16 CAWRIS

William
Bascon
 PREFACE
The divinação with sixteen cawris becomes related in mythology,
perhaps historically e, with certainty, morphologically, with the divinação of Ifá. For
integral understanding of what he is told here, the readers would have to consult
DIVINAÇÃO IFÁ: COMMUNICATION BETWEEN DEUSES AND MEN IN AFRICA
OCCIDENTAL PERSON (Bascom 1969), and the references to this work are made
in order to qualify them to find it the tickets more readily excellent.

I still keep my recognition the colonial employees and citizens

Nigerians in this and the other preceding works, and am grateful to the Advice of
Research of Social Science of New Iorque for having supported my first work of
field between the Yorùbá, in 1937-38. But the main support of the research for this
book was assured by a Fullbright donation in 1950-51, occasion where the
divinação verses had been recorded in ribbon. Proportionate salaries for the
Institute of International Studies of the University of California, in 1960, and for the
Advice of Research of Social Science, in 1965, make possible brief visits to the
Nigéria for later research.

My reconhecimentos are expressed in Chapter I the M. . Oyawoye,

that made the initial translation and most of the transcription, to the two other
iorubanos that in it had collaborated, and to my wife Berta, who carried through the
writing. Also in the same chapter, as well as in the dedication of the present book,
Express my gratitude the Salakọ, the divinador that dictated divinatórios verses of
the sixteen cawris presented here.

FIRST PART:
INTRODUCTION
Sixteen cawris (érìndínlógún, owó mérìndínlógún) it is a form of
divinação used for the Yorùbá of the Nigéria and its descendants in the New World.
It is simpler than the divinação Ifá and less appreciated in the Nigéria but, in
Americas, more important that Ifá because more known and more frequently used.
Such fact can elapse of its relative simplicity; of the popularity of Șàngó, Iemonjá,
Oșun and others deuses Yorùbá with which the sixteen cawris are associates; e of
the fact of that women can in such a way be practised by men how much, which in
number, exceeds the men these cults, while only men can practise Ifá.

The importance differentiated of these two systems of divinação in

Africa and Americas probably explains the indifference face the sixteen cawris of
the scholars of the comparative Yorùbá culture to the ones of the Afro-Cuban
culture. Numerous studies of divinação Ifá exist enter the Yorùbá (to see
bibliographies in Bascom, 1961 and 1969, beyond important subsequent
publications), but I know of only two that cawris in Africa deal with sixteen. One
dedicates only dezessete pages to this topic (Ogunbiyi 1952:65 - 81) and the other,
less than three pages (Maupoil 1943:265 - 268). On the contrary of this, they had
appeared many publications the respect in Cuba, where the sixteen cawris are
known by “dillogun” or “los caracoles” (Lachatañere 1942, Hing 1971, Rogers
1973, Cabrera 1974, Elizondo s. d., Suarez s. d., Anonymous s. d.). Conquanto the
divinação Ifá also is practised and highly considered in Cuba, sixteen cawris is,
probably, the most important divinatório system in the afro-Cuban cults. In Brazil, it
is known by “Dologum”, “Edilogun”, “Endilogum” (Lighter 1950:157 - 158),
“Merindilogum” or “Eșu” (Bastide and Verger, 1953:378).

While the divinação Ifá is used by the Ewe and Fon for the west of the
Yorùbá and by the Edo, of the Benin, for the east, and perhaps for other neighbors,
I know only one story on divinação of the sixteen cawris in Africa, that can not
become related to the Yorùbá. It is the brief note of Maupoil, the Daomé. It says
who is of Nagô origin (Yorùbá) and that he is known as “Legba-kika”. A worshipper
of Oshun, in Ifè, Nigéria, also called the divinação of Elegba, another assignment
for Eșu, or Exu, as he is known in Brazil. The names of the deities associates with
the figures, as given by Maupoil, are predominantly, even so not exclusively,
Yorùbá, suggesting that its informers were Nagôs instead of Fon. Temporarily at
least, sixteen cawris can specifically be considered a form of divinação Yorùbá.
The Yorùbá, that they add about thirteen million people, inhabits in the states west
and Lakes, in the southern portion of the state of Kwarra, the southwest of the
Nigéria, and in the eastern Daomé, with encraves more far the west in the central
Daomé and throughout the Daomé-Togo border.

The divinação with sixteen cawris is used in the cults of Ọrișálá and
other “white deities”, in the cults of Eșu, Ọyá, Șàngó, Ọșun, Ọbá, Yemọjá, Yewá,
Nanã Buruku e, in some cities, Ọșosi e Șoponã. Yewá it is the goddess of the river
Yewá, Ọbá, the goddess of the river Ọbá, and Nanã Buruku is a goddess
associated with a species of snake that if it affirms to live inside of water; the
nature of these other deities will be boarded in Chapter III.

