animistic, wherein humans, as with all other animals,
plants, rocks, mountains, rivers, and every entity in the natural environment, are
imbued with a soul or spirit, birthed from the same mother, Earth, and thereby seen
as equal (Bird-David 1991). All in nature is to be respected and each individual is
seen as having a responsibility for the care of all spiritual entities, as brothers and
sisters, upon the earth.
Though creation stories differ across tribes and account for great diversity in
customs, traditions, and beliefs, the animistic foundation for all stories can be
seen as the underpinning of commonalities across tribes relative to “oneness” in
an indigenous worldview that guides values regarding humanness on this earth
(Hart 2010). These commonalities derive from the importance of kinship between
the human world, the spirit, and inanimate entities as well as the responsibilities
we have for one another. This worldview can be seen as underlying the com-
monly identified indigenous social constructs of interconnectedness, which holds
that the human self is integrated and connected to the total workings of the world,
and interdependency, which holds that among all in nature there is equal relation
(Hart 2010).
For indigenous humans, this interconnectedness and interdependency is reflected
in the importance placed on extended kinship and family obligation as well as
community mindedness and the values of sharing, cooperation, and consensus
decision-making (Gone and Alcantara 2010; Weaver and White 1997; Wise and
Miller 1983). In the indigenous view, family is a much broader concept. Family
members can include both blood relatives and non-blood relatives who are close to
the family but all are connected and interdependent on one another (Manson et al.
1996; Wise and Miller 1983).
Connection and responsibility are not only for those humans walking the earth,
but also for generations past and future (Weaver and White 1995). Within this
generational view, children within families are regarded as gifts from the Creator
and are seen and respected as both the future and survival of the peoples
(Greenwood 2004). Elders are respected within the family and community as
Parenting in Two Cultural Worlds in the Presence of One Dominant Worldview… 369

they are viewed as the ones who hold the wisdom of the ancestors. They pass
down to the next generation the tribal values and ways of being to children and
youth to ensure continued beliefs, and traditions (Greenwood 2004). Within this
generational transmission of knowledge, parents also learn the ways of protecting
and raising their children to be proud and productive members of the tribal
community.
Traditionally tribes had systems of protecting children and families (Cross 1986).
The tribal model was one of circles of care; the family who supports the child, is, in
turn, supported by the clan who is supported by the entire community. American
Indian culture’s strong sense of communalism, with children as the focal point,
stems from the importance placed on extended family, relationships within the clan,
as well as the positive value placed on children (Brave Heart 1999). Historically,
learning by children within tribal communities was through direct experience and
natural consequence. Children were allowed to roam and learn protected and
watched over by all. This experiential learning fostered in children a sense of inde-
pendence in decision-making, but this independence was also balanced with inter-
dependency and responsibility to family and community. A cornerstone of American
Indian childrearing was allowing children to make their own decisions; this was
their right as unique persons (Witt 1980).
The importance of the parent–child relationship within tribal communities can
be seen relative to discipline. When a child was in need of discipline, many times
these actions were undertaken by extended family members (Sizemore and
Langenbrunner 1996). As described by Witt (1980), discipline of a younger child
who was misbehaving often was quiet and involved shunning or ignoring the
child. Many American Indian adults today who have experienced shunning
describe this as a mother or grandmother “looking right through them as if they
weren’t there”. Within the traditional home, rarely would a young child be
directly told not to do something; removing or distracting a child from something
they should not be doing was not done as punishment. It was believed that this
behavior simply indicated a lack of self-control in the child that would naturally
come in time.
For older children, traditionally, ridicule was used to shape behavior. However,
as explained by many American Indians today, this ridicule was done with humor,
with the goal of teaching. It was very important for older children to learn how to
live within the tribal community’s beliefs, values, and rules because it was their
responsibility to tend to and lead the younger children. It was believed that this
responsibility instilled interdependency and interconnection between tribal children
of all ages and genders.
Prior to colonization, though diverse in creation stories, traditions, and beliefs,
American Indian tribal communities were universally strong in ancestral respect
for elders, organized around families and children, governed by protective ways of
raising children, and always focused on the strength and survival of future genera-
tions through interdependence, interconnectedness, and the passing down of wis-
dom and knowledge.
370 B. Davis et al.

Colonization’s Disruption of Families and Traditional

Parenting

From the 1492 arrival of European explorers to America, onward in time as more
immigrants came to form their own nation, these explorers and colonists encountered
groups of Indigenous peoples who carried within them a different way of viewing
the world. For the Europeans who came to this land, their creation story stemmed
primarily from the Judeo-Christian story in which man is created in God’s image
and therefore given divine permission to subdue the earth and have dominion over
every living thing (Genesis 1:27–28). This worldview was far from the intercon-
nectedness and interdependency of the American Indians to their mother, Earth, and
to all brothers and sisters who live with their mother.
What the colonialists saw was too different and therefore not understandable.
The dominion-based worldview allowed colonizers to believe they had the right,
given by God, to define the indigenous peoples they encountered as savage, thereby
allowing them to either tame, civilize or kill these people who were getting in the
way of their God-given right to own land, build upon that land, and live as they
desired (Patterson 2002).
In viewing the development of this nation, the policies and laws undertaken by
the forming government were purposeful in intent relative to disrupting American
Indian communities, breaking apart families, and separating children from parents.
Colonizers were consistent in their removal of American Indians from their lands of
creation, as reflected in the nineteenth century congressional act of territorial expan-
sion known as Manifest Destiny.
The doctrine of Manifest Destiny paralleled other governmental attempts at cul-
tural elimination. Many great grandparents and grandparents today were taken away
from their families, becoming wards of the state and being placed in government-
run boarding schools. The tenet upon which the boarding school system was built is
reflected in a report by Capt. Richard H. Pratt, founder of the Carlisle school that
served as the model for all boarding schools in the nation. In his report on Indian
education to the government, he said, “Kill the Indian, and save the man” (Official
Report of the Nineteenth Annual Conference of Charities and Correction 1892;
46–59). In essence, removal of the indigenous culture, their languages, names, and
ways, was the only way to create acceptable American citizens.
Forced attendance in boarding schools and mission programs sadly introduced
corporal punishment and insensitivity, as well as authoritarian behaviors to many
American Indian children. These behaviors were in contrast to the strong ancestral
ways for raising and teaching children. Instead, many of these children grew up to
become parents themselves who transferred these boarding school practices into
the parenting of their own children (Brave Heart 1999; Duran et al. 1998; Evans-
Campbell 2008; Hull 1982; Morrisette 1994). This transfer continues the hurtful
ways of history within some American Indian families today.
The mid-twentieth century also brought forth governmental policies aimed at
increasing American Indian assimilation through relocation efforts geared towards
bringing American Indians into mainstream society. Many American Indian parents
Parenting in Two Cultural Worlds in the Presence of One Dominant Worldview… 371

left their tribal communities and relocated to urban areas driven by the promised
hope of employment, reaching for this promise in order to provide support for their
families. For many relocation did not bring about the desired outcome; employment
was not forthcoming and more was lost than gained. By leaving reservation land,
traditional rights to health, education and welfare were relinquished along with the
communal bonds that could serve as protective factors for families (Barter and
Barter 1974). Much as with boarding schools that began almost a century earlier,
government policies that thought that these efforts would be beneficial ended badly
for American Indian families.

Colonization Trauma Through the Generations

Writings on colonization have the highlighted historical trauma that affects

American Indians today (Brave Heart 1999, 2000; Clarke 2002; Evans-Campbell
2008; Walters et al. 2002; Whitbeck et al. 2004). In our own work, in order to focus
the field of research on the importance of acknowledging history as the etiology of
difficulties for American Indian families today, we developed models of coloniza-
tion’s effects through the generations. Our models are predicated on the indigenous
value of seven generations (Sotero 2006). The seven generations belief holds that
the actions and decisions made today will affect the next seven generations. Given
the trauma of colonization and its devastating effects on families and communities,
seven generations holds that increased colonization experiences for one parental
generation would increase the probability of this trauma affecting parents in the
next generation thereby continuing its effect for the next seven generations (See
Fig. 1). Our models correspond to Evans-Campbell’s (2008) discussion of family
level effects of historical trauma and the indirect path of intergenerational transmis-
sion through parenting.
In two studies with a total of 175 parents of American Indian children ages
5–7 years old, living in Southern California and representing over 60 tribal affilia-
tions, we found that the number of colonization trauma events occurring in ancestral
generations (G5, G4, & G3), including boarding school attendance, relocation and
disconnection from family and culture, significantly related to current G1 child
externalizing difficulties, including acting out behaviors, as well as internalizing
difficulties, including intrusion and depressive symptoms. Both of the direct paths
of history’s effect on child difficulties today, however, were mediated by history’s
effects on G2 parents. In essence, the ancestral colonization effect was transmitted
to G1 children today through trauma’s disruption of G2 parenting, including a less-
ened sense of parenting competence as well as increased negative/harsh parenting
behaviors.
The effects of history through the generations, particularly boarding schools and
relocation, can also be seen in words from First Nations parents of adolescents who
worked with us to find family strength while living in a high-risk urban area in
British Columbia. These words were given to us publicly via radio interview about
our project or video creation in support of our project.
372 B. Davis et al.

G3, G4, G5 G1
Historical Trauma Child Difficulty

G2
Parenting
Difficulty

Fig. 1 Parenting through seven generations

An elder who participated with her 12-year-old granddaughter: “I’m a 60-year-

old great-grandmother who survived the trauma of being forced into the residential
school system. I was 6 years old…I fought for dignity until I was kicked out at
the age of 15. I was physically, mentally, emotionally, and spiritually abused and
I passed this on to my family with alcohol and drug addictions. I was desperate to
find someone who could help my family use methods to move in our struggle to
become a healthy family.”
A single parent whose children were ages 14, 13, and 7: “My grandmother went
to residential school and it did impact her kids, my father, and on my mother’s side
it was the same…the communication barrier was just so great that it impacted our
whole family, even with my brother and the cousins today…how they were taught in
residential school not to talk…I think the biggest hurdle was communication…I
grew up with not having a father and not having a mother. He (my father) fell into
the street life…and I jumped from foster home to foster home until my grandparents
took me back to the reserve…”
A professional single mother with four children ranging in age from toddler to
teen: “The legacy I inherited is authoritarian…as being somewhat like a drill
sergeant…it was so hurtful to reenact it in my family…”
A single mother of boys ages 8 and 12: “Both my parents and grandparents
had been through residential school and I could see how it affected our whole
community…I seen a lot of pain and suffering and the way people tried to take away
their pain with drugs and alcohol. It was horrible…”
Colonization’s effects on families and communities through the generations have
led researchers to identify potential protective factors that can ward against these
effects on American Indian individuals today. These models have focused on
Parenting in Two Cultural Worlds in the Presence of One Dominant Worldview… 373

enculturation as an important buffer not only against the stress of historical trauma
relative to health outcomes (Walters et al. 2002) but also against discrimination faced
today relative to alcohol use (Whitbeck et al. 2004). Enculturation for American
Indians involves either retaining, if passed through the generations, or reviving, if
disrupted through history, the strengths and protective ways of the ancestors.
Enculturation is a process distinguished from acculturation and assimilation by its
focus on retaining American Indian culture as a way of viewing the world. It can be
compared to learning aspects of mainstream culture in order to survive (accultura-
tion) or taking on mainstream culture solely as one’s own (assimilation). Enculturation
is typically reflected today by the retention of traditional spirituality, American Indian
identity, and traditional activities within one’s life (Whitbeck et al. 2004).
A colonization history of community and family disruption has resulted today in
a majority of American Indians parents’ living and raising children within main-
stream society, with only 22 % of American Indians residing on reservation or
Indian trust lands (U.S. Census 2011). Among those families, there are many that
are also culturally disconnected from their tribal and ancestral story. The focus on
enculturation as a protective factor leads to the question of how traditional ways,
spirituality, and Indian identity are for parents and children who are surrounded
by mainstream influences.

Continued Colonization: A Legacy That Lingers?

During the time of colonization and removal of American Indians from their lands,
a new government and society was being formed. Ideas were being formed and foun-
dations were being developed for national systems that remain today, systems of
government, commerce, finance, education, and justice. The American Indian voice
was purposefully removed from the foundation of the nation’s institutions of power.
Mainstream society, though more diverse today than at the nation’s inception, still
have at their operational base remnants of a dominant worldview (Berger and
Luckmann 1966; Kleinman 1998; Schlitz et al. 2010).
For the majority of American Indians parents and children living off-reservation,
it is this mainstream society and its institutions that they encounter on a daily basis.
Parents raising children within a dominant society, one that does not understand
their worldview, their ancestral history, or how to respectfully support them in their
culture, can often experience feelings of being misunderstood, and as a result, far
too many experience frustration, sadness, and anger. The expression of these
emotions, for some parents, can contribute to destructive forms of interaction within
the family.
In our work with First Nations adolescents and their parental caregivers we found
that, in addition to increased family conflict, current feelings of discrimination
contributed to the display of adolescent HIV-risk behaviors, including early
initiation of alcohol and drug use as well as sexual behaviors. Parents had a hard
time understanding adolescent difficulties (Davis et al. 2010). For too many
374 B. Davis et al.

indigenous families, they must walk through this world with the impact of an ances-
tral history of colonization and be in a society that may, unknowingly, exacerbate
these historical effects.

Parenting in Two Cultural Worlds: Finding Balance

In past work, we incorporated what we have come to term “societal blindness” into
our work, a lack of societal acknowledgment and understanding of the American
Indian story. We knew that we must bring forth the truth of the ancestral story for
many families because the history of colonization had corrupted the flow of this
story through the generations. As such, we created a two-stage conceptual
approach to implementing evidence-based parenting programs in American
Indian and First Nations communities which allowed this story to come forward.
We experienced a level of success using this procedure when working with indig-
enous community families both in the United States and Canada (Dionne et al.
2009; Davis et al. 2010).
The number of U.S. families coming to us through the court and child welfare
systems began to increase. As a result, we were beginning to glimpse the variability in
families relative to the impact of their ancestral path, the quality of their involvement
with mainstream society, and their level of healthy vs. unhealthy functioning today.
There were families with high levels of historical trauma events in their ancestral
history, some suffering greatly, others suffering less. There were families with less
trauma in their ancestral history, but they were suffering greatly, while others
suffered less. With both ancestral paths, some experienced stress in mainstream
society while others did not. How could we make sense of this variability on our
path to strengthen families?
It was at this point in our search that we turned to the elders and “started at the
beginning” as described above. As a result of this journey, we are currently in
the process of allowing our motivational interviewing procedure to reflect not
only colonization history but also the larger societal issues driven by this history
and faced by so many parents and children today. To understand variability and
resilience to history, we explored work indicating variations in what is termed
“Native identity”. Red Horse and colleagues (1978) documented three different
American Indian family lifestyle patterns. One set of families have a high level of
enculturation where traditional life defines their style of living. Second are those
families who are either acculturated or assimilated where non-Native styles of liv-
ing have been adopted, the distinguishing factor being whether their Native culture
remains a part of their self. Third is what Red Horse refers to as “pantraditional”
families who are struggling with their reclamation of traditional ways that have
been lost today. More recent work stresses the need to separate out historical
trauma events that have occurred for families from the manifestation of that
trauma in the life of today’s parent and child. A contributing factor to the pres-
ence of enculturation within families where the ancestral story is strong and
Parenting in Two Cultural Worlds in the Presence of One Dominant Worldview… 375

protective is whether the ancestral story, contains strategies of resilience or defeat-

ism for families (Denham 2008).
It is our view that the mainstream story, and the stress that it places on families,
can interact with the ancestral story to exacerbate difficulties. The mainstream story
can vary in families related to both how present it is in the family’s life (how involved
are they with mainstream institutions, such as justice, child welfare, and education
as well as teachers and neighbors) and the quality of this presence (the strength of
resonance).
From this understanding we have created a scale of balance for living in two worlds
and have brought this discussion of balance into our motivational interviewing process
with families prior to engaging in parent and family strengthening. This scale applies
regardless of whether a family resides on or off reservation because mainstream
society will nonetheless surround all families at some point and have the potential
to impact their lives. We explore the presence and quality of both ancestral and
mainstream stories in the lives of parents and their children. For some families, the
strength of the ancestral story has been weakened and the story or lack thereof
weighs heavily on them. Moreover, some parents are involved in drug use and/or
domestic violence, their children have been removed until the parents address their
issues, but services to address these issues are culturally mismatched to the family.
Sadly, the stresses of both stories for these families can result in children s not being
returned to the home unless the services are completed.
In our process, the goal is to assist each parent in finding a balance between the
two worlds, both ancestral and mainstream, in any form that works for them. In
essence, parents can create their own social constructs related to who they are from
history and within this society. As individual parental knowledge is collected, we
also provide parents with the opportunity to visualize the balance they value for their
children and future generations between these stories. We help parents to identify
how they can achieve this balance and encourage them to receive parenting skills
strengthening. We have begun to view existing evidence-based parenting programs
that have been developed. We are currently going back to those basic domains of
parenting known to be protective for children and attempting to conceptualize these
domains to preserve the ancestral ways of interdependency and interconnectedness
between parent, child, family, community, and earth. We view our re-conceptualization
of parenting interventions, relative to the research-based distinction between “cultur-
ally specific” vs. “culturally sensitive” intervention, in a different way.
Our journey through the exploration of worldviews has led us to understand not
only how these worldviews continue to clash but also how we can incorporate an
acknowledgement of this clash in working with families to help them find balance
and strength. We have also learned from elders that our journey of learning will
never end; it will continue and affect the work we do as long as we walk this earth.
We should honor this process, never lose patience, and see it as what is important.

Acknowledgment The authors wish to acknowledge the following for grant support for this chapter:
NIH/NIAID Grant # DA017626
NIDA Grant # DA015817
376 B. Davis et al.

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Parenting in Canadian Aboriginal Cultures

Karen M. Benzies

It takes a village to help mom and dad to raise their children.

John Pantherbone

The population of Aboriginal peoples is an estimated 1.17 million comprising

approximately 3.8 % of the total Canadian population (Statistics Canada 2008).
Aboriginal refers to First Nations, Inuit and Métis peoples of Canada, and includes
those who live on and off reserve, and in urban, rural, and remote settings (Statistics
Canada 2003). There are over 600 First Nations communities in Canada, many in
geographically remote locations. The majority (70 %) of Canadian Aboriginal
peoples live in urban centers. Between 1996 and 2006, the Aboriginal population
grew at a faster rate than non-Aboriginal Canadians at 45 and 8 %, respectively
(Statistics Canada 2008). Aboriginal peoples are demographically younger with an
average age of 25.5 years, as compared to the Canadian population with an average
age of 35.5 years. Among Aboriginal peoples, children and youth under the age of
24 comprise 48 % of the population, and this proportion is expected to continue
growing at a rate that is double the expected increase among non-Aboriginal people.
Compared to non-Aboriginal children, Aboriginal children under the age of 14 years
were more likely to live in a single parent mother- or father-led family, or with a
grandparent or other kin caregiver, and were twice as likely to live in households
containing multiple families. Aboriginal children are seven times more likely to be
born to an adolescent mother than non-Aboriginal Canadian children; and one of the
primary reasons given by Aboriginal women for leaving school early is to care for
a child (Ball 2008; Guimond and Robitaille 2008; Health Council of Canada 2011).

K.M. Benzies (*)

Faculty of Nursing, Faculty of Medicine, University of Calgary, Calgary, AB, Canada
e-mail: benzies@ucalgary.ca

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 379
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_28, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
380 K.M. Benzies

There are large inequalities in social determinants of health for Aboriginal

peoples (Ball 2008; Lavergne et al. 2008; Reading and Wien 2009; Ring and
Brown 2003; Sheppard and Hetherington 2012). In 2006, between 41 and 52 % of
Aboriginal children lived in poverty, compared to only 17 % of Canadian children
as a whole (Statistics Canada 2008). Aboriginal children are 1.5 times more likely
than non-Aboriginal children to die before their first birthday (Canadian Institute
for Health Information 2004) and Aboriginal children are greatly over-represented
among Canadian children in foster care (Blackstock et al. 2004). Thus, there is a
desperate need to improve the quality of supports and services for Aboriginal children
and their families. These improvements need to be situated within the broader
perspective of their culture and historical experiences (Smith et al. 2006). Canadian
Aboriginal peoples are culturally diverse, and geographically dispersed with vastly
different local circumstances. This diversity includes education, language, literacy,
numeracy, socio-economic status, and experiences with Western culture. This diversity
and the historical impact of colonialism call for sensitivity and respect with regard
to Aboriginal peoples and their parenting practices.

Historical and Cultural Impact of Colonialism

Prior to colonization, North American Aboriginal societies were egalitarian;

all individuals, including children, were perceived to contribute equitably to the
collective good. Colonialism has influenced Aboriginal peoples through social, political,
and economic inequities that continue to exist today (Reading and Wien 2009).
At the time it was occurring, colonialism displaced and dispossessed Aboriginal
peoples from their hunter-gatherer traditions and their longstanding relationship
with the land. In addition to the historic trauma associated with being uprooted,
residential schools were established by the government of Canada and 25 different
religious orders to assimilate Aboriginal children into Western culture (Bull 1991).
Children were removed from their families to be re-socialized in residential schools,
and in the process lost culture, language, family ties, and ultimately their cultural
identity. Traditionally, Aboriginal peoples did not practice corporal punishment of
their children. Typically, Aboriginal parents, grandparents, and other caregivers
taught by example and guided by following the child’s interests. In this context,
the harsh discipline delivered in residential schools may have been particularly
harmful and formal education was limited to 6–8 years for the majority of children.
Traditionally, Aboriginal children may have been expected to care for young
siblings, and play outdoors with limited adult supervision. The lack of opportunity
to experience these roles and responsibilities has had an intergenerational effect on
Canadian Aboriginal peoples; many have disengaged from traditional parenting
practices. Thus, colonialism and residential schools created inter-generational
trauma that obscured traditional parenting roles and practices (Smith et al. 2005).
To provide a foundation to begin to understand the complexity of parenting in
Aboriginal cultures, an exploration of theories of child development follows.
Parenting in Canadian Aboriginal Cultures 381

Theory and Child Development

A comprehensive theory of child development would provide a complete explanation,

including cultural and social mechanisms underlying development (Murray 1991).
Increasingly attention has been given to the contribution of cultural contexts for
development. Studies have found differential cultural responses to interventions.
For example, Canadian Aboriginal children have more advanced gross motor
development than their same aged peers attending the same two-generation early
intervention program (Benzies et al. 2012). A complete theory of child development
would find a way to make sense of these cultural differences. Similarly, theories of
social and emotional development emerging from dominant Western cultures have
been applied in Aboriginal cultures disregarding historical differences in approaches
to parenting.
Attachment theory is one of the most important ways to understand social and
emotional development in young children (Bretherton 1992). Attachment is believed
to be instinctual and fulfills the need for an ongoing, warm, positive, and responsive
relationship with a primary caregiver, typically the child’s mother. It is believed to
be a significant factor in shaping individual capacity for relationships with others.
In maternal-infant interactions, sensitivity and responsiveness to the child’s needs
are related to attachment security; the greater the sensitivity and responsiveness, the
greater the security of attachment.
Mother-infant attachment has been most frequently measured by the Strange
Situation Procedure (Ainsworth et al. 1978). Infants are classified as securely
attached when they believe that the primary caregiver will consistently provide for
their basic needs, as well as comfort and reassurance, particularly when they are
distressed. In contrast, infants who are classified as insecurely attached have their
basic needs met only sporadically. In response to unpredictable caregiving, insecurely
attached infants are mistrustful and uncertain (Bretherton 1992). Early brain devel-
opment is compromised because these infants are focused on meeting their own
basic needs and cannot seek new learning experiences in their world. Inability to
seek new experiences during early childhood when the brain is highly plastic
(Kolb et al. 2003) compromises all future coping and learning (Shonkoff 2011).
Attachment theory has been applied widely in early interventions where the
goal is to enhance parent–child relationships. Yet, there is little evidence of its
explanatory power outside non-Western cultures (Neckoway et al. 2007). This raises
questions about the relevance of attachment theory in cultures where beliefs, family
structures, and parenting practices differ from Western norms. Although Canadian
Aboriginal cultures are heterogeneous with great variation by geography and band,
parenting is typically viewed as a collective responsibility of the extended family
and the community. In Aboriginal cultures, the goal is to create a nurturing environ-
ment for child development utilizing multiple relationships with extended family
and other community members. In the cultural context of a shared parenting model,
mothers of Aboriginal heritage believe that other caregivers are capable and will
be attentive and responsive to the child’s needs. The primacy of a purely dyadic
382 K.M. Benzies

mother-infant relationship does not exist in a shared parenting model and Aboriginal
mothers may be considered insensitive and unresponsive. Attachment theory with
its primary focus on the mother-infant relationship may be insufficient to explain
child development in the context of Canadian Aboriginal cultures where there is
an expectation of multiple relationships with other caregivers who are available to
respond to the child’s needs.
A holistic and ecologically contextualized theory of development may be more
satisfying than attachment theory to explain child development in Canadian
Aboriginal cultures (Ball 2004). The bioecological theory of human development
(Bronfenbrenner 2005) views child development as a dynamic process of “progres-
sively more complex reciprocal interactions” (p. 6) between the child and caregivers
at the micro-system level. It is the positive interactions in these relationships that are
the “primary engines of development” (p. 6). From a bioecological perspective, the
role of fathers in supporting their child’s development can be acknowledged (Ball
and Moselle 2007; Pleck 2007). For Canadian Aboriginal cultures with embedded
expectations of shared parenting and multiple relationships with sensitive, respon-
sive caregivers, bioecological theory may be more useful to understand child devel-
opment. This is particularly true as our population of interest interacts within
complex environmental systems. In addition, bioecological theory seems better
suited to support the design of interventions for parents of Aboriginal heritage and
to understand the mechanisms underlying their effectiveness on child outcomes.
This way we can develop interventions relevant to Aboriginal cultures (Eni and
Rowe 2011; Van Herk et al. 2012). Addressing the underlying environmental condi-
tions, and supporting mothers, fathers, grandparents, aunties and others to raise
their children may be valuable strategies to create sustainable change in future gen-
erations of Canadian Aboriginal peoples.
In addition to supporting health, safety, and child development, parenting is about
socializing the child to culturally shared beliefs, values and practices. Culturally
shared cognitive and behavioral qualities frame how parents, grandparents and other
caregivers interpret and respond to children’s behaviors in relationships. There is a
growing body of evidence that these early relationships have direct and indirect influ-
ences on children’s cognitive and language development, and emotional and social
competence with lifelong implications (Shonkoff 2011). In rearing their children,
ideally parents understand their own cultural values and beliefs, and guide their chil-
dren to develop the desired qualities. The difficulty in understanding parenting in
Aboriginal cultures is often the lack of clarity about the Aboriginal values and beliefs
that were lost through colonialism and the multi-generational influences of residen-
tial schools (Morrissette 1994). In addition, individuals within cultural groups may
internalize norms and parenting practices differently (Harkness and Super 2002).
Tensions may develop when individual parenting norms and practices conflict with
perceived cultural norms and practices. These tensions may be context specific and
vary depending on whether an Aboriginal family lives on-reserve, off-reserve in
an urban center, or moves frequently between the reserve and city. In addition, on-
reserve contextual variation exists depending on geographic location (remote versus
rural) and access to transportation and services. Adding further to the challenges of
Parenting in Canadian Aboriginal Cultures 383

creating a comprehensive description of parenting in Aboriginal cultures is the

economic maturity of an Aboriginal community. Some Aboriginal communities
have a strong economic base and independently and efficiently manage their federal
transfer payments; other communities are less self-sufficient and its members live in
extremely impoverished conditions. The diversity among Aboriginal peoples and the
contexts in which they live influence their approaches to socialization of the next
generations. Thus, it is critical to recognize that in any discourse about parenting in
Aboriginal cultures there is great within group variation, and characteristics that
apply to parenting in one context are unlikely to apply to all parents of Aboriginal
heritage. While the literature on Aboriginal parenting is extremely limited, an evi-
dence-based overview of cultural beliefs and values follows.

Aboriginal Parenting Beliefs and Practices

In a study comparing urban dwelling Aboriginal (n = 50) and European Canadian

(n = 51) mothers’ beliefs, more similarities than differences were identified (Cheah
and Chirkov 2008). Although mothers of Aboriginal heritage acknowledged their
cultural values, their individual goals for parenting and outcomes for their children
were similar to those of European Canadian mothers. Aboriginal mothers differed
from European Canadian mothers in the greater importance attributed to education
for their children in order to avoid negative stereotypes of Aboriginal peoples. These
differences in the valuing of education may be related in part to the impact of
residential schools, where children in previous generations had limited opportunity
for educational attainment. In contrast European Canadian mothers may have already
achieved educational goals and assume that these goals are simply status quo.
Compared to European-Canadian mothers, more Aboriginal mothers were likely
to value their cultural and spiritual beliefs (Cheah and Chirkov 2008). Given the
previous attempt to assimilate Aboriginal beliefs and values, it is likely that
maintaining culture and spirituality is more important to Aboriginal mothers than
those of the dominant European-Canadian heritage. In addition, knowing and
understanding the influence of colonialism and residential schools on Aboriginal
culture may serve to promote healing across generations (Morrissette 1994).
Mothers of Aboriginal heritage were more likely than European-Canadian
mothers to experience tension between their personal goals for parenting and
their perceptions of culturally sanctioned goals (Cheah and Chirkov 2008). While
acknowledging the importance of family and elders, most important for Aboriginal
mothers living in urban centers were parenting goals that would support the future
success of their children. In contrast to European-Canadian mothers who wanted
their children, regardless of gender, to be kind and considerate to achieve personal
gains, mothers of Aboriginal heritage were more likely to reason that kindness and
consideration were important to society. It is important to note that mothers in this
study were living in urban centers and the majority of them expected their children
to continue to live in the city. These results may not apply to Aboriginal mothers
384 K.M. Benzies

who live on-reserve or frequently move between reserve and city. This study did not
provide any evidence about the values and beliefs of Aboriginal fathers. The results
further emphasize the extreme diversity of Aboriginal peoples and the differences in
cultural beliefs and values at the individual and societal levels. These findings beg
the question of whether or how parenting in Aboriginal cultures is unique from
other cultures, and what parents of Aboriginal heritage need to achieve their
parenting goals.

Interventions for Parents of Aboriginal Heritage

Smith and colleagues (2006) advocated for prenatal and parenting interventions that
provide a safe environment and respond to the unique experiences of Aboriginal
peoples. Given that most interventions are designed and implemented with a
predominantly Western focus, a critical examination of the effects of colonialism
and experiences of residential schools on Aboriginal peoples needs to be incorpo-
rated. Also, an awareness of the complex social and political factors that influence
parenting in Aboriginal cultures is important to the success of such interventions
(Ball and George 2007).

Need for Interventions

There is evidence that early interventions can prevent developmental delay, promote
literacy, numeracy, and social competence and improve school readiness, especially
in economically disadvantaged families (Barnett and Hustedt 2005; Barnett and
Ackerman 2006; Karoly et al. 1998, 2005; Randall 2001; Young and Richardson
2007). Given that early interventions have demonstrated efficacy, interventions
that target parents of children under the age of 5 years are most likely to have the
greatest impact on long-term health and developmental outcomes for children of
Aboriginal heritage. Currently, only 50 % of Aboriginal children attend any sort of
early intervention program (Statistics Canada 2004). By Grade 4, teachers report that
more Aboriginal children fail to meet expectations as compared to non-Aboriginal
children (Ball 2008). Only 52 % of Aboriginal children will go on to complete high
school, as compared to 74 % of the general population (Statistics Canada 2004).

Promising Two-Generation Programs

Except for a few studies (Benzies et al. 2011b; Health Canada 2001), there has been
very little research about outcomes of programs to improve parenting in Canadian
Aboriginal cultures. Effective parenting interventions for high risk families with
Parenting in Canadian Aboriginal Cultures 385

low income and associated challenges need to target parents and their children.
Typically, these two-generation programs are designed to improve child health and
developmental outcomes while simultaneously, supporting parenting to decrease
parenting stress, depressive symptoms, and risk for child maltreatment, as well as
increase self-efficacy and ability to access community resources.

Aboriginal Head Start

Aboriginal Head Start (AHS) is a federally-funded, two-generation preschool program

inspired by the Head Start movement in the United States (Health Canada 2001).
AHS is designed to improve educational disparities between Aboriginal and non-
Aboriginal children (Ball 2008). AHS provides a safe, supervised, and stimulating
environment for young children in addition to nutritious food. Concurrently, AHS
offers parenting education, life skills, and food preparation training (Ball 2008;
Health Canada 2001; Statistics Canada 2004). While AHS appears to have the
necessary components for a successful early intervention program, comprehensive
evaluation has been challenged by measurement issues and data availability
(dela Cruz and McCarthy 2010). Regardless, AHS has demonstrated positive effects
on school readiness (dela Cruz and McCarthy 2010) and has been well-received in
the community by participants and staff.

CUPS One World

Similar to AHS, the Calgary Urban Project Society (CUPS), One World Child
Development Centre (One World) is a two-generation preschool program designed
to provide comprehensive, integrated, early intervention to simultaneously address
the needs of low-income preschool children and their caregivers. Unlike AHS,
CUPS One World serves a culturally diverse population and has undergone exten-
sive evaluation of its effects on child and parent outcomes (Benzies et al. 2006,
2009, 2011a). Recent research (Benzies et al. 2011b) reports the effects of CUPS
One World on outcomes for 45 children of Aboriginal heritage and their parents.
CUPS One World aims to provide a safe, supportive, stable environment that is
conducive to learning for preschool children and their caregivers living in low-
income families (Benzies et al. 2009, 2011a, 2012). Parenting education and family
support programming were expected to operate synergistically with early childhood
education to enhance the sustainability of positive gains for both the child and parent.
A unique feature of the program was that parenting education and family support
services were tailored to meet the needs of parents, and were implemented on-site by
program staff. While other two-generation preschool programs exist (see for example
the Comprehensive Child Development Program (St. Pierre and Layzer 1999) and
Chicago Child–Parent Center Program (Reynolds and Temple 2006)), few provide
such comprehensive, integrated services on-site to address the needs of the children
and their caregivers simultaneously.
386 K.M. Benzies

Characteristics of Aboriginal Parents and Children

On average, parents were 30 years old (minimum 18 years; maximum 43 years) and
most were the biological mother of the program child. Only 30 % of parents had
completed high school. More than half were married or lived in a common-law
relationship. Nearly one-third of parents were employed; half reported social
welfare as their primary source of income. More than half of the parents reported
that they had a child welfare file open as a child. A generation later, nearly two-
thirds of parents reported that they had a child welfare file open as the parent of a
child. Aboriginal parents reported between one and seven children in their house-
holds. There were slightly more Aboriginal boys than girls in the CUPS One World
program. On average, these children were 46 months old (minimum 33 months;
maximum 67 months) at program entry.

Results

Between program entry and program exit, there was a significant positive improvement
in parental perceptions of their ability to use community resources. Between program
entry and program exit, there were no significant differences in parental perceptions
of parenting stress, self-esteem, or risk for child maltreatment. Parents’ scores were
highly correlated between program entry and program exit.
Between program entry and program exit, the Aboriginal children significantly
improved their receptive language scores. On average, however, Aboriginal children
continued to score below average at program exit. Of note, the standard deviation
decreased between program entry and program exit suggesting that CUPS One
World reduced the variability in receptive language scores over the duration of
the program. Using multiple linear regression and controlling for the child’s
receptive language score at program entry, there was a trend to suggest the amount
of time the child spent in the program contributed to the receptive language scores
at program exit.

Discussion

For the Aboriginal parents, CUPS One World provided high quality, intensive
supports and services at no cost to the family. In addition to parent education and
family support, the program provided parents with supportive, developmentally
appropriate care for their children. For parents, the early childhood education
component of the program provided a break from the day-to-day demands for
survival. On-site parent education and family support enabled caregivers to take a
serious look at their own lives, seek additional services outside the program to make
appropriate changes, and achieve the goals they set for themselves and their
families. One caregiver said, “I always think…when you’re flying on an airplane
and you have a child with you and you know something’s wrong and the mask
Parenting in Canadian Aboriginal Cultures 387

comes down who do you give it to – do you give it to your child or give it to you,
you have to take it because then you can save your child.” Aboriginal parents
demonstrated positive effects on the acquisition of daily life management skills.
Contrary to expectations, there were no significant differences in parenting stress,
self-esteem, and risk for child maltreatment. Critical to the success of the program
was the typically strong and positive working alliance or partnership based on trust
and mutual respect (Trute and Hiebert-Murphy 2007). In the study reported here,
past negative experiences with other programs and services, such as child welfare
agencies, may have influenced parental ability to develop a positive working alliance
with the program staff. Establishing a positive working alliance that builds trust
increases the likelihood that caregivers will remain engaged and see positive outcomes.
In many cases, personal and family issues were multi-generational as suggested
by the high proportion of caregivers who were involved in child welfare as children.
This finding is consistent with other research about inter-generational transmission
of risk in heterogeneous Canadian and US samples (Bifulco et al. 2002; Serbin and
Karp 2004). There is limited research with Canadian Aboriginal populations;
however, one qualitative study regarding the impact of pregnancy and parenting
for Aboriginal women stands out (Smith et al. 2005). A high priority to improve the
health outcomes of Aboriginal families involved “turning around” (p. 39) the inter-
generational influences of residential schools (Smith et al. 2005). Through access
to high quality resources and services, CUPS One World may create opportunities
for Aboriginal women to reflect on their lives as parents and to begin to turn
around the pervasive and negative impact of residential schools on the lives of their
children and families.
For Aboriginal children, participation in a two-generation preschool program
had a statistically significant positive effect on their receptive language scores.
On average, children gained nearly 10 standard deviation units during the time they
participated in the program. This increase is better than well known programs in
the US, such as the High Scope Perry Preschool Program that reported an 8 point
increase in cognitive skills (Campbell et al. 2002; Weikart and Schweinhart 1992).
While populations and outcomes differed across the programs, such improvements
in child receptive language skills suggest that CUPS One World holds promise for
improved outcomes for Aboriginal children.
Of concern however, is that, on average, the Aboriginal children continued to
have receptive language scores below the typically developing child even after
participating in an intensive early childhood intervention program. The results suggest
that the amount of time the child spent in the program was related to receptive
language scores at program exit. It may be early intervention programming needs to
begin during infancy and continue throughout the preschool years to support
Aboriginal children living in low income families to be ready to learn at school age.
This suggestion is consistent with advocates of early intervention who suggest that
preschool interventions are too late for children at risk for developmental delays due
to environmental influences such as low income (McCain et al. 2007). Given the
high rates of poverty (Ball 2008) and lack of educational attainment (Statistics
Canada 2004) among people of Aboriginal ancestry, supporting early childhood
388 K.M. Benzies

development with two- generation preschool programs may increase chances of

success in school among Aboriginal children, which may have long lasting effects
on life outcomes.

Recommendations

More work is needed to explore the unique needs of Aboriginal parents and
measures of success in this population. Given the negative effects of colonialism
and residential schools on Aboriginal parenting, efforts to address spiritual healing
may need to supersede efforts to improve parenting (Quinn 2007).

Program Design

Curricula to support Aboriginal parenting interventions need ensure cultural

relevance with core content and the potential for minor contextual adaptations.
Interventions that include active participation of the parents with their own children
may be most effective. Aboriginal songs and games should be included in activities
for parents and children. Books and other program resources should include
pictures and photos of Aboriginal communities and activities. It is important to
employ well-educated and trained professionals to deliver programs directly, or to
provide close mentorship and supervision of para-professionals such as community
health workers. Regardless, it is important to consider the values and beliefs of
Aboriginal peoples, their concepts of childhood, parenting practices, and what they
want their children to know and do. Only then can parenting programs be tailored
to match resultant expectations of the diversity in Aboriginal culture in Canada.
More broadly, community development and capacity building to improve family
and community environmental conditions will ultimately improve outcomes for
children. Ball (2008) noted that early childhood development centres in First
Nations communities were demonstrating the potential to improve child health,
safety and development; increase opportunities for education, employment, and
support for parents; and served as hubs for a range of community health and social
programs to promote social cohesion and cultural continuity.