The present study it is based on information supplied for Salakọ

(Sàlàkọ), a divinador in the cult of Ọrișálá, in Ọyọ, Nigéria, that were born, were
initiated and trained in Igana, a city to one fifty miles the west and that the Alafin
was subordinated, king of Ọyọ. That I know, am the first serious study of the
sixteen cawris between the Yorùbá and the first coletânea of its verses of to be
published divinação . Ademais, is assumed represents divinatórios the entire verse
body known by an only instructed e divinador.

Compared with the divinação Ifá, with its manipulation of sixteen same
dendês or the launching of its opelê, of the sixteen cawris is simple. The cawris are
launched on a tray of would cestaria and the number of open shells of mouth pra
top is counted. It has, only, dezessete position or figures - n +1 - or zero the
sixteen. However, the memorization of verses so difficult and is delayed how much
the learning of the ones of Ifá. The shells of cawri that they are used in divinação
are not the ones that long ago (owó ẹyọ) they were used as money, but a minor
(owó ẹrọ). The wicker tray braid (àtẹ) she is plain and of the used type to arrange
small accounts, salt and other materials to be vendidos in the market (A40 verse is
seen).

Dezessete figures of the divinação with sixteen cawris has names of

which diverse they are cognate of the names of the figures of Ifẹ. In picture I, the
initial numeral it indicates the number of cawris opened for top, followed of the
name of the respective figure. A time that the order of the figures in picture I differs
from that one for which its verses had been recited by Salakọ, this last one was
identified in alphabetical sequence for the reference case isolated verses. Thus, for
example, A40 indicates the fortieth verse of Eji Ogbê, the figure that has eight
shells opened for top. Following the letters, they come the names of the deities or
other entities super-human beings associates to the figures, as supplied for
Salakọ. The last column, of numerals indicates the verse number registered for
each figure.

1 - Òkàràn D - Òrányan 7
2 - Éjì Òkò E - Ibejì (twin) 7
3 - Ògúndá H - Yemojá 12
4 - Íròsun F - Obàlùfòn (i. e., Ọrișálá) 22
5 - Ọșẹ G - Oșun 15
6 - Òbàrà I - Orúnmìlà (i. e., Ifá) 19
7 - Òdi J - Ẹgbẹ Ọgbà (i. e., abikú[1]) 18
8 - Èji Ogbê - Ọrișá Rowu (“a white deity”) 49
9 - Ọsá C - Ọyá 19
10 - Òfún B - Obànlá (i. e., Òrisalá) and Oduà (i. e.,14
Oduduà)
11 - Ọwọnrín K - Égún (i. E., Egúngún) 13
12 - Éjilá Șẹborà L - Șàngó 8
13 - Íka M - Șòpòná 2
14 - Otúrúpọn N - Okirikishi 2
15 - Òfún Kànràn - Ògún 1
16 - Ìrètè P - Oluofin (“a white deity”) 1
0 - Opìrà Q - Ògbóni 1

All these names also apply the figures in the divinação Ifá (Bascom
1966), excepted Eji Oko (2), Ejila Șẹbọra (12) e Opira (0). As in Ifá, alternative
names for certain figures, some of which exist are given in the Appendix. Also in
the appendix, picture 2 presents the names of the figures supplied for other Yorubá
sources and the Daomé, Brazil and Cuba; picture 3 shows to the deities and other
entities super-human beings associates with the figures for some amongst the
same sources.

When the figure (odù) it was determined by the first play of the cawris,
the divinador begins to recite verses (eșe) it associates. These verses contain the
predicações and the sacrifices to be carried through, established in the case of a
mitológico consultant who serves of precedent. Not to be that it is stopped by the
consultant, the divinador, recites all the verses that learned for that figure. In a
similar way that in the divinação Ifá, greaters specific information can be gotten by
means of plays you add of the cawris in order to choose between specific
alternatives ( ), on the basis of the order of anteriority of dezessete figures.

For some reason that was not clarified, it wants the order by which the
figures are listed in Picture 1 want the order according to which its verses had been
dictated by Salakọ, 8-10-9-1-2-4-5-3-6-7-11-12-13-14-15-16-0, differ from this order
of anteriority, that it gave as being 8-10-4-3-2-1-12-11-9-7-6-5-13-14-15-16-0.
When choosing between the right hand and the left, the right with an only
launching is indicated case 8.10.4.3.2.1 or 12 appear. If to appear 11,9,7,6 or 5,
becomes necessary as I hurl; if then she appears one of these less powerful
figures, is chosen the right hand, but if one of most powerful appears in as
launching, the left hand is chosen. If 13,14,15,16 or 0 appear or in the first one or
in as I hurl, is not indicated hand some - it does not have reply.