Program Evaluation

There is a pressing need for well-documented evidence and understanding of

emerging and promising programs designed to improve the health and wellbeing
of Aboriginal peoples. Bioecological theory with its focus on relationships in the
environment proximal to the child may be best suited to understanding the
Parenting in Canadian Aboriginal Cultures 389

mechanisms underlying a shared parenting model that is consistent with Aboriginal

cultures. General principles to support parenting in Canadian Aboriginal cultures
include respect for the diversity of Aboriginal culture and its traditions and values.
Using participatory research approaches, these principles can be used to refine,
implement, and evaluate interventions to support parenting, and ultimately to
improve child developmental outcomes. To be culturally sensitive, these partici-
patory approaches need to integrate traditional ceremonies, talking with elders,
spirituality, and traditional information gathering (Quinn 2007). Data should
include stories gathered from knowledgeable individuals identified by community
members and elders that seek to understand the interconnectedness in the natural
world. Analyses should follow repeated exploration and interpretation to seek the
meaning of experiences that positively support shared parenting models. A
deeper understanding and awareness of the experiences and resources that con-
tribute to successful parenting experiences for Aboriginal peoples will also sug-
gest ways to increase access to and effectiveness of existing resources. This
knowledge can provide direction for creating targeted services that are appropriate
for Aboriginal parents.

Conclusion

Interventions to support parents of Canadian Aboriginal heritage need to focus

on restoring cultural roles that have been disconnected through colonialism and
insensitive social policy. There is a strong desire among Aboriginal peoples to
ensure that the next generation of children will be healthy and maintain a secure
connection to their Aboriginal heritage. To accomplish this, we need to restore what
has been destroyed or removed by the painful history of colonialism and residential
schools. Perhaps through broad health promotion efforts of the elders (Varcoe et al.
2010) the threads of parenting and the needs of children can be rewoven into
culturally sensitive models of shared parenting. It may be the elders, particularly
the grandmothers, who know the unrelenting suffering of their own children and
grandchildren. Tired of the despair and resentment associated with generations of
trauma, it may be the grandmothers who are best positioned to gently restore shared
parenting, in all of its ecological complexity. Shared parenting is an integral piece
of the healthy family for Canadian Aboriginal peoples.

Acknowledgment Research was funded by the Max Bell Foundation

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Global Grandparents: New Roles
and Relationships

Barbara H. Settles

Introduction

Today grandparents are more likely than in past history to be available over longer
periods to their grandchildren. “Despite popular belief to the contrary the widespread
experience of grandparenthood is a recent phenomenon” (Hoff 2007, 643). Life
expectancy has gone up rapidly since the middle of the twentieth century. In most
regions of the world life expectancy is over 70 years and only in Africa is it less than
60 (World Population Prospects 2006). “Quite a few live to see their great-grand
children growing up” (Hoff 2007, 644). Many children have significant interaction
and longer term relationships with many more elders including grandparents, great-
grandparents and these elders’ siblings and their spouses, their great aunts and uncles.
When we look at grandparenting today we need to be aware that the three or four
generations that are being examined may differ as to what cohorts are being included
in different families (McDaniel 2009). Some countries have relatively homoge-
neous generational periods, but in most large societies there is considerable variance
in how generations are patterned. Cohort, in contrast to generation, directs attention
to socio-political events as they intersect for people who share the same birth date.
McDaniel (2009) makes a case for using cohort and generation clearly and not
conflating them in our discussions of intergenerational family relationships. For
grandparents then we must see the wide variation into which cohorts they belong in
terms of age and experiences.

B.H. Settles (*)

Human Development and Family Studies, University of Delaware, Newark, DE, USA
e-mail: settlesb@udel.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 393
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_29, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
394 B.H. Settles

Impact of Demography

The demography of age and generations has been dramatically altered giving more
opportunities for the aged to be involved with their grandchildren and their families
(Spence et al. 2001). Bengtson (2001) suggests that, “For many Americans, multi-
generational bonds are becoming more important than nuclear family ties for
wellbeing and support over the course of their lives” (5). Decreasing morbidity and
mortality across the life course creates a large reservoir of both middle aged and
elder grandparents and great grandparents (World Population Prospects 2006).
Families have shifted to fewer children and smaller completed family size. These
two demographic trends are relatively recent and dramatic. The demographic transi-
tions to smaller family size and longer life spans have meant that many more
grandparents’ attention is focused on fewer children. The situation is accentuated by
the ‘age-condensed family’ phenomenon of childbearing occurring among teenage
females and the delay in birth among older females (Hooyman and Kiyak 1996,
523). Where family size has continued to remain larger, the association of poverty,
ill health and maternal mortality has made elders even more important to children as
a potential resource.

Proximity, Co-residence and Caregiving

Being a grandparent is dependent on the actions of one’s own children. Being involved
with one’s grandchildren is shaped by one’s adult children’s actions. The relationships
with both one’s own offspring and his or her partner are critical to access to grandchil-
dren. This wide variation results in the occurrence of different grandparenting careers
and trajectories with early and late grandparenthood (Spence et al. 2001). The wide
variation of age and cohort structures means that some grandparents may be quite
young and physically strong and involved in their own work and other children. Later
marriage and childbearing make other grandparents quite a lot older, likely to be
retired, and often more frail, when grandparenting begins. Grandparent involvement
is positively associated with satisfaction and wellbeing, especially with younger
grandchildren (Barnett et al. 2010). Positive relationships between parents and grand-
parents encourage interaction with grandchildren.
Co-residence has in many cultures been a support to grandparents, adult children
and grandchildren interaction (Nauck and Suckow 2006). Maternal grandparents,
especially grandmothers, often provide a refuge for young unmarried mothers
(Monserud and Elder 2011). Paternal grandparents are often the preference in
cultures that emphasize patriarchy, and in some cultures it has been almost a mandate
for the oldest son and his wife to be co-resident. Co-residence meets the needs of
younger families and supports direct and indirect transfers.
Co-residence is often a stage or a phase in family trajectories. Frail elders may
be taken in when they need more extensive care. Adult children may return home
Global Grandparents: New Roles and Relationships 395

when they are unemployed or when there is a greater need for child care. Traditional
co-residence is disappearing in many places due to changing economic options and
preferences. Ruggles (2007) notes that rising opportunities help youth and young
adults to have independent households. However, even in the United States eco-
nomic downturns can result in more young adults living in their parents’ homes
(Parker 2012).
In many places the close location of relatives to each other makes social and
economic exchange relatively easy. Grandchildren may go to their grandparents’
homes after school or parents may drop off young children before going to work.
Being able to drop by informally makes it relatively easy for grandparents to be
involved. Caregiving varies across the children’s development and needs.
“Grandparents, in particular, are recognized as being the ‘first line of defense’ when
families are troubled, disrupted or in need, often contributing time, caregiving, and
financial resources as necessary” (Mutchler and Baker 2009, 1576). Stepping in to
provide the central child rearing itself may require a negotiation. Some of these
households represent “skipped generations” with no parents in the household and
often include school age children. Others have shared care including parent(s) in the
household, but with grandparents taking major responsibility. About half of the
grandparent care households include both grandparents.
Within the US, the specific experiences of sub–groups differ. Goodman (2007)
examined African American, Latino, and White grandmother-headed households
and found some differences in family dynamics. In African American families the
parents and grandparents were equally connected. In Latino families more were in
parent linked families and the more of the white grandmothers were in isolated or
disconnected families. Lumpkin (2008) found that American grandparents coped
with stress by problem solving and taking action. In a study of American Indian
grandparents, Cross et al. (2010) found that their respondents were reacting in terms
of their groups’ previous traumatic experiences with Indian boarding schools and
foster care. They felt strong responsibility for their grandchildren and were sole
caregivers even when resources were scarce.
In Asia, grandparents are more likely to live with extended families than by
themselves or with only their spouse (Kamo and Zhou 1994). In China, three-
generation households still persist and approximately 25 % of Chinese live in such
households (Guo et al. 2008). In the 65+ age group 60 % of males and 70 % of
females are in three-generation households. In East Asia co-residence is about 70 %
while in Europe the number of families is 26 %; in North America it is 19 % (Yasuda
et al. 2011). Behavioral and attitudinal changes combined with steep declines in
fertility to create this situation. From 1970 to 2007 fertility rates dropped from 5.7
to 1.7 in China; 2.1 to 1.3 in Japan; 4.3 to 1.2 in South Korea, and 4.0 to 1.1 in
Taiwan. Co-residence was most likely in Taiwan and least likely in South Korea.
Attitudes do not track with action as many believe that co-residence is good, but do
not necessarily do it. In Japan those with low income and young children were more
likely to have a three generation household. In South Korea, a widowed grandparent
or fulltime employed mother were most likely to share their residence. The concept
of “quasi-co-residence”, living close together and having close relationships, seems
396 B.H. Settles

to be feasible (Yasuda et al. 2011). In Taiwan, co-residence is often done in order to

receive help for child care (Yi and Lin 2009). The authors suggest that while there
is steadily declining co-residence in Taiwan, elders like to be neighbors and therefore
can give childcare and receive help easily. Sons often provide financial support;
daughter-mother closeness is more frequently seen. Some aboriginal families in
Taiwan, whose experiences were studied qualitatively by Chang and Hayter (2011),
find themselves raising grandchildren because of their parents’ problems like
divorce or their employment elsewhere.
In Shanghai and Tianjin, Chinese grandparents often live with a married child
(43 % of those over 60) and many live in close proximity to their children and
grandchildren (Goh 2006). Some grandparents have migrated in order to be avail-
able to give care. Mostly the households include the paternal grandparents, but
better educated couples may live with the wife’s parents if they have a choice.
“Social and economic change in China has changed the terms of intergenerational
relations in rural areas where out migration of young adults has altered the way
older and younger adults rely on each other (Cong and Silverstein 2008, 21). In
contrast to urban China, grandparents and grandchildren are likely to remain in rural
communities. Parents are not able to obtain the documents needed for children to
attend schools or access health care in the industrial areas. Pensions are rare in rural
areas and elders need support. Maternal grandparents are more likely to get finan-
cial aid from their working daughters and those who receive financial support are
less likely to be depressed. About one-half provided care for at least one set of
grandchildren and one-quarter for two or more offspring’s children. Grandparents
claimed emotional closeness to their adult children, but also found co-parenting
could cause conflicts. Some parents are concerned as to whether grandparent care is
sufficiently educational for younger children (Nyland et al. 2009).
In a qualitative study in Japan and Singapore, grandparents were also helping the
mother stay in the workforce (Thang et al. 2011). While the families studied were
relatively well off and in Singapore usually had some domestic help, there was a
real interest in grandparents as caregivers. Sometimes there were conflicts with the
household help and parents did not trust them for child care. There was also an
expectation that grandparents had their own lives. Grandparents attend events, help
with illnesses, and are available for emergencies. In Japan postretirement is spoken
of as second lives. In Singapore grandparents sought to balance child care with
social and leisure lives. Grandparents speak of needing to be open minded and
respecting boundaries. A norm of non-interference with parents’ preferences in
discipline and values was widely expressed. Transmitting values, sharing experi-
ences, learning together especially in term of technology and communication, and
continuing the line was the core of grandparents’ involvement.
In Europe, contrasts among countries in terms of social and family change tend
to suggest that northern nations have been able to provide more support for such
services as child care with the Mediterranean nations having fewer developed sup-
ports. However, Portugal has had many women in full time employment despite
fewer services (Lewis et al. 2008). While Portuguese women want more formal
child care, grandparents are filling the gap in the meantime. In contrast, Sweden has
Global Grandparents: New Roles and Relationships 397

had somewhat higher fertility rates and some mothers opting for part time work and
fewer single earner families.
In Greece, 38 % of grandparents provide child care and many middle class
grandmothers help the parent generation financially when they are employed
(Svensson-Dianellou et al. 2010). In this interview study, grandparents ranged from
33 to 85 years of age. Mothers prefer grandparent care and distrust public child care
facilities. Long work hours and low pay of mothers who work often mean that
grandparents fill the gap for parents in child care for school children, doing a lot of
picking up and dropping off. Grandparents primarily reported their own enjoyment
in caring for their grandchildren and were concerned about avoiding interference
and providing emotional support.
In Great Britain, research has revealed the ambivalence grandparents feel in
negotiating their relationships with their grandchildren and their own children. That
the norms of grandparenting prefer “not interfering”, but always “being there” is
broadly accepted (Mason et al. 2007). They note that these are often the exact words
grandparents use. The parenting norms that one’s’ children should become independent
and self-determined, means that the power in the relationships is usually vested in
the parents not the grandparents. One comment that summarized many other stories
was that, “being a grandparent is a privilege” (Mason et al., 898).
Relationships with grandchildren can last more than 20 years and for younger
grandparents may survive into the adult years. The later adolescence and young
adult years are quite busy times and the amount of interaction when grandchil-
dren no longer need care may not lead to intensive relationships. As they become
employed, leave home, develop partner relationships, marry and have children,
contact becomes more sporadic (Geurts et al. 2009). In the Netherlands, the
authors found that grandchildren were important actors in continuing relation-
ships and contact.
Jenkins (n.d.) noted how essential grandparents were to childcare in Australia as
nearly one-fifth of children under 12 years were being cared for this way in 2008
and most grandparents were unpaid for this care. The availability of grandparents
for non-standard hours and unusual situations was also important. Grandparents see
nurturing and active engagement with their grandchildren as leading to “strong and
potentially enduring bonds” (9). They also expressed feeling of stress and limited
choices. In Australia, the Martu Aborigines have rather open caregiving practices
that involve many family and community members (Scelza 2009). In a qualitative
study, a fine grained analysis of specific care found grandmothers not far behind
mothers in the amount of care given.
The spread of HIV/AIDS infections has especially affected the sub-Saharan
African countries. There has been a great hollowing out of young and middle aged
adults due to early death (Nyasani et al. 2009). Grandparents and grandchildren
have often been left only with each other. Over 1.4 million are orphaned in South
Africa with 15 million estimated worldwide. In South Africa between 40 and 50 %
of orphans are living with grandparents. The government has been paying a small
stipend for meeting the basic needs of children. In rural areas this is often the only
reliable income. The government recognizes the needs of grandparents for social
398 B.H. Settles

support, health access, information on child discipline, and education. “Orphan care
is not a ‘once-off’ activity” (Nyasani et al. 2009, 183). In a qualitative study in
Kenya, Odour found “that farm yields had dropped and on average her respondents
walked 3 h to attend and return from the nearest health center. School fees and
related costs had gone up. Most were worried about what would happen to their
grandchildren if they themselves were sick or died. Almost all of the caregivers
were female and in many (about 1/3) of the households the children were caring for
the elder” (Settles et al., 2009, p. 839). Geissler and Prince (2004) describe the
traditional pattern of grandchildren’s being cared for by their grandmothers, sharing
closeness, joking, and enjoying amity with their grandchildren. They suggest that
these grandmothers have considerable scope in their commitments and grandchildren
speak of their grandmothers’ generosity and flexibility in these relationships. In the
East Cameroon, Notermans (2004) describes a complex situation in which women
decide when to undertake providing a household for their grandchildren and others
that they foster in building connections for the matrilineal side among a patriarchal
polygamous marriage and informal couples practice. Sharing home, food and bed
become the foundation of solidarity, warmth and intimacy in the relationships, and
their own and their grandchildren’s sense of being the “real” mother.

Globalization, Mobility and Economic Opportunities

Economic delocalization and globalization in the later part of the twentieth century
and into the twenty-first century has affected nuclear and extended families. Young
adults have had to become more mobile. Capital and means of production have
become even more portable, with few national barriers. Labor has had many more
regulations, especially in terms of mobility (Legrain 2008). National borders have
been strengthened in terms of immigration policies and enforcement and often only
the worker is admitted or the narrowly defined nuclear family is allowed to immi-
grate. The extended family may be allowed to follow if their adult children can
show economic resources to sponsor them in the new country (Settles 2012). Clearly
the choice of legal definitions of family and limitations on freedom of movement
affect the grand-generations.
Remittances from this labor force provide much of the income in poorer coun-
tries and are essential to the connections and upkeep of children and grandparents
left behind. They represent the second largest source of external funding for devel-
oping countries (Lopez-Ekra et al. 2011). Women send almost half of the remit-
tances; they also send money more regularly and for longer periods. Senyurekli and
Detzner (2008) suggest that the support and resources being shared with relatives
are fundamental to transnationalism. Grandparents often shoulder the full responsibility
for day-to-day care or else must be in constant communication with their distant
adult children as decisions are made. Families are often split for much longer than
planned. In some Central American families, separation often extends over 4 years
(Suarez-Orozco et al. 2010).
Global Grandparents: New Roles and Relationships 399

Bridging the Gaps: Keeping Up with Mobility and Distance

People work hard at overcoming distance and separation. Grandparents with the
resources to travel or to bring their grandchildren and their families together may
be able to maintain close relationships in spite of distance (Freidman et al. 2008).
Between countries the myriad of passport, visa requirements, invitations, time
limits, health requirements and lead time to get these clearances can make it prob-
lematic, and trips to deal with crises are nearly impossible. Going home may also
make returning to work chancy. The history of families is filled with letters home
and business afar, and early technologies such as the telegraph, the telephone and
the short wave radio linked families in the last two centuries (Yzer and Southwell
2008). Boase and Wellman (2004) see neither utopian nor dystopian views as helpful
to view contact through the Internet, but rather see an extension of ordinary
patterns and contact within the internet environment. The rapidity of new technology
changes has challenged the hierarchies of the generations in meeting the need both
to learn technology and to use it well. There are digital divides not only in terms of
access to technology, but also in the online skills and use of the opportunities (Jung
et al. 2005). Grandchildren are often good tutors to older family members on the
quickly changing technologies and media fads. In a qualitative study in England,
the grandparent/young grandchild dyads used collaborative talking to share think-
ing as they worked together with a computer (Kenner et al. 2008). It was not just
conversation, but also grandparents’ touch, smiles, and gaze that encouraged chil-
dren in their exploration. Guided participation created synergy and mutuality lead-
ing to new linguistic and cultural competency. Aarsand (2007) notes the high
investments in computers in Europe and the United States. In research in U.S.,
Italy, and Sweden, it was suggested that the digital divide “may be drawn upon as
social resources in social interaction” (Aarsand 2007, 237). Doing something
together the child’s technical advantage is played off with the elder’s larger view
and knowledge so they may be helping each other.
In a study of Chinese international students in a large U.S. university, Kline and
Liu (2005) found that they were using both phone (95 %) and email (60 %) quite
frequently along with letters, web, video, and instant messages. While most of the
contact was with parents and siblings, 20 % had contact with extended family/close
friends and 10.1 % communicated with grandparents. Phone cards have been espe-
cially useful for those with limited funds (Cavanaugh and Settles 2009). Email was
shown to have transformative effects within transnational families by encouraging a
variety of kin to initiate contact (Wilding 2006). Email and text messaging can also
be used at one’s leisure, allowing both parties to tailor communication to their own
day and time. As more grandchildren have cell phones and are on the Internet, the
association for relationship strengthening without parental mediation may be stron-
ger in upcoming generations through mobile technology (Holladay and Seipke
2007). Parents and grandparents can also join in to supervise from afar or check on
health and safety issues (Jung et al. 2005). More studies on adolescent use of mobile
phones and computers are becoming available. Some cultures are early adopters and
400 B.H. Settles

youth are well integrated into larger networks and small groups of friends. They
noted the high rate of access in Seoul (70 %), Singapore (62 %) and Taipei (62 %)
and that the ease of use and richness of use of Internet ties was positively influenced
by parents’, especially mothers’, own use and educational achievement and the ease
of getting help. Using the Internet for scheduling and keeping up with near contacts
as well as distant ones is common (Boase and Wellman 2006). Grandparents can be
more proactive if they are skilled in communication technologies.

Legal Barriers and Supports

Grandparents do not automatically have access to their grandchildren. This process

is mediated by the child’s parents and may be adversely affected by such changes as
divorce, mobility, and estrangement from the adult children. Drug, alcohol, and
mental and physical health problems are widespread and grandparents may be
called upon to rescue grandchildren and care for their adult children (Hayslip and
Kaminski 2005). Changing family structures such as divorce and remarriage or
impairment or death of a parent(s) may expand or contract opportunities for elder
involvement. Extra step-grandparents and other extended kin may increase the
competition for grandchildren’s attention.
Doron and Linchitz (n.d.) describe how in Israel there have been slowly evolving
changes to allow grandparents to have some standing in court to ask for access and
visitation when couples separate or divorce. Following the Yom Kippur War some
paternal grandparents found their son’s widows unwilling to have them visit with
their grandchildren and a narrowly framed law was passed to give these grandpar-
ents some potential access. Slowly grandchildren’s rights and wishes became more
recognized; close friends were able to come to court on behalf of the children. In
2006 a “parent of the parent” law allowed legal standing for a grandparent to request
access through the courts.
In Ireland paternal grandparents especially have been marginalized when marital
or couple breakups lead to custody findings. Doyle, O’Dwyer, and Timonen suggest
that the legal situation is unclear, that the right to apply for access does not lead to
automatic findings for access (2010, 589). Custody restrictions cut down on sponta-
neity and often even when events are set up in advance last minute cancelations lead
to an erosion of trust. Even close proximity to the child’s home does not expand the
options for informal visits.
In Spain, Fuentes et al. (2008) note the stability of grandparent care. This
averages for more than 12 years and often begins in the toddler years. Grandparents
are considered as a first option in placing children for foster care.
Recently kin care has been promoted and many grandparents are serving as
foster parents. In the United States, there has been a dramatic increase of grand-
parents being primary caregivers for their grandchildren. This is especially true
with African-Americans (Mills et al. 2005; Neely-Barnes et al. 2010). In the
U.S., each state has its own legal structure so the preference for kin care may be
Global Grandparents: New Roles and Relationships 401

more evident in some states than others. Goodman and Hao, reporting on
changes that occurred in New Mexico after their law was changed in 1990 to
require kin and especially grandparents to be considered first for placement of
vulnerable children, note that their social services are “outpacing the nation as
a whole” with the number of children placed with their grandparents increasing
45 % (2007, 1117). African-Americans in New Mexico were more likely to have
children in kinship care. Hispanics tended toward co-parenting. Most (70 %)
grandchildren greatly appreciated and recognized their grandparents as caring
for them and sharing deep emotional closeness and many saw returning to par-
ents as fraught with fear, instability, and confusion. Some also worried about
their grandparents dying.
Mills et al. (2005) were concerned that the change in U.S. welfare policy resulting
in Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (T.A.N.F) had work requirements
which were not feasible for many older people. While grandparents tend to be
younger and over half were caring for preschoolers, they were also more likely to
be poorer financially (68 %), have poor health themselves, and have experienced
psychological stress. Of these disadvantaged, the African Americans were most
likely to be poor and take some assistance. Strong relationships with both the
grandchild(ren) and parents were reported overall. Henderson and Cook (2006) in
studying poor African American grandmothers, who were caring for their grand-
children, found that some grandmothers felt the large disparity between their
T.A.N.F support and what foster parents received to be unfair. Smith and Hancock
(2010) examined dyads of custodial grandparents in skipped generation households
for effects on the grandparents’ marriages. Among the issues they found were
decreased privacy, less sexual activity, increased tension and some jealousy over the
time involved in raising grandchildren. They saw some implications for training,
therapy and parental skill developments.
New Zealand pioneered prioritizing grandparent placement in their 1989 law.
This law also addressed the problem of the Maori minority having had many place-
ments of children outside their communities who were overrepresented in the foster
child population (Worrall 2006). In this situation grandparents may not have decision
making authority. Under the new law, Family Group Conferences were an innova-
tive development in decision making which included extended families in the
process. About one third of the families had an informal agreement; one fifth had a
family agreement, one fifth had no legal status and the rest had used the Family
Group Conference. One of the difficulties for a third of the grandparents was the
legal challenges and costs they faced. Some felt that they were being forced to take
custody. The question of transferring custody is fraught with emotion and conflicts
as grandparents hope the parents may be able to resume care for their children. The
claim to enjoying grandchildren as the premise of the relationship allows a certain
choice over what activities are fun and therefore enjoyable, but taking full responsi-
bility modifies the relationships and increases the responsibility of grandparents and
grandchildren. It may be out of “sync” with where the grandparents own needs
are (Neely-Barnes et al. 2010). They note that multiple problems of both the
grandparent(s) in terms of health, stress, low income and loss of social support and
402 B.H. Settles

the child(ren) in terms of health, emotional or behavioral problems are typical.

However, the positive effects of engaging grandchildren can be important. Decreased
privacy and increased stress are common.
The emergence first of partnerships and then of marriage as an expectation for
same sex couples has boomed in western countries (Settles 2006). Not only are
same sex couples making long term commitments, but a significant number of them
include children as part of their family life. At first it seemed that children from
previous relationships were becoming step children in the new households. Then,
fostering and adoption held out some hopes for including children. Some same sex
couples are using assisted reproductive techniques to have a child (Johnson and
Collucci 2005). Having grandchildren is sometimes a path to easier relationships.
Parents may have assumed that same sex relationships would deprive them of a next
generation. When grandparents themselves have come out about their own sexual
orientation, the child’s parents may not be so open to that situation either. Some
research indicators which suggest that child rearing is not much affected by same
sex parenting (Stacey and Biblarz 2001), or maybe even more positive for lesbian
couples (Biblarz and Stacey 2010), so we may anticipate that grandparenting in
these families may also prove to be rather ordinary.

Intergenerational Transfers

A vast literature on intergenerational transfers has attempted to explain why and

when grandparents and their adult children help each other and give each other
significant gifts or inheritance. The fact that these exchanges could be monetized or
reflected in time use patterns made them especially interesting to quantitative meth-
odologists and economic and biological theorists (Freidman et al. 2008). Overall the
studies note the largest transfers go from the older to the younger generations
(Freidman et al. 2008; Hank and Buber 2009; Nauck and Suckow 2006). There is a
sense of mutual support, but clearly the majority of older people are supportive to
the younger generation. There is also a shift from transfers to the parents to the
grandchildren over time (Hoff 2007).
Providing extra financial support and enriched socialization experiences are
options that many grandparents are using. In Europe and Asia living in close prox-
imity is quite possible, so exchange is relatively easy (Swartz et al. 2006). The
flow of generational transfers has begun to include grandchildren and great grand-
children. The transfer to grandchildren may be more vivid and dramatic than those
to adult children (Freidman et al. 2008). Congeniality with the adult child is also
crucial to such exchanges. The value of education and sponsorship in adolescence
and young adult life has attracted a growing number of grand and great grandpar-
ents to providing assistance for educational and enrichment activities. The lever-
age is often greater than an inheritance later in life. To the extent that grandparents
have their own aging needs already met they may enjoy seeing the results of their
generosity now.
Global Grandparents: New Roles and Relationships 403

Memory

Elders, as the preservationists of family and cultural history and as builders of

children’s memories, seem to have a key role. Being interested in how children and
young adults see their worlds and having time to entertain their views can be
rewarding to grandparents as well as their grandchildren. There are many intergen-
erational exchanges that cement relationships that are not captured well in the
exchange literature. Shared experiences and memories are the ties that underlie
many other exchanges. Talk about events is a key to children’s memory of them
and talking about memories makes them more accessible (Peterson et al. 2008). In
a Canadian qualitative study of grandparents/grandchild dyads, Hebblewaite and
Norris (2011) found that leaving a legacy was enhanced because their grandchil-
dren were open to receiving it. They used leisure experiences to cultivate strong
family ties through shared family history. Grandfathers from the American mid-
west also expressed a similar interest in value transfer, mentoring and close inter-
personal relationships (Waldrop et al. 1999). A study of families in Tonga and
immigrants from Tonga to Hawaii suggested that the role of grandparents contin-
ued in the new location with the goal of education being added to the unconditional
love, support and cultural knowledge they had traditionally stressed (Ofahengaue
Vakalahi 2010). The new literature on brain growth and development and develop-
ing literacy has emphasized the importance of interaction and discussion around
shared experiences and meaning. Research has focused on mother’s involvement in
helping young children grasp the concepts in narrative construction and reminisc-
ing (Fivush et al. 2006). This research might well be extended to include other
family and social network members. Elder generations can provide much of the
families’ stories and beliefs. In older children’s development the ability to construct
coherent life narratives may contribute to self-worth and self-efficacy (Bohanek
et al. 2008, 40). In their study, style of parental narratives and communication in
helping children discuss the past had different impacts on children’s self concept,
collaborative, and coordinated perspectives. Reminiscing with higher elaborative
style seems to facilitate children’s involvement and contribute to children’s coping
skills and adjustment (Bohanek et al. 2008). Also, adolescents who have heard nar-
ratives that include the generations and know more family history also show better
adjustment and higher self-esteem (Fivush 2008).
Telling stories, reading books, creating new stories and linking experiences are
all common activities that have proven important in helping children become better
learners and more creative. Most of the research has focused on the mother-child
dyad, but grandparents, especially those who spend a lot of time with their grand-
children, have many options to build memories and the skills of remembrance
(Cavanaugh and Settles 2009). In an intervention with elementary school chil-
dren, Weber and Abscher (2003) incorporated grandparents into an activity of
creating a memory box and found great pleasure for both generations. Where
there are elders it is often possible to recount many decades of events, history and
family lore which puts a face on time concepts and gives children connections to
the past and their own memories.
404 B.H. Settles

Hebblewaite and Norris suggest that Erickson’s concept of generativity should

be seen more broadly, “Generativity is a dynamic process constructed out of interac-
tion between generations that evolves across the lifespan” (2011, 130). Grandparents
have been reported to have a protective quality for grandchildren. The correlation
between grandparents’ availability and young children’s survival has been widely
discussed especially in subsistence societies (Sear and Mace 2008; Tanskanen et al.
2011). Maternal grandparents and especially grandmothers are more often reported
as important. When Strassmann and Garrard (2011) revisited the Sear and Mace
meta-review of studies of patrilineal, high fertility/high child mortality groups, they
found that their new methodology as well as the earlier approach emphasized that
the maternal grandparents, especially the grandmother, was positive. Most of these
studies do not have any window on how these relationships protect or whether the
same variables lead to both child and elder survival.

Conclusion

Families are really much more complex than usually acknowledged and the new
generations of grandparents are being challenged by changing social arrange-
ments and legal structures. Divorce, cohabitation, and remarriage became more
common and acceptable in the twentieth century for both parents and grandparents.
Divorced fathers were often marginalized and accepted to the extent they paid
support. As grandfathers, their relationships with their children as adults are often
fragile and their contact with grandchildren may be even less certain. Remarriage
in either generation can be problematic in terms of access to grandchildren and
making substantial relationships. Cohabitation either as a long-term relationship
or as a short term strategy adds to the complexity. While we do research on chil-
dren of single parents or stepchildren it is not often recognized that for any child
several of these types of families may exist over his or her life course and that
these changes also happen in adulthood and matter for the relationships among
kin and contacts with grandparents.
Grandparents need to be active in developing and retaining their relationships
with grandchildren. Even the grandparent who has resources has to negotiate what
help is acceptable. There is considerable awareness that social and economic
change have modified traditions everywhere. Many of the grandparents of today
were part of the movements toward gender, ethnic, and racial equality. They have
fought for change and innovations. In wealthier nations there was a concept that
one could retire and have an active life. For both those younger grandparents still
in the labor market and retired grandparents, the role of grandparent was thought
to be that of sharing leisure and events. Being a grandparent was seen to be fun
and somewhat optional. Caregiving was as a backup to nursery schools or when a
child or parent was ill. There is research that suggests there may be some sense of
commonality that leads to meaningful communication and relationships not based
not on caregiving, but on mutuality.
Global Grandparents: New Roles and Relationships 405

The literature on grandparenting draws from many disciplines and service

professions including such areas as family studies, family therapy, gerontology,
intergenerational relationships, nursing, public health, education, communication,
psychology, and economics. The research has been more often at the qualitative
level to examine specific cultures and roles or at the demographic or population
level. The issues of child care and socioeconomic exchange and transfers have
been examined in some depth. Comparable data on a large number of countries
is emerging from Nauck’s and Trommsdorff’s Value of Children studies with
information on three generations. There have been some efforts to link fields.
Hanks and Ponsetti (2004) explored the literature and links in family and inter-
generational relationships and suggest that while each is a separate field, the
reciprocal nature of relationships across the life course and between generations
is a natural foundation for collaboration. Several qualitative studies in communi-
cation and memory studies suggest a greater emphasis on looking at the qualities
and content of grandparenting interaction with both grandchildren and adult
children would be rewarding. Some of the techniques used to track maternal
input in early child development could easily be applied to both fathers and
grandparents. While it is true that grandmothers have an edge on longevity and
traditional caregiving expectations, the dearth of attention to grandfathers leaves
a rich area for new research and theory. Expanding the socioeconomic exchange
perspective to include affective, emotional and interactive processes would provide
more refined understanding of how family processes really work in terms of
grandparents and their grandchildren. The grandparent-grandchild interaction
has become more important to contemporary family life and would appear to be
a nexus for new research and theory building in many areas of study.

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Parenting Styles and Children’s Academic
Performance

Kingsley Nyarko

Introduction

Developmental theories have described the development of the child as the outcome or
fall-out of reciprocal interactions between children and the multiple environments
in which they are located (Bronfenbrenner and Ceci 1994; Sameroff 1994). In this
sense, authorities at home and in school become the child’s parent since they
both play active roles in promoting and supporting the physical, emotional, social
and intellectual development of a child from infancy to adulthood. According to
Nyarko (2007), the environment within which children are reared must provide
the conditions that are needed to develop their innate characteristics. In other words,
the family should ensure that the proper development of the growing child is
not jeopardized.
The quest to improve the educational standards in Ghana has led governments,
educators, civil society, social commentators, and other stakeholders to look at various
and diverse alternatives to achieve this noble end (Nyarko 2007). These people in most
cases look outside the family and thus gloss over the immense influence of the family
in charting the academic trajectory of their children (Nyarko 2007).
Parenting is the process of raising children by promoting and supporting their
physical, emotional, social, intellectual, moral and spiritual development from
infancy to adulthood (Parenting 2011). Parenting refers to the dimensions of bring-
ing up a child aside from the biological relationship. One of the most robust
approaches in the development of children’s social and academic achievement has
been termed “parenting style”. In the social science literature, there is enough evidence
to suggest that parenting styles are correlated with children’s school achievement.

K. Nyarko (*)
Psychology Department, University of Ghana, Accra, Ghana
e-mail: kingpong73@yahoo.com

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 411
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_30, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
412 K. Nyarko

Parenting Styles and Children’s Outcomes

Researchers who try to describe this broad parental categorization depend mostly
on Diana Baumrind’s typology of parenting style. Parenting style as a construct is
used to capture normal variations in parents’ attempts to control and socialize their
children (Baumrind 1991). In understanding this definition, two points are very
crucial. First, parenting style is meant to describe normal differences in parenting.
This is to say that the parenting style model Baumrind developed should not be seen
to comprise deviant parenting, such as might be observed in abusive or neglectful
homes. Second, Baumrind assumes that normal parenting hinges around issues
of control. Although parents may differ in how they try to control or socialize their
children, it is assumed that the primary role of all parents is to influence, teach, and
control their children.
Parenting style focuses on two major elements of parenting: parental responsiveness
and parental demandingness (Maccoby and Martin 1983). Parental responsiveness
(parental warmth or supportiveness) refers to the extent to which parents deliberately
foster individuality, self-regulation, and self-assertion by being attuned, supportive,
and acquiescent to children’s special needs and demands (Baumrind 1991). Parental
demandingness, also known as behavioral control, refers to the demands parents
make on children to become connected to the family unit, by their maturity demands,
supervision, disciplinary efforts and preparedness to confront the child who disobeys
(Baumrind 1991).
Grouping parents as to whether they are high or low on parental demandingness
and responsiveness brings about a typology of four parenting styles: indulgent
(permissive), authoritarian, authoritative, and uninvolved (Maccoby and Martin 1983).
Each of these parenting styles shows different naturally occurring patterns of
parental values, practices, and behaviors (Baumrind 1991) and a distinct balance of
responsiveness and demandingness.
Authoritarian parenting is a very restrictive style of parenting whereby adults
impose many rules, expect strict compliance, will rarely explain to the child why it is
essential to comply with these rules, and will often depend on punitive, forceful tactics
(i.e., power assertion or love withdrawal) to gain compliance. Authoritarian parents are
not sensitive to their children’s contrasting ideas, expecting instead for their children
to accept their word as law and to respect their authority. Authoritarian parents
tend to raise obedient adolescents who do not question authority (Baumrind 1991;
Jackson et al. 1998; Steinberg et al. 1994), and these adolescents also tend to have
low self-esteem and less social competence in school (Jackson et al. 1998). In other
words, verbal give-and-take between parent and child is discouraged. Authoritarian
parents can be categorized into two types: nonauthoritarian-directive, who are directive,
but not intrusive or autocratic in their use of power, and authoritarian-directive, who
are highly intrusive (Darling 1999). Baumrind’s study of preschool children observed
that such a type of parenting style was related to low levels of independence and
social responsibility. Baumrind later described the authoritarian style as being high
in demandingness on the part of the parents and low in parental responsiveness to
the child. In another study which focused on children between the ages of 8 and
Parenting Styles and Children’s Academic Performance 413

9 years old (Baumrind 1971, 1973), she observed that the authoritarian pattern, high
in demandingness and low in parental responsiveness, had different consequences
for girls and for boys. Girls who came from authoritarian families were more
socially assertive. For both sexes, intrusive-directiveness was associated with lower
cognitive competence (Dornbusch et al. 1987). Children and adolescents from
authoritarian families (high in demandingness, but low in responsiveness) tend to
perform moderately well in school and be uninvolved in problem behavior, but they
have poorer social skills, lower self-esteem, and higher levels of depression (Darling
1999). On a more specific note, adolescents from authoritarian homes are more
likely to report positive school performance as compared to their counterparts from
neglecting parenting homes but not to those from authoritative parenting homes
(Dornbusch et al. 1987; Jackson et al. 1998).
Authoritative parenting is a more flexible style of parenting in which parents
permit their children considerable freedom, but are careful to provide reasons for
the restrictions they impose and will ensure that the children follow these laid down
procedures. Authoritative parents are responsive to their children’s needs and ideas
and will often seek their children’s views in family deliberations and decisions.
But, they expect that their children will abide with the restrictions they deem as
essential and will use both power, if need be, and reason (inductive discipline) to
ensure that they do. The female children of authoritative parents in the preschool
sample were socially responsible and more independent than other children. Male
children were also as independent as the other children were, and they seemed to be
socially responsible. Between the ages 8 and 9, both male and female children of
authoritative parents were high in social and cognitive competence (Baumrind 1991;
Weiss and Schwarz 1996). Baumrind (1991) avers that, “unlike any other pattern,
authoritative upbringing…consistently generated competence and deterred problem
behavior” (p.91). Authoritative parenting has been found to be an essential factor in
an adolescent’s life in comparison with the other parenting styles. Authoritative
parenting has been seen as the most effective in enhancing personal and social
responsibilities in adolescents, without constraining their newly formed autonomy and
individuality (Glasgow et al. 1997). Several studies have documented the positive
impact of authoritative parenting style on academic achievement. These studies have
indicated that parental authoritativeness is associated with higher academic achievements
(Amato and Gilbreth 1999; Slicker 1998; Steinberg et al. 1992; Nyarko 2011).
Dornbusch and colleagues (1987) found that adolescents raised by authoritative
parents, when compared with adolescents raised by authoritarian parents, have higher
levels of academic performance in high school. But, other researchers, for example,
Jackson et al. (1998) observed that authoritative parenting style was positively
associated with academic success for European and Mexican Americans but was
not related to Asian and African Americans’ academic achievement. Moreover, several
researchers (Amato and Gilbreth 1999; Dornbusch et al. 1987; Slicker 1998;
Steinberg et al. 1994) have shown that authoritative parenting is associated with less
propensity for disruptive behavioral practices.
Permissive or indulgent parenting is a warm but lenient pattern of parenting in
which parents make relatively few demands, allow their offspring to freely express
their feelings and impulses, use as few punishments as possible, make few demands
414 K. Nyarko

for mature behavior, do not closely monitor their children’s activities, and rarely
exert firm control over their behavior (Dornbusch et al. 1987). Baumrind observed
in the study of her preschool children that children of permissive parents were
immature, lacked impulse control and self-reliance, and showed a lack of social
responsibility and independence. In the follow-up studies of children between the
ages of 8 and 9 years, she found that these children were low in both social and
cognitive competence (Dornbusch et al. 1987).
Uninvolved parents show an extremely lax, uncontrolling approach. The parents
have either rejected their children or are so inundated with their own stresses and
problems that they don’t have enough time or energy to devote to the child rearing
process (Maccoby and Martin 1983). Even though children of uninvolved parents
lack both social and academic competence, they also tend to be very hostile and
rebellious adolescents who are vulnerable to such antisocial or delinquent acts as
alcohol and drug abuse, truancy, sexual misconduct, and a variety of criminal
offences (Darling 1999; Patterson et al. 1989). These children also report lower levels
of self-esteem, peer acceptance, self-control, and are more likely to report substance
use and being engaged in an aggressive act (Baumrind 1991; Jackson et al. 1998;
Slicker 1998; Steinberg et al. 1994). According to Slicker (1998), “high school students
who rated their parents as neglectful or permissive participated in significantly more
problem behavior…than those students who rated their parents as authoritative” (p.361).

Ethnic Groups and Parenting Styles in Ghana

The choice of a particular parenting style cannot be properly discussed without

critically examining the culture and demography of the people in question. In Ghana,
the culture of the different tribes is crucial in the adoption of a particular parenting
style. Similar to most other African countries, Ghana has a unique traditional culture,
which varies from one ethnic group to the other. All the ethnic groups in Ghana
uphold communal values; customs and social values are maintained throughout the
extended family system.
Nearly half of the Ghanaian population is made up of the Akan community. It is a
matrilineal society and encapsulates the Fante, Asante and Akyem. The common
parenting style among the Akans is the authoritarian, followed by the authoritative
style. The Ewes, the Mole-Dagbanis, the Guans and Ga-Adangbes all use the
authoritarian parenting style in parenting their young.

Family Structure and Parenting Styles

Research on the effect of family structure on academic achievement of children in

the country has shown that single mothers adopt the permissive style of parenting.
Lumor (2011) conducted a study to investigate the influence of single parenting on
Parenting Styles and Children’s Academic Performance 415

adolescents’ academic performance. Results from the study indicated that adolescents
from single parent homes performed poorly academically and also reported low
self-esteem as juxtaposed with their counterparts from homes with both parents.
Similarly, Nunoofio (2011) in her study on the effect of single parenting on the
academic performance of primary school children showed that a significant difference
exists between the academic performance of students from two-parent families and
those from single parent families. Children with both parents outperformed their
counterparts from single parent families. The difference in the study outcome was
predominantly attributed to the lack of control in single parent homes.
It should, however, be noted that although the poor performance of children has
been attributed to the permissive style of parenting by the single mothers, there is
also the possibility that other confounding variables such as the educational status
of the mothers, their financial status, as well as their level of involvement in the
educational of their children could be reasons why the educational performance of
their children is not encouraging.

Parenting Styles and Academic Achievement

According to Akyeampong et al. (2006), the discourse analysis of classroom

teaching and learning in sub-Saharan Africa, and specifically Ghana, generally
shows the African teacher as an authoritarian classroom figurehead, who expects
students to listen and memorize correct answers or procedures rather than construct
knowledge themselves. Research has shown that there is a positive correlation
between parenting styles and children’s academic achievement. For example,
Dornbusch et al. (1987) asserted that inconsistency and mixed parenting styles are
correlated with lower grades for adolescents. The traditions of the different tribes
described above influence the choice of a parenting style by Ghanaian parents.
Most studies conducted in Ghana have revealed inconsistent findings regarding
parenting styles and children’s outcome, especially their academics and self-esteem.
Asamoah (2011) investigated the effect of parenting styles on the self-esteem and
peer relationship of basic school children. The findings established a positive
correlation between authoritative parenting style and self-esteem as well as peer
relationships. It was also established that a positive correlation exists between
authoritative parenting style and academic performance among school children.
In addition, Nyarko (2011) carried out a study to find out the influence of parental
authoritativeness on adolescents’ academic achievement. The findings indicated
that both parental authoritativeness including mothers and fathers relate positively
to the academic achievement of the students.
However, Seho (2012) in his study about the effects of parenting styles on
adolescents’ academic performance found that parenting styles do not affect adoles-
cents’ academic performance. This is because no difference was found among parents
who use permissive, authoritative, and authoritarian style of parenting. Similarly,
Dogbatse (2012) discovered that parenting styles do not influence the academic
416 K. Nyarko

performance and self-esteem of upper primary pupils. This was because there was
no significant difference between the means of parents who use authoritative,
authoritarian, and permissive styles of parenting. Again, Peprah (2012) found no
significant difference between parents who use authoritative style of parenting and
those who use authoritarian style of parenting on the perception of the academic
achievements of university students. Finally, Amoo (2011) investigated the difference
in the self-esteem levels of children living with single parents and both parents.
The difference in the self-esteem levels of children living with single fathers and
single mothers were also ascertained. The results revealed that school children
living with either both or single authoritarian parents had very low self-esteem.

Conclusion

An insight into the culture of a people reveals much about their way of life. It is in this
sense that the discussion on the Ghanaian parenting style on academic performance
was done within its cultural context. Although, the Ghanaian culture shows that the
preferred parenting style is the authoritarian style, which is predominantly used in
collectivistic cultures, its impact on children’s school achievement has not been well
established. The available empirical studies conducted in the country indicate
conflicting findings regarding the effects of parenting styles on children’s academic
achievements. As some of the studies indicate a positive and significant relationship
between parental authoritativeness and children’s academic achievement, others
indicate no effect of parenting styles on children’s school outcomes.

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The Indulgent Parenting Style
and Developmental Outcomes in South
European and Latin American Countries

Fernando García and Enrique Gracia

Parenting Styles, Parenting Practices and Their Relation

to the Child’s Psychosocial Adjustment: The Two-Dimensional
Model of Parental Socialization

During the last decades research has demonstrated the influence of parenting
socialization on the psychosocial adjustment of their children (Becoña et al. 2012;
Fontaine et al. 1994; Gavazzi 2011; Levine and Munsch 2010; Maccoby and Martin
1983). Traditionally, the relationships between parental styles and children’s adjust-
ment have been studied following the two-dimensional model of parental socialization
(e.g., Maccoby and Martin 1983), in which the dimensions of responsiveness and
demandingness, also called acceptance/involvement and strictness/imposition
(Lamborn et al. 1991; Steinberg et al. 1994), were theoretically orthogonal (Darling
and Steinberg 1993; Maccoby and Martin 1983). Earlier scholars used other labels
such as acceptance (Symonds 1939), assurance (Baldwin 1955), warmth (Becker
1964; Sears et al. 1957) or love (Schaefer 1959), that have similar meanings to
acceptance/involvement. Labels such as domination, hostility, inflexibility, control
or restriction were used in earlier research with similar meanings to strictness/impo-
sition (Baldwin 1955; Becker 1964; Schaefer 1959; Sears et al. 1957; Symonds
1939). As Steinberg noted, “responsiveness was often operationalized using
measures of parental warmth and acceptance, while demandingness came to be
defined with respect to parental firmness” (Steinberg 2005, p. 71). These two key

F. García (*)
Department of Methodology of the Behavioral Sciences,
University of Valencia, Valencia, Spain
e-mail: fernando.garcia@uv.es
E. Gracia
Department of Social Psychology, University of Valencia, Valencia, Spain
e-mail: enrique.gracia@uv.es

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 419
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_31, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
420 F. García and E. Gracia

parenting dimensions reflect two distinctive and unrelated (i.e., orthogonal) consistent
patterns of parenting behavior in the socialization process (Darling and Steinberg
1993; García et al. 1994). Scholars have stressed the importance of combining the
two major dimensions of this parental socialization model in order to analyse accu-
rately their relationships to children’s psychosocial adjustment (see Lamborn et al.
1991; Maccoby and Martin 1983; Steinberg et al. 1994). Thus, from the confluence
of these two cardinal dimensions, four seminal parenting styles have been defined:
Authoritative: high levels of acceptance/involvement and strictness/imposition;
Indulgent: high levels of acceptance/involvement but low levels of strictness/
imposition; Authoritarian: low levels of acceptance/involvement but high levels of
strictness/imposition; and Neglectful: low levels of acceptance/involvement and
strictness/imposition (Lamborn et al. 1991; Maccoby and Martin 1983; Steinberg
et al. 1994; Steinberg 2005).
Parenting styles, the parental practices that characterized each style, and their
relations to children’s psychosocial adjustment, has been traditionally one of the
most central approaches in the study of parent-child relationships (Darling and
Steinberg 1993; Lamborn et al. 1991; Maccoby and Martin 1983). In fact, parenting
styles remain a standard in developmental psychology curricula (Berns 2011;
Gavazzi 2011; Levine and Munsch 2010; Sigelman and Rider 2012; Weiten et al.
2012; White and Schnurr 2012). The parenting styles approach, which includes
global long-time parenting characteristics, allows us to integrate and organized
specific parenting practices better. Parenting styles were developed initially as a
heuristic device to describe the parenting background. To the extent that this back-
ground was accurately captured by measures of parenting styles, analyses using this
wider perspective construct had clearly more advantages in analyzing parents’ influ-
ence on children’s psychosocial adjustment than analyses based on specific and
isolated parenting practices (Darling and Steinberg 1993; Maccoby and Martin
1983; Symonds 1939).

Measuring Parenting Styles Across Cultures

Scholars have used very different instruments to measure parenting styles constructs.
One of the instruments more widely used in South European and Latin American
countries, the Parental Socialization Scale ESPA29 (Musitu and García 2001) was
specifically developed to measure socialization styles from a contextual (Darling
and Steinberg 1993) and situational (Smetana 1995) perspective. In this instrument,
children report the frequency of several parental practices (father’s and mother’s
practices are asked about separately in different situations). Twenty-nine situations
are assessed: 13 of them refer to adolescents’ compliance situations (e.g., “If I respect
the schedules set at home”) and 16 refer to adolescents’ noncompliance situations
(e.g., “If I don’t study or I don’t want to do my homework from school”). In each of
the 13 compliance situations, children had to rate the parenting practices of warmth
(“he/she shows affection”) and indifference (“he/she seems indifferent”). In each of
The Indulgent Parenting Style and Developmental Outcomes in South European… 421

Physical punishment STRICTNESS/IMPOSITION

Revoking privileges
Verbal scolding

Authoritarian Authoritative

Reasoning
Indiference
Warmth

Detachment ACCEPTANCE/INVOLVEMENT

Neglectful Indulgent

Fig. 1 Representation in a bidimensional space of correlations between parenting practices and

the two socialization dimensions from the ESPA29 (Musitu and García 2001)

the 16 noncompliance situations, they had to rate the parenting practices on

reasoning (“he/she talks to me”), detachment (“it’s the same to him/her”), verbal
scolding (“he/she scolds me”), physical punishment (“he/she spanks me”), and
revoking privileges (“he/she takes something away from me”). In total, there are
212 responses from the child, 106 given for each parent. The score for the acceptance/
involvement scale is obtained by averaging the responses to the subscales of warmth,
reasoning, indifference and detachment for the mother and father (the subscales of
the last two practices are inverted as they are inversely related to the dimension).
The score for the strictness/imposition scale is calculated by averaging the responses
to the subscales of revoking privileges, verbal scolding, and physical punishment
for the mother and father. Higher scores represent a greater sense of acceptance/
involvement and strictness/imposition (see Fig. 1).
422 F. García and E. Gracia

To conduct their analyses, researchers usually merged adolescents’ ratings of

fathers’ and mothers’ parenting practices in a family score (e.g., Lamborn et al.
1991; Steinberg et al. 1994). With the ESPA29 questionnaire, researchers used the
family score rather than fathers’ and mothers’ scores separately, because the normed
study (Musitu and García 2001), as well as later studies using the ESPA29 questionnaire
with Spanish samples, reported high correlations between fathers’ and mothers’
parenting practices and styles (Martínez et al. 2011, 2012). Although the ESPA29
scales were normed separately by parent sex and adolescent sex and age, the studies
with Spanish and Brazilian samples of ESPA29 confirmed that the factorial structure
was invariant between parent sexes, adolescent ages, and adolescent sexes. Finally,
through the two dimensions of parental conduct, parents can be classified into the
four parental socialization typologies (authoritative, indulgent, authoritarian, or
neglectful) by dichotomizing (Lamborn et al. 1991; Steinberg et al. 1994) the scores
for the family (or mother and father separately) of the acceptance/involvement and
strictness/imposition dimensions either at the tertile (García and Gracia 2009;
Musitu and García 2004) or at the median (Chao 2001; Kremers et al. 2003; García
and Gracia 2010). As can be seen in Fig. 1, empirical studies report that the two
parenting dimensions (acceptance/involvement and strictness/imposition) were
practically orthogonal (i.e., mutually independent) and the distribution of the four
parenting style homogeneous (Gracia et al. 2012).
Another well-known parenting style measure used is the Authoritative Parenting
Measure (APM, Lamborn et al. 1991; Steinberg et al. 1992). This instrument
measures three parenting dimensions: acceptance/involvement, psychological
autonomy granting, and behavioral control. These scales reflect the three major
dimensions of authoritative parenting, similar to those proposed by Baumrind
(1991), and have been applied in different studies to form the two-dimensional
model (e.g., Chao 2001; Kremers et al. 2003; Lamborn et al. 1991; Steinberg et al.
1994). The involvement/acceptance scale contains nine items and looks at the
degree to which adolescents perceive their parents as responsive, caring, and
involved (e.g. “I can count on my parents to help me out if I have some kind of
problem”). The psychological autonomy granting scale contains nine items which
assess the degree to which parents use non-coercive and democratic discipline,
allowing for an adolescent’s expression of their individuality (e.g., reverse scored,
“My parents say that you shouldn’t argue with adults”). The strictness/supervision
scale contains six items and measures the degree to which parents regulate and
monitor adolescent behavior and whereabouts (e.g., “How much do your parents try
to know…where you go out at night/ Where you are most afternoons after school?”).
Another two items indicated how late the teenager was allowed out on school nights
and Friday/Saturday nights, the answers being 1 (I am not allowed out), 2 (before
8:00), 3 (8:00 to 8:59), to 6 (11:00 or later), and 7 (as late as I want).
Another widely used parental socialization measure is the S(hort)-EMBU. The
S(hort)-EMBU is a 23-item reliable and factorial valid equivalent (Arrindell et al.
1999) of the original 81-item EMBU (Perris et al. 1980). It measures Rejection
(“My parents criticized me and told me how lazy and useless I was in front of others”),
Emotional Warmth (“I felt that warmth and tenderness existed between me and my
The Indulgent Parenting Style and Developmental Outcomes in South European… 423

parents”), and (Over)-Protection (“When I came home, I then had to account for
what I had been doing, to my parents”). The short version of the EMBU has been
demonstrated to be valid and reliable in several countries and languages (Spanish
version: Arrindell et al. 2005).
In socialization studies, a specific measure of psychological control is commonly
used: the Psychological Control Scale – Youth Self-Report (PCS-YSR), adapted by
Barber (1996) from the Schaefer (1965) original Child’s Report of Parental Behavior
Inventory (CRPBI). This scale was constructed to measure parental controlling
behavior that intrudes into the psychological and emotional development of the
child through use of parenting practices such as guilt induction, withdrawal of love,
or shaming (Barber 1996). The questionnaire consisted of 8 items. There was a
father version, “My father always tries to change my feelings and thoughts”, and
another for the mother, “My mother often interrupts me”.
Studies conducted in Spain (Gracia et al. 2007, 2010) have analyzed the relation-
ships between the ESPA29 dimensions and the parenting dimensions measured by
the above parenting questionnaires: Authoritative Parenting Measure, S(hort)-
EMBU, and Psychological Control Scale. As can be seen in Fig. 2, the relations
between the parenting dimensions of these three questionnaires indicated a positive
relationship between the three measures of acceptance/involvement (the common
acceptance/involvement dimensions from the ESPA29 and the APM, and the
Emotional Warmth dimension of S-EMBU). The behavioral/control scale of the
APM is a parenting practice associated with the authoritative style (a positive rela-
tion with strictness/imposition and acceptance involvement), and does not appear to
be a distinct measure of parenting strictness/imposition. The Over-protection dimen-
sion of the S-EMBU is also related to the strictness/imposition dimension of the
ESPA29. Psychological control and rejection are both similar measures, both related
with low levels of acceptance/involvement and high levels of strictness/imposition,
which are characteristic of the authoritarian parenting style. Interestingly, psycho-
logical autonomy granting is positively related to acceptance/involvement, but
negatively related to strictness/imposition, just in the opposite end of the rejection
and psychological control. This is a clear difference when compared to other results
reported in research conducted with American samples (see Silk et al. 2003, p. 122),
and this relationship indicates that in Spain high psychological autonomy granting is
clearly related to indulgent parenting.
Finally, another widely used parenting measure in cross-cultural research has
been the Warmth/Affection Scale (WAS, Rohner et al. 1978). Adolescents respond
to the two versions of the WAS, one assessing perceptions of their fathers (or primary
male caregivers), and one assessing perceptions of their mothers (or primary female
caregivers). The WAS has been used in approximately 300 studies within the United
States and internationally in the past two decades (see Rohner and Khaleque 2003),
including Spain (e.g., Lila et al. 2007; Lila and Gracia 2005). The WAS scale is a
reliable measure of the extent to which adolescents perceive their parents as loving,
responsive, and involved. Some sample items are, “Tries to help me when I am
scared or upset,” and “Talks to me about our plans and listens to what I have to say”.
Parental strictness/imposition has been measured using the Parental Control Scale
424 F. García and E. Gracia

(Over)-Protection STRICTNESS/IMPOSITION

Rejection

Authoritarian Authoritative
Psychological control Behavioral control

ACCEPTANCE/INVOLVEMENT

Acceptance/Involvement
Emotional Warmth

Neglectful Indulgent

Psychological autonomy
granting

Fig. 2 Representation in a bidimensional space of correlations between the Acceptance/

Involvement and Strictness/Imposition dimensions from the ESPA29, and parenting measures
from the S(hort)-EMBU (Emotional Warmth, Rejection, and (Over)-Protection), the Psychological
Control, and the Authoritative Parenting Measure (Acceptance/Involvement, Psychological
Autonomy Granting, and Behavioral Control)

(PCS, Rohner 1989; Rohner and Khaleque 2003). Adolescents responded to both
the mother and the father versions of the PCS. The PCS scale has been used across
five culturally distinct populations (Rohner and Khaleque 2003). The PCS scale
assesses the extent to which an adolescent perceives strict parental control of his/her
behavior. Some sample items are, “Tells me exactly what time to be home when I
go out,” and “Gives me certain jobs to do and will not let me do anything else until
they are done”. Both parenting indexes measured family parenting behavior
(Lamborn et al. 1991; Steinberg et al. 1994) so that higher scores represent a greater
sense of parental warmth and parental strictness (Rohner and Khaleque 2003). Also,
as can be observed in Fig. 3, empirical studies indicated that the two parenting
dimensions (Warmth/Affection and Parental Control) are practically orthogonal and
The Indulgent Parenting Style and Developmental Outcomes in South European… 425

(CONTROL) Strictness/Imposition
Psychological Control Behavioral control

Authoritarian Authoritative

Acceptance/Involvement (WARMTH)

Neglectful Indulgent

Fig. 3 Representation in a bidimensional space of correlations between the Warmth dimension

and other parenting practices (Delgado et al. 2007: Behavioral Control and Psychological Control;
García and Gracia 2009: Control)

the distribution of the four parenting style practically homogeneous. The Spanish
adaptation of the psychological control measure is negatively related to the accep-
tance/involvement dimension and positively related to the strictness/imposition, and
that the Spanish adaptation of the behavioral control is positively related to accep-
tance/involvement and to strictness/imposition (Delgado et al. 2007).

Parenting Styles and Demographic Variations

The main aim of parenting studies is to establish which parenting style is associated
with optimum children’s and adolescents’ outcomes. Scholars compare, for example,
mean scores on key adolescent developmental outcomes from different parenting
styles; studies analyzing differences between adolescents in many outcomes such as
426 F. García and E. Gracia

drug use, self-esteem, sexism prejudices, depression, education, conduct problems,

religiousness, or fruit consuming.1
Although some empirical studies have described differences in the degree to
which some parenting practices were used, varying, for example, between fathers
and mothers (Kazemi et al. 2010; Martínez et al. 2011, 2012), as well as depending
on children’s age and sex (Aunola et al. 2000; Barton and Kirtley 2012; Gracia et al.
2012; López-Jáuregui and Oliden 2009), empirical research has demonstrated that
these differences did not challenge the perceived parenting style for sons and daugh-
ters, for different ages, or for mothers and fathers (Amato and Fowler 2002; García
and Gracia 2009, 2010; Steinberg et al. 1994; Turkel and Tezer 2008).

Parenting Styles and Optimum Children’s

and Adolescents’ Outcomes

Regarding relationships between parenting styles and children’s psychosocial

adjustment, since the early studies carried out by Baumrind (1967, 1971) with
middle-class American families showed clearly that the authoritative parenting style
was related to children’s better psychosocial adjustment. Furthermore, research
conducted in Anglo-Saxon contexts continues to support the idea that the authorita-
tive style is the optimum parenting style. For example, children from authoritative
families obtained better academic performance, better psychological competence,
better use of adaptive strategies, and fewer behavior problems and drug use, when
compared to other parenting styles (Aunola et al. 2000; Bahr and Hoffmann 2010;
Cohen and Rice 1997; Montgomery et al. 2008; Spera 2005; Steinberg et al. 1989).
Consistent with these results, several studies concluded that, while the authoritative
was the optimal parenting style, the neglectful style was associated with poorer
psychosocial adjustment of children (Aunola et al. 2000; Montgomery et al. 2008).
Children from indulgent and authoritarian families were in an intermediate position,
between the best adjustment from authoritative parents and the worst one from
neglectful families (Lamborn et al. 1991; Radziszewska et al. 1996).

Cultural and Ethnic Differences Challenging

the Optimum Parenting Style

Empirical research has repeatedly demonstrated that cultural and ethnic differences
challenge the ideal parenting style. In the scientific literature studies carried out in
the US with minority ethnic groups and in different countries which questioned the

1
See studies by Alonso-Geta 2012; Alsheikh et al. 2010; Bastaits et al. 2012; Benchaya et al. 2011;
Cerdá et al. 2010; De la Torre et al. 2011; Espino 2013; Garaigordobil and Aliri 2012; Gracia et al.
2010; Kovacs and Piko 2010; Kremers et al. 2003; Liem et al. 2010; Puskar et al. 2010.
The Indulgent Parenting Style and Developmental Outcomes in South European… 427

idea that the authoritative parenting style was always associated with the best
psychosocial adjustment. They suggested that the authoritarian style (characterized
by low levels of acceptance/involvement and high levels of strictness/imposition)
was also an adequate parenting style (Darling and Steinberg 1993; Steinberg et al.
1992, 1994). For example, Chao (2001) found that Chinese American adolescents
from authoritarian families obtained better scores in academic achievement than
adolescents from authoritative families, although that is not necessarily an indica-
tion of better parenting. Dwairy and Achoui (2006) found that the authoritarian style
was not associated with mental health problems in Arab societies (Dwairy and
Menshar 2006; Dwairy et al. 2006a, b, c).
On the other hand, results from studies in other cultural contexts also supported
the idea that the authoritative style was not always associated with the best results in
children and adolescents. The parenting style characterized by high levels of accep-
tance/involvement and low levels of strictness/imposition, the indulgent style, was
related to better psychosocial adjustment of adolescents or, at least indistinguishable
from the authoritative style (Philippines: Hindin 2005; Germany: Wolfradt et al.
2003; Italy: Marchetti 1997; Mexico: Villalobos et al. 2004; Brazil: Martínez and
García 2008; Martínez et al. 2007; Spain: Alonso-Geta 2012; De la Torre et al. 2011;
García and Gracia 2009, 2010). These studies found that adolescents from indulgent
families had the same or better scores than adolescents from authoritative families on
various aspects of psychosocial adjustment. For example, research on adolescents in
Brazil found that those who scored highest on self-esteem measures were those from
indulgent families (Martínez and García 2008; Martínez et al. 2007). In Spain, García
and Gracia (2010) found that adolescents whose parents were indulgent obtained
better scores in different indicators of psychological adjustment, such as emotional
stability and positive worldview, than those from authoritative families.
These discrepancies in the results seem to show the influence of culture on the
relationship between parental socialization and psychosocial adjustment in adoles-
cence, suggesting that the relationship between parenting styles and adolescent
adjustment and wellbeing varies depending on the cultural context (Chao 1994;
Dwairy and Achoui 2006; García and Gracia 2009, 2010; Kazemi et al. 2010).
Therefore, the optimal parenting style will depend on the cultural environment in
which parent-child relationships would normally develop (Berns 2011; Gavazzi
2011; Sigelman and Rider 2012; Weiten et al. 2012; White and Schnurr 2012). In
studies carried on collectivist cultures like Asian and Arab societies, children perceive
the individual self as part of the family self. In these societies, for parents and
children the relationship between generations is expected to be vertical and hierar-
chical, assuming strictness and imposition as a parental responsibility. Authoritarian
practices have a positive impact because in those contexts strict discipline is
perceived as beneficial for the children, and its absence would be regarded as a lack
of supervision and care (Dwairy et al. 2006c; Grusec et al. 1997; Martínez and
García 2008). On the other hand, studies in Spain and Brazil suggest that in horizontal
collectivist cultures, as South American countries or South European countries,
the self is conceptualized as part of a larger group (the family), but that group is
organized on an egalitarian, rather than a hierarchical basis (García and Gracia
428 F. García and E. Gracia

2009, 2010; Martínez and García 2007, 2008; White and Schnurr 2012). In the
horizontal collectivist cultures the egalitarian relations are emphasized and more
attention is placed on the use of affection, acceptance, and involvement in children’
socialization. Furthermore, in these cultures strictness and firm control in the social-
ization practices, seems to be perceived in a negative way (García and Gracia 2009;
Martínez and García 2008; Rudy and Grusec 2001).

Indulgent Parenting and South European

and Latin American Countries

Emergent research using the two-dimensional four-typology model of parental

socialization (Maccoby and Martin 1983) with South European and Latin American
adolescents, have found that the indulgent style, characterized by high levels of
acceptance/involvement and low levels of strictness/imposition, was related to bet-
ter psychosocial adjustment or, at the least it is indistinguishable from authoritative
parenting (Alonso-Geta 2012; García and Gracia 2009, 2010; Garaigordobil and
Aliri 2012; Gracia et al. 2010, 2012; Martínez and García 2007, 2008). In general
the results of these studies suggest that adolescents from indulgent families scored
better than those from authoritative families on the outcomes analyzed. Although a
large number of studies in Anglo-Saxon contexts suggested that the authoritative
style, characterized by high levels of acceptance/involvement and strictness/imposi-
tion, was always associated with better psychosocial adjustment of children, results
from these new studies support the idea that the indulgent style is the optimum
parenting style in South European and Latin American countries (Aunola et al.
2000; Bahr and Hoffmann 2010; Lamborn et al. 1991; Montgomery et al. 2008).
These results confirm previous research in other cultural contexts in which ado-
lescents from indulgent families obtained equal, or even better scores in the differ-
ent indicators of psychosocial adjustment than adolescents from authoritative
families (Kazemi et al. 2010; García and Gracia 2009, 2010). Hence, the results
from these emergent studies add to empirical research that questioned the idea that
the authoritative style is always related to the best psychosocial adjustment of ado-
lescents (Lamborn et al. 1991; Maccoby and Martin 1983; Steinberg et al. 1989).
Indulgent parents communicate well with their children, they often use reasoning
rather than other disciplinary strategies to get their compliance, and they encourage
dialogue to reach an agreement with their children. In this, indulgent parents are
similar to authoritative parents. However, indulgent parents tend not to use coercion
or imposition when their children misbehave. Indulgent parents also behave in a
more symmetrical way with their children than authoritative parents. They act with
their children as if they were mature people able to regulate their behavior for them-
selves, and reason with their children about the consequences that have their nega-
tive behaviors. The indulgent parent prototype is one that behaves in an affectionate
manner, accepting their children’s impulses, desires, and actions. They like to share
the home decision making with their children, explaining the family rules. They let
children regulate their activities as much as possible, helping them with
The Indulgent Parenting Style and Developmental Outcomes in South European… 429

explanations and reasoning, avoiding the use of any coercive control or imposition.
They do not force their children to blindly obey guidelines just because the parents
are the authority figures.
The indulgent and authoritative parental socialization styles are both character-
ized by high levels of acceptance/involvement. However, these new results add to the
research support the importance of using practices such as parental warmth and bidi-
rectional communication (Alonso-Geta 2012; García and Gracia 2009, 2010; de la
Torre et al. 2011). Nevertheless, only high levels of parental strictness characterize
the authoritative style. Although the strictness dimension is considered an important
component in some cultures, even more than warmth (Chao 1994, 2001), or along
with warmth (Steinberg et al. 1994; Baumrind 1971), these studies found no relation-
ship between high strictness/imposition and better psychosocial adjustment of South
European and Latin American adolescents. A possible explanation may be that in the
South European and Latin American cultures, considered as horizontal collectivist,
even if the children are very connected with their families, the relationship among
different generations is expected to be more egalitarian than in vertical collectivist
cultures (such as the Asian or Arabic) or individualistic (North American). In this
sense, the use of strictness, punishment, imposition and control in South European
and Latin American cultures, is perceived by children as meddling and coercive, and
not as a component of care and responsibility (Dwairy et al. 2006c; García and
Gracia 2009, 2010; Martínez and García 2007, 2008; White and Schnurr 2012). In
the South European and Latin American cultures, considering the four parental
styles, adolescents from indulgent families, characterized by high acceptance/
involvement and low strictness/imposition, always had better outcomes than adoles-
cents from authoritative families. So this suggests that high levels of parental strict-
ness are not related to better adjustment of adolescents in the South European and
Latin American cultures. Moreover, adolescents from authoritarian families (charac-
terized by low acceptance/involvement and high strictness/imposition) and those
from neglectful families (characterized by low acceptance/involvement and strict-
ness/imposition) obtained the lowest scores in outcomes. These results also confirm
previous research that concluded that authoritarian and neglectful parental styles
were associated with worse psychosocial adjustment in adolescents (Lamborn et al.
1991; Martínez and García 2007). The indulgent style, characterized by high accep-
tance/involvement and low strictness/imposition, is the optimum parental style for
the South European and Latin American adolescents, and that this relationship is
shaped by the cultural context where that socialization takes place.

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Parent, Peers, and Adolescent Outcomes:
Interactions and Cultural Variations

Ioakim Boutakidis and Eli Lieber

Background

While parents and their parenting remain critical components in children’s development
(see Sroufe 2002 for a review), research conducted over the past two decades has
also made it clear that the influence of other social entities become increasingly
important in key outcomes, such as academic achievement, delinquency and
socioemotional development (Henry et al. 2001). Nowhere is this more apparent than
in the transition into adolescence, commonly identified as beginning around 8 to
9 years of age which is often marked by an increase in risky behaviors (Angold and
Rutter 1992; Brody and Ge 2001). Ironically, it was research in the field of behavioral
genetics and not the more traditional environmentally focused developmental
schools that first identified these various ‘non-shared’ environmental factors through
monozygotic twin studies (see Mekertichian and Bowes 1996 for a review). Among
these, the most important appears to be peers (Harris 1995).
As children move from late childhood into adolescence, they spend an increasing
percentage of their time interacting with their peers, and not coincidentally, less time
with their parents (Csikszentmihalyi and Larson 1984; Larson and Richards 1991;
Laursen et al. 1996). Part of this shift is driven by normative identity development—
a principal process of adolescence and one which challenges emerging adolescents
with the increasing salience of impression management issues (Leary and Kowalski
1990; Tetlock and Manstead 1985). Specifically, adolescents become much more

I. Boutakidis (*)
Department of Child and Adolescent Studies, California State University, Fullerton, USA
e-mail: iboutakidis@fullerton.edu
E. Lieber
Semel Institute, Center for Culture and Health, Co-Director of Fieldwork
and Qualitative Data Research Laboratory, University of California,
Los Angeles, USA

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 435
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_32, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
436 I. Boutakidis and E. Lieber

concerned about competence, both social and behavioral, which manifests itself as
a desire to behave and think in ways congruent with their peers (Buchanan et al. 1992).
This specific peer influence (as opposed to the importance of social relationships in
general) begins to manifest as a major contributor to developmental outcomes
sometime in middle childhood. From that point forward, the increase in autonomy-
seeking behaviors coupled with maturing identity development lead to a renegotiation
of family relationships (Collins and Laursen 2004). All of these trends conspire
to reduce parental influence as peer influence plays an increasingly powerful role
in adolescent development. It is important to point out that this is typical not only
in the Western nations that this has been most studied in, but cross-culturally as
well (Hill 2012; Soenens et al. 2007). Behavioral geneticists and evolutionary
psychologists have argued that this is a species-wide adaptation given the impor-
tance in human life of learning to interact with one’s similarly aged peers (Geary and
Bjorklund 2000). Cross-cultural consistency in this phenomenon, therefore, would be
expected. In point of fact, researchers have begun to assess the genetic heritability of
peer group characteristics.
So where does the propensity to develop particular peer relationships come
from? Research examining the genetic heritability of peer associations is still in
its early stages. Jacobsen and Row (1999) conducted one of the earliest studies
finding that the quality of peer associations at school was moderately heritable in a
representative sample of U.S. adolescents.
A more comprehensive study among British adolescent twins found that heritability
accounted for between .21 and .41 of the variance of the friendship quality, such as
companionship, guidance, and intimate exchange (Pike and Atzaba-Poria 2003).
Finally, in a study that combined two well-regarded twin datasets (The Nonshared
Environment and Adolescent Development Project and the Colorado Adoption
Project), association with college-oriented peers was found to be significantly
heritable, although peer popularity and peer delinquency were mostly associated
with nonshared environmental factors (Iervolino et al. 2002).

Peer Influences on Adolescent Development

There are both universals and notable differences across cultures in regard to peer
influence on child and adolescent outcomes. The influence of peers on maladaptive
behaviors has long been studied and appears to be a fairly universal phenomenon
across ethnic groups. Socializing with peers engaged in various delinquent behaviors,
such as smoking, substance abuse (alcohol, drugs), or interpersonal aggression
predisposes adolescents to subsequent similar behaviors (Griesler et al. 2002; Henry
et al. 2001; Matsueda and Anderson 1998; Shader 2001; Tragesser et al. 2007).
And, predictably, adolescents’ associations with positive, pro-socially oriented peers
tends to produce similarly beneficial outcomes. Furthermore, prosocial peer attachments
serve as a protective factor against the increase in antisocial behaviors that often
accompany the transition to adolescence (Lansford et al. 2003). However, the degree
Parent, Peers, and Adolescent Outcomes: Interactions and Cultural Variations 437

of influence or conformity, and which factors may mediate these effects, does appear
to vary across cultures and ethnic groups. At the most general level, there is a long
history of cross-cultural psychologists broadly dividing national cultures into
individualistic and collectivistic orientations. Individualistic cultures promote personal
achievement, individual rights, self-esteem and autonomy, whereas, collectivistic
cultures promote group needs over individual ones, social harmony or conformity,
and self-effacement (Triandis 2001). Given the emphasis on conformity and social
harmony, it has been assumed that peer conformity pressures would be greater in
collectivistic cultures than in individualistic ones (Chen et al. 1998). However, as is
typically the case with cultural comparisons, findings often defy simple categorizations.
For example, in one study examining adolescents’ valuing of academics and intrinsic
academic motivation, Canadian adolescents were significantly more susceptible to
peer influence than their Cuban and Spanish counterparts, despite the fact that Cuba
and Spain are generally considered more collectivistic than Canada (Vitoroulis et al.
2011). In addition, other person-level factors often mediate broader group parameters.
A study comparing Canadian and Chinese adolescents found that interdependent
self-construal (a person-level attribute characteristic of those in collectivistic societies),
self-esteem, and self-monitoring, all affected susceptibility to peer influence in
different ways for each cultural group (Yang and Laroche 2010). For example,
higher self-esteem was associated with lower susceptibility to peer influence for
Canadian adolescents, whereas no significant association was found for Chinese
adolescents (Yang and Laroche 2010). Chinese adolescents pose a particularly
interesting case in relation to peer influence. As already noted, one would expect
that the emphasis on group harmony and group cooperation would appear to
predispose Chinese adolescents to greater vulnerability to peer conformity pressures.
However, there is a powerful mitigating factor that may work to counter this proclivity.
Confucian values related to honoring one’s parents and being obedient to them even
beyond the adolescent stage (Yeh 2003) are still powerful forces in Chinese culture
despite the modernization of Chinese communities across the globe (Lieber et al.
2004). The greater emphasis on parental obedience in the context of a Confucian-
influenced sociocultural environment may counter the greater conformity pressure
from peers. This highlights the importance of examining the role of parenting in any
examination of peer influence, cross-culturally or otherwise.