Ogunbiyi does not approach “ibo” or this order of anteriority, but certain
confirmation proceeds from Cuban sources. The “bigger figures” in Cuba are given
as being 1-2-3-4-8-10-12-13-14-15-16, and the “lesser figures” as 5-6-7-9-11 (Hing
1971: 60; Rogers 1973: 23; Suarez s.d.: 37,38; Anonymous s.d.: 6). As much Hing
how much Rogers, however, says that a bigger figure is the left hand indicated
when appears in the first game. Cabrera (1974: 188) of the 1-2-3-4-8-10 as bigger
figures and 5-6-7-9-11-12 as lesser.

To the the opposite of the divinação Ifá (Bascom 1969: 54-58),

simultaneous choices between five specific alternatives do not exist, according to
Salakọ. The choice if restricts the two alternatives, right hand and left hand. The
choice enters more than two alternatives is made only by means of questions on
them, made successively, and receiving as answers “yes” and “not”. The consulting
insurance, in each hand, a small object, as, for example, the pectoral bone of small
cágado, symbolizing the stranger (àìmò) and a small pebble representing long life
(àìkú), and it asks for Ọrișálá that it indicates which the chosen hand.

For this, when a verse foretold a benefit, the consultant can be

knowing its nature when asking “yes” or “not”, in the following order: if it is a favour
of long life (ire àìkú), it is of money (ire ajé), of wives (ire obìnrin), of children (ire
ọmọ), or a blessing of a new place to live (ire ìbùjókó). These benefits are
analogous to the five selected species of good luck simultaneously in the divinação
Ifá: long life, money, marriage, children and defeat of its enemy. If none of these
five benefits is indicated by the cawris means that the reply she is all the favours
(ire gbogbó) or peace and contentment (àláfià).

If the verse foretold misfortune (ibi), the consultant can inquire

successively is about death (ikú), of disease or disease (àrùn), of loss (òfò), of one
it fights (ìjà) or of dispute in court (òràn). These categories are also similar to the
five types of curses selected simultaneously in the divinação Ifá: money death,
disease, fight , shortage and loss. If none of these five types is chosen, wants to
say that the reply he is all the sorts of misfortune (ibi gbogbó). The consultant can
then ask, for example, if the indicated evil is predicted for proper it, its wife, its son,
its older brother, its younger brother or a friend.

The consultant can later asking what if she makes necessary to

consolidate the benefit promise or to hinder the augurado curse. That is made
asking itself, in the indicated order to follow, if it is had to make a sacrifice (ẹbọ) for
Eșu or if it is for Egungun (Égún), Ọrișálá (Òrìșà), the head of the consultant (orì),
children “born to die” (Ẹgbè Ọgbà), Ọrunmilá (Ifá), Ọrișá Oko, Yemojá, the Land
(Ilè), one “iroko”, one “oșe”, the soil inside of the house (alẹ ilé), Șọpọna, or witches
(àwọn àgbàlâgba). Salakọ supported that never it is necessary to mention what
these catorze alternative more than; one of them surely is chosen.

However, if the first one (ẹbọ) it is indicated, meaning that a sacrifice

must be made for Eșu, is necessary to inquire if it must be offered in the laterita
nesting (yangí) that it serves as its altar, in front to the house, in crossroads or
bifurcation of way (ọríta goal) where if it says that it lives, in the yard of the deep
ones (èhìnkùnlè) or in a rubbish mount (àtàn). As in the divinação Ifá the objective
of the divinação he is to determine the correct sacrifice and nothing he is gotten if it
will not be offered . As declared in some verses (C18, D3, F15, F16), “To offer
sacrifices he is what he helps somebody; not to offer, does not help nobody”.

The full name of Salakọ is “Maranoro Salakọ, ọmọ Gbonka Igana”. Its
first name wants to say “does not send rancor” (Me rán I pray). As it is its name of
orixá, meaning It opens white cloth and it hangs it” (Only àlà kọ) in the sacrário of
Ọrișálá. It is a given name the boys who are born inside of one caul (àlà[2], ọkẹ) and
that, therefore, they are identified as sacred for Ọrișálá and destined if to become
its worshippers. Last the three words identify Salakọ as a son of the head Ggọnka,
of the city of Igana.

Salakọ identified its deity (òrìșà), Olufọn or Ọrișá Olufọn, as a sort or

type of Ọbàtàlá . In other occasions, however, it said that he is the same that
Ọbàtàlá (King of the fabric white), Ọrișálá(Great deity), Ọbalufọn (King Olufọn) or
Ọbanla (Great King). In other chances, it it identified Ọbanla as another name it
stops Ọlọrun or Olodumare, the God of the sky.

He is safe to say that Ọrișálá, Orișanla e Ọbàtàlá they are alternative

names for the same deity. It is, however, really difficult to determine if these other
names are different names for the same deity, names for different manifestations of
the same deity or names for different deities. All are “white deities” (òrìșà funfun),
for which I registered about ninety and five names; many derivatives of names of
places and some are said to mention children to it of Ọrișálá.

Salakọ affirmed that each “white deity” has its proper group of
worshippers and its proper separate house of cult (ilè òrișà), but the houses are
similar between itself and only the worshippers know the differences between
them; all are of Ọrișálá and all reverenciam it. They use only white things: white
accounts (șéșé ẹfun) and white fabrics, and esbranquiçado lead bracelets, batons
and fans (òjè) analogous to I tin it. They cook with “shea to butter” (òri) or oil of
cantaloups seeds (ègùnsí) in oil place of orange-colored palm color (epo) that
others use, they eat white nuts of kola (obì ifin) instead of the usual colored glue
nuts (obì yipa), and they drink beer of white maize (ọtín șẹkẹtẹ) or gin (ọtín òyinbó)
on the contrary of palm wine (emu). Snails and white hens are favourite sacrifices
for Ọrișálá and the other white deities.

ỌrișáOgyian, whose worshippers practise flagellation, he seems to be

a “distinct white deity” or, at least a sufficiently different manifestation of Ọrișálá.
The same it occurs with Ọrișá Rowu or Ọrișá Lowu, described as being the first son
of Ọrișálá. The deities of the hill (òrișà òkè), for which I registered others sixty and
five names, also “white deities” are considered Ọrișá Olufọn it can be more
accurate, but when approaching Salakọ and its divinação with sixteen cawris, I will
use the name most common, Ọrișálá.

Salakọ was born in Ilẹ Gbọnka, the house of the Gbọnka head, in
Igana, for 1880 return. It said that he had about fifteen years of age and wise
person as to make a farming before captain R. L. Bower bombed Ọyọ and
destroyed the palace of Alafin in 1895, in the words of Salakọ, “When Bower came
to Ọyọ and went off weapons “Pepe” (Nigbàtí Bawàwá lú pèpè). Soon after its
birth, was taken to a divinador Ifá and its foot was placed on the divinatório tray;
the divinador consulted Ifá and confirmed that it belonged the Ọrișálá. It was not
initiated until the fifteen years because its grandmother materna not possuía
money sufficient. The expenditures of its initiation had been paid for its father and
the mother of its mother, who was devoted of Ọrișálá. When it had nineteen years
of age, Adeyọyin, its lesser sister of the same mother, equally she was initiated in
Igana, and he was its father who paid.

According to explanation of Salakọ, for initiation, the sponsors have to

supply fish (ẹjá), rat (eku), rat of Tullberg (ẹmọ) (Abraham - I1.78B), pangolim
(aka), cágado (ahun), elephant meat (ẹran àjànàku), hen of Angola (ẹtu), hen
(adìe), pigeon (ẹiyẹlé), snail (ìgbín) and soap (ọșé). Later that the head of initiating
has been scraped and a small one I cut (gbéré) made in I know cabeludo leather,
small pieces of these ingredients and a little of deriving hair of close to the cut are
beaten together and molded in form of small tablet, approximately of the size of
one cawri great e rank on of the cut. This “medicine” cannot fall, but when it goes
to sleep, its older woman or its sponsor the same removes the medicine and the
guard for it repô-lá in place, in the following day, after the bath. That is made during
seven days, after what initiating never more can scrape the head of new. It will be
able to tress its hair as a woman, as Salakọ made. It can carry things in the head
but it has of cobriz it all time that to leave house, even though at night. When of its
death, its head is scraped in order to remove ọrișa (I barked mu ọrìșà kúrò lórí r `r,
you ba you kú).

As chosen for Ọrișálá through the game of the sixteen cawris, a

rooster, a castrated sheep or snail is not abated for the deity and the blood or the
water of the shell of the snail is rank in the mouth of initiating. In this Ọrișálá
meantime “it mounts” initiating, of it if it possesses in one settles and through it it
speaks. Salakọ said “Ọrișá mounts a person” (Ọrișágun enìà) or “Ọrișá enters in its
body” (Ọrișáwara rè). From there in ahead, any initiated person it can be
possessed while it dances and Ọrișálá can speak through it. Both, Salakọ and its
lesser sister, had in this manner been possessed after its initiations, but they
cannot speak as “it would mount it” (ẹlẹgun) official. This person is chosen by
means of specific alternatives, playing the sixteen cawris while she in sequence
recites the members of the cult of Seniority - not in terms of relative age but for the
dates of its respective initiations. The thus chosen person needs to make sacrifice
(ètùtù) and to make a celebration (ìwújè) such which a head to mark its ownership.
Nor Salakọ nor its sister if would become one “would mount” officer, but when the
mother of its mother faleceu, its sister was chosen in a similar way to take account
of its sacrário.