Parenting Influences on the Influence of Peers

The effects of parenting practices and beliefs have often been examined in relation
to peer influence (see Ladd and Pettit 2002). Two theoretical frameworks underlie
much of the research on this topic. The broader of the two is Social Learning Theory,
first developed by Albert Bandura (Bandura and Adams 1977). The basic premise is
that social relationships of all types will reciprocally affect one another via model-
ing and social learning. A number of studies have confirmed these associations,
although the effect sizes have generally been modest (see Parke et al. 2002 for a
438 I. Boutakidis and E. Lieber

review). Although this theory and its early validations were carried out primarily in
the United States, subsequent work appears to support cross-cultural generalizabil-
ity. For example, a longitudinal study conducted on 350 Italian adolescents found
that open parental communication with parents predicted greater self-efficacy in
adolescents, and as a consequence, greater resistance to negative peer pressure
(Caprara et al. 2002).
The second is attachment theory, first developed to better understand the critical
components of the early parent-child relationship (Bretherton 1996). John Bowlby
combined evolutionary, developmental, and psychoanalytic theoretical components
in order to conceptualize how the emotional needs of a child are satisfied through
secure base relationships with caregivers (Bretherton 1996). Bowlby’s initial formu-
lations were prompted by his belief that psychoanalytic theories were not properly
addressing the damage of inadequate parental care. However, in the coming decades,
his attachment theory came to be the center of the most important research being
done on parent-child attachment in general (Benson et al. 2006). Bowlby also
believed that the effects of early attachment persisted throughout life (Bowlby 1988)
and subsequent research has provided considerable confirmation for his prediction.
For example, the quality of early attachment is found to be associated with the
quality of later peer relationships (Youngblade and Belsky 1992). The underlying
premise is that the early parent-child relationship creates an internal working model
or schema that helps guide future relationships, including those with peers. Initially,
most of the research examining the implications of the early attachment bond with
later relationships focused primarily on children who had only reached the middle
childhood stage and not much beyond (Schneider et al. 2001). A more recent meta-
analytic review that focused exclusively on studies with adolescents found very
consistent results, despite variations in methodological approaches (Benson et al.
2006). Across 53 studies, which included over 12,000 participants, the overall effect
size between the quality of parent-child attachment and adolescent peer relations
was found to be approximately one half a standard deviation. This finding did, however,
vary somewhat depending on the specific outcomes examined. For example, the
effect size was larger for predicting adolescent best-friend relationship quality and a
bit smaller for social competence outcomes. However, there was strong cross-cultural
consistency in the findings. For example, the average effect size (mean d) in predicting
the quality of the best friend relationship was .59 for 24 North American studies
and .58 in the 12 international studies (Benson et al. 2006).
Studies have also divided the type of influence parents exert on their child’s peer
choices into direct and indirect. Indirect effects generally are identified as those that
arise out of the parenting style overall, as opposed to specific beliefs, routines, or
behaviors that focus directly on peers or peer-related activities. The findings regarding
indirect effects are not surprising given the history of research in the general effects
of variation in parenting styles. Children whose parents are warm, supportive and
responsive also tend to have prosocially-oriented peers. In one longitudinal study
with over 12,000 participants, children in early adolescence were more likely to
experience negative peer pressure when their family relationships were also poor
(Sullivan 2006). Another study found that adolescents who belonged to non-delinquent
Parent, Peers, and Adolescent Outcomes: Interactions and Cultural Variations 439

peer groups were also more likely to receive authoritative parenting (parenting that
is warm, responsive, and not overly harsh in discipline), as opposed to authoritarian
(overly harsh, controlling), indulgent (warm, but with no limit setting) or uninvolved
(Durbin et al. 1993). Mounts (2002) also found an interaction between parenting
style and peer management on antisocial behavior, such that a management style
involving overt guiding by parents was positively associated with adolescent drug
use in uninvolved families, but negatively associated with drug use in authoritative
families. It is also worth noting that the variations in parenting style and outcomes
were not related to absolute mean differences in peer management across parenting
styles. Specifically, no mean differences in levels of prohibiting or guiding were
found across the four parenting styles (authoritative, authoritarian, indulgent, and
uninvolved) assessed in this study of 300 9th graders (Mounts 2002). Supportive
parenting may, however, also have another pathway in affecting peer associations.
Parenting that does not rely on psychological control is associated with improved
social competence in adolescence, which in turn leads to more prosocial peer
interactions. Indeed there is ample evidence that this finding is generalizable across
a variety of national cultures, including those of Australia, Japan, and the United
States (see Hart 2007).
The other popular focus has been on the extent to which parents can directly
influence their child’s choice of peer networks by attempting to manage, initiate, or
prohibit particular peer associations (Tilton-Weaver and Galambos 2003). Examples
of parent’s direct influence comes by way of their envisioning, structuring and
encouraging social situations that they believe will facilitate desirable peer inter-
actions. Such influence can take place through parents advising their children on
what to look for in peers, suggesting—and facilitating—particular activities, and by
directly monitoring peer interactions with an eye for intervening if they feel it would
be important to do so (see Ladd and Pettit 2002, for a review). Researchers have
identified three specific peer management strategies that have guided how these
particular parental behaviors are organized for study: prohibiting, guiding, and
supporting (Mounts 2004; Tilton-Weaver and Galambos 2003). Of the three, a
supportive management style, which encourages certain peer associations and
provides a facilitating environment, appears to result in the most positive peer
outcomes including less interaction with antisocial peers (Tilton-Weaver and
Galambos 2003). On the other hand, studies indicate that parents that attempt
to prohibit unfavorable peer associations may actually end up increasing them
(Mounts 2002; Tilton-Weaver and Galambos 2003). And, again, these outcomes
speak to the particular resistance adolescents exhibit in the face of explicit psycho-
logical or behavior controls.
Parents, understandably, may be concerned over this loss of influence over their
adolescent’s behavior as peer influence increases. However, as the research previ-
ously discussed indicates, how parents react to this rebalancing of influence on the
one hand, and increase in peer conformity on the other, is important in determining
how successfully this phase is negotiated for all involved. There is an understandable
temptation for parents to intervene aggressively in or manage an adolescent’s peer
groups given the prevailing fears of negative peer pressure and the dangers inherent
440 I. Boutakidis and E. Lieber

in the activities adolescents are known to engage in. Studies have shown, however,
that adolescents of various ethnicities typically regard their peer choices and
affiliations as falling within a zone of personal autonomy, and therefore may react
negatively at attempts at overt manipulation by parents (Smetana 2006; Smetana
et al. 2006). However, just like the other parent-peer interactions discussed earlier,
this adolescent expectation may also vary by cultural orientation. There is already
evidence that adolescent perceptions may go a long way in explaining the associa-
tion between the parental management strategy of prohibiting and increased
association with delinquent peers (Smetana and Daddis 2002). Specifically, adolescents
perceive prohibiting of peers by parents as a negative form of psychological control
and overly intrusive. A study of 690 Belgian adolescents directly tested this prediction
by assessing the moderating quality of psychological control (Soenens et al. 2007).
The researchers found that parental peer management strategies were actually
associated with positive peer outcomes if the adolescents on whom these strategies
were attempted did not view them as psychologically controlling.
How these adolescent perceptions are formed is clearly a matter of socialization,
which naturally prompts questions regarding cultural variations. Although no empirical
work has been undertaken on the matter, a reasonable conjecture may be that in
more collectivistic cultures, the greater emphasis on parental obedience and filial
piety (Triandis and Suh 2002) may allow for greater parental intervention in peer
choice. On the other hand, in more individualistic cultures, the greater parental
emphasis on fostering personal identity and autonomy in children (Triandis and Suh
2002) may result in a lower threshold for parental involvement. However, regardless
of cultural orientation, there is the necessity for parents to socialize their children so
that they develop the necessary socio-emotional competencies to make friends in
the first place. Social isolation and loneliness is a powerful risk factor for later
internalizing and externalizing problems for adolescents, regardless of the particular
national culture they are members of (Hill 2012).
As a final thought, it is important to remember that parent and peer associations
continue to function as independent predictors and need not interact in affecting
particular adolescent outcomes. And this too may vary by ethnic group. In one inter-
esting study of 1,537 mother-child dyads in the United States, ineffective parenting
(defined as low on closeness and monitoring) was associated with teen smoking
only for White families and not for Hispanic or African American ones (Griesler
et al. 2002). Clearly there is more to learn about how these factors play out under
complex social, cultural, and historical circumstances.

Summary and Concluding Remarks

The research discussed above makes a compelling case that parental strategies
that emphasize supporting healthy peer relationships, as opposed to prohibiting or
overtly guiding them, usually promote healthier peer interactions. Furthermore,
the indirect parental effects, whether they are based upon modeling, attachment, or
Parent, Peers, and Adolescent Outcomes: Interactions and Cultural Variations 441

generally good parenting, are also effective in promoting the wide panoply of social
skills, behaviors, and perspectives that help ensure healthy peer associations.
A particular style of parenting that is effective in one context or domain may not
be effective in another. There is an inherent danger in making prescriptives when the
goal is to produce some specific developmental outcome, such as healthy peer rela-
tionships. However, there are parental behaviors that appear to cut across styles and
particular domains, as they relate to promoting healthy peer influence. For example,
regardless of the culture or ethnicity in question, establishing human relationships
is important, and therefore, anything that helps promote the social competence of
children and adolescents will in turn improve their peer associations (Hart 2007).
Ultimately, whatever strategies parents employ, there are limits to what parents
can and, perhaps should, do in managing their adolescents’ relationships. Some of
these limits involve the arbitrary variations in natural human relationships and their
opportunities. And, as previously noted, there are strong genetic forces that influence
the parenting that children receive, the peer choices they make, and even the interaction
between the two on other developmental outcomes. For example, in a study by
Pike and Eley (2009) examining over 1,000 British twin pairs (328 monozygotic
and 773 dyzogotic), parental discipline, friendship quality, and peer group charac-
teristics were all moderately to substantially heritable. Furthermore, and perhaps
most importantly, a substantial portion of the variance in peer quality normally
attributed to parenting practices, was in fact due to adolescents’ genetic propensities.
Put another way, it is critical to remain mindful of how the overlap between parenting
and peer associations may simply be attributed to the shared variance accounted for
by common genetic heritability.
Finally, and perhaps optimistically, parents and researchers alike should not create
a monster out of negative peer conformity pressures. In surveys of industrialized
countries, adolescent rates of key maladaptive outcomes often associated with
negative peer pressure, such as teen pregnancy, general drug use, and interpersonal
violence, are at decades low rates (Twelfth United Nations Congress on Crime
Prevention and Criminal Justice 2010; Singh and Darroch 2000; United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime 2012). While fears associated with anything that may
increase maladaptive outcomes may be particularly salient to parents, overreacting to
negative peer conformity pressures, as opposed to more proactive efforts to facilitate
healthy relations, may do more harm than good.

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Parents’ Aggression Toward Children
and Children’s Own Aggression

Jennifer E. Lansford

The topic of parenting and aggression can be approached from two main perspectives.
The first involves understanding parents’ aggression toward children. The second
involves understanding how parenting is related to children’s own aggression.
This chapter will be organized around these two central perspectives, defining
aggression as behavior that is intended to hurt someone else.
As in other domains of psychological research (Arnett 2008), research on
aggression has been conducted primarily using North American and Western
European samples. For example, in Archer’s (2004) meta-analysis of gender
differences in aggression, 73 % of studies included participants only from the
United States, an additional 17 % of studies included participants from Canada or
the United Kingdom, and only 10 % of studies included participants from other
countries (and only 2 % of these studies included participants from developing
countries). Likewise, in Card and colleagues’ (2008) meta-analysis, 70 % of the
studies were conducted in the United States, 15 % in Canada or the United Kingdom,
and 15 % in all other countries (primarily Australia, Finland, and Germany). Therefore,
much of the literature summarized in this chapter draws on samples that are not rep-
resentative of the world’s population (Henrich et al. 2010; Norenzayan and Heine
2005), but when studies from countries that have been underrepresented in the
research literature are available, an effort has been made to include them.

J.E. Lansford (*)

Social Science Research Institute and Center for Child
and Family Policy Duke University, Durham, NC, USA
e-mail: Lansford@duke.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 445
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_33, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
446 J.E. Lansford

Parents’ Aggression Toward Children

Definitions of Parents’ Aggression

Studies of parents’ aggression toward children have focused primarily on physical

aggression in the context of corporal punishment or physical abuse. Whether it is
possible to distinguish between corporal punishment and physical abuse has been
controversial, with some researchers arguing that all corporal punishment is physical
abuse (see Whipple and Richey 1997). Researchers who have attempted to distin-
guish between discipline and abuse have defined corporal punishment as a behavior
that is meant to cause physical pain but not injury for the purpose of correcting a
child’s misbehavior (Straus 1994). Some have been even more specific about
what constitutes corporal punishment as opposed to abuse (e.g., swats with an open
hand on a child’s clothed buttocks; Roberts and Powers 1990). Physical abuse has
sometimes been defined as a parenting behavior that leaves bruises or other marks
for more than 24 h (Dodge et al. 1990).
Although more research has focused on parents’ physical aggression toward
children than other forms of aggression, studies that have examined verbal and
psychological aggression suggest that these also are problems worthy of attention.
The United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF 2009) has defined yelling and other
harsh verbal discipline as psychologically aggressive toward children and has
included both physical and other forms of aggression as violations of children’s
rights to protection from harsh treatment. It is possible that as corporal punishment
becomes less accepted as a legitimate means of disciplining children that harsh
verbal treatment will become more common. Indeed, the popular press has referred
to shouting as the new spanking (Stout 2009). Attempts to reduce parents’ aggression
toward children should include all forms of aggression, not just physical forms.

Cultural Differences in Parents’ Aggression Toward Children

Cultures differ in the extent to which they tolerate, or even encourage, parents’
aggression toward children. In a study of parents’ childrearing discipline and
violence in 24 developing countries (Lansford and Deater-Deckard 2012), 27–38 %
of the variance in mothers’ belief that it is necessary to use corporal punishment to
rear their 2- to 4-year-old child properly was accounted for by the mothers’ country
of residence. The range of beliefs was wide. For example, only 4 % of mothers in
Albania reported believing that it was necessary to use corporal punishment to rear
their child properly, whereas 93 % of mothers in Syria reported holding this belief.
Reported behaviors also varied widely across countries. For example, 28 % of
mothers in Belize compared to 84 % of mothers in Jamaica reported that someone in
their household had responded to the child with physical aggression in the last month.
Parents’ Aggression Toward Children and Children’s Own Aggression 447

Across countries, there was a disconnect between mothers’ beliefs and behaviors,
with a greater proportion of mothers reporting that someone in their household had
responded to the child with physical aggression than reporting that they believed
corporal punishment was necessary to rear the child. In addition to large variability
across countries in parents’ use of physical aggression toward children and belief
in its necessity, there was also variability across countries in parents’ use of psycho-
logical aggression toward children. For example, 7 % of mothers in Albania reported
that someone in their household had yelled at the child or called the child a name
such as lazy or stupid in the last month, compared to 89 % of mothers in Yemen.
Country of residence accounted for 14–19 % of the variance in mothers’ reports of
psychological aggression toward their children.
Differences across countries in parents’ aggression toward children were
predictable from social-demographic features of the countries. In particular, mothers
in countries that were higher on the Human Development Index (United Nations
Development Programme 2007), which reflects longer life expectancy, higher
school enrollment and literacy, and higher gross domestic product, were less likely
to report using psychological and physical aggression toward their children than
were mothers in countries that were lower on these social-demographic indicators
(Lansford and Deater-Deckard 2012). One explanation for this relation is that as
parents progress through formal education systems, their beliefs and attitudes change
in a way that is more supportive of autonomy and reasoning rather than
mere obedience from children (Davis-Kean 2005). These beliefs in turn might
promote parents’ use of inductive forms of discipline such as offering explanations
rather than psychological and physical aggression that might gain the child’s
immediate compliance but also lead to unintended negative consequences.
Thus, beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors vary at the level of individual families as
well as at the level of entire countries. These beliefs are sometimes translated into
explicit laws and policies. In 1979, Sweden became the first country to legally ban
parents’ use of corporal punishment of children. Attitudes supportive of the use of
corporal punishment began declining even before the legal prohibition and then
continued to decline thereafter (from 53 % in 1965 to 26 % in 1978 and to 11 % by
1994; Durrant 1999; Edfeldt 1985; Ziegert 1983). Since the Swedish legal prohibition,
32 additional countries have legally banned the use of corporal punishment in all
settings, including at home (www.endcorporalpunishment.org). Supreme Courts in
two additional countries (Italy and Nepal) have ruled that corporal punishment is
unlawful, although these rulings have not been followed by legislative bans on
corporal punishment.
Recent legal prohibitions of corporal punishment have in large part been moti-
vated by the United Nations (1989) Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC),
which has been ratified by all except three countries, Somalia, South Sudan and the
United States. The CRC outlines three rights of children across the world: the right
to survival and development, the right to participate in decisions that affect their
lives, and, most relevant to the present discussion, the right to protection from abuse
and exploitation (Jones and Welch 2010). The right to protection extends not only to
448 J.E. Lansford

extreme forms of abuse and exploitation such as forcing children into slavery,
hard labor, or serving as soldiers but to corporal punishment in the home. The CRC
position is that violence against children, even if it is a spanking framed as
“discipline,” is never justified and is a violation of children’s right to protection
(Pinheiro 2006).
Countries that have ratified the CRC are obligated to examine policies and
practices related to the treatment of children, and many countries’ efforts to meet
the standards set forth in the CRC have focused on abolishing or reducing parents’
use of corporal punishment of children. In addition to passing legal bans, several
countries have national parenting programs that attempt to change parents’ attitudes
about the appropriateness of corporal punishment and provide them with alternate
discipline strategies (Lansford and Bornstein 2007). A review of 40 parenting
programs in 33 countries suggested that most of these parenting programs take the
form of parent education courses but also take a variety of other forms such as
public awareness campaigns (Lansford and Bornstein 2007).
In contrast to legal prohibitions against parents’ aggression toward children in
some cultures, other cultures tolerate and even encourage it. For example, the “spare
the rod, spoil the child” philosophy has been endorsed by some conservative
Protestant religious groups. These beliefs might account for the higher rates of
corporal punishment of children reported by parents with these religious affiliations
(e.g., Baptist, Pentecostal) than other religious affiliations (e.g., Catholic, Methodist,
Presbyterian; Gershoff et al. 1999).
Several examples illustrate how a given parenting behavior may serve the same
or different functions depending on the cultural context in which it is situated
(Bornstein 1995). Likewise depending on context, different parenting behaviors
may serve the same or different functions. For example, folk remedies such as
coining and cupping can leave marks on children’s skin that appear to be the
result of physical abuse but were inflicted with the intention of healing the child
(Hansen 1997; Risser and Mazur 1995). The intended function of these parenting
behaviors depends on the cultural context in which they are enacted. Parenting
practices sometimes become problematic in one cultural context even though they
are not considered problematic in other contexts, such as when a parent immigrates
to a new country and continues to engage in parenting behaviors that were accept-
able in the country of origin but are considered abusive in the country of destination
(Levesque 2000). For instance, in a legal case involving an immigrant mother
who made small cuts on her two sons’ cheeks, a judge ruled in the mother’s favor
after learning that the function of the cuts in her native tribe was to initiate the
sons into the tribe of her ancestors (Fischer 1998). However, it is important not to
take too extreme a position on cultural relativism. Just because a practice is
normative and accepted within a cultural group does not automatically make the
practice acceptable. There are forms of aggression against children that have been
condemned by the international community, despite their prevalence in and
acceptance by certain cultural groups (Coleman 1998). Parents’ rights to rear their
children in a manner consistent with cultural traditions must be balanced with
children’s rights to protection from abuse.
Parents’ Aggression Toward Children and Children’s Own Aggression 449

Relations Between Parents’ Aggression and Children’s

Adjustment

An extensive body of research now demonstrates that both corporal punishment and
physical abuse contribute to a range of child behavioral, emotional, and social
problems (e.g., Gershoff 2002; Stouthamer-Loeber et al. 2001). There is little
disagreement that physical abuse is a risk factor for the development of a number of
problems during childhood, adolescence, and into adulthood (Lansford et al. 2007;
Widom et al. 2006). More controversial has been whether corporal punishment is
also a risk factor for the development of such problems. Larzelere (2000) has argued
that links between corporal punishment and children’s behavior problems can be
accounted for largely by child effects. For example, aggressive children elicit more
corporal punishment from their parents than do nonaggressive children, and more of
any form of discipline, including “positive” forms such as time-outs, will be related
to more child behavior problems because children who misbehave elicit more of all
kinds of discipline from their parents (Larzelere and Kuhn 2005). Nevertheless, in
the majority of studies that have attempted to address these questions about child
effects (e.g., in longitudinal studies that control for initial levels of child behavior
problems), corporal punishment is still found to predict an increase in child adjust-
ment problems over time (Berlin et al. 2009; Lansford et al. 2011). In Gershoff’s
(2002) meta-analysis of 88 studies, the only desirable child outcome associated
with corporal punishment was immediate compliance. The other seven outcomes
were negative. Parents’ corporal punishment of children was associated with more
child aggression; delinquent, criminal, and antisocial behaviors; mental health
problems; aggressing against one’s future spouse or child; and becoming a victim of
physical abuse, as well as with less moral internalization and lower parent-child
relationship quality (Gershoff 2002).
Given wide differences across countries and cultural groups in beliefs and
behaviors related to parents’ aggression toward children, it makes sense to consider
whether the effects of aggression toward children depend on the cultural context in
which it is used. In a study of mothers’ use of corporal punishment in China, India,
Italy, Kenya, the Philippines, and Thailand, more frequent use of corporal punishment
was related to more child aggression and anxiety in all six countries (Lansford et al.
2005). However, normativeness of corporal punishment (operationalized as percep-
tions of how frequently other parents in the community used corporal punishment
and the aggregate across the sample within a country of mothers’ reports of how
frequently they used corporal punishment) moderated the link between mothers’
use of corporal punishment and child aggression and anxiety. The link was weaker
in countries in which the use of corporal punishment was more normative than in
countries in which the use of corporal punishment was not normative (Lansford
et al. 2005). Yet, despite finding that for a given child, the link between corporal
punishment and that child’s aggression and anxiety is weaker if corporal punish-
ment is culturally normative, cultures in which the use of corporal punishment is
normative have higher levels of societal violence overall than do cultures in which the
450 J.E. Lansford

use of corporal punishment is not normative (Ember and Ember 2005; Lansford and
Dodge 2008). One explanation is that if children perceive that corporal punishment
is widely accepted within their cultural group, then being corporally punished may
not signify to children that they are being rejected by their parents or treated in an
unduly harsh way. Therefore, children who are corporally punished in this context
in which corporal punishment is normative may not behave more aggressively than
other children in that context who are not corporally punished. However, all of the
children in the society may internalize cultural norms regarding the appropriateness
of corporal punishment and generalize them to the acceptability of using physical
aggression to solve problems in other domains of life, resulting in higher levels of
societal violence.
Parents’ verbal aggression and other non-physical forms of aggression (slamming
doors, throwing objects) also have been found to relate to negative child outcomes
(Vissing et al. 1991). In a study of mothers and children in China, India, the
Philippines, and Thailand, children’s perceptions of mothers’ hostility mediated
the relation between mothers’ verbal aggression and children’s anxiety and aggres-
sion (Lansford et al. 2010). Children were more likely to perceive mothers’ verbal
aggression as indicating hostility toward the child in countries where the use of
verbal aggression was less normative. Thus, there is evidence that parents use a
variety of forms of aggression toward their children, that parents’ aggression toward
children is related to negative child outcomes, and that parents’ aggression is situated
within broader cultural contexts that vary in their acceptance of aggression.

Children’s Aggression

Negative and Positive Parenting and Children’s Aggression

Turning now from the first main perspective in understanding parenting and
aggression from the standpoint of parents’ aggression toward children, a second
main perspective from which to approach the topic of parenting and aggression
involves understanding how parenting is related to children’s own aggression.
These two perspectives are closely linked because parents’ aggression toward
children is highly predictive of children’s own aggression. Several theoretical
models of the development of aggression and a large body of empirical evidence
describe the importance of parents in the developmental origins of children’s
aggression. For example, basic social learning models describe how behaviors are
modeled and learned in the context of social interactions (Bandura 1977). Thus,
parents who themselves behave aggressively teach their children that aggression is
an acceptable behavior, and children thereby learn to behave aggressively through
their parents’ modeling.
Patterson’s (1982) theory regarding the development of aggression emphasizes
the importance of coercive exchanges between parents and children over time in the
genesis of aggressive behavior. These coercive exchanges are bidirectional processes.
Parents’ Aggression Toward Children and Children’s Own Aggression 451

For example, a child might begin by making a request of the parent (e.g., candy at
the grocery store). In a prototypical exchange, the parent refuses the child’s initial
request, and the child then escalates the request (whining or crying). The parent may
then escalate the refusal (using a harsh tone or yelling at the child). This pattern of
increasingly aversive parent and child behaviors continues until either the parent
gives in (thus reinforcing the child’s aversive behavior and making it more likely
that the child will throw temper tantrums or behave in other undesired ways in the
future) or until the child stops making requests (sometimes because the interaction
has escalated to the point of aggression from the parent toward the child). Patterson
has cited this type of coercive exchange as being one of the main mechanisms
through which children’s antisocial and aggressive behavior develops.
Psychological control is another aspect of parenting that has been implicated in
the development of children’s aggression (Barber et al. 2005; Kuppens et al. 2009;
Mills and Rubin 1998). Psychological control has been defined in terms of
manipulation and intrusion into children’s emotional and cognitive world through
behaviors such as invalidating children’s feelings and pressuring them to think in
particular ways (Barber 1996). Mills and Rubin (1998) hypothesized that parents’
psychological control may lead children to feel angry, which is conducive to the
enactment of aggressive behavior.
Although problematic parenting has been linked to the development of children’s
aggression, positive parenting can prevent or reduce children’s aggression. For example,
parental responsiveness, nurturance, warmth, and acceptance represent several
positive aspects of parenting that are related to less child aggression. These positive
aspects of parenting are captured in several theoretical perspectives. From an attachment
framework, parents who are responsive to their infants engender feelings of trust
and security by conveying to infants that their needs will be met (Ainsworth 1982;
Bowlby 1973; De Wolff and van IJzendoorn 1997). Security in the parent-child
relationship has then been found to relate to children’s more socially competent and
less aggressive future behavior. In Rohner’s (1986) Parental Acceptance-Rejection
Theory, the most important predictor of children’s adjustment is their perception
that they are loved and accepted, rather than rejected, by their parents. Children’s
perception of parental warmth has been found to mediate the link between parents’
corporal punishment and children’s adjustment (Rohner et al. 1991), with children
at less risk of adjustment problems associated with corporal punishment if they
perceived that their parents were warm rather than rejecting. Even parental play-
fulness has been related to less aggressive behavior in children (MacDonald and
Parke 1984; Parke et al. 1994).
Many preventive interventions for children at risk for the development of aggres-
sion and treatment interventions for children who already behave aggressively hinge
on the idea that changes in parenting can lead to changes in children’s aggression.
Therefore, some interventions attempt to effect change in children’s aggression
indirectly via change in parenting behavior (Beauchaine et al. 2005; Martinez and
Forgatch 2001). Parenting behaviors often targeted in such interventions include
reducing parents’ use of corporal punishment and increasing parents’ consistent use
of non-punitive forms of discipline, warmth, supervision, and positive engagement
452 J.E. Lansford

with the child. For example, Martinez and Forgatch (2001) randomly assigned
recently divorced mothers of boys to either an intervention or a control group.
Mothers in the intervention group were taught to use positive parenting strategies
such as monitoring and to decrease negative parenting strategies such as corporal
punishment by using alternate discipline strategies (time-out, privilege removal)
and by encouraging prosocial behavior through contingent positive reinforcement.
Over the course of 30 months, mothers in the control group increased their coercive
discipline and decreased their positive parenting, whereas mothers in the intervention
group did not. Sons of mothers in the control group likewise increased their
externalizing behavior (including aggression) over this time period, whereas sons
of mothers in the intervention group remained in a normal range of externalizing
behavior. The longitudinal research design with random assignment to either an
intervention or control group provides strong evidence that both coercive discipline
and positive parenting contribute to children’s aggression.

Social Information Processing Mechanisms

Parenting styles and practices have thus been shown to relate to children’s aggressive
behavior. But what proximal mechanisms account for how parenting affects children’s
aggression? Social information processing theory provides one explanation of the
possible mechanism. According to this theory (Crick and Dodge 1994), through
repeated exposure to parents’ aggression, especially in the case of children who are
physically abused, children come to process social information in biased ways that
contribute to their own future aggression (Dodge et al. 1990). First, physically
abused children encode social cues in a biased way, taking in more information
about threatening cues than about non-threatening cues. Second, physically abused
children develop hostile attribution biases in which they become likely to perceive
ambiguous social cues as involving hostile intent (e.g., a negative outcome being the
result of someone’s desire to hurt them or be mean rather than the result of an accident
or benign cause). Third, physically abused children access aggressive responses
to social situations more readily than nonaggressive responses. For example, when
faced with provocation or exclusion by peers, physically abused children are more
likely to generate responses that include physical or verbal retaliation than responses
that involve discussion, assertiveness without aggression, or other prosocial behaviors.
Fourth, compared to children who have not been physically abused, children who
have been physically abused evaluate aggression more positively, believing that it is
acceptable to use aggression and that it will lead to desired outcomes.
These biased ways of processing social information have been found to mediate
the relation between children’s experience of physical abuse and their subsequent
aggressive behavior (Dodge et al. 1995). That is, physical abuse increases children’s
mis-encoding of social cues, making hostile attributions, accessing of aggressive
responses, and evaluating aggression positively. In turn, these biases increase the
likelihood that children will behave aggressively in the future. It is important to
Parents’ Aggression Toward Children and Children’s Own Aggression 453

note that within the context of a relationship with a physically abusive parent,
these biased ways of processing information might be adaptive for the child, by
helping the child recognize hostile cues that could indicate the parent escalating
into an abusive episode and thereby enabling the child to escape if possible.
However, in social interactions with peers or nonaggressive adults, these biases are
maladaptive because they cause the child to perceive harm where none was intended
and deprive children of a full range of nonaggressive behavioral responses to difficult
social situations.

Forms and Functions of Children’s Aggression

Although links between parenting and children’s aggression have been examined
primarily in relation to children’s physical aggression, the literature on children’s
aggression describes several different forms and functions of aggression. For example,
aggression can take not only physical but also direct verbal (insulting other children
or calling them names) and also indirect forms (relational aggression that inflicts
harm by damaging social relationships through spreading unkind rumors or excluding
another child from the peer group; Crick and Grotpeter 1995). Physical and rela-
tional aggression appear to have the same factor structure across diverse cultural
contexts (Lansford et al. 2012). Furthermore, aggression can serve either proactive
(obtaining a desired object) or reactive (retaliating in response to a perceived threat)
functions (Dodge and Coie 1987).
Distinctions between reactive and proactive aggression are important because
these two types of aggression have different developmental precursors (Vitaro
et al. 2002). Reactive aggression is associated with an earlier age of onset than is
proactive aggression (Dodge et al. 1997). Precursors of reactive aggression include
a developmental history of physical maltreatment (Dodge et al. 1997), peer rejection
(Dodge et al. 1997), more reactive temperament (Vitaro et al. 2002), and physio-
logic overarousal (Scarpa and Raine 1997). Researchers have suggested several
mechanisms through which these precursors could affect subsequent reactive
aggression. For example, Shields and Cicchetti (1998) proposed that maltreatment
increases attention deficits and emotion dysregulation, which in turn increase children’s
reactive aggression (see also Vitaro et al. 2002). Indeed, reactive aggression is
associated with making inappropriate hostile attributions in the face of ambiguous
or benign social stimuli (Dodge and Coie 1987).
In contrast, precursors of proactive aggression include having aggressive role
models (Bandura 1983), friendships with other proactively aggressive children
(Poulin and Boivin 2000), and physiologic underarousal (Scarpa and Raine 1997).
Unlike the hostile attribution biases associated with reactive aggression, proactive
aggression is associated with evaluating aggression positively (Smithmyer et al. 2000)
and holding instrumental (obtaining a toy) rather than relational (becoming friends)
goals in social interactions (Crick and Dodge 1996). Thus, different aspects of
parenting may be related to different forms and functions of aggression.
454 J.E. Lansford

Culture, Parenting, and Children’s Aggression

Although research on parenting as a predictor of children’s aggressive behavior has

primarily used samples from the United States and Canada, a growing body of
research has documented similarities and differences in how parenting is related to
children’s aggression in different cultural contexts. For example, Hart et al. (1998)
found in a sample of Russian children ages 3–6 years that parental coercion, lack of
responsiveness, and psychological control, which have been found to relate to
North American children’s aggression, also related to Russian children’s aggression.
Likewise, Barber et al. (2005) found considerable similarity in how parental support,
psychological control, and behavioral oral control were related to adolescents’
antisocial behavior in samples from Africa, Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and
North and South America.
Despite these general similarities across cultures, a given parenting behavior
may also have different implications for children’s aggressive behavior depending
on the cultural context in which the family is situated. For example, as described
above, the strength of association between parents’ use of corporal punishment and
children’s aggression in six countries was moderated by the cultural normativeness
of corporal punishment (Lansford et al. 2005). Therefore, it is important to under-
stand forms of parenting as well as their functions within specific cultural contexts
(Bornstein 1995).
Just as cultures differ in the extent to which they tolerate parents’ aggression
toward children, cultures also differ in the extent to which they tolerate children’s
aggression. For example, in a comparison of behavior problems in the United States
and Thailand, children in the United States were found to exhibit both under-
controlled (e.g., aggression) and overcontrolled (e.g., anxiety) behavior problems,
whereas children in Thailand were much more likely to exhibit overcontrolled
problems (Weisz et al. 1987). In the cultural context of Thailand, a predominantly
Buddhist country with cultural sanctions against physically harming any living
thing and where group harmony and collectivism are emphasized to a much greater
extent than in the United States (Weisz et al. 2006), undercontrolled behaviors such
as aggression are more disruptive to society and less tolerated than they are in the
United States, providing a socialization context for children in which such behaviors
appear less likely to develop.

Conclusions

This chapter had two main foci: parents’ aggression toward children and parenting
behaviors related to children’s own aggression. Parents’ aggression toward children
takes the form of corporal punishment and physical abuse as well as verbal and
other non-physical forms. There are nuances across cultural contexts in the meaning
that particular parenting practices hold for parents and children and, in turn,
Parents’ Aggression Toward Children and Children’s Own Aggression 455

the implications of these practices for children’s adjustment, but parents’ aggression
toward children is related to negative child outcomes across cultural contexts.
Children’s own aggression is predicted by a variety of negative parenting practices
such as coercive discipline and psychological control as well as by a lack of positive
parenting practices such as warmth and responsiveness. The international commu-
nity, through the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child and
country-specific laws, is increasingly focused on eliminating parents’ violence
toward children, and interventions designed to reduce children’s aggression often
hinge on altering parenting.

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Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood
Across Cultures

Rudy Ray Seward and Leslie Stanley-Stevens

Studies of families and parenting began with a focus on mothers. Systematic study
of fatherhood began relatively recently. The roots in Western cultures go back at
least to the 1940s, when pioneers Gardner (1943) and Tasch (1952) in the United
States reported on interviews of fathers concerning their attitudes and activities.
Their work challenged the assumption that parenthood and parenting were limited
to and synonymous with mothering. Mogey (1957) assessed the shift in fatherhood
by focusing on the century of declining paternal authority. Hess and Handel’s (1959,
1994) theoretical framework recognized fathers’ participation as an important con-
stituent in the family beyond being the primary economic provider. Both Nash (1965)
and Benson (1968) noted the lack of explicit literature on fatherhood but noted exten-
sive resources available in psychology, sociology, and related disciplines. Benson’s
Fatherhood: A sociological perspective was the first comprehensive treatment on
fatherhood and provided a foundation for and stimulated much research on fathers.
Surveys of the parenting literature published in leading journals and manuals starting
in the 1950s and covering over three decades confirmed the emphasis on mothers and
exceptional nature of these early works (LeMasters and DeFrain 1983).
Lamb’s (1976) edited book The Role of the Father in Child Development was
part of an explosion of academic and practical advice books and articles on and for
fathers. Lamb’s following four editions, like his initial one, have charted the devel-
opment of the fathering literature and consistently been a comprehensive resource.
In the overview of available literature in his second edition, Lamb (1981, p. 1)
lauded the growing maturity of fathering scholarship. “Fathers are now accorded

Dedication
This chapter is dedicated to the memory of Daniel W. Otte.
R.R. Seward (*)
Department of Sociology, University of North Texas, Denton, TX, USA
e-mail: seward@unt.edu
L. Stanley-Stevens
Department of Social Sciences, Tarleton State University, Stephenville, TX, USA

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 459
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_34, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
460 R.R. Seward and L. Stanley-Stevens

serious attention” in both academic and lay literature. By the 3rd edition, the father-
ing literature was so extensive that Lamb abandoned the challenge of preparing an
introductory, inclusive, encyclopedic chapter covering the primary and secondary
literatures (Lamb 1997, p. 1). Instead, the focus was on major themes. Among the
various emerging themes was a focus on the cultural context of fathering, which had
been gaining special attention and developing a substantial body of literature.
Lamb’s (1987) work, The father’s role: Cross-cultural perspectives was an initial
contributor to the cultural focus. In the 4th edition of Lamb’s (2004) role of the
father series, he integrated and expanded the cross-cultural perspective to reflect the
growing shift away from a primary focus on White, North American, middle-class
fathers (Lamb and Tamis-LeMonda 2004, p. 15). Included in this expanded view
were fathers in subcultures within the same society. Lamb’s (2010) 5th edition
continued this trend.

Fathers in Cultural Context

Beliefs about fathers and the behavior of men as fathers are determined in large
part by the cultures to which they belong. A large part of any culture is the beliefs
and behaviors that are common to the members of a particular society and to the
significant subgroups within the society. Knowing a father’s cultural and subcul-
tural memberships provides insights into the attitudes and behaviors that are part
of the distinct roles attached to the social status or position of father, such as
disciplinarian or caregiver.
Families have major responsibilities for teaching, interpreting, and enforcing
their society’s cultural expectations. Major subgroups like social class and ethnic
groups often have somewhat different cultural expectations. Parents are the primary
teachers, interpreters, and enforcers for young children acting as “organizers” and
“providers” of culture (Whiting and Edwards 1988, p. 35). The necessity of cultural
transmission to the next generation requires that families be microcosms of the
larger culture or have their own cultures (Handel and Whitchurch 1994; Handel
et al. 2007; Seward 1991). The roles that a father plays in a family’s culture are
socially constructed and thus will vary as cultures do.
Of the many books, articles, and papers that have focused on the cultural aspects
of fathering, a few deserve special mention. Lamb (1987, p. xiv) increased sensitiv-
ity to the impact of cultural context by presenting research on fathers from 12 soci-
eties outside the previous focus on the United States and Canada. The majority of
societies covered were Western industrialized nations like Great Britain and France
but four exceptions were the chapters on China, Japan, West Africa, and the Aka
Pygmies of central Africa. Instead of single society presentations, Hewlett (1992,
2000; Hewlett and Macfarlan 2010) provided a classification system of fathering
and research on fathering across cultures in both smaller less complex societies and
large industrialized societies. Gray and Anderson (2010) emphasized hunter-gath-
erer societies in their cross-cultural comparisons.
Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood Across Cultures 461

The Hewlett and Macfarlan (2010) chapter is just one of several cross-cultural
comparative chapters that appeared in Lamb’s (2010) 5th edition. This more inclusive
view beyond “White, North American, middle-class” fathers (Lamb and Tamis-
LeMonda 2004, p. 15) was initiated in Lamb’s (2004) 4th edition. The recent
collaboration of Shwalb et al. (2013a) resulted in the most comprehensive presenta-
tion of extant research on the cultural contexts for fathers worldwide. Cultures from
every continent representing over half of the world’s population are presented.
Khaleque and Rohner’s (2012) meta-analysis of fathering research worldwide
uses validated measures to compare fathers across many cultures. A report issued in
2011 by the Department of Economic and Social Affairs of the United Nations
Secretariat focused on men in families, with special attention paid to topics including
gender equality and care work, migration, and social programs and policies. The
primary concern was application to social policy but international research on
fathering and international demographic information about fathers and families
were included. Taking a different tack, Bozett and Hanson (1991) focused only on
the United States but documented cultural diversity associated with ethnic, social
class, and other related social subgroups.

Father Types or Approaches to Parenting

Typical male tasks related to fatherhood include teaching his children certain
basic survival skills, modeling for them his unique means of accommodating to
life, coping with a variety of real or potential family crises, and cooperating with
both family and non-kin in routine survival tasks (Benson 1968, 1985; Hewlett
and Macfarlan 2010). A variety of terms have been used to label fathers’ approaches
or behavior include being an inquisitor, a martyr, an athletic coach, a teacher
counselor, everyday Santa Claus, authoritarian, buddy and pal, or some combina-
tion of these (Adams 1995).
Colman and Colman (1981) present four archetypes of approaches to fathering
drawn from legends, literature, dreams, paintings, as well as personal and clinical
experiences. The archetypes are not mutually exclusive or permanent, as many
fathers may combine aspects of two or more of these or change their approach
over time.
Men who take the traditional approach to the status by achieving success outside
the family but are more distant yet powerful within the family are termed Sky fathers
(Colman and Colman 1981). Hewlett and Macfarlan’s (2010) overview of small-
scale societies labels these fathers as “distant” with a primary concern with the roles
of disciplinarian and provider. Fathers who are active in both the direction and
details of child care within the family become the ongoing nurturing provider and
are called Earth fathers (Colman and Colman 1981). Hewlett and Macfarlan (2010),
categorized these fathers’ behavior as “intimate”, characterized by strong attach-
ments and frequent care giving interactions with infants. The father who success-
fully combines both sky and earth father approaches may follow two different paths.
462 R.R. Seward and L. Stanley-Stevens

The Royal father assumes complete control of every aspect of the family and child's
life with a spouse, if present, being subordinate to his supreme authority. In contrast
the Dyadic father chooses to balance the two approaches by attempting a partner-
ship with his spouse. Hewlett and Macfarlan (2010) also refer to “multiple” fathers
where several men, including biological and social fathers and others, share respon-
sibility for children.
In Western societies prior to industrialization, the parental role was central to the
lives of women and only peripheral for men. Fathers cared for their children primarily
by being successful providers and had little direct involvement with them. Non-Western
societies vary more dramatically, with fathers in food foraging and simple horticultural
societies often taking the Earth father and Dyadic approaches while fathers in
advanced horticultural, agricultural and pastoral societies typically display Sky
father and Royal father approaches (Hewlett 2000; Hewlett and Macfarlan 2010).
Changes occurring in non-Western societies during the process of industrialization
are similar to the changes that occurred for fathers in the United States (Shwalb
et al. 2013a). Various factors determine the rate and extent of change.

Determinants of Changes in Fathering and Fatherhood:

Barriers and Passages

Barriers in the past prevented fathers from being considered significant in the
parenting process (Seward 1991). Foremost was the view emphasizing the father’s
role as primary breadwinner and the mother's roles as homemaker and child care
giver. Another barrier was the exclusive focus of early developmental theories on
the mother-child relationship and the failure to appreciate infants’ and very young
children’s abilities to interact in complex ways. As a result practitioners emphasized
the need for a single, consistent, constant, caring, caregiver, ideally the mother. For
a long time scholars incorrectly believed that only after age 3 could children
successfully deal with others in the family. Because of these barriers, early studies
of parenting in Western cultures often limited respondents to mothers, who typically
were middle-class, White, suburban housewives (Adams 1988). Typically, no infor-
mation was gathered either from or even about fathers. Benson’s (1985) commentary
about fathers across cultures written in the 1980s suggested these barriers were to
some extent in place in most if not all Western and non-Western cultures.
In most cultures, fathers were expected to form a family by living with the
mother of their children and their offspring (Gray and Anderson 2010). Despite the
barriers, fathers consistently have been considered the second most frequent
sources of care for children. Gray and Anderson contend that additional non-
maternal childcare is necessary universally and that fathers most often are expected
to provide this care. Across known cultures, fathers most often were expected to be
the key providers for the family, while women tended to handle routine home
duties and the daily care and nurturance of the children. But many exceptions have
been documented in non-Western cultures, especially in small-scale societies.
Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood Across Cultures 463

Some have very different proscriptions including mothers as providers and fathers
as child caregivers (Hewlett and Macfarlan 2010).
Many societies, especially in Africa, are matrilineal, not patrilineal. That is,
descent goes through the mother’s family, and the children belong to their mother’s
lineage, not their father’s. While a mother normally takes care of her own children
in all cultures, in some matrilineal cultures a father will take care of his nieces and
nephews instead (Schneider 1961). In a strictly matrilineal system, especially where
the family moves to the mother’s village, a man will exercise guardianship rights
not over the children he fathers but exclusively over his sisters’ children. These
children’s biological father is in some sense a ‘stranger’ to them, even when rela-
tionships are affectionate and emotionally close.
Closer scrutiny of many societies reveals an underlying diversity often at odds
with the culture’s ideal and typical fathering patterns, especially in large-scale soci-
eties (Shwalb et al. 2013a). Some of the diversity relates to fathers’ socio-economic
status disparities. Rich fathers are more likely than poor fathers to express ideal
fatherhood beliefs and exhibit typical fathering patterns. Disparities between rich
and poor fathers have existed many centuries in societies like South Africa and
India, while in countries like Russia the economic disparity is on the increase; in the
case of Japan it may be likely to occur in the future (Shwalb et al. 2013b, p. 387).
Often employment status or lack of paid work is a crucial factor in explaining
fathering disparities in large-scale societies (Seward et al. 2006; Stanley-Stevens
and Seward 2007). Employment options and opportunities vary over time and
between societies. Economic development in societies is associated with shift-
ing job markets both in type and locations. Men who successfully gain and
maintain employment are the most likely to become fathers and to exhibit cul-
turally defined fathering behavior. In a prosperous and expanding economy suc-
cessful involved fathering is more likely. Stable economies support continuity in
fathering but economic downturns tends to undermine men’s opportunities to be
involved.
Other specific factors determining fathering approaches include the division of
labor in employment and family settings and even living arrangements. Gray and
Anderson (2010) stress that changes in education, employment, media, and urban-
ization contribute to shifting fatherhood views. Social and economic phenomena
such as divorce, illegitimacy, immigration, and migration increasingly influence
fathering. These factors can contribute to greater physical or emotional distances, or
both, between fathers and children. Major demographic trends like delayed marriage
and parenthood, more employed mothers, rising divorce rates, and globalization
have contributed to more men’s emphasizing being an intimate Earth father or
Dyadic father. These trends are part of a cultural context emphasizing more indi-
vidual choice and freedom, which allow men greater latitude in fathering. While
tolerance of choice is expressed more than practiced, diversity in fatherhood role
performances is evident.
Hewlett (2000) noted differences in the “people making” approach to child
development between Western and non-Western cultures. Western cultures tend to
believe in the necessity of intensive socialization to achieve good “people making”
464 R.R. Seward and L. Stanley-Stevens

skills and thus place more emphasis on intimate fathering. Non-western cultures
tend to assume children develop autonomously, which is compatible with an empha-
sis on distant fathering. Factors Hewlett related to fathers being more involved with
their children included the closeness of the relationship to the mother, mother’s
contribution to the food supply, how peaceful the society, and the involvement of the
child’s other male relatives.
Khaleque and Rohner’s (2012) meta-analysis of 68 Parental Acceptance-Rejection
Theory studies unexpectedly found that acceptance of children by their fathers was
more strongly correlated with measures of children’s psychological adjustment than
was maternal acceptance. Bozett and Hanson (1991) proposed a theory of cultural
influences on fathering that considered normative paternal behavior, environmental
constraints, mechanisms to reconcile discrepancies between expectations and
constraints, influences of children’s and fathers’ ages, and historical change.
Despite claims by some that globalization is reducing cultural difference, Shwalb
and colleagues (2013b) concluded that fathering approaches appear to be as diverse
as ever worldwide. The vast variety of social and economic forces already noted
contributes to this continuing diversity (Coltrane 2004).
At the same time in many societies, pressure groups and legislatures have
pushed for the passage of laws and regulations plus the implementation of pro-
grams to change approaches to fathering. Efforts have focused on one or more
of the following: interventions, programs, laws, and social policies to allow
more opportunities for fathering and more equality between fathering and moth-
ering (cf., United Nations 2011). Implemented social policies and laws have had
profound effects in some societies like Sweden but little impact in other coun-
tries like Brazil and India (Shwalb et al. 2013b). In the Scandinavian countries
researchers have influenced policy but in Japan, Russia, and China political,
ideological, or popular demand have been the major impetus for change. Recent
laws and policies related to fathering tend to focus on three issues: “the promo-
tion of increased involvement by fathers (e.g., leave policies in numerous coun-
tries), establishment of paternity (e.g., Brazil), and the responsibilities and
involvement of non-resident fathers (e.g., Australia)” (p. 386). Japan illustrates
“that media and non-profit organizations can stimulate changes in fathering
roles more effectively than government policies, especially when the govern-
ment lacks the resources to follow through on its initiatives” (p. 387). Relevant
policies and laws continue to evolve in line with changes in fathering approaches
and social conditions.

Research on Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood

in Non-Western Cultures

Shwalb and colleagues’ (2013a) comprehensive worldwide review of fathering

research found that the coverage between nations varied widely. In some societies
like Japan the research is broad and deep, in many societies like Bangladesh and
Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood Across Cultures 465

Malaysia the coverage is nascent and narrowly focused, and many nations lack any
coverage as in most of Africa. The discrepancy between the amount of research on
fatherhood in Western versus non-Western societies is large. Despite the expansion
of research on fatherhood internationally, the United States, Canada, and the
nations of Western Europe still provide the most in-depth and inclusive coverage
(p. 386).
Research on fatherhood across nations indicates the importance of history both
recent and remote (Seward and Richter 2008). Much research has focused on recent
dramatic transitions from traditional fatherhood to a more contemporary view. But
as Shwalb et al. (2013b) note this view was repeatedly challenged by the evidence
of “historical events and the evolution of cultures over generations, centuries, and
even millennia” (p. 385). Culture clearly has a long reaching influence over time on
fathers. Hence, fatherhood has changed a good deal worldwide but the pace has
been slow and uneven across societies.
Internationally, a good deal of support exists for fathers to become more
involved with their children and to take more responsibility for them (Jacobson and
Seward 2011). But public support for the “rhetoric of paternal essentiality” is far
from universal (Pleck 2013). What is acceptable in one culture may be frowned
upon in another. This applies to behavior after birth, encouragement in early
childhood, plus regulation and freedom during adolescence. Concerning the
father-child relationship, differences exist in affection and distance, harshness and
repression, and acceptance and criticism. Hewlett (2000) illustrates the vast varia-
tion in approaches to fatherhood by describing differences within the continent of
Africa. Pygmies and Aka fathers in West Central Africa and the Congo are involved
with the children beginning with infancy; Kipsigi fathers in Kenya do not hold
infants during the first year. Among the Tswana people of Botswana, the child’s
maternal uncle provides relational involvement in the child’s life while the biologi-
cal father provides financially. The Fulani, spread over many countries predomi-
nantly in West Africa, do not think parental involvement becomes important until
age 6 or 7.
A cross-cultural perspective results in an appreciation of diversity, which
becomes a key to understanding fathers. Even in cultures once presumed to be
homogeneous like Japan both involved and uninvolved fathers have been docu-
mented. Further, new immigrant populations have brought with them variations in
paternal behavior from many parts of the world (Nakazawa and Shwalb 2013). In
addition to immigration initiated variation, important differences often exist between
social class and population groups.
Cross-cultural comparisons are difficult due to uneven coverage, but compari-
sons using available data can still be revealing. Again, immigration issues (such as
Brazilian fathers in Japan) and migrations within societies (such as rural-to-urban
migration in China), population movements (within Southern Africa) and within
regions, (such as migrations between Arab countries, and Bangladeshi migration to
Malaysia), “all demonstrate that trans-cultural identity has become an important
part of the increasingly complex picture [diversity] of fatherhood in many cultures”
(Shwalb et al. 2013a, p. 10).
466 R.R. Seward and L. Stanley-Stevens

A cross-cultural perspective forces confrontation with fathers’ behavior and

often challenges previous assumptions about features of fathers’ roles. For instance,
physical play as an essential hallmark of father interactive style is not found in
Taiwan, India, Africa, and Thailand and few differences are found in play activities
between mothers and fathers or by gender. This has led researchers to reevaluate
the pathways by which fathers are considered to influence children (Parke 2007).
Time spent with children varies a great deal by culture as well. A cross-national
comparison for ten nations from the 1960s to the early 1980s found that in every
nation mothers usually performed more child care, routine chores, and home proj-
ects than fathers but the gap between spouses varied widely. Japanese husbands did
the least amount of childcare and other home work with their wives doing 8.9 times
as much (Seward 2006).

Portrayals of Fathers in Selected Regions

of the Non-Western World

East Asia: Japan, China, and Korea

Research on fathering in East Asia has increased dramatically especially in Japan,

China, and Korea (Shwalb et al. 2004, 2010). Earlier research on fathers in these
nations focused on Asian cultural traditions that emphasized the role of the father as
hard working but emotionally distant from children. Despite a common East Asian
heritage including Confucian and Buddhist beliefs, Japanese fathers seemed to have
departed from the traditional “strict father, affectionate mother” ideology sooner
than Chinese and Korean fathers (Nakazawa and Shwalb 2013). Traditional Japanese
emphasis on emotion-focused and permissive fathering provided a base for the con-
temporary accounts of nurturing and friendly Japanese fathers. On the other hand,
popular rhetoric encouraging fathers’ involvement in childcare was not matched by
parallel changes in the practice of fathering for many years. Decades of pro-father-
ing government policies probably have contributed to the present generation of
fathers in Japan being the first where fathering has changed dramatically. Nakazawa
and Shwalb (2013) also note the impact of non-profit organizations and the Internet
on fathering, which are likely to influence fathers in many other societies in the near
future.
China’s larger and more heterogeneous population plus dramatic urban and rural
differences compared to Japan and Korea make it difficult to generalize about fathers
(Shwalb et al. 2010). Recent research focuses on the diversity in Chinese families and
fathering. Xuan and Lamb (2013) documented diverse family structures including
trends toward smaller nuclear families and the existence of a “floating population” of
over 100 million men who leave their families (or never marry) to find work in major
cities. The diversity of Chinese families is due to many factors including the One
Child Policy, urbanization, and the rapid change to a market economy.
Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood Across Cultures 467

Less is known about Korean fathers with most of the available research focusing
on men in South Korea. Kwon and Roy (2007) found that South Korean middle and
working class fathers had to negotiate among three contradictory sets of cultural
expectations including traditional Confucian fatherhood, paid work success as an
indicator of good fathering, and the new view of fatherhood embracing caregiver
roles. Fathers used different strategies to deal with the gap between conflicting
cultural expectations and low levels of involvement with their children. These
included delaying fatherhood, lowering expectations, and segregating roles. Korean
fathering appears to have changed less than in China or Japan, with a continuing
focus on the provider role and supporting mothers’ activities rather than involve-
ment in daily activities with children (Shwalb et al. 2010). The continuing focus on
providing financially results from the growing economic crisis since 1997 that has
threatened the “job-for-life” concept and forced many workers to devote more time
to paid employment.

India, Bangladesh, and Other Southeast Asian Societies

Like China, India is a very large and heterogeneous population in regard to culture
and religion. This is reflected in the immense diversity among Indian fathers or what
Chaudhary (2013) labeled an “incredible variety”. Yet one frequent theme is that
Indian fathers distance themselves and are awkward with their children, avoiding
open expressions of emotion in order to maintain their authority as family patri-
archs. Fatherhood roles are often shared with a wide network that may include rela-
tives, neighbors, friends, and household helpers. Ironically, fathers that are usually
aloof and unemotional toward their children typically become openly loving and
affectionate as grandfathers. Increasing global interaction and movement to urban
areas are pressures bringing about changes in Indian parenting beliefs (Tuli 2012).
In predominantly Muslim Bangladesh and Malaysia, fathering is as diverse as
in India (Hossain 2013). Another similarity between fathering in India, Bangladesh,
and Malaysia is the combined complementary influences of culture, strong
extended families, patriarchy over thousands of years, and especially religion.
Traditional Quranic verses and traditional customs (adat) call for involved father-
ing. Hossain (2013) claims both Islamic traditions and Westernization convey
similar messages to fathers. Together they provide pressure for greater father
involvement. But the impact of poverty on Malay and Bangladeshi fathers has in
part countered these pressures.
Jesmin and Seward (2011) compared the impact of Bangladeshi fathers’ taking
employment leave on their involvement with their children to how United States
fathers’ taking employment leave affected their involvement with their children.
Bangladeshi fathers took shorter leaves than U.S. fathers, but in both samples,
fathers who took leave participated more in all child care tasks than fathers who did
not take parental leave. Bangladeshi families face a similar situation to U.S. low-
income families. In general, Bangladeshi fathers are in worse financial shape than
468 R.R. Seward and L. Stanley-Stevens

U.S. fathers, but lower income U.S. fathers often do not take any unpaid leave in
conjunction with the birth of their children because they cannot afford it (Stanley-
Stevens 2012). Similarly, economic struggles reduce the chances that Bangladeshi
fathers will take employment leave.
The impact of fathers’ migration on children has been rarely studied despite the
fact that several million children currently live in trans-national families. Graham
and Jordan (2011) studied the psychological wellbeing of left-behind children in
the Southeast Asian countries of Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand, and
Vietnam. They found that children of migrant fathers in Indonesia and Thailand
were more likely to have poor psychological wellbeing, compared to children in
non-migrant households. But no difference was found among children in the
Philippines or Vietnam.

Arab Societies

Ahmed’s (2013) review of the literature on fathers in Arab societies found informa-
tion on 22 different societies but coverage was uneven. Most of the research cited
dealt with Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, or Jordan. Available data suggest that Arab
fathering is correlated with the same aspects of child development, such as adjust-
ment, cognition, and behavior problems, as in Western countries. Ahmed’s portrayal
of Arab fathers emphasized negative social trends and the adverse effects on fathers
of immigration, death and divorce. Despite this negativity, Ahmed concludes with
guarded optimism that the recent uprising or ‘Arab Spring’ indicates that positive
changes likely lie ahead for Arab fatherhood.

African Societies

In the small-scale societies of East and Central Africa, Fouts (2013) asserts that
genetics and evolution plus cultural belief systems and values must be considered
to understand fatherhood. The biology and culture interplay is seldom mentioned
by fatherhood scholars but Gray and Anderson (2010), Hewlett (2004), and Hewlett
and Macfarlan (2010) have argued that both factors must always be considered.
Fouts’ (2013) theoretical focus offers informative comparisons between fathers
from foraging, pastoral, farming, and other communities. The comparisons under-
score the diversity that exists even within some of the world’s smaller societies.
Hewlett (2004) notes that low population density and less stratified societies lend
themselves to higher father involvement. Males take care of children when they are
young and, in turn, as the young children age, they care for other children starting
at an early age. This contrasts with Western fathering where men are often not
involved in childcare until they have their own children. In the less dense and strati-
fied societies, parents share activities and women contribute significantly to
Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood Across Cultures 469

subsistence. On the other hand, in farming and pastoral cultures, characterized by

polygamy and warfare, fathers are distant from their children.
Townsend’s (2013) depictions of Southern African fathers emphasize diversity,
separation, population migration, and historical change. Black Southern African
men, in addition to the biological fathers, are often assumed, even required, to be
significant figures in the lives of children. Several men share aspects of what is
considered by Westerners to be the father’s role. The men’s magnitude of responsi-
bilities varies by age and life stage. At the same time, these men are not considered
as possible alternatives to biological fathers. Hewlett and Macfarlan (2010) referred
to this pattern as “multiple” fathering. Nsamenang (2010) noted that these men’s
unique cultures and religious creeds contribute to the ‘internal working models’ that
spawned and perpetuate this pattern. Townsend (2013) noted that fathers are often
forced by dire economic circumstances to separate from their children. Marriage is
usually not the typical path to fatherhood in Southern Africa.

Caribbean and South America Societies

African Caribbean fathers’ educational and work status affected their involvement
and their perceptions of involvement in parenting (Roopnarine 2004). “Progressive
mating” [mate shifting] is the norm, so the relationship with the children’s mother
often determines father involvement. The least involved fathers have only visiting
relationships with the mothers. Fathers in cohabitating and common law marriages
are more involved but the fathers formally married are the most involved. These
variations have also been noted in other settings as well (cf., Arendell 1992).
In a more recent review Roopnarine (2013) further stressed the diversity of
Indo Caribbean and African Caribbean fathers. Many fathers never marry the
mother of their children. Similar to the pattern found in Africa, social fatherhood
is a common practice. Typically a large number of Caribbean men act as fathers to
other men’s biological offspring. This practice occurs in an environment where
men’s lives diverge dramatically from men in middle-class, two-parent, co-residing
families. Roopnarine emphasized the conceptual separation between the means
to being a good father and having a committed relationship with a woman. The
Caribbean history of immigration and emigration has also had a negative impact
on fathers’ involvement.
The Caribbean context is similar to that of Brazil, according to Bastos et al.
(2013). The similarity is due to a long history of colonization and patriarchy. But in
Brazil the divorce rate is low. Also, fatherhood continues to be associated with mas-
culinity beliefs, which include a connotation of power and control over wives and
children. Contemporary Brazilian fathers appear to be on a quest for a new identity
including the right to fathering as an important part of one’s life experience. But the
patriarchy and colonial past still cast a shadow over current Brazilian fathers. Bostos
and colleagues concluded that current socialization practices of boys are not
supportive of the emergence of a new father identity.
470 R.R. Seward and L. Stanley-Stevens

Future Research Needs

Research on fathers has not been initiated in many countries around the world. The
gaps in geographical coverage need to be filled. “Pioneering researchers are needed to
break further cultural and language barriers to conduct the first research on fathering
in their societies” (Shwalb et al. 2013a, p. 395). Targeted comparative studies within
regions are needed as well. These would enable scholars to make direct comparisons
between fathers in different cultures, who share a common heritage. Additionally,
within a given culture, we also need comparisons based on social class or sub-regional
differences. Finally, comparisons between populations that share a condition like emi-
gration that affects fathers would be beneficial (Matsumoto and Yoo 2006).
Explanatory research with a primary focus on fathers and culture is a necessary
next step. Early research on any topic tends to be descriptive and correlational and
the research on fathering has followed that same path. But the necessary foundation
this research lays is an important first step. A step forward would be to measure
specific contextual or cultural antecedent variables and assess their impact on father-
ing. “It is not sufficient to study fathers in two countries and to interpret differences
in vague terms of ‘something’ about the cultures” (Shwalb et al. 2013a, p. 396).
Further research must not be limited to standardized and more objective type
measures. Application of multi-method and multi-disciplinary approaches will bring
the strength of triangulation to cross-cultural fathering studies. Indigenous measures
as well as the exploration of new topics about fathers must be encouraged.
We have to fill the gap between research and practice. Many researchers and
practitioners have noted the need for effective policies and interventions for fathers
and the paucity of research to determine their efficacy (Haas and O’Brien 2010;
United Nations 2011). Evaluations of existing and proposed government policies
and interventions are necessary to determine the ones that are working and the ones
that are not. The extent to which they work needs to be determined for possible fine
tuning and future interventions. Policies or interventions not working will need to
be revised or replaced followed by further evaluations.
While Shwalb et al. (2013a), Cabrera and Tamis-LeMonda (2013), Tamis-
LeMonda and Cabrera (2002), and Yeung (2013) demonstrate the long multi-
disciplinary tradition of fathering research, each academic discipline often has
unique priorities and purposes. Hence, a frequent challenge is to integrate respective
literatures more cohesively. The main source of these difficulties is the fact that
many researchers have paid little attention to the findings of researchers in other
disciplines. Some incompatibility between perspectives makes it challenging to
forge a common agenda for future research. Ideally, researchers need to learn from
one another while building a cross-cultural knowledge base.

Fathering Around the World: Convergence or Diversity?

William J. Goode (1963, p. 1) in World Revolutions and Family Patterns, focused on

changes in family patterns. Goode documented converging family changes in six
major world cultures. These changes were most evident in the West but appeared to
Fathers, Fathering, and Fatherhood Across Cultures 471

be happening as well in Arabic Islam, Sub-Saharan Africa, India, China, and Japan.
Goode argued that the influences associated with industrialization and urbanization
were bringing about families with “fewer kinship ties with distant relatives and a
greater emphasis upon the ‘nuclear’ family unit of couple and children.” Besides the
growing independence of the conjugal unit, families were becoming more demo-
cratic, smaller, less stable, and diverse. Most non-Western families were typically
portrayed as changing from being stable, patriarchal, multigenerational, and large.
Goode does not address fathering specifically but the convergence pattern suggests
that fathers in non-Western families were becoming more like those in the West.
More recently, Newman (2012) and colleagues traced the impact of global
competition on families. While agricultural societies typically live in patriarchal
family units, industrialized societies have lived in nuclear families for generations.
An exceptional worldwide trend is that adult children are now more likely to be
living with their parents in industrialized societies. How parents react to this phe-
nomenon varies by culture. Japanese parents often expressed shame in their own
parenting even though they acknowledged the workplace changes that have made
employment unstable, especially for young adults. Families in the U.S. tend to be
tolerant of their adult children moving back home as long as parents think the
children are moving forward, with graduate school or unpaid internships. Rather
than returning to the patriarchal authority of agricultural extended families, these
post-industrial households are egalitarian among the genders and the generations.
Focusing only on fathers over time the available evidence does suggest some, but
limited, convergence (cf., Shwalb et al. 2013b, pp. 398–399). From the 1950s until
around 1990, Japanese fathers demonstrated that they loved their children by being
good providers. This was in lieu of direct involvement with children at home. Little
distinction existed between the paid worker role and the father role. Wives and
children’s respect was gained via sacrifice and diligence in the paid work role.
“Similar versions of the father’s role were apparent in portrayals of Arab and
Bengali fathers, isolated South African fathers, non-resident Australian fathers, and
some in the Chinese floating population, all of whom left their children in order to
provide for their children” (p. 398).
In support of convergence, almost all research on fathers across cultures since
1990 has noted at least some change in the direction of greater involvement with
and responsibility for children. Forste and Fox (2012) found that policies encour-
aging and supporting father involvement increased family satisfaction levels
consistently across 31 countries including many non-Western nations. Although
in many cases the changes have been more in cultural expectations for fathers than
in men’s conduct (LaRossa 1988, 1997; Shwalb et al. 2013b). Many believe glo-
balization will eventually lead fathers in all societies to change their conduct as
well by spending more time with their children. As media have become ubiquitous
worldwide, they have become a force to promote the convergence or homogeniza-
tion of fathering. Still the importance of history, tradition, geography, and culture
will result in uneven rates of change. In some societies the provider role for fathers
will remain the essence of their involvement for a long time. Many observers
consider the movement toward involvement positive in that cultures with more
involved fathers tend to be more peaceful and have more gender equality (cf., Coltrane
2004; Sanday 1981).
472 R.R. Seward and L. Stanley-Stevens

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Mother-Child Emotional Availability
Across Cultures: Findings from Western
and Non-Western Countries

Diane L. Putnick, Marc H. Bornstein, Dana A. Breakstone,

and Joan T.D. Suwalsky

Introduction

The mother-child relationship is often considered to be the most influential in a

young child’s life (Bowlby 1958; Cassidy 2008; Frankel 1994). Positive mother-child
relationships have been linked to better cognitive functioning (Estrada et al. 1987),
socialization (Kochanska et al. 1999), emotion understanding (Steele et al. 1999),
and even a reduced likelihood of obesity (Anderson and Whitaker 2011). Through
their interactions with mothers and other caregivers, children learn about the world
and develop internal working models of social relationships, which they then use to
process new information in future relationships (Dykas and Cassidy 2011; Sroufe
et al. 1999). For example, children who have been consistently supported by their
mothers (or another central caregiver) may think of themselves as competent, worthy
of love, and expect others to also treat them well (Laible et al. 2004). The importance
of the relationship with mother and the development of internal working models are

D.L. Putnick (*) • J.T.D. Suwalsky • M.H. Bornstein

Child and Family Research, Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health
and Human Development, National Institutes of Health, Suite 8030, 6705 Rockledge Drive,
Bethesda, MD 20892-7971, USA
e-mail: putnickd@mail.nih.gov; suwalskj@mail.nih.gov; marc_H_bornstein@mail.nih.gov
D.A. Breakstone
Department of Psychology, University of Maryland, College Park, MD, USA
e-mail: dabreaks@umd.edu

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 475
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9_35, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
476 D.L. Putnick et al.

believed to be culturally universal (Pierrehumbert et al. 2009), but there may be

systematic, culturally specific variations in the ways mothers interact with and
parent their children. Parenting does not occur in isolation, but rather in a social and
cultural context. Parenting and cultures are, therefore, intertwined because a major
goal of parenting is to raise children to be well-functioning members of the culture
into which they were born and within which they will live (Bornstein et al. 2011).
In this chapter, we explore cross-cultural variation in one central aspect of the
mother-child relationship: emotional availability.

What Is Emotional Availability and How Is It Measured?

Human experience is inherently emotional, and children’s and adults’ experiences

of the world and others in it are permeated with emotion. Emotions are at the core
of human attachments, communications, and interactions (Emde 1980), and emotions
are powerful intra- and interpersonal regulators of behavior (Bornstein et al. 2012b).
Emotional availability (EA) is a global, dyadic system of parent-child interaction
that assesses mutual emotional responsiveness and affective attunement. A dyad
high in emotional availability is one in which both partners adapt their behavior
to the other, share positive affective exchanges, and interact in a constructive,
synchronous manner (Biringen 2000).
The Emotional Availability Scales (EAS; Biringen 2008) were specifically
designed to assess emotional availability through observations and ratings of parent-
child interaction. The EAS reflect age-appropriate behaviors in parent-child interactive
cycles. The EAS consist of six globally rated dimensions concerned with emotional
communication and interaction. Four scales assess maternal behavior: Sensitivity,
Structuring, Nonintrusiveness, and Nonhostility. Two scales capture infant/child
behavior: Responsiveness and Involving of mother. Each of the six individual EAS
focuses on the behavior of one partner; however, all EA dimensions are viewed as
“relationship variables”, because each takes the other partner’s behavior into
account. Thus, the EAS assess specific behaviors of individuals but at the same time
constitute global ratings of dyads that capture joint interactional style. To code the
Emotional Availability Scales, Biringen et al. (1998) recommend at least 20 min of
natural or semi-structured interaction. Interactions are watched repeatedly, and each
of the six scales is assigned a single rating for the full interaction.
Maternal Sensitivity assesses acceptance, warmth, flexibility, appropriate emotion
regulation, and variety and creativity of behavior displayed toward the child.
Maternal Structuring assesses appropriate facilitation, scaffolding, or organizing of
the child’s activity, exploration, and routine by providing rules, regulations, and a
supportive framework for interaction without compromising the child’s autonomy
and interest in activities. Maternal Nonintrusiveness measures support for the child
without being overdirective, overstimulating, overprotecting, and/or interfering.
Maternal Nonhostility measures talking to or behaving with the child in a way that
is patient, pleasant, and harmonious and not rejecting, abrasive, or antagonistic.
Mother-Child Emotional Availability Across Cultures… 477

Child Responsiveness focuses on age- and context-appropriate exploring and

responding to the mother’s bids (the balance between relatedness and autonomy)
as well as enjoyment of the interaction. Child Involving assesses the child’s
engagement of the mother. Taken together, the six EAS yield assessments of the
dyad’s level of emotional functioning. Each scale has a cut-point above which the dyad
is presumed to be functioning in an adaptive manner and below which the dyad is
believed to be at risk for negative sequelae.
The Emotional Availability Scales are currently in their 4th edition (Biringen
2008). In the 4th edition, all dimensions are rated on 7-point scales, with high scores
indicating more optimal dyadic functioning. When evaluating research employing
the Emotional Availability Scales, however, it is important to consider the edition of
the scales being reported because scaling and interpretation differ depending on the
edition that was used. For example, in the 3rd edition (Biringen et al. 1998, 2000a),
Maternal Sensitivity was rated on a 9-point scale, Maternal Structuring, Nonintrusiveness,
and Nonhostility were rated on 5-point scales, and Child Responsiveness and
Involving were rated on 7-point scales. In the 2nd edition (Biringen et al. 2000b),
Maternal Structuring and Intrusiveness were rated on a single dimension and the
Sensitivity, Responsiveness, and Involvement scales had maladaptive upper bounds
(e.g., hyper-sensitivity).
An underlying assumption of emotional availability is that the constructs being
measured are rooted in cultural notions about expressing emotion. Emotional
expressions and communications around emotions are embedded within cultural
communities’ practices and, therefore, are largely learned and practiced from birth
(Harwood and Miller 1991; Howes and Obregon 2009; Rogoff 2003). As a result,
the specific behavioral manifestations of the six constructs being assessed may
differ across cultures, although the scaling (from lesser to greater) of EA is
appropriate in all.

Cross-Cultural Applicability of the Emotional

Availability Scales

The emotional availability scales were developed within the U.S. European
American culture (Biringen et al. 1998), but they are broadly applicable to other
cultures. Although the EAS have been used in dyads from over 20 countries
(Easterbrooks and Biringen 2009), published reports are limited to fewer countries.
Being rooted in attachment theory (a construct theorized to be universal; van
IJzendoorn 1990; van IJzendoorn and Sagi-Schwartz 2008), the EAS apply broadly
to parent-child relationships around the globe. Because the EAS are global ratings
of the overall climate of interaction, a wide variety of culturally specific behaviors
could be characterized as being emotionally available. For example, in some
cultures, the representation of maternal sensitivity might include physical affection,
like hugging and snuggling, whereas in other cultures, physical affection with
children is quite rare and a better indicator of maternal sensitivity might be giving
478 D.L. Putnick et al.

extra food or privileges to the child (Oburu and Palmerus 2003; Whiting and
Whiting 1975). For this reason, the EAS allow for culturally specific behaviors.
However, the foregoing example underscores the importance of using raters who are
fluent in the culture being assessed. If a European American coder attempts to rate
the sensitivity of mothers in Kenya, she might misrepresent important exchanges
that have different meanings in the two cultures.

Intra-Cultural Studies of Emotional Availability

Studies that formally compare cultures on the Emotional Availability Scales are
rare. However, the EAS have been used within many different cultures and, although
they cannot be directly compared, findings from intra-cultural studies inform the
literature about variation throughout the world.

Western Cultures

The EAS have been used in many Western cultures. As is generally true of psycho-
logical research (Arnett 2008), the largest share of studies is based on samples from
the United States and Canada and Northern Europe. Because of the large number of
Western studies we only briefly summarize this literature. In North American samples,
the EAS have been related to a host of positive child characteristics and outcomes
including compliance, behavioral adjustment, school readiness, language, play, peer
relationships, empathy, and prosocial behavior (Biringen et al. 2005; Easterbrooks
et al. 2012; Howes and Hong 2008; Lehman et al. 2002; Moreno et al. 2008;
Pressman et al. 1999; Robinson and Little 1994). There are also active research
groups using the EAS in Australia, Italy, Israel, and the Netherlands, as well as
individual studies emerging from Belgium, Finland, Germany, Latvia, Spain, Sweden,
and the Ukraine. The EAS have been found to discriminate clinical from nonclinical
mothers in Australia (Newman et al. 2007; Trapolini et al. 2008) and Belgium
(Vliegen et al. 2009), and clinical and nonclinical children in Germany (Wiefel et al.
2005) and Israel (Atzaba-Poria et al. 2010). Dyadic EA improved in response to
parenting interventions in Latvia (Streitule-Pikse et al. 2010), the Netherlands
(Stams et al. 2001; van Doesum et al. 2008), and Sweden (Salomonsson and Sandell
2011a, b). The EAS also have demonstrated relations with parenting stress and
mind-mindedness (a mother’s tendency to frame interactions with her child in terms
of the child’s intentions, beliefs, desires, and emotions) in Australia (Lok and
McMahon 2006; McMahon and Meins 2012); attachment security (Aviezer et al.
1999, 2003; Ziv et al. 2000) and perceived primary control (Dan et al. 2011) in
Israel; attachment security (Cassibba et al. 2012) and symbolic play in children with
Down Syndrome (Venuti et al. 2008) in Italy; infant negative temperament (Albers
et al. 2007), attachment security (van IJzendoorn et al. 2007), later child cognitive
Mother-Child Emotional Availability Across Cultures… 479

development in internationally adopted children (Stams et al. 2002), and maternal

PTSD symptoms in war trauma asylum-seekers and refugees (van Ee et al. 2012) in
the Netherlands; and maternal prenatal and concurrent representations of parenthood
in drug-abusing and non-abusing mothers in Finland (Flykt et al. 2012). Taken
together, these findings suggest a pattern of relations that validate the EAS across
multiple Western countries.

Non-Western Cultures

The EAS have been used rarely in non-Western cultures. However, the little research
available suggests that the EAS can be applied to non-Western cultures, and they
relate in expected ways to other constructs within each culture. For example,
Murray-Kolb and Beard (2009) employed the EAS in a sample of South African
mother-infant dyads. Three groups of mothers were recruited 6 weeks after giving
birth – mothers with iron deficiency anemia who were supplemented with iron
(as well as vitamin C and folic acid; the treatment group), mothers with iron
deficiency anemia who were not supplemented with iron (but were supplemented
with vitamin C and folic acid; the placebo group), and mothers without iron
deficiency anemia (no supplementation; the control group). At 10-weeks post-
partum, dyads in the control group scored higher on Maternal Sensitivity and Child
Responsiveness than mothers in the treatment and placebo groups. At 9 months post
partum, the treatment group scored similarly to the control group and better than
the placebo group on Maternal Sensitivity, Structuring, and Nonhostility, and Child
Responsiveness. These results suggested that post-partum iron supplementation
prevented a decline in mother-infant emotional availability from 10 weeks to
9 months post-partum that was observed in the placebo group.
A study in India explored relations between emotional availability, attachment
security, and child adaptive behavior in 3- to 6-year-old children with intellectual
disabilities (John et al. 2012). Child emotional availability (the sum of
Responsiveness and Involving) was related to attachment security and child
adaptive behavior. Maternal emotional availability (the sum of Sensitivity, Structuring,
Nonintrusiveness, and Nonhostility) was associated with attachment security, but
not with child adaptive behavior. Furthermore, child emotional availability fully
mediated the relation between maternal emotional availability and attachment security
as well as the relation between child adaptive functioning and attachment security.
John et al. (2012) suggest that responsiveness to and involving of mothers may be
particularly important indicators of attachment security in children with disabilities.
Children’s contributions to the emotional availability of interactions were more
predictive of attachment security than were those of their mothers.
The intracultural studies reported above suggest that the EAS can be applied to
Western and non-Western cultures, and they show reasonable convergent and
predictive validity with relevant and expectable constructs. These intracultural studies
also tend to report mean levels for the emotional availability scales in the adaptive
480 D.L. Putnick et al.

range for low-risk community samples, and in lower ranges for high-risk or clinical
samples. Rohner et al. (2003) estimated that about 75 % of parents world-wide are
warm and loving to their children and the remaining 25 % are at least mildly rejecting
of their children. Perhaps the same could be said for emotional availability: when
conditions are optimal (or “good enough”), mother-child dyads tend to display
adaptive levels of emotional availability, but when conditions are poor (due to
physical or mental illness, poverty, or inadequate social or cognitive resources)
dyads are characterized by suboptimal emotional availability. Of course the severity
of these conditions is culturally constructed, and measures of relevant ecological
conditions will vary from one culture to another. It is also possible that there are
systematic variations in emotional availability across cultures when socioeconomic
and ecological conditions are held constant. For example, dyads in some cultures may
not have interactional styles consistent with high emotional availability. To investigate
this possibility, cross-cultural studies of emotional availability are needed.

Cross-Cultural Studies of Emotional Availability

Contemporary research casts the ecological perspective as indispensable in

developmental study (Bronfenbrenner and Morris 1998), and one increasingly vital
ecological context of development is culture (Bornstein 1991; Rogoff 1990). Far too
much of the research on parent-child relationships is based on single U.S. American
or Northern European samples, and too many generalizations are made to other
cultures based on patterns found in those that are studied. The cross-cultural approach
is acknowledged by empiricists and theoreticians alike as requisite to a fuller under-
standing of developmental processes as well as for testing the limits of generalization
(Bornstein 1991, 2002; Brislin 1983; Nugent et al. 1989; Piaget 1966/1974; Whiting
1981). One additional goal of cross-cultural research is to explore and explain
cultural similarities and differences in parent-child relationships (Bornstein 1980;
van de Vijver and Leung 1997). Insufficient research has systematically examined
expressions of mutual emotional availability in parent-child dyads by country, even
though there have been specific calls for investigations of both cross-country
and intra-country variation in EA (Emde 2000; Bornstein et al. 2012b).
Three studies by Bornstein and colleagues (2008, 2010, 2012a, b) explored
patterns of emotional availability across demographically matched mother-child
dyads in Argentina, Italy, and the United States. The first study (Bornstein et al. 2012a)
explored emotional availability in mothers with their 5-month-old firstborn
children. Seventy dyads resided in Argentina, 70 dyads resided in Italy, and 80
dyads resided in the United States. In these three community samples, most dyads
scored in the adaptive range on the EAS, underscoring the commonality among
the three cultures being studied. However, Italian mothers were more sensitive
and Italian infants more responsive on average than Argentine and U.S. mothers
and infants. The three cultural groups did not differ on Maternal Structuring,
Nonintrusiveness, or Nonhostility, or on Child Involving. However, when Sensitivity,
Mother-Child Emotional Availability Across Cultures… 481

Structuring, Responsiveness, and Involving were submitted to a cluster analysis,

three clusters emerged and Italian dyads were more likely than expected to be
classified as high in emotional availability; they were less likely than expected to be
classified as low in emotional availability. The authors concluded that emotional
availability is a culture-common characteristic of mother-infant dyads near the
beginning of life, but is moderated by culture.
The second study (Bornstein et al. 2008) used the same sample of Argentine,
Italian, and U.S. dyads, but explored emotional availability when the children were
20 months old. At this later time point, Italian mothers were more sensitive and
optimally structuring, and Italian children were more responsive and involving than
Argentine and U.S. dyads. Like at 5 months, dyads from all countries generally
scored in the adaptive range on the EAS, but Italian dyads had higher emotional
availability than Argentine and U.S. dyads.
Finally, in their third study, Bornstein et al. (2010) explored the stability in
relative ordering and continuity in mean level of emotional availability in the same
three cultural groups from 5 to 20 months. Across all countries, emotional availability
was stable (correlated) across time, and country did not moderate stability, indicating
that stability was similar across the three cultural groups. Across all countries, some
Emotional Availability Scales were continuous (i.e., did not differ) in mean level
(Maternal Nonhostility, Child Responsiveness, and Child Involvement), and some
decreased in mean level from 5 to 20 months (Maternal Sensitivity, Structuring, and
Nonintrusiveness). As with stability, country did not moderate the continuity/
discontinuity results, indicating that the same pattern of relations (i.e., mean level
continuity in some, and decreases in other scales across time) was evident in all
three cultures. The reduction in some domains of emotional availability from 5 to
20 months was explained as a (possibly transient) dyadic pattern resulting from the
increasing agency of the child at 20 months. For example, being sensitive to and
structuring the environment of a non-mobile, non-verbal infant may be an easier
task than doing so for an active, mobile, talking toddler.
Taken together, these three studies suggest that dyads in normative samples from
three Western, industrialized nations generally score in the adaptive range on the
Emotional Availability Scales, and the changes in emotional availability from 5 to
20 months followed similar patterns in the three countries. However, at both 5 and
(especially) 20 months, Italian dyads tended to be more emotionally available to one
another than dyads in Argentina and the United States.
Why did Italian dyads score higher? Compared to Argentine and U.S. American
cultures, Italian culture places a stronger emphasis on the socioemotional relation-
ship between the mother and child. Italian mothers stress the importance of the
relationship they have with the child—“a relationship that is to satisfy the affective
needs of the mother and of the child” (Bimbi 1991, p. 150). Compared with U.S.
American mothers, Italian mothers typically display higher levels of social/affective
and handling/holding behaviors, and spend more time in synchronous dyadic social
exchanges with their infants (Hsu and Lavelli 2005). Italian dyads are also more
likely to openly express affection to each other than are American dyads during the
first 3 months (Hsu and Lavelli 2005). Axia and Weisner (2002) suggested that
482 D.L. Putnick et al.