To the new initiate a symbol of Ọrișálá is given to lead for house, a

white piece of bone or ivory (írín), that it is dealt with blood proceeding from the cut
in its head. It can add others in case that he desires but he cannot absolutely lose
this first one. It can also acquire sixteen cawris for its particular sacrário but he
does not need to learn to divinar with them. The sister of Salakọ, for example
ignores the use of them.
 Salakọ learned as to divinar in Igana, with its babalorișa, that it initiated
it. It said that it took three years to learn to use the cawris and others three more to
learn verses. To the fifteen years of age, the time seemed to it it very that the first
period probably had taken it little time and as, more. Later it learned the uses of
leves and grass, and later that it initiated its career of divinador, it continued to
learn new verses when listening other divinadores. O aprendizado prossegue
através da vida inteira de um divinador.

Such as the divinadores Ifá, all the priests of Ọrișálá are herbanários.
They learn to make infusions to the leaf base (omi ẹrọ) the end to purificarem its
sacrários and ritual equipment and some medicines, as soap with love medicine
(Ọșẹ àwúre), but they use different leves and they make diverse medicines. Salakọ
wise person who some of its verses were the same ones that in the divinação Ifá. It
defined its work as similar to the one of a divinador Ifá, however different. A
divinador Ifá is called “father has secret” (babaláwo), while Salakọ is called “secret
(i. e., divinador) of worshippers of orișa” (awolõrìsá, awo olôrísà).

For 1926 return, Salakọ came to Ọyọ and the Alafin (king) kept it in the
city to divinar for it. It entered the main sacrário of Ọrișálá, with more than one one
hundred of worshippers in 1951, the house of the head Așipa, in Isale Ọyọ, a
quarter of the city. When its mother died, it brought its sacrário of Igana and
arranged a place to it for it in its house of Ọyọ. this demands a sacrifice ( ètùtù)
before the removal and as before the installation. The sixteen cawris are played to
determine if Ọrișálá demands one bode, hen, snail or some another one sews to
be sacrificed in each place. Beyond Ọrișálá, Salakọ had of cultuar Yemọjá. It said
that both deities were important for it, but Ọrișálá was the main one since it had
demanded it in the birth.

When we find in February of 195S, Salakọ had about seventy years.

Fragile and of delicate constitution, with its tressed hair as a woman, it it had a in
such a way effeminate appearance one. Frequently shy Conquanto in common
colloquies, was auto-confident when it was chagava to say on Ọrișálá and
divinação with sixteen cawris. It had travelled little, having air of who had passed
the life in one claustro. In any way, it was conscientious of the some changes that
occurred in the Nigéria, particularly the ones that affected its profession. Not many
years before, the Alafin if had converted the islamismo and part of the population of
Ọyọ folloied its leadership. The only apprentice had deceased three years before
and few people still came the Salakọ for divinação, to times ten, times only two per
week, the majority constituted of the wives oldest of the Alafin. It felt that nobody
was interested in the knowledge accumulated by means of the study of an entire
life, that was destined if to lose when it died.

More for the end of our sojourn of three months in Ọyọ, Salakọ
acquiesced in reciting all the verses that knew for a ribbon recorder, of mold q I
could be preserved in the future. We were of departure stops Ileșa for ours three
final months in the Nigéria, but it said that he would come to visit. Because it
seemed to be so it are of contact with the new universe of the Nigéria, we find
improbable highly that it thus would act. But thus it made it. Completely alone, it
took a gardening for the pressed together city of Ibadan, moved to another
gardening and in it found them in Ileșa, never having made the passage previously.

One sat down, then, front to the recorder with Mrs. Berta M. Bascom
and registered five and half compact verse hours. Quickly learning to operate the
equipment and appreciating the experience to listen to its writings in “play back”,
then initiated each reel with the words “Testi, testi” (Testing, testing), such which
Berta had made. Initially, our employees looked at Salakọ with superiority, taking it
for a campônio (ará òkè) and a person exit of a verbal and heathen past. But how
much they had had the possibility to listen to the verses that it was reciting, the
attitude of them was changedded into respect, congregating itself for occasion of
the writing sessions so soon were of recess for ouviz it with delight. But, exactly
thus, they felt that it was not capable to face and to compete with the modern
world, and when it needed a new pair of sandals, there one of them went following
it until the market, to see that “it was not rolled”.