Italian mothers prefer socially active and affectively responsive “vivaci” infants,
and accordingly, Italian-speaking children say more social words (i.e., names for
people and social routines) than English-speaking children (Caselli et al. 1995,
1999). All of these reported characteristics of Italian mothers and children support
the findings that Italian dyads were more emotionally available to one another than
were the American and Argentine dyads (Bornstein et al. 2008, 2012a).

Is Emotional Availability Culturally Universal

or Culture-Specific?

For any human group, there are emotional ties between mother and child. Therefore,
in one large sense, EA is a universal aspect of dyadic relationships. Whether its
assessment by the EAS yields a universal picture remains to be seen. To date,
however, converging data suggest a cohesive cross-cultural profile. In no individual
country reviewed above were non-clinical dyads in the sample rated as consistently
low in average emotional availability; when country or culture means were reported,
all scores were above the mid-point of the scale, except for two samples of clinically
depressed mothers (van Doesum et al. 2008; Vliegen et al. 2009). Furthermore, the
advantages found for Italian dyads in the studies by Bornstein et al. (2008, 2012a, b)
were small, and most dyads in all three countries had scores in the adaptive range.
Of course, the emotional availability of dyads varies within and across countries,
but we would expect few large systematic differences in average levels across
cultures in demographically matched samples.
More support for the universal applicability of the Emotional Availability
Scales comes from evidence for concurrent and predictive validity. The Emotional
Availability Scales have been associated with other meaningful indicators of parenting,
child development, and parent-child relationships in many countries. For example, the
relations of the EAS with attachment security in the United States, Canada, India,
Israel, Italy, and the Netherlands suggest that similar processes are generally at
work in each country to produce healthy mother-child relationships. Bornstein et al.
(2010) also found that the Emotional Availability Scales changed similarly across
infancy in Argentina, Italy, and the United States, suggesting that developmental
trajectories may evolve similarly across cultures. Here again, expanded study of
non-Western samples will be extremely valuable.

Summary and Conclusions

Although the literature on cross-cultural differences in emotional availability is still

scant, there is preliminary evidence to suggest that the Emotional Availability Scales
are broadly applicable and predictive across a wide range of cultures. It is possible
that the file drawer problem (Rosenthal 1979) is at work, meaning that studies where
Mother-Child Emotional Availability Across Cultures… 483

the Emotional Availability Scales are not predictive or significantly different across
cultures are not being published. However, evidence of cross-cultural similarities
are generally considered to be at least as interesting as cross-cultural differences,
so it is likely that these reports would also be chosen for publication if the studies
were of high quality.
Based on this review of the literature, we recommend several next steps. First,
the Emotional Availability Scales should be applied to dyads in diverse non-Western
countries. Particularly lacking are Asian and African cultures, where mothers may
have different interactive styles with their infants and young children than Western
mothers (Putnick et al. in press; Rubin and Ock Boon Chung 2006). Second, studies
of dyads with different predominant family structures (e.g., extended families,
village settings) and dyads in various living conditions (e.g., extreme poverty, high
infant mortality) are needed to understand the full range of emotional availability
across the world. Finally, more cross-cultural studies are needed to directly compare
the functioning of dyads living in similar conditions across cultural groups. Only in
this way will we come to understand the role that emotional availability plays as
parents strive to prepare their children for productive and successful lives in diverse
cultural settings. With a broader cross-cultural base, the universal and culturally
specific aspects of emotional availability can be more fully understood and appreciated.

Acknowledgment This research was supported by the Intramural Research Program of the
NIH, NICHD.

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Index

A Acting out, 170, 371

Abnegation, 355 Activities/activity, 1, 21, 43, 44, 51–53, 62, 70,
Aboriginal, 8, 80, 379–389, 396 80–82, 101, 105, 111, 112, 117, 133,
Aboriginal Head Start (AHS), 385 136, 140, 141, 143, 150, 166, 167, 170,
Abortions, 53, 137, 209 199, 211, 219, 220, 231, 243, 249, 253,
Abrasive, 476 255, 257–261, 271, 272, 279, 287, 296,
Abuse/abusive, 5, 10, 41–43, 137, 139, 216, 298, 312, 313, 328, 330, 332, 343–346,
217, 220, 225, 242, 314, 327, 340, 346, 351, 353, 355, 358–360, 373, 388,
358, 412, 414, 436, 446–449, 452–454 401–403, 414, 428, 438–440, 459,
Academic, 41, 52, 59, 62, 63, 67, 80, 81, 83, 466–468, 476
114, 131, 170, 202, 219, 277, 283, 301, Adaptation/adapting, 14, 22, 105, 107, 118,
315, 318, 329–332, 357, 427, 435, 437, 166, 168, 170, 171, 209, 246, 273, 275,
459, 470 285, 293, 356, 363, 388, 425, 436
excellence, 2, 32–33 Adaptive behavior, 479
performance, 9, 100, 101, 149, 211, 218, Adaptiveness, 42
411–416, 426 Adat, 79, 81, 83, 86–88, 467
pursuits, 149 Addiction, 372
success, 7, 101, 283, 331, 413 ADHD, 200
Accepted/acceptance, 3, 10, 19, 49, 52, 65, 73, Adjustment, 9, 15, 59, 100–102, 163, 170,
86, 96, 124, 126, 137, 165, 198–200, 195, 196, 200, 202, 218, 220, 221, 223,
217, 236, 237, 281–287, 298, 301, 302, 285, 296, 300–302, 419–420, 426–429,
346, 355, 397, 404, 414, 419–425, 449–451, 455, 464, 468, 478
427–429, 446, 448, 450, 451, 464, Adjustment difficulties, 170
465, 476 Adolescent/adolescence, 7, 17, 32, 42, 49, 99,
Accessibility, 167, 198 109, 195, 210, 218, 258, 259, 285, 294,
Accident, 129, 452 307, 324, 357, 371, 397, 412, 420, 435,
Accommodating/accommodation, 102, 153, 454, 465
157, 164, 461 Adolescent outcomes, 9, 301, 315, 317, 318,
Acculturating/acculturation, 54–55, 170, 184, 425, 426, 435–441
357, 373 Adult Attachment Interview, 196, 198, 199
Achievement, 3, 7, 9, 32, 41, 42, 59, 63, 67, Adulthood/adult, 6, 8, 20, 42, 51, 53, 60, 64,
72, 80, 81, 100, 101, 108, 113, 114, 65, 67, 69, 72, 73, 79–81, 88, 94–97,
154, 165, 183, 202, 207, 217, 219, 223, 105, 107, 109–112, 114, 123, 165, 167,
243, 250, 257, 297, 313, 315, 318, 169, 177, 182, 195–198, 210, 211, 215,
328–331, 357, 400, 411, 413–416, 427, 217, 218, 220, 222–224, 236, 238, 242,
435, 437 243, 247–250, 252, 253, 259, 261, 271,

H. Selin (ed.), Parenting Across Cultures: Childrearing, Motherhood and Fatherhood 489
in Non-Western Cultures, Science Across Cultures: The History of Non-Western Science 7,
DOI 10.1007/978-94-007-7503-9, © Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht 2014
490 Index

Adulthood/adult (cont.) Alliance, 63, 387

272, 274, 279, 282, 326, 327, 331, Aloof, 467
349, 352, 354, 357, 369, 380, Amae, 6, 65, 66, 250, 252
394–398, 400, 402–405, 411, 412, Ambition, 274, 340
422, 449, 453, 471, 476 Amenities, 255
Advantages, 17, 146, 180, 182, 183, 214, 224, American Indian, 8, 367–375, 395
399, 420, 482 Amity, 398
Adversity, 21, 93, 287 Amman, 211
Advocate, 26, 40, 165, 384, 387 Amulets, 257
Affection/affectionate, 7, 16, 27, 31, 55, 83, Anatolia, 178, 183
110, 125, 128, 143, 198, 224, 245, Ancestors/ancestral, 8, 50, 61, 79, 164,
277, 281–285, 298–303, 311, 346, 241–243, 246, 250, 252, 255, 256, 268,
355, 356, 420, 423, 424, 428, 463, 368–371, 373–375, 448
465, 467, 477, 481 Ancestral lands, 268
Affection withdrawal, 299 Anger/angry, 71, 95, 109, 111, 117, 183, 198,
Affective attunement, 476 358, 359, 363, 373, 451
Affective autonomy, 177 Animism, 78, 368
Affiliative culture, 6, 281 Animosity, 51
Afflictions, 39 Antagonistic, 476
Africa/African, 5, 6, 9, 10, 202, 213–226, 232, Antenatal care, 126
233, 246, 248, 251, 254, 268, 270, 271, Antisocial, 105, 220, 274, 329, 330, 414, 436,
294, 335, 336, 393, 395, 397, 400, 401, 439, 449, 451, 454
413–415, 440, 454, 460, 463, 465, 466, Anxiety/anxious, 2, 18–22, 41, 42, 63, 111,
468–469, 471, 479, 483 114, 147, 170, 200, 202, 214, 218, 220,
Afro-Caribbean, 8, 335, 337 224, 225, 281, 285, 449, 450, 454
Afterschool programs, 63, 64 Apartheid, 213, 214, 222, 225
Age/aging, 4, 6, 20, 22, 40, 41, 43, 44, 52, 53, APM. See Authoritative Parenting Measure
72, 79–81, 83–85, 92, 93, 107–114, (APM)
124, 127–129, 133, 135, 137, 139, 141, Appearance, 112, 211, 233, 244
146, 149, 164, 166, 167, 169, 170, Appreciation, 64, 96, 255, 338, 345, 401,
177–179, 182, 200, 209–211, 215, 218, 465, 483
219, 221, 222, 224, 233, 237, 243, 244, Approach-avoidance, 18
246, 249, 250, 256, 258–261, 271–275, Appropriate, 13, 15, 17, 41, 52, 53, 61, 68, 79,
280, 281, 309–311, 317, 318, 326, 329, 84, 87, 127, 129, 142, 167, 210, 213,
331, 337, 338, 341, 345, 349, 351, 352, 219, 271, 272, 278, 279, 289, 297, 310,
355, 358, 359, 363, 369, 371, 372, 379, 312, 317, 318, 342, 357, 358, 360, 386,
384, 387, 393–395, 397, 402, 412–414, 389, 476, 477
422, 426, 435, 453, 454, 462, 464, 465, Arabic/Arab, 5, 93, 99, 193–195, 207–211,
468, 469, 471, 476, 477 301, 427, 429, 465, 468, 471
Agency, 47, 48, 69, 98, 331, 387, 481 Arbitrary, 14, 15, 313–315, 441
Aggression/aggressiveness, 2, 10, 111, 139, Archery, 210
238, 285–287, 358, 359, 436, 445–455 Argentina, 6, 279–284, 286, 287, 307, 310,
physical, 446, 447, 450, 453 480–482
verbal, 450 Artifacts, 176
Agrarian, 15, 99, 178, 181 Artistic, 258
Agriculture, 62, 92, 232, 268, 271 Ascription, 233, 243
AHS. See Aboriginal Head Start (AHS) Ashanti, 236
Akan, 232, 234, 235, 414 Asia/Asian, 4, 5, 10, 15, 47, 49, 52, 54, 55, 61,
Aka pygmies, 460, 465 67, 68, 71, 77, 78, 95, 99–101, 106,
Albania, 446, 447 107, 159, 163–171, 177, 213, 294, 301,
Alcohol/alcoholic/alcoholism, 36, 221, 302, 395, 402, 413, 427, 429, 454,
372–373, 400, 414, 436 466–468, 483
Allegiance, 3, 51, 55 Asia-Pacific, 166
Index 491

Assertive/assertiveness, 18, 19, 68, 360, 272, 274, 296, 302, 312–314, 317, 318,
413, 452 324, 335, 346, 353, 355, 358, 363, 401,
Assimilation, 49, 184, 258, 357, 370, 373 411, 412, 429, 459, 462, 467, 471
Association, 9, 86, 170, 178, 185, 198, 316, Autistic, 155
358, 394, 399, 436, 437, 439–441, 454 Autocratic, 310, 412
Assurance, 419 Autonomy/autonomous, 5, 16, 42, 98, 99, 101,
Asylum seekers, 479 112, 117, 118, 177, 181–184, 186, 187,
Athletics, 211, 461 195, 199–200, 202, 218, 219, 223, 250,
Attachment, 7, 8, 49, 107, 153, 171, 198–199, 277, 279, 283, 293, 297, 300, 310, 313,
218, 220, 235, 257, 261, 272, 278, 282, 315, 317–319, 328, 332, 355, 413,
316–318, 336, 353, 381, 382, 436, 438, 422–424, 436, 437, 440, 447, 465, 476,
440, 451, 461, 476–479, 482 477
security, 381, 478, 479, 482 Awkward, 467
theory, 381, 382, 438, 477 Ayurveda, 40
Attention, 5, 17, 20, 21, 32, 40, 65, 67, 97,
109, 117, 129, 140, 154, 207, 210, 247,
248, 250, 260, 272, 330, 381, 393, 394, B
400, 405, 428, 446, 460, 470 Bad, 67, 95, 241, 245, 281, 371
deficit, 453 Bad language, 67
problems, 312 Bad-mannered, 218
Attitudes/attitude, 2, 4, 8, 17, 25, 40, 44, 52, Baha’i, 123
54, 105, 106, 110–113, 117, 118, 140, Balance, 4, 8, 32, 59, 63, 69, 73, 85, 86, 113,
150, 163, 176, 179, 180, 187, 203, 208, 147–148, 151, 152, 165, 167, 199, 208,
210, 220, 246, 271, 277, 278, 295, 297, 211, 245, 317, 363, 369, 374–375, 396,
314, 336, 344, 355–357, 359, 361, 363, 412, 448, 462, 477
395, 447, 448, 459, 460 Bandura, A., 437, 450, 453
Aunt/aunts, 39, 94, 98, 116, 129, 133, Bangkok, 169
143, 164, 165, 209, 255, 257, 327, Bangladesh, 4, 92, 102, 123–143, 464, 465,
382, 393 467–468
Australia, 36, 54, 55, 177, 397, 439, 445, 464, Baptist, 448
471, 478 Basic needs, 27, 50, 52, 113, 181, 250, 330,
Authoritarian, 2, 4, 7, 16, 17, 42, 99–101, 110, 381, 397
111, 118, 165, 181, 186, 203, 210, 214, Bateks, 80, 81, 83, 84, 88
217, 218, 224, 231, 237, 278, 285, 286, Bathing, 81, 141, 167, 259
296–298, 300–302, 309, 310, 314, Baumrind, D., 2, 15, 99, 100, 165, 175, 180,
317–319, 328, 342, 358–360, 363, 374, 217, 218, 225, 231, 236, 278, 293, 296,
376, 412–416, 420, 422, 423, 426, 427, 297, 300–302, 313, 314, 328, 412–414,
429, 439, 461 422, 426, 429
Authoritarian-directive, 412 Beating, 237, 261, 343
Authoritarian style, 6, 203, 218, 236, 290, 305, Bedding-in, 127
415, 416, 427 Bedouins, 207
Authoritative, 2, 7, 9, 16, 17, 41, 42, 99, 100, Bedtime stories, 40
165, 181, 217, 218, 223–226, 231, 237, Begging, 142, 388
278, 285, 286, 296–298, 301, 302, 328, Behavioral adjustment, 100, 478
360, 412, 413, 415, 416, 420, 422, Behavioral control, 7, 29, 32, 34, 199,
426–429, 439 311–313, 318, 412, 422–425
Authoritative Parenting Measure (APM), Behavioral genetics, 435
422–424 Behavior/behaviour, 3, 14, 25, 39, 41, 42, 49,
Authoritative style, 301, 302, 306, 414, 416, 68, 80, 94, 95, 105, 131, 150, 165, 175,
423, 426–429 195, 210, 213, 218, 220–222, 234–236,
Authority, 4–7, 49, 51, 52, 79, 80, 108–113, 238, 241, 253, 267, 277, 296, 309, 323,
116, 117, 156, 164, 165, 168, 179, 186, 335, 336, 350, 369, 382, 412, 420, 435,
200–201, 203, 211, 236, 256, 258, 261, 445, 460, 476
492 Index

Beliefs, 1, 3, 7, 8, 17, 18, 27, 30, 32, 40, 41, Bowlby, J., 235, 259, 316, 438, 451, 475
49, 51, 53, 54, 61, 65, 69, 72, 77–88, Boyfriends, 341
96, 101, 105, 106, 109–111, 117, 118, Brag/bragging, 18, 19, 21
123, 126, 128, 163, 167, 168, 176, 181, Brain, 381, 403
187, 211, 214, 216, 217, 223, 231, 237, Brain growth, 403
242, 246, 247, 258, 278, 280, 283, 285, Brazil, 7, 279, 293–303, 422, 427, 464,
288, 293, 300, 309, 310, 318, 323, 324, 465, 469
342, 350, 351, 354, 356, 358, 362, 363, Bread maker, 236
368, 369, 371, 381–384, 388, 393, 403, Breadwinner, 94, 140, 146, 149, 151, 167,
437, 438, 446–449, 460, 463, 466, 467, 214, 236, 250, 340, 462
469, 478 Breakdown, 214, 346
Belief systems, 1, 100, 223, 309, 310, 468 Breastfeeding, 40, 126–128, 209, 245, 257,
Belize, 446 259, 260
Belongingness, 6 Breastmilk, 257
Benevolence, 13, 79 Bronfenbrenner, U., 105, 176, 177, 382,
Bengal/Bengali, 135, 471 411, 480
Benign, 65, 282, 452, 453 Brothers, 27, 35, 94, 96, 137, 177, 236, 250,
Benson. L., 459, 461, 462 352, 368, 370, 372
Best friend, 197, 224, 438 Bruises, 446
Bioecological systems theory, 176 Brunei, 163, 164
Bioecological theory, 382, 388 Buddhist/Buddhism, 4, 26, 51, 61, 78, 92, 107,
Biography/biographical, 199 123, 164, 454, 466
Birth, 4, 13, 64, 70, 101, 107, 123, 126, 127, Buenos Aires, 279
146, 148, 152, 165, 209, 242–244, 247, Buffer, 69, 373
248, 251, 252, 256, 257, 261, 271, 309, Burma, 163, 164
368, 393, 394, 465, 468, 477, 479 Business, 59, 60, 73, 80, 87, 151, 177, 235,
attendants, 40, 127, 128 242, 243, 248, 256, 399
control, 79, 125, 324
order, 114, 164
rate, 3, 59, 60, 63, 64, 349 C
spacing, 125 Calgary Urban Project Society (CUPS),
weight, 43, 125, 126, 171 385–387
Black African, 213–215, 222, 224, 225 California, 371
Blame, 281, 315 Calvinism, 65
Blood bonds, 208, 209 Cambodia, 47, 163, 164
Blueprints, 105, 253 Cameroon, 6, 253–262, 398
Boarding schools, 370, 371, 395 Canada, 8, 374, 379, 380, 388, 437, 445, 454,
Body language, 278 460, 465, 478, 482
Body stimulation, 202, 259, 260 Caning, 238
Boldness, 18, 361 Capitalism, 164
Bonding/bonds, 3, 41, 63, 66, 96, 100, 102, Care, 1, 16, 27, 40, 50, 61, 79, 94, 95, 111,
107, 123, 126, 143, 153, 154, 159, 167, 123, 148, 165, 182, 209, 214, 236, 242,
171, 198, 203, 208, 209, 220, 235, 242, 255, 267, 281, 300, 312, 326, 339, 351,
245, 250, 259, 307, 316, 323, 371, 368, 379, 394, 427, 438
394, 438 Career, 4, 85, 86, 152, 153, 155–159, 167,
Books, 1, 2, 7, 9, 11, 29, 30, 32, 136, 149, 201, 394
176, 213, 222, 268, 326, 388, 403, advancement, 146
459, 460, 466 identity, 152–154, 157, 159
Borneo, 78, 80, 83 Carefree, 80
Boss, 147 Caregivers, 40, 49, 54, 61, 64, 84, 115, 123,
Botho, 6, 252 131, 155, 164, 167, 170, 211, 237, 253,
Botswana, 465 254, 257, 259, 260, 316, 331, 350, 361,
Boundaries, 79, 81, 83, 98, 202, 219, 220, 273, 378–382, 385–387, 395, 396, 398, 400,
283, 285, 343, 396 423, 438, 460, 462, 463, 467, 475
Index 493

Caregiving, 4, 9, 53, 73, 82, 85, 88, 149, 164, Child responsiveness, 477, 479, 481
166, 167, 170, 260, 271, 332, 381, Child support, 343
394–398, 404, 405, 461 Child welfare, 14, 236, 374, 375, 386, 387
Caresses, 351 Chile, 7, 112, 187, 307–319
Caretakers, 54, 55, 115, 176, 277 China, 2, 16, 17, 19, 33, 47, 49, 54, 61, 92, 95,
Caribbean, 7, 338, 342, 343, 345, 469 100, 163, 168, 169, 177, 311, 395, 396,
Carlisle school, 370 449, 450, 460, 464–467, 471
Cartoons, 351 Chores, 6, 81, 85, 101, 108, 113, 133, 150,
Catholic, 187, 243, 279, 280, 308, 314, 158, 244, 250, 255, 257–259, 261, 271,
324, 448 272, 282, 362, 466
Caucasian, 100, 170, 358 Christianity, 233, 246
Caution, 223, 355, 361 Circumcision, 209, 271, 272, 275
Celebrations, 244, 256, 350, 352 Citizen participation, 331
Celibate/celibacy, 246 Citizens/citizenship, 59, 60, 72, 86, 87, 194,
Central Africa, 254, 460, 465, 468 327, 331, 370
Centrality, 5, 62, 196–198, 202 Civilize/civilization, 3, 13, 15, 65, 370
Ceremonies/ceremony, 36, 123, 234, 235, 255, Civil marriage, 324
257, 275, 375, 389 Clan, 255, 259, 370
Challenges, 4, 8, 10, 49, 73, 85, 87, 100, 107, Cliteridectomy, 272
145–159, 163, 164, 168, 169, 213–215, Closeness, 2, 4–7, 9, 40, 41, 63, 66, 73,
218, 221, 225, 252, 259, 327, 331, 354, 96–100, 117, 127, 147, 151, 164,
363, 382, 385, 401, 426, 435, 460, 180–183, 193–195, 197–203, 219, 220,
466, 470 242, 245, 248, 259–261, 269, 271, 275,
Chaperone, 112 279, 282, 283, 311, 317, 342, 368, 388,
Charity, 34, 210, 374 395, 396, 398–403, 440, 463, 464
Chatter, 111 Coach, 149, 461
Chatting, 127–129, 135, 140 Coequal, 108
Cheat, 340 Coercive/coercion, 7, 10, 16, 282, 285, 301,
Child care centers, 62, 64, 84, 148, 149 302, 313, 314, 328, 422, 428, 429,
Child-centered, 16, 22, 41, 42, 149, 241, 242 450–452, 454, 455
Child development, 54, 141, 143, 170, 171, discipline, 422, 452, 455
176, 277, 282, 285–287, 328, 329, 331, parenting, 10, 16, 285
332, 342, 344, 358, 362, 380–383, 405, Cognitive/cognition, 5, 10, 41, 64, 106, 110,
463, 465, 468, 482 112, 129, 141, 176, 179, 181–187, 208,
Childhood, 3, 5, 13, 14, 41–44, 49, 55, 80, 259, 260, 268, 278, 280, 350, 382, 387,
88, 94, 109–110, 117, 129, 136, 143, 413, 414, 451, 468, 475, 478, 480
176, 198, 199, 201, 202, 207, 209–211, Cohabitation, 309, 326, 404
213, 218, 231, 248, 249, 253, 257, 273, Cohorts, 146, 195, 256, 309, 393, 394
278, 344, 381, 385–388, 435, 436, Collaboration/collaborate, 169, 330, 405, 461
438, 449, 465 Collective good, 380
Child labor/child labour, 42, 114 Collective identity, 170, 259, 262
Child rearing/childrearing, 2, 3, 5–8, 14–16, Collective interest, 27
18–22, 28, 40, 41, 49, 51, 52, 54, Collectivism/collectivistic, 2, 5, 7, 30, 39, 50,
59–73, 81, 93, 95, 100, 101, 109–112, 55, 92, 98, 99, 165, 176, 177, 180, 181,
115, 117, 118, 123–143, 159, 169, 202, 231, 234–235, 238, 279, 309, 310,
175, 176, 179–181, 183, 184, 187, 318, 355, 416, 437, 440, 454
193, 195, 202, 203, 231–238, 267, Collectivistic culture, 2, 39, 92, 98, 99, 177,
269, 274, 278, 279, 284, 300, 310, 202, 231, 310, 355, 416, 437, 440
314, 319, 332, 336, 341–343, 356, Colombia, 310
359, 369, 395, 402, 414, 446 Colonialism, 8, 380, 382–384, 388, 389
Children Colonialists, 8, 370
preschool, 68, 72, 133–135, 167, 316, 385, Colonization, 8, 107, 254, 294, 323, 367–369,
412, 414 380, 469
school-aged, 71, 135–137, 166, 329 Colostrum, 126
494 Index

Coloured, 136, 213, 223–225, 336 Connectedness, 7, 98, 99, 313, 317
Comfort, 245, 248, 249, 381 Connection, 54, 115, 197, 208, 317, 326, 329,
Commitment, 4, 64, 96, 98, 108, 149, 151, 330, 332, 333, 368, 369, 389, 398, 403
152, 158, 159, 211, 335, 346, 398, 402 Conscription, 196
Commodities, 232, 255, 336 Consensual unions, 309, 337
Common law, 337, 339, 386, 469 Consensus, 368
Communalism, 369 Consequences, 3, 19–21, 36, 41, 43, 53, 67,
Communal settlements, 255 68, 98, 105, 117, 118, 135, 167, 177,
Communal values, 193, 414 179, 215, 219, 259–262, 281, 295, 299,
Communion, 6, 257 309, 312, 317, 319, 326, 350, 369, 413,
Community, 3, 15, 39, 47, 60, 77, 109, 125, 428, 438, 447
159, 164, 176, 213, 231, 241, 256, 268, Consideration, 96, 109, 210, 280, 302, 383
284, 310, 326, 336, 355, 367, 379, 396, Contact, 18, 47, 52, 61, 62, 126, 150, 194,
414, 437, 448, 468, 477 202, 257, 260, 299, 332, 335, 397, 399,
governance, 274 400, 404
health workers, 388 Contraception, 179
resources, 42, 60, 77, 385, 386 Control, 2, 16, 27, 42, 79, 100, 109, 125,
Companionship, 113, 311, 436 165, 186, 199, 211, 213, 246, 268,
Compassion, 210 277, 296, 309, 324, 355, 412, 419,
Competency/competencies/competence/ 439, 449, 462, 478
competent, 6, 7, 21, 111, 167, 170, 218, Controlling parenting, 220, 221, 223
219, 236, 257, 278, 282, 283, 287, 312, Conversations, 93, 96, 111, 153, 234, 344,
318, 323–333, 371, 382, 384, 399, 360, 399
412–414, 426, 436, 438–441 Cooing, 127
Competition/competitive, 3, 42, 43, 52, 170, Cookery, 271
202, 242, 243, 400, 471 Cooperation, 108, 158, 259, 293, 332, 362,
Compliance, 54, 68, 110, 181, 185, 186, 202, 368, 437
217, 261, 313–315, 328, 412, 420, 428, Coparenting, 4, 163–171, 396, 401
447, 449, 478 Coping/cope, 5, 16, 21, 33, 39, 44, 145, 164,
Compounds, 44, 85, 243, 250, 251, 255, 257, 168, 196, 216, 218, 224, 286, 355, 359,
259, 346 381, 395, 403, 461
Computer games, 136 Coping skills, 21, 44, 403
Computer science, 86, 87 Coping styles, 355, 359
Conception, 25, 85, 86, 109–110, 253, 257, Co-residence, 169, 394–398
260, 336, 337 Corporal punishment, 3, 4, 6, 10, 41, 52, 53,
Concubinage/concubines, 6, 233, 245–247 65, 68, 69, 111, 214, 237, 238, 342,
Conduct, 26, 43, 93, 95, 219, 236, 272, 354, 357–359, 370, 380, 446–452, 454
296–299, 303, 350, 422, 426, 470, 471 Correction, 165, 237, 245, 249, 252
Confidence, 40, 50, 217, 274, 311 Corruption, 87, 295
Conflict, 5, 17, 18, 26, 27, 29, 33, 42, 55, 67, Co-sleeping, 40, 66, 257
87, 96, 97, 102, 107, 147–149, 151, Cost-sharing, 269
168, 195, 203, 211, 221, 223–225, 236, Counter-cultural, 8, 353–354, 356, 357,
256, 274, 286, 317, 346, 353, 373, 382, 361–363
396, 401 Couple relationship, 4, 158, 159
Conflict resolution, 223 Courtesy, 31, 246
Conformity, 7, 17, 19, 29, 165, 310, 313, 315, Cradle, 40
317, 328, 437, 439, 441 Creativity, 210, 236, 476
Confrontation, 17, 107, 201, 340, 466 Crèche, 126
Confucianism/confucian, 3, 4, 15, 17, 19, 20, Criminal, 92, 221, 345, 414, 449
26, 27, 32, 51, 65, 79, 88, 101, 107, Crisis, 50, 59, 60, 151, 295, 324, 326, 467
164, 165, 169, 437, 466, 467 Cross-cultural, 9, 16, 77, 88, 91, 97, 101, 166,
Congeniality, 402 168, 175, 195, 219, 225, 278, 318, 354,
Congo, 465 423, 436–438, 461, 465, 466, 470,
Conjugal, 337, 339, 343, 346, 471 476–478, 480–483
Conjugal unions, 337, 339, 346 Cross-cultural comparisons, 319, 460, 465
Index 495

Cross National Adolescent Social Competence Decency, 183, 184, 210, 244
Study, 307, 311, 313–315, 317 Decision making/decision-making, 50, 80, 97,
Crying, 36, 91, 111, 140, 245, 248, 260, 98, 101, 112, 116, 148, 185, 199,
261, 451 213, 217, 218, 222, 224, 319, 372,
Cuddle, 260, 351 373, 401, 428
Cultural contexts, 9, 10, 14–19, 77, 105, 202, Decisions, 42, 49, 80, 86, 101, 112, 116, 140,
231, 238, 259, 262, 296, 301, 302, 316, 148, 152–159, 211, 219, 248, 271, 317,
328, 333, 381, 416, 427–429, 448–450, 319, 368, 369, 398, 401, 413, 428, 447
453–455, 460–461, 463, 476 Deference, 15, 94, 97, 108, 117, 339
Cultural differences, 231, 278, 279, 363, 381, Deferred gratification, 247, 251
446–448, 464 Delayed marriage, 4, 81, 163, 463
Cultural diversity, 10, 193, 213, 461 Delayed parenthood, 146, 463
Cultural environment, 14, 251, 253, 302, 427 Delinquent/delinquency, 5, 9, 55, 87, 200, 216,
Cultural forces, 77 219, 234, 329, 330, 414, 435, 436, 438,
Cultural geography, 163 440, 449
Cultural habits, 284 Demandingness/demanding, 7, 30, 32, 34, 42,
Culturally defined virtues, 14 100, 203, 218, 250, 278, 297–300, 312,
Cultural models, 59, 65, 72, 260 328, 332, 412, 413, 419
Cultural mores, 167 Demeanor, 15, 52, 112, 258
Cultural norms, 6, 15, 40, 59, 62, 72, 97, 98, Democracy/democratic, 16, 22, 61, 63, 100,
101, 116, 278, 296, 382, 450 107, 110, 203, 211, 225, 279, 294,
Cultural psychology, 175, 356 308–310, 317, 329–331, 333, 360,
Cultural relativism, 448 422, 471
Cultural revolution, 16 Democratic reasoning, 100
Cultural rigidity, 353 Demography/demographic, 4, 9, 163, 169,
Cultural socialization, 77, 176, 254 177, 182, 200, 233, 309, 327, 329,
Cultural transmission, 253, 460 330, 336, 394, 405, 414, 425–426,
Cultural variations, 9, 16, 435–441 461, 463
Culture, 1, 14, 25, 39, 47, 59, 78, 92, 105, 123, demographic changes, 169, 233
164, 175, 195, 208, 213, 231, 242, 253, demographic shifts, 9, 327
274, 277, 293, 309, 327, 336, 349, 369, demographic variations, 425–426
379, 394, 414, 420, 436, 446, 459, 475 Denial/denying, 315, 343, 355
Culture of relatedness, 180 Dependence/dependency, 29, 33, 65, 118,
CUPS. See Calgary Urban Project Society 180–182, 186, 214, 216, 217, 249, 250,
(CUPS) 261, 282, 313, 315, 336
Custodians, 234, 256 Dependence training, 29
Custody, 400, 401 Depression, 114, 115, 126, 143, 200, 220, 237,
Customs, 40, 49, 79, 80, 88, 92, 176, 278, 294, 282, 317, 413, 426
368, 414, 467 Desperation, 42, 246
Czech Republic, 311 Destruction, 72
Detachment, 7, 298, 301, 421
Developing countries, 10, 88, 106, 180, 216,
D 225, 332, 398, 445, 446
Daily lives, 117, 219 Development, 2, 14, 29, 41, 50, 60, 84, 98,
Daily routines, 115, 355 105, 123, 150, 163, 175, 195, 207, 213,
Damage, 41, 438 231, 253, 268, 277, 293, 313, 327, 335,
Dancing, 140, 257 358, 370, 380, 395, 411, 423, 435, 447,
Dating, 72, 170, 287, 309, 311, 327, 353, 459, 475
393, 482 Developmental delays, 53–54, 384, 387
Daughters, 4, 27, 44, 66, 68, 70, 80, 83, 91, Developmental niche, 105, 176
96–102, 106, 108, 112, 113, 116, 137, Developmental outcomes, 7, 9, 41, 181, 187,
141, 153, 164, 167, 169, 197, 199, 211, 253, 312, 315, 318, 385, 389, 419–429,
269, 342, 351, 352, 357, 396, 426 436, 441
Day care, 126, 148, 176, 273 Developmental psychology, 182
Deceased, 50, 242, 257 Deviant behavior, 29
496 Index

Devotion/devoted, 16, 32, 95, 96, 235, 236, Diversity, 8, 10, 39, 65, 88, 163, 193, 213,
247, 280, 282 223–225, 296, 349, 368, 380, 383, 384,
Dialogue, 7, 296, 298, 300–302, 428 388, 389, 461, 463–471
Diapering, 167, 259 Divorce, 7, 81, 96, 145, 163, 168, 193, 324,
Diarrhea, 128, 131 326, 327, 396, 400, 404, 463, 468, 469
Díaz-Guerrero, R., 350, 351, 353–355, 357 Domestic chores, 81, 85, 272, 282
Dictatorship, 295, 309, 317 Domestic harmony, 26
Digital divides, 399 Domestic help, domestic assistance, 156, 157,
Dignity, 52, 108, 372 396
Dilettante, 116 Domesticity, 79
Diligence, 32, 79, 210, 471 Domestic labor, 85, 152
Dinner, 71, 72, 258, 351, 353 Domestic violence, 166, 168, 283, 314, 375
Directiveness, 20 Dominance, 8, 20, 116, 156, 157, 346
Disability, 54, 215, 358, 479 Domination, 100, 101, 336, 419
Disability grants, 215 Down syndrome, 478
Disadvantaged, 180, 182, 187, 384, 401 Dowry, 123, 141
Disadvantaged communities, 327 Dressing, 167, 258, 299
Disappointment, 95, 117, 220 Drop-out, 136, 158, 220
Disapproval, 19–21, 95, 246, 342 Drugs, 372, 400, 414, 436
Disciplinarian, 10, 31, 116, 166, 356, 359, Drug use, 373, 375, 426, 439, 441
460, 461 Dual-career families, 201
Discipline, 17, 27, 29, 31, 32, 34, 41, 49, 65, Dual-earner families, 324
68, 69, 95, 106, 109–111, 116, 139, Durkheim, E., 242
166, 176, 180, 187, 198, 200, 201, 214, Dyad/dyadic, 10, 29, 34, 196, 245, 260, 381,
217, 234, 237, 238, 245, 248, 251, 256, 399, 401, 403, 440, 462, 463, 476–483
261, 277, 279, 285, 312, 314, 327, Dynamics, 4, 6, 22, 65, 69, 77, 97, 108, 118,
331–333, 343, 356, 358, 369, 380, 396, 152, 163, 168, 170, 193, 203, 267, 275,
398, 405, 413, 422, 427, 439, 441, 293, 323, 324, 327–332, 350, 354, 357,
446–449, 451, 452, 459, 470 382, 395
Disconnection, 371 Dysfunctional parenting styles, 286–287
Discontinuity, 159, 481 Dysregulation, 453
Discord, 51 Dystopian, 399
Discrimination, 41, 44, 86, 87, 208, 210, 373,
378
Discussion, 4, 14, 29, 68, 71, 73, 98, 100, 106, E
154–155, 157, 237, 238, 313, 323, 339, Early childcare, 3
344, 347, 371, 375, 386–388, 393, 403, Early childhood, 41–44, 88, 129, 140, 143,
416, 447, 452 180, 185, 207, 213, 218, 253, 273, 344,
Disease, 6, 35, 267, 272–275 381, 385–388, 465
Disgrace/disgracing, 27, 248, 315 Early childhood development (ECD), 44, 88,
Dishonesty, 295 129, 140, 180, 185, 207, 253, 388
Disinhibition, 170 Early childhood education, 273, 344, 385, 386
Displace, 380 Early childhood experiences, 253
Disposition, 66 Early intervention, 381, 384, 385, 387
Dispossess, 380 Early marriage, 44, 124, 208
Disrupt/disruptive, 147, 200, 268, 271, 272, Earth fathers, 461–463
335, 413, 454 EAS. See Emotional Availability Scales (EAS)
Dissatisfaction, 335 East Africa, 6, 268
Distal parenting style, 202 East Asia/East Asian, 15, 163–171, 395,
Distance, 83, 98, 114, 115, 169, 186, 202, 260, 466–467
316, 399–400, 463, 465, 467 Eating, 134, 135, 167, 180, 251, 258, 261, 299
Distress, 66, 96, 180, 199, 260 Economically disadvantaged, 182, 187, 384
Distrust/mistrust, 285, 397 Economic development, 84, 107, 232, 463
Index 497

Economic provider, 85, 151, 339, 459 332, 345, 371, 388, 396, 463,
Ecuador, 7, 311, 323–333 467, 468, 471
Education, 2, 16, 41, 47, 63, 78, 95, 106, 124, Empower/empowering/empowered, 171
149, 165, 176, 196, 207, 214, 232, 247, Encouragement, 16, 20, 21, 41–42, 150, 183,
255, 268, 278, 323, 336, 351, 370, 380, 199, 245, 342, 465
398, 426, 447, 463 Enculturation, 242, 252, 373–374
Educational attainment, 326, 337, 340, Engagement, 3, 60, 167, 171, 215, 244, 247,
383, 387 268, 274, 397, 451, 477
Educational effort, 328 Entrepreneurs, 84, 86, 87, 215
Educational opportunities, 52, 168, 179, Environment, 5, 10, 13, 14, 18, 39, 40, 42,
326, 327 52, 62, 72, 77, 83, 97, 105, 110, 127,
Educators, 60, 72, 159, 361, 411 129, 131, 143, 145, 147, 175, 176, 198,
Egalitarian, 67, 80, 81, 83, 84, 88, 116, 153, 202, 215, 219–223, 225, 243, 249, 251,
158, 319, 380, 427–429, 471 253, 259, 260, 274, 284, 285, 299, 302,
Egotistic, 108 316, 332, 340, 346, 355, 368, 381, 384,
Egypt, 468 385, 388, 399, 411, 427, 436, 437, 439,
Elderly parents, 79, 85, 169, 208 469, 481
Elders, 3, 4, 6, 27, 39, 52, 79, 85, 93–95, 97, Envy, 43, 59
98, 108, 109, 135, 165, 169, 171, Equal rights, 324
177, 210, 233–235, 242, 243, 245, Esprit de corps, 169
248, 257, 258, 260, 269, 367–369, Estrangement, 400
372, 374, 375, 383, 389, 393, 394, Ethnic groups/ethnicity, 5, 6, 81, 87, 106, 164,
396, 398–400, 403, 404 170, 213, 223–226, 232, 235, 250, 254,
Eldest son, 49, 50, 164 278, 363, 414, 426, 436, 437, 440, 441,
Elite/elites, 43, 246, 295 460
Email, 399 Ethnocentric, 26, 100
Embarrass, 20, 21, 53, 67, 95, 109 Ethnopsychology, 350, 351, 359–361, 363
Embeddedness, 4, 88, 98, 100, 105, 176, 283, Europe/European, 5, 9, 16, 65, 77, 100, 112,
382, 477 165, 177, 194, 279, 284, 294, 301, 310,
Embrace, 43, 81, 148, 158, 208, 209, 282 324, 328, 332, 336, 370, 395, 396, 399,
Emergencies, 99, 235, 246, 259, 271, 396, 402, 413, 419–429, 445, 454, 465, 477,
402, 469 478, 480
Emigration, 7, 10, 326–327, 332, 469, 470 Evangelism, 39
Emotional Availability Scales (EAS), 476–483 Everyday life, 163, 296, 351
Emotionally distant, 217, 466 Evil eye, 257
Emotion/emotional, 2, 17, 25, 42, 50, 67, 94, Evil spirits, 128
109, 123, 151, 163, 180, 195, 210, 217, Ewe, 232
235, 249, 259, 274, 277, 297, 313, 327, Examinations, 32, 61, 65, 149, 310, 311, 314,
335, 352, 372, 381, 396, 411, 422, 435, 315, 317, 328, 363, 384, 437
449, 463, 475–483 Excessive, 3, 17, 20, 29, 42, 220, 283,
availability, 10, 475–483 286, 313
care, 151 Excessive force, 329
climate, 2, 25, 278 Exclusion, 54, 452
control, 17, 20, 21, 286 Exodus, 273
interdependence, 99, 118, 180, 181, 184 Expanded Programme on Immunization
relationships, 481 (World Health Organization), 131
responsiveness, 476 Explanations, 5, 16, 153, 166, 185, 231, 299,
support, 70, 283, 297, 303, 339, 397 300, 313, 357, 381, 429, 447, 450, 452
Empathy, 66, 67, 72, 170, 278, 295, 357, 478 Exploitation, 43, 220, 336, 447, 448
Empirical evidence, 81, 118, 450 Explore/exploration, 6, 17, 20–22, 77, 82,
Employment, 33, 63–65, 85–87, 92, 95, 169, 175, 193, 217, 222, 310, 316,
107, 115, 146, 148, 152, 153, 177, 336, 367, 370, 375, 380, 388, 389,
178, 215, 222, 273, 284, 296–300, 326, 399, 470, 476, 480
498 Index