Our equipment of writing, acquired with budget limited in 1950, was

immensely below of most common today available. Our power plant was a
transforming one, connected to the bateia of our automobile, whose engine had to
be in way functioning that did not unload the battery. The result was that the
writings, imperfect, have tickets of difficult agreement, exactly for natives of says
Yorùbá. Some writings had been transcribing for Mr. Adedeji, in the Nigéria. It can
make questions the Salakọ on some tickets doubtful, but most was transcribing in
Evanston, Illinois, after our return for house, for Mr. Nathaniel Adibi and for Mr. M. .
Ọyáwoye, that the first Ph.D became. of the Nigéria in Geology and currently he is
professor of this substance and head of the respective department in the University
of Ibadan. To these three men, my woman and, especially the Salakọ, I have deep
debt of gratitude.

Ọyáwoye also it made the initial translations, that I edited, and when it
returned to the Nigéria, led I obtain a copy of the texts. It visited Salakọ especially
and it revised verses with it, making the corrections that it indicated. Salakọ,
already then more aged, nor always was remembered accurately of what it had
said, but this verification of field eliminated some decurrent errors of the defective
writing. Others can still exist, but this was optimum that it could be made.

Little before the independence of the Nigéria, in 1960, I revisited

Salakọ in Ọyọ quickly and I got information you add. Again in 1965, Berta and I
was to see it but we find it patient, of bed, incapable to take more advanced
debates ahead. I presume that, currently, already it has deceased. With it, a
gentleman, surprising courageous dies. But, at least, its great knowledge meets, in
this book, preserved for the future.

VERSES DIVINATÓRIOS
 Salakọ affirmed that it would dictate to all the verses that knew, and a
total of 210 verses here is presented. It is possible, however, that some verses that
it wise person had not been registered. A tape spool, with verses of Eji Ogbê(, Also
known for Agbe Meji), it starts thus:

They had caught dendê and the special tax inside of I retire it
E Ant left;
They had caught fire and heated the walls
Cheap E left.
Ọrișá disse: “It was this that happened.
“Orunmila, you caught all my slaves and it hid them”

It seems that, in result of a write error, an analogous verse the A12 was
omitted. In another chance, Salakọ it inserted the following lines, that are,
obviously, it are of the place (A35, note 2), suggesting that they belong to another
verse that was not recorded:

It is therefore that Șàngó more does not eat glue nuts

It is because it is eating until today bitter glue nuts.
Șàngó said: “The glue nuts that I ate and that thus they had
disappointed me,
I will not eat them again”.
E never more ate glue nuts;
It is eating bitter glue nuts.
Later that it finished verses divinatórios, Salakọ recorded 71
complementary texts, mainly on deities. Of them, 26 are repetitions, becoming
possible the study of the variations in the way where they are counted. Six are
miscellaneous, 25 are legends and 14 are unquestionably divinatórios verses add.
One of them, that probably it belongs Ofun (b) counts as the King of Ketu had to
keep the house when he was with its woman in captivity. One, that it can belong
Irosun (f), counts as Rain Conquered Fire and because fire does not have to be
close to Ọrișálá. One another one, that is possible belongs Ogundá (h), tells the
way as Yemọjá it made its home close to the river. Another one still, of Ọwọnrin (k),
counts as woman of Ọrișálá, Aladun, the snail, breached the taboos of it when
eating salt and drinking palm wine, and the way of as Ọșọsi it abated its mother
with an arrow. Fifth, of Oturukpọn (n), tells known popular story “Returned to the
Captivity” (Aarne Thompson 155), involving Eșu. however, a time that the figures
with which the others are associates cannot be identified, and if cannot determine
if, until exactly, these five belong to the sixteen cawris or to the divinação Ifá, them
they are not found enclosed here.

To record verses disclosed something to me that had escaped me in

my analysis of verses of Ifá. These had been penosamente transcribed by hand
and because of necessarily the slow rhythm where they could be dictated, them
they had appeared as seeming e chats, as such, I presented them. The writings
show, however, that they are recited effectively with short phrases, under the free
verse form. As much Adibi how much Ọyáwoye they had recognized this internal
structure and the fraseado one of them is obeyed here. It had been equally
recognized for “scholars” iorubanos, also Wande Abimbola, that “the poem” flame,
conquanto “verses” seems equally appropriate.