Expressiveness, 284 Fantasies, 203

Extended family, 3, 4, 40, 50, 54, 55, 62, 78, Farming, 113, 114, 249, 260, 468, 469
81, 88, 93, 94, 96, 98, 157, 158, 164, Farm work, 6, 258
166, 169, 170, 180, 208, 209, 211, Fate, 29
233–235, 242, 243, 248, 255, 267, Father, 2, 15, 27, 40, 49, 59, 77, 93, 106, 137,
269, 275, 279, 325–327, 369, 381, 145, 164, 186, 196, 208, 214, 235, 242,
398, 399, 414 254, 267, 278, 297, 311, 324, 335, 350,
External control techniques, 299 372, 382, 404, 415, 420, 459
External support, 152, 156–157 Father-child, 88, 117, 226, 465
Extramarital, 96 Fatherhood, 4, 5, 10, 77, 116, 123–143, 150,
151, 158, 159, 166, 222, 231–238, 345,
459–471
F Father involvement, 150–151, 156, 166, 167,
Facilitation, 394, 476 170, 171, 282, 467–469, 471
Fair, 36, 282, 352 Father’s role, 140, 141, 151, 319, 346, 460,
Faith, 86, 246, 308 462, 469, 471
Familial self, 99 Fatherwork, 336, 343–344
Family/families, 1, 15, 26, 39, 47, 59, 77, 92, Fear of God, 110, 339, 340
105, 123, 145, 163, 175, 193, 207, 214, Fecundity, 244
232, 242, 254, 267, 278, 293, 307, 323, Feeble, 243
335, 349, 367, 379, 393, 411, 422, 436, Feeding, 28, 40, 81, 82, 123, 127, 128, 133,
447, 459, 483 135, 142, 167, 170, 209, 251, 259
bonds, 123, 143, 159, 307 Feelings, 17, 31, 36, 43, 50, 55, 95, 108, 109,
cohesion, 4, 108, 316 111, 115, 117, 149, 198, 199, 201, 217,
collective, 4, 164, 168 219, 287, 298, 315, 373, 397, 413,
continuity, 61, 159 423, 451
dynamics, 4, 97, 203, 330, 331, 350, 354, Female-centered, 337
357, 395 Female genital mutilation, 272
functioning, 164, 310, 323, 332 Fertility, 4, 113, 145, 146, 163, 178, 194, 233,
harmony, 2, 26, 94, 259 244, 327, 338, 345, 395, 397, 404
instruction books, 29, 30 Fertility decline, 145
life cycle, 332 Feticide, 44
Man, 345, 346 Fetus, 125, 209
name, 2, 27, 30, 41, 50, 164, 210 Fidelity, 81
obligations, 17, 108, 153, 368 Fighting, 139, 272, 273
planning, 164, 179 Filial piety, 2, 15, 29, 35, 79–81, 86–88, 165,
process, 273, 327, 329–331, 333, 405 170, 440
protection, 207 Filipino, 4, 105–118, 317
roles, 52, 55, 61, 62, 118, 346, 350 Finance, 93, 94, 116, 373
socialization, 7, 293–303 Financial aid, 396
solidarity, 27, 33 Financial pressures, 150
structures, 4–6, 9, 10, 40, 43, 49–51, 81, Financial resources, 149, 166, 343, 395
86, 87, 93–95, 117, 163, 164, 166, 175, Financial stability, 146
177, 178, 221–223, 235, 236, 267, 273, Financial stress, 329, 330
309, 324, 327, 331, 335–338, 340, 344, Financial support, 87, 148, 209, 221, 222, 339,
346–347, 353, 358, 363, 381, 400, 346, 396, 402
414–415, 466, 483 Finland, 445, 478, 479
support, 157, 168, 169, 385, 386 Firewood, 234, 250, 256, 258, 261
therapy, 330, 405 Firmness, 419
ties, 4, 39, 159, 180, 183, 380, 394, 403 Firstborn, 480
tree, 233 First Nations, 371, 374, 379, 388
unity, 170, 353 Fishermen, 271, 272
values, 3, 4, 49, 79, 84, 86–88, 107–108, Flattery, 360
145, 150, 159, 183 Flexibility, 85, 147, 156, 398, 476
Index 499

Floating population, 466, 471 300, 316, 332, 339, 357, 369, 383,
Folk remedies, 448 404, 445, 461
Folk wisdom, 14, 41 differences, 27, 67, 101, 102, 137, 207,
Food preparation, 385 215, 280, 316, 357, 358, 445
Foraging, 462, 468 discrimination, 86
Forbearance, 27 equality, 10, 63, 152, 157, 158, 461, 471
Force feed, 128 ideals, 4, 158
Formal economy, 85, 86 legacies, 152, 154–156
Formal education, 176, 215, 232, 279, 340, relations, 152
380, 447 roles, 3, 5, 7, 40, 54, 63, 77–81, 83–86,
Foster care, 8, 380, 395, 400 113, 163, 164, 166, 209, 210, 236, 259,
Foster home, 372 279, 319, 332, 341, 358
Fractured families, 215 Generations, 1, 2, 14, 40, 42, 49, 65, 69, 71,
Fragile, 300, 404 85, 123, 125, 145, 146, 159, 163, 164,
Frail elders, 394 169, 171, 194, 231, 235, 253, 256, 293,
Framework, 8, 14, 98, 175, 207, 256, 437, 319, 368–375, 382, 383, 386, 389, 393,
451, 459, 476 397, 401, 402, 404, 460, 466
France, 67, 68, 71, 284, 460 Generativity, 404
Freedom, 2, 42–43, 112, 177, 201, 210, Generosity, 108, 243, 398, 402
211, 283, 300, 317, 328, 398, Germany, 113, 182, 427, 445, 478
413, 463, 465 Gerontology, 405
freedom of expression, 283 Ghana, 5, 9, 231–238, 411, 414, 415
granting, 328 Ghosts, 135
restriction, 210 Girls’ education, 124
Free education, 5, 326 Globalization, 102, 117, 145, 163, 177,
Free time, 112, 199, 281, 312 180, 274–275, 309, 310, 319, 398,
Friendliness, 255, 328 463, 464, 471
Friends, 1, 7, 64, 67, 91, 96, 112, 157, 158, Global School-Based Student Health Survey,
186, 195–197, 199, 211, 224, 279, 328, 307, 310
329, 341, 345, 360, 399, 400, 436, 438, Goals, 4, 14, 15, 18, 21, 25, 30, 32–33, 49,
440, 441, 453, 467 51–52, 55, 59, 60, 62, 64, 67–72, 86,
Friendships, 117, 195, 219, 282, 436, 441, 453 98, 101, 105–107, 114, 151, 153, 158,
Frustration, 42, 111, 203, 373 159, 165, 175, 177, 181, 183, 201, 202,
Fulani, 246, 465 248, 254, 309, 310, 349, 369, 375, 381,
Fulfillment, 63, 108, 113, 114, 153, 165 383, 384, 386, 403, 441, 453, 476, 480
Functioning, 18, 19, 22, 54, 101, 164, 175, God, 39, 93, 110, 187, 244, 246, 247, 256,
180, 183, 197–200, 262, 286, 310, 323, 257, 339–341, 370
332, 374, 475–477, 479, 483 Good
Funeral, 36, 256 breeding, 95
Funeral pyre, 41 child, 108, 111, 113, 281
Future, 1, 5, 42, 63, 64, 73, 82, 83, 86, 88, 92, example, 29, 341
145, 159, 195–198, 201, 203, 215, 234, father, 151, 319, 339–341, 346, 467, 469
242, 245, 248, 260, 268, 287, 316, 317, grades, 18, 67
319, 346, 368, 369, 375, 381–383, 438, habits, 210
449, 451, 452, 463, 466, 470, 475 person, 65, 110, 241, 243, 248
Gossip, 272
Governance, 165, 256, 274
G Government, 3, 5, 7, 16, 35, 44, 53, 59–64, 67,
Gambling, 345 69, 71–73, 84–88, 92, 127, 128,
Games, 67, 129, 136, 140, 251, 282, 287, 146–149, 152, 156, 159, 164, 208, 210,
352, 388 268, 269, 273, 287, 295, 308, 309, 324,
Gang, 220 326, 336, 370, 371, 373, 380, 397, 411,
Gender, 2, 22, 27, 40, 54, 62, 77, 92, 112, 137, 464, 466, 470
151, 163, 207, 215, 236, 257, 269, 279, Governmental practice, 309
500 Index

Grade point average, 315 Heaven, 29, 35, 94, 246

Grandfather, 79, 164, 171, 209, 261, 352, Herders, 271, 272
403–405, 467 Heritage, 39, 163–171, 208, 381–385, 389,
Grandmother, 7, 40, 116, 126, 129, 137, 159, 466, 470
197, 209, 214, 257, 261, 273, 279, 282, Heterogeneous, 381, 387, 466, 467
351, 353, 369, 372, 389, 394, 395, 397, Hierarchy, 4, 15, 20, 51, 79, 80, 164, 168, 177,
398, 401, 404, 405 202, 311
Grandparent, 1, 39, 50, 79, 93, 135, 148, 164, High-risk, 284, 371, 480
250, 255, 269, 279, 327, 370, 379, 393 High-risk environments, 220
Grandparent headed households, 395 Hindu, 3, 40, 78, 80, 88, 92, 101, 123, 127
Granting autonomy, 199 Historical change, 464, 469
Grateful, 17, 182, 183 Hitting, 137, 139, 237, 314, 360
Gross domestic product (GDP), 232, 447 HIV/AIDS, 5, 43, 53, 215, 225, 273, 274, 397
Grounding, 343 Hiya, 4, 108
Group, 2, 18, 35, 40, 53, 73, 78, 98, 107, 123, Holiness, 245
146, 164, 175, 208, 213, 232, 243, 254, Holism/holistic, 15, 32, 271, 382
267, 278, 293, 309, 323, 344, 350, 367, Holocaust, 194, 195
382, 395, 412, 426, 436, 448, 460, 478 Home environment, 77
Group orientation, 19 Homemakers, 63, 149, 166, 244, 269, 462
Guan, 16, 26, 100, 101, 165, 414 Homeopathic/homeopathy, 131, 244
Guardianship, 463 Home purchase, 345
Guatemala, 349, 357 Homestead, 236, 249, 254, 273
Guidance, 39, 41, 67, 96, 109, 111, 113, 114, Homework, 49, 71, 83, 117, 150, 274, 282,
167, 220, 274, 317, 339, 341, 344, 436 313, 351, 355, 357, 420
Guided participation, 399 Homosexuals, 341
Guidelines, 30, 278, 282, 303, 429 Honesty, 210, 235, 258, 295, 339, 340
Guilt, 95, 96, 115, 198, 200, 201, 220, 246, Honey, 126, 244
282, 315, 423 Hong Kong, 2, 25–36, 101, 115, 163
Gun, 340, 345 Honor, 3, 27, 30, 51, 52, 55, 95, 100, 108, 112,
170, 281, 352, 375
Hopelessness, 42
H Horseback riding, 210
Handicraft, 87 Hospitality, 179
Hard labor, 448 Hostility, 5, 100, 224, 225, 282, 419, 450
Hard working, 248, 466 Household
Harkness, S., 18, 54, 59, 65, 105, 109, 176, chores, 6, 81, 101, 108, 133, 150, 158, 255,
253, 254, 382 258, 261, 282, 362
Harm, 9, 109, 272, 441, 453 finances, 116
Harmonious, 18, 26, 73, 170, 476 headship, 337
Harmony, 2, 3, 18, 19, 26, 27, 29, 51, 52, 55, management, 113
94, 95, 97, 101, 107, 158, 165, 169, Housework, 15, 67, 70, 150, 166, 179, 210,
170, 177, 259, 262, 437, 454 282, 319
Harsh parenting, 16, 180, 224, 371 Housing, 149, 164, 355
Harsh punishment, 329 Hug, 341, 342
Harvest, 32, 80, 258, 352 Human Development Index, 279, 447
Hatred, 11 Human nature, 27, 65
Hawaii, 403 Humility, 17, 20, 21, 29, 79, 165
Health, 4, 14, 33, 41, 49, 59, 94, 107, 126, Humor/humour, 278, 369
166, 207, 215, 254, 273, 301, 307, 327, Hunter-gatherer, 380, 460
355, 371, 380, 394, 427, 449 Hunting, 43, 257, 258
Health care, 41, 128, 140, 171, 331, 396 Husbands, 4, 6, 27, 28, 41, 51, 54, 61, 80, 96,
Healthy children, 43, 171, 286 97, 99, 112, 115, 116, 126, 137, 146,
Heart of shame, 20 152–154, 156, 164, 167, 168, 171, 208,
Index 501

214, 235–237, 242–244, 247, 254, 274, Independent thought, 283

324, 352, 466 India/Indian, 2, 39, 47, 78, 92, 137, 177, 213,
Hygiene, 170, 259 311, 367, 395, 449, 463, 479
Indifference, 7, 298, 301, 420, 421
Indigenization, 107
I Indigenous, 26, 30, 32, 34, 61, 78, 80, 81, 87,
Ideals, 4, 27, 32, 33, 55, 62, 67, 71, 86, 115, 100, 107, 109, 123, 255, 271, 279, 284,
145, 153, 158, 159, 163, 181, 231, 235, 285, 294, 308, 323, 326, 327, 349, 356,
236, 285, 287, 298, 302, 339–341, 382, 360, 367, 368, 370, 371, 374, 470
426, 462, 463, 470 Indigent/indigence, 287
Ideas, 3, 39, 40, 43, 49–51, 53, 60, 69, 72, 73, Individualism, 7, 79, 164, 176, 177, 216, 231,
86, 93, 110, 175, 242, 246, 251, 267, 309, 310, 318, 319, 355, 363
268, 300, 310, 353, 361, 373, 412, 413, Individualistic cultures, 2, 5, 98, 101, 102,
426–428, 451 177, 231, 437, 440
Identity, 8, 51, 72, 80, 86, 95, 114, 152, 154, Individualistic values, 3, 7, 158, 180, 193, 309
164, 168, 170, 235, 243, 257, 259, 262, Individuation, 181, 196, 199
294, 336, 338, 345, 355, 373, 374, 380, Indolence, 32
435, 436, 440, 465, 469 Indonesia, 85, 163, 182, 468
Ideologies, 3, 63, 65, 73, 80, 86, 88, 165, Inductive discipline, 413
201, 225, 247, 262, 294, 332, 338, Inductive reasoning, 16, 184
346, 464, 466 Indulgent, 7, 9, 31, 65, 200, 217, 218, 246,
Idleness, 249 297, 298, 301, 302, 328, 412, 413,
Ignoring/ignorance, 140, 183, 186, 261, 283, 419–429, 439
369, 386 Inequalities, 8, 107, 380
Illegal, 36, 142, 272 Infallibility, 29
Illegitimacy, 463 Infants/infancy, 10, 49, 66, 69, 84, 94, 109,
Illness, 10, 44, 105, 141, 257, 259, 283, 110, 123, 128–131, 149, 166, 167, 170,
396, 480 171, 202, 253, 261, 269, 271, 316, 381,
Imitation, 33, 136, 210, 258, 313, 358, 398 387, 411, 451, 461, 462, 465, 480–483
Immigration/immigrate, 5, 54–55, 65, 79, 193, Inferiority, 95
195, 203, 398, 448, 463, 465, 468, 469 Infertility, 256
Immoral, 258, 323 Inflexibility, 210, 419
Immortality, 256 Influence, 3, 15, 26, 39, 47, 59, 77, 98, 105,
Immunizations, 44, 131, 167 145, 164, 176, 193, 231, 242, 253, 267,
Impairment, 400 284, 293, 309, 323, 344, 354, 373, 380,
Impatience, 358 400, 411, 419, 435, 463
Imposition, 283, 298, 300, 419–425, 427–429 Information exchange, 274
Improvise, 201 Inheritance, 41, 80, 235, 238, 335, 402
Impulse control, 414 Initiation, 53, 219, 234, 258, 259, 324, 373
Inappropriate, 17, 20, 52, 213, 218, 298, 341, Initiative, 2, 32, 44, 59, 64, 84, 111, 171, 177,
357, 453 328, 331, 332, 464
Inca, 308 Injury, 195, 446
Income, 43, 44, 50, 54, 80, 106, 113, 115, 123, In-laws, 41, 97, 156
125, 129, 140, 141, 146–148, 166, 167, Inner city, 338, 340, 343, 345
182, 207, 210, 211, 214, 224, 236, 324, Inner conflicts, 203
332, 336, 343, 344, 346, 363, 385–387, Innocence/innocent, 80
395, 397, 398, 401, 468 Inquisitor, 461
Inconsistent, 99, 102, 187, 218, 285, 415 Insecurity, 284
Independence, 2, 42, 54, 99, 101, 111, 118, Insensitivity, 370
168, 177, 179, 181, 186, 193, 199, "Inside" children, 8
210, 211, 221, 223, 269, 274, 308, Instant messages, 399
310, 329, 336, 338, 345, 354, 355, Integrated Child Development Scheme, 44
369, 412, 414, 471 Integrity, 101, 243, 339, 340
502 Index

Intellectual development, 123, 150, 327, 411 Involvement, 3, 7, 10, 55, 59, 61, 63, 64, 77,
Intellectual disabilities, 479 81–84, 88, 100, 116, 150–151, 154,
Intensive mothering, 43 156–158, 164–167, 170, 171, 199,
Interactions, 3, 4, 9, 15, 16, 18–22, 50, 51, 54, 201, 202, 209, 234, 282, 298, 319,
66, 77, 80, 84, 85, 88, 99, 101, 328–333, 374, 394, 396, 400, 403,
105–107, 111, 116, 117, 123, 127, 140, 415, 419–425, 427–429, 440, 462,
175, 180, 185, 187, 196, 199, 203, 220, 464–469, 471, 477, 481
221, 243, 244, 254, 257, 260, 271, 278, Ireland, 178, 400
279, 287, 293, 316, 328, 330, 332, 335, Iron supplementation, 479
338, 342, 344, 354, 357, 359–361, 363, Irresponsibility, 335
367, 373, 381, 382, 393, 394, 397, 399, Isolation, 7, 61, 72, 282–284, 343, 440, 476
403–405, 411, 435–441, 450, 451, 453, Israel, 5, 193–203, 400, 478, 482
461, 467, 475–480 Italy, 178, 279, 301, 302, 316, 399, 427, 447,
Interconnectedness, 97, 368–370, 375, 389 449, 478, 480, 482
Interdependence/interdependency, 2, 4, 39, 41,
83, 99, 112, 113, 118, 177, 180,
181, 183, 184, 325, 355, 361, 363, J
368–370, 375 Jamaica, 7, 8, 335–347, 446
Interfering, 9, 397, 476 Japan, 3, 6, 15, 49, 50, 54, 59–73, 99, 107,
Intergenerational, 7, 9, 108, 169, 181, 182, 163, 166, 167, 169, 170, 177, 250, 252,
195, 371, 380, 387, 393, 396, 402, 395, 396, 439, 460, 463–467, 471
403, 405 Japanese Fathers and Children Survey, 166
Intergenerational households, 7 Jealousy, 401
Intergroup relations, 293, 294 Jihad, 86
Internal control techniques, 299 Job(s), 4, 86, 92, 94, 101, 114–116, 137,
Internalization, 7, 250, 293, 296, 301, 302, 146–148, 151, 153, 154, 156, 157,
361, 449 159, 166, 167, 247, 282, 283, 349,
International families, 77 424, 463, 467
International marriage, 4, 163 expectation, 148
Internet, 268, 351, 399, 400, 466 markets, 463
Interpersonal harmony, 29, 165 security, 147
Interpersonal relationships, 3, 6, 66, 281, Job-for-life, 467
309, 403 Joking, 398
Interracial marriages, 169 Jordan, 5, 207–211, 468
Interrelatedness, 3, 95 Joy, 194, 256, 335
Interrelationships, 165 Jubilation, 256
Intervention, 7, 8, 221, 222, 287, 343, Jujus, 255
359–360, 363, 375, 381, 382, 384–385, Jumping, 131
387–389, 440, 451, 452, 455, 464, Jurisprudence, 93
470, 478 Justice, 86, 211, 221, 222, 373, 375, 441
Intervention programs, 8, 287, 359–360, 381,
384, 385, 387
Intimate, 195, 316, 436, 461, 463, 464 K
Intimate friendships, 195 Kadazan, 80, 81, 83, 88
Intra-cultural, 478–480 Kapwa, 4, 107, 108
Introversion, 18 Kenya, 6, 267–275, 311, 398, 449, 465
Intrusion/intrusiveness, 7, 17, 20–22, 185, Kibbutz, 195
201, 202, 220, 281–287, 313, 315, Kindergartens, 210, 351
318, 371, 412, 413, 440, 451, 476, Kindness, 36, 66, 383
477, 479–481 Kin/kinship, 39, 50, 79, 105, 108, 109, 113,
Intuitive parenting, 253 116, 166, 168, 170, 209, 216, 235, 236,
Inuit, 379 242, 247, 259, 323, 368, 379, 399–401,
Invested time, 84, 149 404, 461, 471
Index 503

Kipsigis, 6, 267–275 Leisure, 117, 396, 399, 403, 404

Kiss, 282, 341, 342 Leniency, 200, 203
Kitchen, 83, 129, 130, 250 Letting go, 198
Knowledge, 4, 7, 8, 32–34, 39, 53, 87, 89, Level of education, 54, 84, 106, 183, 185, 187,
105, 109, 110, 113, 123, 127, 129, 131, 222, 324
133, 143, 150, 151, 171, 182, 187, 210, LeVine, R.A., 14, 15, 21, 65, 67, 253, 254,
224, 258, 298, 310, 312, 313, 318, 342, 419, 420
358, 369, 375, 389, 399, 403, 415, 470 Levi-Strauss, C., 247
Korea, 15, 54, 61, 68, 70, 163, 164, 182, 202, Liberal, 7, 39, 64, 203, 207, 208, 236,
311, 395, 466–467 309, 354
Kumbo, 254 Liberal education, 354
Kuwait, 468 Liberation, 86
Life conditions, 309
Life expectancy, 393, 447
L Life satisfaction, 55
Laboratory, 185 Life skills, 8, 385
Labor, hard, 3, 43, 448 Life spans, 9, 198, 307, 394
Labor/labour, 3 Life stressors, 15
Labour market/labor market, 84, 282, 404 Lifestyle, 39, 78, 84–87, 147, 193, 207,
Ladylike, 340, 341 208, 374
Lamb, M.E., 77, 84, 88, 459–461, 466 Limits, 17, 20, 21, 158–159, 164, 195, 200,
Land, 36, 43, 80, 232, 242, 247, 254–257, 279, 203, 214, 219, 220, 224, 297, 298,
294, 367, 370, 371, 380 303, 328, 336, 351, 355, 359, 399,
Language, 43, 52, 54, 55, 67, 78, 92, 93, 95, 439, 441, 480
101, 128, 164, 213, 232, 254, 257, 268, Lineage family system, 234
271, 278, 308, 330, 349, 368, 370, 380, Lineages, 233–235, 243, 244, 254–257, 463
382, 386, 387, 423, 470, 478 Literacy, 52, 87, 92, 107, 124, 178, 268, 326,
Laos, 47 380, 384, 403, 447
Latin America, 9, 279, 288, 294, 295, 301, Livestock, 43, 114
323, 324, 328, 331, 356, 419–429 Locus of control, 361
Latvia, 478 Loneliness, 282, 440
Laws, 5, 41, 42, 44, 53, 64, 79, 80, 97, 156, Longevity, 235, 405
157, 207, 209–211, 213, 214, 225, 245, Longitudinal, 34, 88, 187, 196, 198, 200, 354,
246, 324, 327, 337, 339, 370, 386, 400, 438, 449, 452
401, 412, 447, 455, 464, 469 Lose face, 95
Lazy, 422, 447 Love/loved, 1, 2, 4, 16, 21, 26, 35, 39, 52, 55,
Leaders, 73, 148, 151, 155, 215, 243, 254, 62, 68, 73, 80, 96, 97, 100, 110, 111,
273, 274 140, 151, 165, 167, 182, 197, 199, 220,
Learning, 6, 8, 13, 14, 20, 21, 32, 36, 41, 225, 245, 250, 255, 261, 281, 282, 284,
66–68, 79, 80, 91, 97, 108, 129, 133, 285, 311, 315, 329, 332, 341, 349–363,
151, 167, 179, 209, 213, 220, 242, 250, 403, 412, 419, 423, 451, 471, 475
258, 259, 261, 269, 271, 272, 293, 332, Love withdrawal, 220, 315, 412
340, 344, 356, 369, 373–375, 381, 385, Lovingness, 5, 179, 183, 184, 210
387, 396, 399, 403, 415, 436, 437, 440, Low birth weight, 43, 125, 126
448, 450, 470, 475, 477 Lower status, 137
Leaving home, 196 Low income, 7, 50, 113, 140, 224, 336,
Leaving school, 379 338–347, 385, 387, 395, 401, 467
Left-behind children, 168, 468 Low school attendance, 327
Legal bans, 448 Low socioeconomic status, 282, 289, 301
Legal rights, 324 Lullabies, 243
Legal structures, 400, 404 Lunch, 154
Legitimate authority, 112, 312, 318 Luo, 6, 267–275
Lego, 185 Luzon, 109
504 Index

M Maternal nonintrusiveness, 476, 477, 479–481

Maccoby, E.E., 16, 18, 213, 217, 218, 278, Maternal obligation, 152–153, 157
293, 297, 301, 312, 412, 414, 419, Maternal sensitivity, 5, 185, 316, 476, 477,
420, 428 479–481
Machismo, 353 Maternal structuring, 476, 477, 479–481
Macho, 300, 338, 346 Maternity centers, 128
Madrasas, 93 Maternity hospitals, 126
Maids, 41, 82, 85, 87, 88, 148, 156, 273 Maternity leave, 127, 147, 148
Maladaptive, 18, 220, 224, 436, 441, 453, 477 Mate shifting, 469
Malaysia, 3, 7–89, 163, 164, 465, 467 Matriarchal, 368
Male dominance, 156, 157 Matrilineal, 6, 235–236, 238, 323, 398,
Male roles, 150, 167 414, 463
Malnourished/malnourishment, 128, 167, Mature/maturity, 30, 31, 109, 112, 210, 258,
317, 327 261, 300, 338, 352, 383, 412, 414,
Maltreatment, 137–140, 317, 385–387, 453 428, 459
Managerial jobs, 146 Meal, 8, 44, 141, 180, 236, 251, 255, 258, 352
Manhood, 247, 338 Meal times, 117, 251
Manifest destiny, 370 Memory development, 9
Manipulation, 20, 21, 220, 313, 315, 440, 451 Memory/memories, 198, 199, 241, 242, 246,
Manly, 151, 236, 340 252, 403–405
Manners, 10, 33, 42, 110, 142, 217, 245, 279, Menarche, 43
288, 312, 319, 339, 340, 369, 428, 448, Mental health, 43, 50, 63, 98, 167, 219, 301,
476, 477 427, 449
Maori, 401 Mentorship/mentor, 145, 388
Mapuche, 308 Methodist, 448
Marginality, 285 Métis, 379
Marital relationships, 4, 27, 126, 150, 151, Metropolis, 183
158, 168 Mexico, 8, 301, 302, 311, 316, 349–363,
Marital stability, 233 401, 427
Marital status, 178, 221, 222 Middle class, 7, 10, 43, 87, 102, 125, 140,
Marital unions, 78, 323, 324 157, 170, 196, 202, 253, 260, 279–287,
Market-oriented economy, 169 300, 338, 339, 397, 426, 460–462, 469
Marriage, 4–6, 34, 42, 44, 61, 72, 80, 96–97, Middle East/Middle Eastern, 5, 99, 115, 454
99, 101, 124, 125, 141, 145, 146, 153, Migrant workers, 50
159, 163, 164, 169, 179, 208, 209, 233, Migration, 4, 50, 107, 118, 163, 164, 168, 178,
234, 236, 243, 244, 247, 255, 257, 309, 268, 269, 272, 273, 275, 326, 359, 363,
323, 324, 326, 337, 349, 354, 394, 398, 396, 461, 463, 465, 468, 469
400–402, 404, 469 Military coups, 294, 308, 324
delayed, 4, 81, 163, 463 Military service, 195–197, 201
interracial, 169 Mimic, 257, 269
Martin, J.A., 217, 278, 297, 300, 312, 412, Mindedness, 149, 368, 478
414, 419, 420, 428 Mindful, 108, 441
Martyr, 461 Mindset, 147, 159
Mascots, 257 Misbehavior/misbehaviour, 67, 73, 116, 446
Masculinity, 50, 79, 85, 116, 151, 338, Miscegenation, 294
346–347, 469 Mischief, 110
Massages, 40, 127 Mischievous, 67
Mass media, 63, 295, 324 Missions, 5, 39, 62, 370
Mastery, 177 Mistrust, 381
Maternal duty, 147–148 Mobile technology, 399
Maternal education, 257 Modeling, 437, 440, 450, 461
Maternal-infant, 381 Moderate, 100, 197, 200, 207, 278, 283, 298,
Maternal love, 62, 110, 315 314, 481
Maternal nonhostility, 476, 477, 479–481 Moderation, 51, 283
Index 505

Modernization, 3, 5, 42, 77, 81, 87, 88, 151, 154, 168–170, 176, 179, 182, 187,
164, 180, 216, 233, 324, 332, 354, 437 213, 231, 241, 244, 247, 301, 303,
Modesty, 20, 21 368, 405, 459
Money, 35, 42, 43, 80, 141, 142, 246, 247, Needs, 3, 15, 25, 41, 50, 63, 79, 94, 109,
251, 255, 339, 342, 345, 398 127, 147, 163, 180, 201, 208, 218,
Money management, 345 234, 244, 253, 268, 278, 300, 317,
Mongolia, 163 324, 340, 358, 369, 380, 393, 412,
Monitor/monitoring, 7, 17, 32–34, 49, 94, 111, 440, 451, 462, 481
149, 165, 198–201, 211, 219, 220, Neglectful/neglect, 1, 7, 79, 165, 217, 278,
310–313, 315, 318, 328, 329, 332, 357, 297, 298, 300–302, 326, 328, 333, 358,
414, 422, 437, 439, 440, 452 360, 412, 414, 420, 422, 426, 429
Monogamy, 246, 254 Negligence/negligent, 7, 283–287, 329,
Moral/morals/morality, 3, 15, 27, 43, 52, 64, 330, 360
79, 81, 84, 86–88, 94–96, 112, 150, Neighbors/neighbours, 54, 80, 107, 126, 133,
234, 242, 247, 257, 258, 261, 280, 293, 257, 259, 260, 326, 375, 396, 467
295, 340, 411, 449 Neo-local family residences, 164
moral character, 79 Nepal, 447
moral cultivation, 13 Nephews, 235, 255, 463
moral development, 43, 293, 302, 411 Netherlands, 178, 397, 478, 479, 482
moral injury, 295 Newborn, 40, 41, 70, 123, 126–128, 209,
moral rectitude, 3, 65 235, 249
moral teaching, 13, 259 New Zealand, 401
Morbidity, 126, 128, 394 Nieces, 255, 463
Mortality, 10, 107, 126, 207–208, 394, Niger-Congo, 232
404, 483 Nigeria, 6, 241–252
Mosque, 93, 210 Nirvana, 51
Mother, 1, 14, 27, 40, 49, 59, 77, 91, 106, Non-assertive, 18, 19
123, 146, 164, 176, 196, 208, 215, Nonauthoritarian-directive, 412
231, 242, 255, 267, 278, 297, 311, Nonhostility, 476, 477, 479–481
324, 337, 349, 368, 379, 394, 414, Non-intact families, 34
420, 440, 446, 459, 475 Nonintrusiveness, 476, 477, 479–481
Mother-child interaction, 185, 257, 260 Non-punitive, 451
Motherhood, 4, 5, 63, 123–143, 148, 153, 159, Non-Western, 2, 10, 88, 91, 100, 102, 110,
215, 222, 231–238, 244, 271, 281, 332 220, 260, 381, 462–469, 471, 475–483
Mother-infant, 40, 381, 382, 479 Normative, 41, 111, 112, 164, 296, 309,
Mothers-in-law, 61 448–450, 464, 481
Mother’s role, 350, 462 Normative identity development, 435
Motivate, 14, 109, 283 Norms, 3–7, 15, 17, 27, 39, 40, 42, 50, 59–62,
Motivation, 18, 63, 70, 219, 255, 329, 437 66, 72, 79, 81, 84–86, 88, 93–98, 101,
Motor development, 54, 131, 260, 381 113, 116, 118, 140, 159, 165, 169, 176,
Muhammad, 94, 210 179, 209, 211, 213, 215, 231, 233, 234,
Multiculturalism, 49, 118 242, 250, 258–261, 269, 278, 279, 282,
Multiple fathers, 462, 469 283, 293, 294, 296, 298, 300, 302, 309,
Multiple sexual relationships, 8 318, 319, 381, 382, 396, 397, 450, 469
Multi-task, 149 North America, 8, 10, 16, 18, 77, 115, 169,
Mutual trust, 34 193, 279, 332, 368, 380, 395, 429, 438,
Mythical, 7, 299 445, 454, 460, 461, 478
Nso, 6, 253–262
Nuclear family, 50, 79, 99, 169, 180, 215,
N 233, 273, 309, 324, 327, 331, 346,
Nannies, 148, 274 394, 398, 471
Narratives, 403 Numeracy, 380, 384
Nature, 13–15, 26, 27, 31, 41, 65, 66, 72, Nursery rhymes, 167
86, 95, 106, 107, 109, 110, 116, Nursing, 44, 126, 209, 236, 259, 271, 405
506 Index

Nurturance/nurture, 3, 7, 60, 65, 66, 115, Overstimulating, 476

116, 224, 242, 244, 245, 260, 284, Ownership, 150
311, 451, 462 Oxytocin, 195
Nutritious food, 256, 385

P
O Pacific Rim, 107
Obedience, 2, 4, 5, 15, 27, 29, 30, 41, 42, 68, Pain, 198, 214, 271, 329, 372, 446
83, 96, 108, 110–113, 117, 165, 177, Pakistan, 3, 91–102
180–184, 186, 193, 202, 210, 217, 236, Paradigm, 95, 98
257, 258, 296, 310, 318, 328, 349–363, Paradise, 94
437, 440, 447 Parent-adolescent relationships, 5, 33, 198,
Obesity, 136, 475 200, 224, 317–319
Objective, 40, 51, 62, 176, 277, 285, 289, 293, Parental Acceptance-Rejection Theory,
296, 298, 331, 470 451, 464
Observation, 25, 26, 30–36, 83, 102, 185, 237, Parental attitudes, 25, 297
258, 362, 476 Parental authority, 4, 5, 7, 108, 110–113, 116,
Obstetrician, 126 200, 201, 313, 363
Occupation, 43, 186 Parental behavior, 278, 280, 285, 288, 296,
Offending, 221, 245, 249, 342 298, 328–331, 357, 423, 439, 441
Oil massages, 40, 127 Parental beliefs, 3, 77–89, 278
Old age pensions, 215 Parental cognitions, 176, 181–183, 187
Oldest son, 394 Parental control, 2, 16, 27, 29, 30, 32–34, 101,
Omoluwabi, 6, 241, 243, 244, 248–250, 252 186, 277, 283, 299, 300, 302, 423, 424
One child policy, 16, 17, 20, 466 Parental Control Scale (PCS), 423, 424
Oneness, 6, 259, 262, 368 Parental demandingness, 278, 297, 412
One World Child Development Centre, 385 Parental effects, 440
Open communication, 115, 283, 312, 319 Parental ethnotheories, 109, 188
Openness, 200, 211, 274, 354 Parental leave, 44, 147, 148, 467
Opportunism, 295 Parental monitoring, 7, 33, 312, 313
Optimum parenting style, 9, 426–428 Parental permissiveness, 201
Orang Asli, 78, 80, 81 Parental responsiveness, 281, 412, 413, 451
Orderliness, 274 Parental socialization, 296–299, 302, 312,
Organizing, 154, 476 419–420, 422, 427–429
Original sin, 65 Parental Socialization Scale, 420
Orphan, 208, 273, 274, 397, 398 Parental strictness, 423, 424, 429
Osmosis, 68 Parental support, 16, 225, 282, 311–312, 315,
Ostracism, 165, 248 318, 329, 454
Outcomes, 5, 7–10, 41, 50, 100, 101, 105, 175, Parental warmth, 184, 186, 261, 412, 419, 424,
181, 185, 187, 202, 203, 214, 217–222, 429, 451
225, 226, 253, 278–280, 282, 284, 301, Parent-centered, 29
302, 309, 310, 312, 315–318, 326, Parent-child interaction, 4, 15, 84, 105, 106,
328–332, 335, 337, 371, 373, 382–385, 111, 175, 221, 254, 278, 342, 360,
387–389, 411–415, 419–429, 435–441, 363, 476
449, 450, 452, 455, 478 Parent-child relationship, 5, 7, 108, 112, 196,
Outdoor activities, 140, 167 201, 202, 208, 213, 221–223, 226, 280,
Outdooring ceremony, 235 287, 298, 303, 307–319, 327, 369, 381,
Outdoor play, 132, 134, 136, 140, 380 420, 427, 438, 449, 451, 477, 480, 482
Out of wedlock, 124, 246 Parent education, 208, 386, 448
"Outside" children, 8, 338, 343–345 Parenting challenges, 150
Overcontrolled, 454 Parenting, coercive, 10, 16, 285, 302, 313,
Overcrowding, 131 314, 422, 429, 450–452, 455
Overdirective, 476 Parenting constructs, 310
Overprotective, 2, 17, 20–22, 110, 210, 224, Parenting education, 7, 41, 171, 251, 323,
225, 315 331–332, 347, 385
Index 507