Yorùbá is a tonal language, with one high one (´), medium () and low
(`), as well as ascending and descending tones (~). In recent years, the practical
one became to indicate ascending tones and descending through folded vowels,
whose tones are marked individually, but I had to trust the supplied transcriptions
me. I am not insurance that the tonais signals are all correct ones, exactly where
they are indicated, but there I had again to trust the iorubanos that had made the
transcriptions. To facilitate the reading, the diacríticos signals, that can be found, in
Yorùbá, in the opposing pages, they are omitted in the translation and ș is
substituted by “sh”, its equivalent in English. In Yorùbá, “ọ” is the vowel “” as in the
Gott German, in Portuguese “dust”, “ẹ” it is “and” as in the English “bet”, in
Portuguese “foot”, and the other vowels have continental values. Consonant “p”, is
sharp “kp”, and “n” represents nasalização, except in beginning of word or between
two vowels, when then he is sharp as in English.

The common standard of punctuation in English is not appropriate for

verses for cause of the number of times where a citation is interrupted, the majority
of the times for “It said”. Para facilitar a identificação do começo e do fim de uma
citação, e, por conseguinte, de quem está falando, as aspas não são usadas ao
fim de cada linha mas somente ao término de declaração ou fala, como no
seguinte exemplo, do verso 110.

It said: “You, Viper,

“It lies down so that they can kill it;
It said: “With an iron pole they go to immobilize its head.
It said: “You, Píton,
It said: “It lies down so that they can kill it.
It said: “You Scorpion,
It said: “They go to immobilize you on the coasts with a pole
“And to turn its chest for the sky.”
Thus it cursed them.

The translation also presented problems. The Yorùbá texts include

archaic words and expressions in disuse whose meanings at least were not known
by Salakọ, and others had been discarded as refrões of cantigas, names of louvor
and divinatórias expressions, for not having meant. These translated pieces are
not given in italic in the English version, but the proper names of divinação figures,
deities, cities, and of people they are in Roman type.
 Another problem says respect to the expression frequently repeated
“òkè ìpòrírè” or “ókè ìpònrí rè”, for which sacrifices are offered. Ọyáwoye not wise
person what it meant e, on the basis of previous work, I interpreted it as “its soul
ancestral guard” (Bascom 1960: 405-409).

However, when the verses had been verified in field, Salakọ explained
(A8, A26, A28, I19, J18) that it wanted to say “the deposit of its materials of
divinação”, that I shortened for “its divinatório set”. I folloied its interpretation
conquanto in some examples (p.e. A28, E4, G8) “its soul ancestral guard” seems
to make sensible more. In other verses (A12, B6, G3, I12, J9) “its divinatório set” is
clearly correct.

The phrase “Ókáwó lérí, tè mólè” it was translated as “It put its hands
on the head, it was for the divinadores”. The first half seems to be a literal
translation, that Abraham (1858: 361) of frankly as “it it showed to weigh”; the last
half is a free translation. Another phrase doubtful is “Already the l' ójú ọmú, tì l' éyìn
àșà (f2, J6); this was translated freely by “Its lives was disturbed and them they
were unhappy”. Although Salakọ has interpreted its direction as “They were come
of the first Ọyọ for the current Ọyọ (C8, F22, G7), the phrase “Won nti kòlé òrun bò
wá ikòlé aiyé” it was translated by “Them were come of the sky for the land”.

In divinatórios verses and the mitológicas legends Yorùbá references

to a market and a city exist whose name is given here as Ejigbomẹkun (A3) or
Òjògbòmẹkùn (C3 notices 1, G3, G9, J1). An informer in Mẹkọ it gave name as
Agbomẹkun e I translated as “Sheep takes Leopard (Àgbò mu ẹkùn), but this
seems improbable very. In Ifè, informers had interpreted Ejigbomẹkun as much as
the name of old city, not more existing, how much if relating to the inhabitants of its
territories (Bascom 1969: 257, 267 note 5, 475). Salakọ said that it was in
Ojogbomẹkun that land was created in waters primevas, instead of the city of Ifè,
as gives credit in general, and that deuses lived there before if moving for Ifè; but
in elapsing of the verification of field, it identified it as the first Ọyọ.

It also has references to the city of Gbèndùgbẹndu (A13, B5, G5), that
it is identified in a verse (G5) as being Ibadan, with Oluyọle having been its first
governor. Two verses (G4, G5) mention the foundation and expansion to it of this
great Yorùbá city and another verse (K5) tells as Ẹgba Yorùbá I take refuge myself
underneath of a rock in the Olumọ hill, giving to the city that had established the
Abẹokutá name that wants to say “under a rock”.