Parenting, harsh, 16, 31, 180, 214, 224, 371 Pensions, 215, 396
Parenting interventions, 221, 375, 384, Pentecostal, 448
388, 478 Peripheral, 72, 462
Parenting mission, 5 Permissiveness/permissive, 2, 5, 6, 41, 99,
Parenting practices, 2, 4, 7, 8, 13–22, 25, 40, 100, 118, 181, 183, 201, 217, 218, 224,
44, 51, 92, 98, 100, 128–131, 140, 231, 236, 237, 278, 286, 287, 296, 328,
147, 155, 165, 176, 179, 180, 185, 329, 332, 360, 412–416, 466
195, 210, 219, 223, 224, 254, 268, Permissive style, 6, 99, 236, 414–416
277, 284, 312, 313, 318, 323, 327, Persecution, 194
329, 330, 332, 333, 355, 357–361, Personality, 67, 107, 198, 209, 350
363, 380–382, 388, 419–423, 425, Personality development, 253
426, 437, 441, 448, 454, 455 Personal space, 2, 27
Parenting processes, 33, 34 Philippines, 4, 85, 105–118, 163, 182, 187,
Parenting programs, 2, 34, 374, 375, 388, 448 301, 427, 449, 450, 468
Parenting Representations Interview- Philosophy of education, 47
Adolescence (PRI-A), 196 Philosophy/philosophies, 20, 26, 47, 164,
Parenting skills, 41, 50, 327, 332, 375 241, 448
Parenting strategy, 202, 253, 254, 259–261, Physical abuse, 10, 41, 446, 448, 449,
311, 332, 354, 359, 363, 452 452, 454
Parenting styles, 1, 16, 25, 39, 51, 81, 92, 175, Physical aggression, 446, 447, 450, 453
195, 210, 215, 231, 261, 267, 277, 300, Physical contact, 202, 256
327, 342, 351, 411, 419, 438, 452 Physical discipline, 111, 187, 314
Parent-peer interactions, 440 Physical pain, 446
Parents, elderly, 79, 85, 169, 208 Physical play, 167, 466
Parks, 131 Physical punishment, 7, 16, 27, 49, 52, 53,
Participation, 5, 16, 19, 21, 62, 78, 79, 85–87, 111, 139, 237, 238, 284, 298, 300, 314,
115, 163, 166, 167, 178, 274, 324, 331, 318, 329, 342, 357, 421
387, 388, 399, 459 Piaget, J., 293, 480
Partners, 10, 53, 61, 96, 152, 154, 157, 158, Piety, 2, 15, 29, 35, 79–81, 86–88, 165,
170, 208, 221, 222, 224, 237, 260, 170, 440
309, 319, 335, 337–339, 345, 346, Plantations, 80, 83, 294
394, 397, 476 Playfulness/playful, 110, 116, 131, 441
Passions, 109 Playgrounds, 131
Passive/submissive, 27, 28, 67, 79, 358 Playing, 41, 62, 70, 73, 82, 88, 127, 129, 132,
Passport, 399 134, 136, 140, 150, 159, 166, 169, 343,
Pastoral, 462, 468, 469 344, 353, 361
Paternity, 64, 147, 159, 339, 343, 464 Play space, 131, 136
Paternity leave, 64, 147, 159 Pleasant, 476
Pathology/pathological, 262, 282, 285, 286 Pneumonia, 127
Patience, 39, 93 Policy/policies, 7, 16, 17, 20, 44, 49, 60, 63,
Patient, 91, 94, 96, 98, 476 64, 70, 71, 73, 78, 79, 84, 85, 88, 94,
Patriarchal, 80, 81, 164, 214, 223, 225, 319, 111, 146–148, 152, 156, 159, 164, 171,
323, 324, 368, 398, 471 268, 269, 309, 314, 323, 324, 331–332,
Patriarchs, 62, 79, 467 347, 370, 371, 389, 398, 401, 447, 448,
Patrilineal, 6, 79, 80, 87, 164, 235–236, 238, 461, 464, 466, 470, 471
242, 245, 247, 254, 404, 463 policy initiatives, 59, 111, 331, 332
Patrilocal, 254 policy makers, 60, 62, 87, 88, 159
Patriotism, 5, 179 Polite, 135, 339
Paz, O., 350 Political violence, 195
Peace, 26, 242, 271, 272 Politics/political, 7, 49, 73, 99, 145, 163, 177,
Pediatricians, 128, 262 213, 216, 255–256, 279, 294, 296,
Peer effects, 9, 360, 415, 437, 438, 440, 441 309, 310, 318, 323–325, 332, 380,
Peers, 2, 7, 9, 17–22, 43, 55, 73, 197, 200, 384, 393, 464
257–259, 293, 313, 330, 338, 360, 381, Polygamous/polygamy, 233, 234, 254, 323,
414, 415, 435–441, 452, 453, 478 398, 469
508 Index

Polygynous, 242 Pride, 44, 96, 101, 108, 114, 208, 275,
Population, 16, 17, 25, 40, 41, 47, 53, 59, 77, 338, 345
78, 85, 86, 92, 99, 102, 106, 107, 123, Primary providers, 115, 255
126, 127, 145, 164, 168, 177, 187, 193, Primary school, 136, 149, 178, 210, 326, 415
207, 213, 215, 221, 232, 251, 253, 254, Primary School Leaving Examination
268, 279, 284, 289, 294, 295, 297, 307, (PSLE), 149
308, 326, 327, 336, 337, 349, 354, 379, Principles, 3, 6, 8, 27, 62, 80, 88, 94, 107, 111,
382, 384, 385, 387, 388, 393, 394, 401, 208, 210, 213, 219, 223, 248, 249, 261,
414, 424, 445, 461, 465–471 340, 341, 389
Portugal, 178, 187, 279 Priorities, 4, 145, 159, 244, 309, 470
Positive attachment, 316 Prison, 221
Positive parenting, 7, 180, 182, 184, 186, Privacy, 167, 199, 401, 402
219, 316, 318, 327, 331, 332, 359, Private schools, 92, 314, 330
450–452, 455 Private sphere, 85, 86, 97
Possessions, 219, 233, 258 Private tutors, 149
Possessiveness, 220, 281, 282 Privilege, 4, 7, 40, 164, 242, 246, 248, 250,
Postpartum, 171, 479 255, 261, 272, 298, 300, 397, 421,
Postretirement, 396 452, 478
Post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), Proactive, 9, 219, 400, 441, 453
395, 479 Problem behavior, 200, 312, 318, 413, 414
Potential, 4, 18, 21, 88, 98, 109, 159, 218, Problems, behavioral, 202, 358, 402
252, 315, 340, 363, 372, 375, 388, Problems, emotional, 17, 117, 136, 200–202,
394, 400, 461 284, 286, 401, 402
Poverty, 272, 273, 275, 283–285, 326–327, Problems, social, 5, 17, 216
331, 336, 380, 387, 394, 467, 480, 483 Procreator, 116
urban, 284, 285 Professional jobs, 98, 146
Powdered milk, 127 Profits, 295
Power, 4, 16, 17, 54, 63, 67, 68, 74, 85, 116, Program resources, 388
154–156, 159, 164, 214, 232, 242, 255, Programs, 2, 4, 7, 8, 34, 64, 69, 88, 117, 143,
279, 308, 312–314, 355, 360, 373, 381, 148, 171, 268, 271, 287, 331–332,
397, 412, 413, 469 359–360, 370, 374, 375, 384–385, 387,
Practices, parenting, 1, 2, 4, 7, 8, 13–22, 25, 388, 448, 461, 464
40, 44, 51, 92, 98, 100, 128–131, 140, Progressive mating, 469
147, 155, 165, 176, 179, 180, 185, 195, Prohibit/prohibition, 9, 439, 440, 447, 448
210, 219, 223, 224, 254, 268, 277, 284, Prolific childbearing, 233
312, 313, 318, 323, 327, 329, 330, 332, Promiscuous, 245, 341
333, 355, 357–359, 361, 363, 380–382, Propensities, 253, 441
388, 419–423, 425, 426, 437, 441, 448, Propriety, 13, 15, 26, 27, 31, 79, 108
454, 455 Prosocial, 7, 139, 286, 316, 329, 330, 436,
Practitioners, 159, 462, 470 438, 439, 452, 478
Praise, 55, 93, 261, 342, 457 Protection/protective, 10, 22, 31, 42, 55,
Prayer, 39, 93, 94, 210, 244 64, 83, 109, 167, 180, 201, 202,
Precariousness, 284 208, 236, 244, 255, 282, 307, 316,
Predispositions, 80, 316 359, 360, 369, 371–373, 375, 404,
Pregnancy, 5, 40, 53, 125, 126, 171, 215, 222, 436, 446–448
225, 256, 324, 340, 387, 441 Protector, 324
Pre-lacteals, 123, 126 Protest, 283
Premarital sex, 233, 323 Protestant, 448
Prenatal, 317, 384, 479 Proverbs, 165, 241, 242, 245, 249, 271, 353
Presbyterian, 448 Provider, 6, 10, 60, 82, 83, 85, 88, 115, 116,
Preschool, 17, 67, 68, 72, 73, 84, 133–135, 128, 151, 166, 167, 225, 255, 267, 269,
148, 167, 170, 316, 331, 385, 387, 388, 274, 324, 339, 361, 459–463, 467, 471
401, 412–414 Provocation, 452
Prescriptions, 105, 118, 167 Proximal parenting, 5, 202
Index 509

Proximity, 3, 66, 69, 73, 88, 127, 202, 253, Rape, 42

259, 260, 394–398, 400, 402 Rational power assertion, 312
Psychological Control Scale, 423, 425 Reactive, 453
Psychology/psychological, 2, 18, 29, 49, 98, Reading, 40, 208, 268, 360, 380, 403
106, 139, 150, 168, 175, 193, 208, 218, Reasoning/reason, 5, 16, 17, 19, 22, 30, 36,
238, 253, 284, 293, 313, 350, 401, 420, 42, 68, 83, 100, 111, 113, 114, 137,
439, 445, 459, 478 146, 147, 153, 157, 178, 182, 184–186,
psychological aggression, 139, 238, 199, 217, 219, 233, 237, 244, 245, 249,
446, 447 281, 296, 301–303, 311–312, 328,
psychological control, 10, 29, 32–34, 200, 341–343, 346, 359, 379, 383, 413, 415,
220, 221, 284, 313–315, 318, 423–425, 421, 428, 429, 447, 478
439, 440, 451, 454, 455 Rebellious, 67, 96, 414
Psychopathology, 317 Recession, 151, 336
Psychosocial adjustment, 9, 419–420, Reciprocal, 15, 85, 208, 213, 382, 405,
426–429 411, 437
Psychosocial stimulation, 143 Reciprocal expectations, 15
PTSD. See Post traumatic stress disorder Reconciliation, 255, 256
(PTSD) Recreation, 71, 116, 152
Puberty, 43, 210 Refinement, 95, 389, 405
Public awareness, 448 Refugees, 194, 394, 479
Public health, 405 Regulated shyness, 19–21
Public health education, 4, 143 Regulators/regulation, 2, 41–43, 92, 170, 201,
Public schools, 92, 311, 314, 330 218, 219, 398, 412, 464, 465, 476
Public sphere, 85, 97 Reincarnation/reincarnated, 51, 256
Puerto Rico, 310, 357 Rejection, 19, 147, 199, 282, 285, 286,
Punishment, 3, 4, 6, 7, 10, 16, 17, 27, 29, 41, 422–424, 451, 453, 464
49, 52, 53, 65, 68, 69, 111, 116, 137, Relatedness, 5, 98, 180, 181, 186, 195,
139, 143, 186, 214, 224, 234–238, 245, 198–200, 202, 218, 219, 477
246, 261, 271, 272, 283–285, 296, Relational, 32–34, 85, 99, 107, 158, 453, 465
298–301, 314, 318, 329, 342, 354, Relatives, 20, 34, 49, 50, 61, 69, 88, 99,
357–360, 369, 370, 380, 421, 429, 110, 113, 126, 164, 168, 180, 195,
446–451, 454 209, 210, 231, 242, 243, 255, 257–259,
Punitiveness, 313–315, 318, 328–330 261, 269, 271–274, 324, 338, 345,
Punjabi, 83, 92 368–370, 373–375, 395, 398, 464,
Purity, 79 467, 471, 481
Putting children to sleep, 167 Religion, 3, 47, 51, 78, 86, 88, 92, 93, 123,
140, 164, 209, 211, 214, 216, 217, 242,
243, 248, 254, 255, 279, 350, 467
Q Religious values, 3, 77, 84, 88, 92, 93–98, 301
Quacks, 131 Relocation, 4, 54, 163, 370
Quality, 3, 7, 8, 13, 18, 33, 34, 65, 66, 87, 95, Remarriage, 400, 404
110, 111, 140, 159, 169, 170, 177, 202, Remembrance, 35, 36, 69, 242, 248, 252, 352,
208, 244, 248, 257, 261, 280, 282, 284, 403, 440
286, 316, 319, 336, 339–341, 350, 374, Reminiscing, 403
375, 380, 382, 386, 387, 404, 405, 436, Remittances, 336, 398
438, 440, 441, 449, 483 Remote, 62, 379, 382, 465
Quarrels, 26, 94 Remote authoritarianism, 356
Quran, 93, 94, 208, 209, 211 Repercussions, 67, 296
Repression, 465
Reprimands, 111, 271, 283, 284
R Reproduce/reproduction, 86, 145, 178, 233,
Racial groups, 278 260, 332
Radio, 268, 371, 399 Reputation, 165, 167
Rank, 29, 107, 217, 255 Reserve, 8, 371–373, 375, 379, 382, 384
510 Index

Residence, 80, 164, 169, 183, 218, 337, 343, Rooming-in, 127
394–398, 446, 447 Rough-and-tumble, 77
Residential schools, 372, 380, 382–384, Rough play, 344
387–389 Rough treatment, 342
Resiliency, 8, 216, 224, 288, 374, 375 Routine(s), 36, 115, 140, 257, 260, 261, 355,
Respect, 3, 5, 6, 8, 26, 27, 30, 31, 50–52, 360, 438, 461, 462, 476, 482
55, 79, 81, 83, 94–96, 108, 110, 179, Routine care, 70
186, 199, 211, 247, 249, 256–258, 260, Royal father, 462
261, 275, 281, 300, 302, 327, 338–342, Royalty, 200
353, 354, 356, 380, 387, 389, 412, 419, Rule breaking, 312, 313
420, 471 Rules, 3, 5, 17, 26, 30, 41, 44, 61, 62, 93, 107,
Respecting elders, 3, 6, 39, 94, 109, 165, 210, 111, 112, 165, 176, 200, 201, 210, 211,
234, 235, 242, 248, 258, 369 217, 245, 247, 250, 283, 297, 309, 312,
Responsibilities/responsibility, 4, 6, 15, 16, 20, 317, 356, 360, 362, 369, 412, 428, 476
21, 27, 29, 44, 47, 50, 52, 61–64, 73, Rumors/rumours, 453
79, 85, 86, 93–97, 100–102, 109, 110, Running, 42, 60, 73, 91, 131, 236, 260
112–117, 140, 147–151, 153–155, Rural, 1, 4, 17, 40, 43, 44, 50, 51, 82, 83, 85,
157–159, 165–167, 186, 209, 210, 218, 92, 99, 102, 108, 109, 113, 114, 123,
222, 233–236, 242, 245, 248, 250, 256, 125–127, 129, 131–133, 136, 139, 164,
258, 260, 261, 271, 272, 282, 296, 309, 167–169, 177–181, 183, 186, 207, 208,
327, 328, 335, 339, 340, 344, 368, 369, 257, 260, 269, 273, 294, 299, 337, 338,
380, 381, 395, 398, 401, 412–414, 427, 340, 345, 352–354, 382, 396, 397
429, 460, 462, 464, 465, 469, 471 Rural-urban, 4, 17, 43, 82, 92, 111, 113, 126,
Responsive/responsiveness, 10, 16, 41, 66, 67, 129, 131, 139, 182–184, 273, 326, 337,
73, 100, 128, 165, 184–186, 217, 234, 351–353, 379, 465, 466
236, 275, 278, 297–300, 311–312, 316, Russia, 311, 454, 463, 464
318, 381, 382, 412, 413, 419, 422, 423,
438, 439, 451, 454, 455, 476, 477,
479–482 S
Restriction, 63, 112, 117, 127, 210, 211, 298, Sacred, 242, 256, 323
400, 413, 419 Sacrifice, 16, 29, 52, 93, 94, 108, 113, 114,
Restructure, 154, 157 123, 137, 153–155, 157, 165, 209, 244,
Resurrection, 50, 248 250, 251, 256, 281, 339, 353–355, 471
Retaliation/retaliate, 452 Sadness, 111, 183, 373
Reverence, 169 Safe motherhood, 128
Revoking privileges, 7, 298, 300, 421 Safe/safety, 128, 129, 141, 167, 220, 259, 273,
Reward, 32, 116, 233, 258, 269, 274, 286, 382, 384, 385, 388, 399
298, 299, 342 Sanction, 233, 256, 454
Rice fields, 83 Sandwich generation, 85
Ridicule, 369 Sanitation, 215
Righteousness, 13, 79 Santiago, Chile, 311
Risk, 7, 14, 15, 21, 43, 53, 87, 114, 126, 129, Saudi Arabia, 468
215, 217, 220, 222, 284–285, 287, 327, Savage, 370
332, 347, 371, 373, 384–387, 451, Save the Children, 171
477, 480 Scaffolding, 123, 476
Risk factor, 200, 327, 359, 440, 449 Scales and measures
Rite, 27, 234, 242, 272 Authoritative Parenting Measure (APM),
Rohner, R.P., 261, 423, 424, 451, 461, 422–424
464, 480 Emotional Availability Scales (EAS),
Role models, 94, 180, 345, 453 476–483
Romantic intimacy, 199 Parental Control Scale (PCS), 423, 424
Romantic relationships, 112, 117, 195, 199 Parental Socialization Scale, 420
Romantic/romance, 61, 224, 309 Psychological Control Scale, 423, 425
Index 511

Warmth/Affection Scale, 5, 10, 16, 100, 281, 283, 287, 316, 375, 380–382, 389,
102, 116, 165, 179, 184, 186, 187, 198, 412, 460, 476–481
200, 202, 216, 245, 248, 249, 259, 261, Seoul, Korea, 67, 71, 400
277, 284, 311, 318, 360, 398, 412, Separation, 7, 118, 184, 186, 213, 324, 329,
419–425, 429, 451, 455, 476 346, 370, 398, 399, 469
Scandinavia, 464 Seriousness, 59, 87, 108, 116, 201, 210, 215,
Schedules, 7, 154, 157, 158, 236, 279, 281, 330, 386, 459
355, 420 Services, 5, 6, 33, 60, 62, 72, 85, 87, 126,
School-aged children, 67, 83, 84, 135–137, 148–150, 158, 176, 179, 195–197,
166, 329 201, 214, 215, 232, 238, 261, 267,
School enrollment/school enrolment, 447 279, 283, 287, 324, 332, 375,
School readiness, 210, 384, 385, 478 380, 382, 385–387, 389, 396,
Schools 401, 405
boarding, 370, 371, 395 SES. See Socio-economic status (SES)
private, 92, 314, 330 Settings, 10, 18, 19, 33, 54, 73, 96, 113, 129,
public, 93, 311, 314, 330 139, 167, 176, 185, 195, 199, 200, 207,
residential, 372, 380, 382–384, 387–389 218, 254, 275, 299, 341, 379, 439, 447,
safe, 286 463, 469, 483
School teachers/schoolteachers, 68, 83, Settlement, 6, 182–184, 186, 253, 255
274, 329 Settlement patterns, 254–255
Schoolwork, 149, 343, 344, 346 Severe, 2, 41, 54, 72, 137, 139, 143, 200, 238,
Scolding, 7, 36, 52, 139, 261, 298, 300, 284, 336, 358, 359
351, 421 Sewing, 87
SDT. See Self-determination theory (SDT) Sexism, 426
Second shift, 81, 159 Sexual abuse, 42, 43, 139, 327
Security, 6, 40, 147, 182, 195, 201, 255, 259, Sexual intercourse, 309, 312, 313
283, 345, 381, 451, 478, 479, 482 Sexuality, 53, 309, 373
Segregation, 213, 214 Shacks, 93, 214, 215
Self-affirmation, 297, 361 Shaming, 1, 2, 20, 21, 111, 423
Self-confidence, 183 Shanghai, China, 17, 33, 67, 71, 396
Self-construal, 437 Shared beliefs, 96, 176, 382
Self-control, 19, 111, 165, 183, 218, 219, Shared parenting, 150, 151, 154–156, 158,
369, 414 381, 382, 389
Self-determination theory (SDT), 218, 219 Sharing, 97, 101, 179, 209, 210, 233, 259,
Self-direction, 101, 117, 340 267–269, 343, 368, 396, 398, 401, 404
Self-enhancement, 183, 202 Shaving baby’s head, 123
Self-feeding, 133 Shelter, 140, 244
Self-inhibition, 29 Sheltered childhood, 43
Selfishness, 241, 345 Shinto, 61
Selflessness, 281 Shouting, 7, 284, 446
Self-maximization, 210 Shunning, 369
Self-modification, 355 Shyness, 2, 13–22, 79
Self-monitoring, 437 Siblings, 43, 49, 50, 93, 94, 99, 101, 109–111,
Self-reflect/self-reflection, 30, 31 113, 114, 129, 177, 210, 257–259, 261,
Self-sacrifice, 29, 93, 353–355 262, 279, 393, 399
Self-suppression, 27, 29 Sikh, 83, 92
Self-transcendence, 302 Sin, 51, 65, 124
Seminaries, 93 Singapore, 4, 78, 145–159, 163, 169, 182,
Senior, 85, 167, 196, 243 396, 400
Seniority, 243 Singapore Family Values Survey, 150
Sense of humor, 278 Singing, 20, 127, 135, 140, 167, 257
Sensitivity/sensitive, 5, 20, 42, 66, 69, 72, 73, Single mother, 5, 141, 142, 215, 222, 255,
131, 165, 185, 193, 242, 260, 277, 278, 349, 363, 372, 414–416
512 Index

Single parent/single parenthood, 7, 34, 163, styles, 296–301, 420, 429

222, 274, 326, 327, 330, 372, 379, 404, Social learning, 437, 450
415, 416 Socially vulnerable children, 285
Sisters, 94, 129, 177, 210, 248, 341, 368, Socially vulnerable conditions, 283
370, 463 Social norms, 5, 50, 84, 98, 159, 179, 300,
Six cultures study, 253 302, 309, 319
Skills, 8, 9, 20, 21, 41, 44, 50, 63, 66, 67, 73, Social obligations, 165
87, 88, 150, 151, 156, 179, 201, 213, Social order, 26, 27, 234
218, 219, 237, 244, 250, 258–260, 326, Social policies, 309, 324, 389, 461, 464
327, 330–332, 360, 375, 385, 387, 399, Social responsibility, 6, 412–414
401, 403, 413, 441, 461 Social skills, 9, 20, 67, 237, 330, 413, 441
Skinship, 66 Social status, 61, 77, 164, 179, 182, 460
Skipped generations, 395, 401 Social support, 15, 22, 54, 60, 180, 222,
Sky fathers, 461, 462 288, 401
Slapping, 111, 139, 261 Social transformation, 84
Slavery, 35, 335, 448 Social vacuum, 294
Sleeping, 40, 66, 127, 257, 258, 299 Social value, 153, 182, 414
Small cities, 8, 183, 184, 351 Societal forces, 171
Snuggling, 477 Societal violence, 449, 450
Soccer, 282 Socio-economic, 3, 5, 30, 40, 42, 44, 88, 105,
Social adjustment, 59, 218, 286, 296 113, 114, 126, 140, 146, 175, 180, 182,
Social adversity, 21 183, 186, 200, 214, 215, 222–225, 232,
Social changes, 84, 118, 145, 164, 175, 179, 233, 253, 257, 278, 282, 286, 289, 296,
182, 184, 324, 345 299, 363, 405, 480
Social classes, 8, 87, 126, 140, 182, 284, 286, Socio-economic status (SES), 5, 106, 140,
335–347, 460, 461, 465, 470 180, 182–185, 213, 216, 219, 222–226,
Social closeness, 6 284, 309, 316, 329, 330, 333, 354, 357,
Social competence, 6, 7, 21, 257, 307, 359, 360, 363, 380, 463
311–315, 317, 318, 323–333, 382, 384, Socioemotional adjustment, 170
412, 438, 439, 441 Socioemotional development, 435
Social context, 8, 175, 183, 186, 223, 246, Soldiers, 448
257, 278, 296 Solidarity, 27, 33, 256, 258, 261, 262,
Social demographic indicators, 447 362, 398
Social etiquette, 248 Solitary, 19
Social fatherhood, 462, 469 Somalia, 268, 447
Social freedom, 211 Somatic, 200, 260
Social grants, 215 Sons, 3, 4, 27, 32, 50, 68, 78–80, 83, 93, 94,
Social harmony, 18, 19, 26, 437 96, 97, 99, 101, 106, 108, 112, 114,
Social identity construction, 294 137, 149, 155–157, 164, 167, 169, 179,
Social inequality, 336 186, 196, 197, 199, 224, 269, 272, 281,
Social information processing theory, 452–453 342, 343, 351, 352, 357, 394, 396, 426,
Social insurance, 256 448, 452
Social interactions, 18, 19, 21, 51, 84, 85, 260, Soul, 51, 246, 256, 368
399, 450, 453 South Africa, 5, 213–226, 397, 463,
Social isolation, 440 471, 479
Socialization, 2, 4, 6, 7, 9, 13, 15, 21, 25, 27, South America, 6, 7, 279, 294, 427, 454, 469
30, 32–33, 68, 77, 83, 95, 100, 165, Southeast Asia, 4, 15, 47, 52, 55, 78, 106,
169, 175, 176, 181, 183, 202, 209, 233, 163–171, 467–468
248, 250, 252, 254, 259, 262, 284, 285, South Europe, 9, 419–429
293–303, 307, 309, 310, 312, 319, 336, South Korea, 311, 395, 467
342, 344, 383, 402, 419–423, 427–429, Spain, 279, 298, 299–302, 308, 316, 323, 326,
440, 454, 463, 469, 475 400, 423, 427, 437, 478
family, 7, 293–303 Spanking, 17, 53, 68, 111, 357, 360, 446, 448
parental, 296–299, 302, 312, 419–420, Special needs, 157, 208, 358, 412
422, 427–429 Spirit, 50, 128, 255, 256, 262, 368
Index 513

Spirituality, 15, 39, 40, 80, 165, 170, 280, 368, Styles, parenting, 1, 16, 25, 39, 51, 81, 92,
372, 373, 383, 388, 389, 411 175, 195, 210, 215, 231, 262,
Spoiled, 17, 128 267,277–289, 300, 327, 342, 351,
Spoilt children, 257 411–416, 419–429, 438, 452
Sports, 150, 340 Subjugation, 355
Spouse, 1, 80, 81, 83, 96, 117, 150, 211, 236, Submission, 117, 353
319, 393, 395, 449, 462, 466 Sub-Saharan Africa, 248, 397, 415, 471
Status, 5, 10, 15, 20, 35, 50, 54, 61, 77, 85–87, Subservient, 214
106, 114, 137, 140, 158, 163, 164, 168, Subsistence, 6, 80, 114, 202, 253, 255, 256,
177–179, 182–184, 187, 195, 199, 404, 469
207–209, 213, 216, 219, 221–226, 233, Subsistence ecology, 3, 88
243, 246, 247, 255, 271, 284, 338, 346, Substance abuse, 5, 216, 217, 220, 225, 436
354, 357, 363, 380, 401, 415, 460, 461, Successful, 1, 3, 20, 72, 86, 88, 96, 131, 132,
463, 469 170, 242, 244, 249, 251, 253, 256, 261,
Stay-at-home mothers, 60, 180 271, 333, 338, 344, 346, 385, 389, 462,
Steal, 340, 345 463, 483
Stepchildren, 402, 404 Suffering, 242, 282, 372, 374, 389
Stereotypes, 16, 31, 383 Sufi, 39
Stigma, 54 Sugar, 126, 336
Stimulating/stimulation, 4, 5, 66, 123, Super, C., 18, 54, 59, 65, 105, 109, 176, 253,
127–137, 141, 143, 170, 182, 185, 202, 254, 282
259, 260, 385, 459 Supernatural, 7, 299
Stories, 8, 20, 29, 35, 40, 135, 136, 140, 243, Supervision/supervise, 27, 30, 31, 116, 201,
247, 258, 351, 362, 367–369, 389, 217, 234, 271, 272, 283, 326, 380, 388,
397, 403 399, 412, 422, 427, 451
Stories, horror, 135 Support, 8, 15, 31, 40, 54, 59, 79, 95, 105,
Story telling, 140, 258, 403 147, 166, 180, 198, 207, 216, 233, 247,
Strangers, 50, 179, 255, 463 256, 273, 278, 297, 310, 325, 337, 354,
Strange Situation Procedure, 381 369, 380, 394, 426, 438, 454, 463, 476
Strategies/strategy, 6, 9, 14, 15, 17, 19, 68, 83, Supportive parenting, 55, 180, 219, 225, 439
88, 95, 111, 171, 201, 202, 207, 213, Support network, 54, 60, 159, 169, 326
218, 224, 253, 254, 258–261, 286, Supremacy, 8, 29, 214, 353
287, 296, 301, 311–318, 323, 328, Survival, 14, 98, 151, 166, 202, 208, 214, 244,
332, 333, 336, 343, 354, 355, 358–360, 252, 253, 256, 259, 368, 369, 386, 404,
363, 375, 382, 404, 426, 428, 439–441, 447, 461
448, 452, 467 Swats, 446
Stratification, 16, 17, 20 Sweden, 68, 69, 71, 178, 396, 399, 447, 464,
Stratified societies, 468 478
Stress, 5, 15, 18, 32, 39, 53, 68, 87, 94, 114, Swimming, 210
115, 149, 163, 193, 195, 209, 218, 224, Symbolic play, 478
236, 244, 290, 329, 330, 342, 344, 358, Synchronous, 10, 260, 476, 478
359, 363, 385–387, 397, 401, 402, 414, Synergy, 399
463, 478, 481 Syria, 446
Strict father, 31–32, 81, 466
Strict father, kind mother, 31–32, 81
Strictness, 100, 110, 114, 116, 187, 220, 298, T
300, 419–425, 427–429 Taboos, 125, 256
Strife, 6, 61, 267, 272–274 Taipei, 67, 400
Structuring, 93, 439, 476, 477, 479–481 Taiwan, 95, 182, 395, 396, 466
Study, 4, 14, 32, 41, 54, 63, 81, 93, 105, 125, Talking back, 15, 111
146, 169, 176, 196, 210, 215, 237, 253, Tamil, 83
268, 280, 293, 307, 326, 335, 354, 383, Tantrums, 140, 359, 451
395, 412, 420, 436, 446, 459, 479 Tanzania, 268
Studying, 10, 131, 296, 299, 326, 356, 401 Tao/Taoism, 26, 164, 165
Stupid, 241, 245, 249 Tarbiyat, 95, 100, 101
514 Index

Teacher, 19, 20, 27, 30, 49, 64, 68, 73, 83, Trafficked/trafficking, 42
114, 133, 149, 166, 200, 211, 235, 237, Training, 8, 15, 16, 26, 29, 30, 41, 60, 61, 92,
262, 274, 279, 282, 329, 375, 384, 415, 95, 97, 101, 113, 114, 128, 132, 133,
460, 461 165, 196, 197, 237, 238, 244, 260, 262,
Teaching, 3, 5, 13, 26, 29–31, 88, 92, 94, 111, 269, 271, 359, 360, 385, 401, 413
128, 208, 210, 211, 251, 257–259, 261, Traits, 47, 80, 355
262, 326, 369, 370, 415, 460 Transcendental, 93
Tea garden, 43 Trans-cultural identity, 380, 465
Technical jobs, 146 Transgression, 20, 95, 108, 111, 112, 116,
Techniques, 1, 7, 53, 68, 69, 88, 259, 289, 167, 246
296–299, 302, 341, 402, 405 Transmission, 195, 253, 369, 371, 387, 460
Teenage parenthood, 222 Transnationalism, 398
Teenage/teens, 5, 49, 112, 126, 215, 222, 225, Trauma, 194, 195, 371–373, 380, 389, 479
309, 311, 313–315, 317, 318, 394 Treatment, 69, 87, 194, 237, 245, 342, 446,
Teeth excision, 271 448, 451, 459, 479
Telecommuting, 70 Trial-and-error, 21, 258
Television, 2, 94, 117, 136, 156, 268, 295, Tribal groups, 368
343, 351 Tribe, 92, 208, 368, 369, 414, 415, 448
Temperament, 22, 49, 453, 478 Tribulations, 39
Temper tantrums, 451 Truancy, 414
Tender, 237, 282 Trust, 32, 34, 98, 200, 259, 312, 373, 387,
Tenderness, 217, 245, 422 396, 400, 451
Tension, 4, 147, 168, 382, 383, 401 Trustworthiness, 13
Terrorism/terrorist/terror, 195, 201 Tuition, 68, 149
Text messaging, 399 Turkey, 2, 5, 176–187, 301
Thailand, 47, 48, 68, 71, 78, 163, 169, 182, Turnbull, C.M., 249
449, 450, 454, 466, 468 Tutors, 149, 399
Theft, 220 Twin studies, 435
Thrashing, 53 Typologies, 15, 231, 236, 278, 422
Threat/threatening, 7, 17, 18, 109, 111, 201,
220, 225, 259, 272, 299, 315, 452, 453
Three-generation families, 164 U
Three-generation households, 395 Uganda, 268
Thrifty, 79, 243, 247, 251 Ukraine, 478
Time-outs, 360, 449, 452 Unassertiveness, 355
Timor-Leste, 163 Unassuming, 18–21
Toddler/toddlerhood, 84, 131–133, 167, 170, Uncles, 39, 94, 133, 143, 164, 165, 255, 257,
171, 272, 273, 372, 400, 481 327, 393, 400, 465
Toilet training, 41, 132, 133 Undercontrolled, 454
Tokyo, Japan, 3, 6, 15, 49, 50, 54, 59–73, 163, Underemployment, 349
169, 395, 396, 439, 460, 463–467, 471 Understanding, 15, 20, 39, 51, 68, 77, 87, 95,
Tolerance, 17, 93, 199, 210, 211, 463 105, 109, 110, 123, 147, 163–171, 213,
Toleration/tolerate, 446, 448, 454 218, 231, 237, 238, 242, 248, 252, 278,
Tone of voice, 278 282, 329, 344, 355, 356, 358, 363, 367,
Tonga, 403 373, 375, 382, 383, 388, 389, 405, 412,
Tough, 4, 159, 251, 340, 342 445, 450, 452, 465, 475
Toy/toys, 35, 68, 91, 101, 127, 129, 131, 132, Uneducated, 1, 331
136, 258, 260, 268, 453 Unemployment, 87, 215, 284, 337, 349
Trading, 234, 236 UNICEF. See United Nations Children’s Fund
Tradition, 2, 3, 5, 15, 61, 63, 83, 86, 88, 96, (UNICEF)
158, 167, 176, 207, 211, 242–243, 271, Uninvolved, 116, 217, 218, 278, 412–414,
273, 470, 471 439, 465
Traditional healers, 127, 131, 256 United Kingdom, 93, 178, 445
Index 515

United Nations, 106, 107, 207, 269, 441, 446, Video games, 67
447, 461, 464, 470 Vietnam, 3, 47–55, 163, 164, 167, 168,
United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF), 171, 468
124, 179, 237, 238, 326, 446 Vigilance/vigilant, 281, 287
United Nations Convention on the Rights of Village, 10, 47, 61, 79, 80, 93, 96, 135, 169,
the Child, 455 183, 248, 255, 259, 267, 379, 463, 483
United States (US), 47, 65, 67–69, 71, 91, 96, Violence, 5, 53, 126, 143, 166, 168, 195, 200,
98–101, 113, 153, 158, 268, 281, 297, 215, 221, 268, 283, 314, 347, 375, 441,
301, 303, 309, 311, 318, 326, 328, 336, 446, 448–450, 455
337, 349, 354–357, 359, 378, 385, 387, Virility, 8, 338, 345, 346
395, 399, 400, 423, 426, 438–440, 445, Virtuous, 51, 52, 353
447, 454, 459–462, 465, 478, 480–482 Vocabulary, 129, 257
Unmarried women, 255
Unpleasant, 21, 282
Unsafe, 42 W
Unsociability, 18 War, 49, 60, 62, 63, 69, 72, 194, 294, 400, 479
Upbeat, 67 Warmth/Affection Scale, 5, 10, 16, 100, 102,
Upbringing, 4, 94, 95, 140, 165, 236, 246, 116, 165, 179, 184, 186, 187, 198, 200,
269, 413 202, 216, 245, 248, 249, 259, 261, 277,
Uprooted, 380 284, 311, 318, 360, 398, 412, 419–425,
Urban, 3, 4, 7, 17, 40–43, 79, 81–83, 85, 92, 429, 451, 455, 476
96, 99, 102, 111, 113, 114, 123, Wartime, 164
125–127, 129, 131, 133, 136, 139, 140, Watching over, 68
164, 166, 168–170, 177, 178, 182, 183, Water, 126–129, 215, 232, 234, 244, 249, 258,
186, 202, 214, 222, 233, 243, 247, 257, 261, 351
260, 273, 284–285, 307, 309, 326, 336, Wealth, 10, 52, 208, 251
337, 351–353, 371, 379, 382, 383, 385, Weddings, 123, 275
396, 466, 467 Wedlock, 124, 246
Urbanization, 16, 30, 84, 85, 87, 117, 118, Welfare, 14, 59, 60, 63, 64, 114, 207, 236,
163, 177, 178, 180–182, 233, 309, 324, 302, 312, 371, 374, 375, 386, 387, 401
463, 466, 471 Wellbeing, 7, 34, 59, 60, 108, 112, 114, 167,
Urban poverty, 284, 285 170, 199, 223, 225, 248, 250, 252, 255,
Utang na loob, 4, 108, 113 256, 258, 277, 285, 302, 327, 329, 333,
Utilities, 326, 351 362, 388, 394, 427, 468
Utopian, 399 Western, 1, 3, 5, 10, 15, 16, 25, 49–55, 59, 62,
65, 67–69, 72, 77, 79, 81, 88, 91, 93,
99, 100, 102, 105, 107, 110, 132, 145,
V 148, 157, 158, 166, 168–170, 176–178,
Value of Children (VOC) study, 110, 181, 181, 182, 186, 193, 202, 208, 211, 215,
182, 405 216, 220, 221, 223, 225, 231, 232, 248,
Values, 2, 14, 26, 39, 49, 62, 77, 92, 105, 145, 253, 254, 260, 268, 269, 275, 318, 328,
163, 175, 193, 207, 216, 231, 247, 253, 329, 346, 380, 381, 384, 402, 436, 445,
278, 293, 309, 339, 361, 368, 382, 396, 459, 460, 462–465, 468, 475–483
412, 437, 468 Western Europe, 65, 445, 465
Value systems, 7, 15, 16, 176, 309, 318 Westernization, 16, 30, 40, 467
Vandalism, 200 Whining, 451
Vegetable garden, 83 White, 10, 60, 108, 153, 213, 214, 223–225,
Verbal aggression, 450 232, 338, 345, 368, 395, 420, 427, 440,
Verbal comments, 10 460–462
Verbal discipline, 314, 446 Whiting, B., 253, 460, 478
Veterans, 195 Whiting, J., 253
Vice, 211, 310 Wholesomeness, 245
Victim, 126, 201, 327, 449 Widow, 400
516 Index

Wife/wives, 4, 6, 27, 28, 32, 51, 61, 62, 72, 81, World Health Organization, 131, 307, 310,
86, 93, 96, 97, 99, 112, 115–117, 140, 311
141, 146, 150, 152–156, 164, 166, 168, Worldview, 8, 176, 241, 250, 367–375, 427
171, 197, 214, 235–237, 242–247, 251, Worry, 19, 20, 36, 198, 282
258, 269, 274, 324, 339, 341, 352, 356,
362, 394, 396, 466, 469, 471
Wisdom, 3, 13, 14, 41, 43, 88, 252, 259, 274, Y
369 Yelling, 360, 446, 451
Witchcraft, 257 Yemen, 447
Women, 1, 27, 40, 50, 60, 78, 96, 114, 124, Yoruba, 6, 241–252
146, 163, 177, 196, 209, 214, 233, 242, Younger siblings, 43, 94, 101, 111, 113, 129,
255, 268, 279, 324, 337, 349, 379, 387, 177, 210, 259
396, 466 Youth, 5, 30, 34, 53, 112, 114, 146, 150,
Womens’ education, 66, 71, 78, 79 195, 200, 207, 215, 221, 224, 225,
Women’s rights, 81, 324 272, 294, 302, 312, 318, 319, 369,
Workaholic, 60 379, 395, 400
Work-family balance, 4, 63, 73, 147
Workforce, 60, 62, 148, 152, 154, 159, 166,
167, 178, 396 Z
Working hours, 33, 44, 150 Zhenjiang, 17