According to Yorùbá legends, the divinação of sixteen cawris was

introduced by the fluvial goddess Ọșun. It learned it with Ọrunmila (Ifá) while it lived
with it, even so some worshippers of Ọșun deny such thing. In a version, while it
still was learning Ifá, Ọșun started to divinar for consultants of Ọrunmila when this
was not in house, and so soon knew said, it ordered it even so; this is the reason
for which Ọșum did not learn the divinação Ifá (Bascom 1968 entirely: 90). This
incident did not occur in the following legend concerning as Ọrunmila and Ọșún
had learned divinação, as registered for Salakọ. Its version also differs from the
belief wide spread out of that it was Olodumare, the God of the Sky, that conferred
to deuses its powers; here, this function is attributed to the proper deity of Salakọ,
identified as Ọrișálá Ọșẹrẹgbo, with Apodihọrọ as another one of its sacred names
or cult.

When Father Apodihọrọ, Ọrișálá Ọșẹrẹgbo,

Father originated 401 children,
Apodihọrọ, Father created 401 professions.
Apodihọrọ, Ọrișálá Ọșẹrẹgbo,
Father created 401 talentos.
It said that each son would have to choose its.
E had Orunmila;
It is not strong.
Accurately as a cupinzeiro,
Segurar uma enxada o põe em apuros;
To load it it is difficult,
E even though to walk.
It does not have work that it is easy for Orunmila.
Father said: “What you go to make”
It said that he would be divinador.
“That species of divinador”
It said: “For that the people search with you”.
They were glue nuts that brought for the Father in those times (for
divinação).
If somebody spoke for the glue nut
E lay down it,
Father was who gave advice.
“I want to know reply to my question”.
E Ọrișálá then would say.
This way, it called Orunmila
E Orunmila received a stock market from divinação.
Father caught the stock market of Ifá,
It said that Orunmila had of learns it
In way if somebody it wanted some thing
It had to go the Orunmila.
Any one that it desired to ask
It had to go the Orunmila,
E when Orunmila looked at its Ifá,
 Everything that they wanted to know, Orunmila would count to
them;
The one that wants that they desired to know,
Orunmila would say to them.
Plus nobody it never was to the Father (for divinação);
To the opposite, they will go the Orunmila.
Woman with pregnancy of one only day,
Orunmila already would know it,
E thus for ahead.
In this Orunmila way if it became divinador.
All excessively also wanted to be.
Egungun wanted to be one of them;
The Father said: You who are strong?
Ogun wanted to be one of them;
The Father said: You who are strong?
“You it would have to be trader.”
Today all the worshippers of some deuses can divinar.
Worshippers of Șàngó, worshippers of Ọyá,
E the worshippers of Ọrișálá.
This thanks to Ọșun.
It was Ọșún that did not leave Ọrunmila to rest,
It did not leave it to leave;
As much insisted, until Ọrunmila taught divinação to it.
It was with Ọșún that all excessively
They had learned to divinar.
But Erinle did not only learn;
Ọrișá Oko did not learn;
Ogun did not learn;
Egungun did not learn.
Cawris had not received the sixteen.
The sixteen cawris of Șọpọna
They were always in its hand,
But the fights did not leave it to divinar.
For being fragile
Ọrunmila if became divinador.
It sang. “Apodihọrọ, Ọrișálá, Ọșẹrẹgbo.
“ The Father had 401 children;
 “Apodihọrọ, Ọrișálá, Ọșẹrẹgbo,
“ The Father created 401 professions,
“Apodihọrọ, Ọrișálá, Ọșẹrẹgbo,
“O Pai criou 401 talentos,
“Apodihọrọ.
“It gave those that learned a way of life,
“Apodihọrọ.
“With that I learned, now I am eating,
“Apodihọrọ.
“With that I learned, am eating nuts of glue and pepper,
“Apodihọrọ.
“With who I learned, I am eating salt and dendê,
“Apodihọrọ.
“With who I learned, volume money of others,
“Apodihọrọ.
It was as Ọrunmila if it became divinador.

Additional research becomes necessary to determine the occasions

where the two systems are used. However, I believe that when subjects of State
has of being decided, I am used the divinação Ifá (Bascom 1969: 77,95); but when
they are involved personal religious subjects of kings or heads, them they can trust
the sixteen cawris will be devoted of Ọrișálá, Șàngó and of other deities in whose
cults this form of divinação is used.

In case that contrary, probably if they would come back toward the
divinação Ifá for personal questions, preferring it to trust it other forms of divinação
that do not make use of explanatory verses, such as I hurl it of four cawris or the
four segments of the glue nut. Exactly that a governor has been converted the Islã,
suspected that it would trust the divinação Ifá for subjects of State, even so for
personal subjects probably turned itself toward the Islamic divinatória form of the
“cut in the sand”. According to story of Salakọ regarding its proper career, seems
that all those that were not Muslim or Christian, at least takes its children for a
divinador Ifá in order to need its destinations since the birth, but that in the initiation
and other important rituals, the sixteen cawris are played in those cults where if it
uses this system of divinação.

The divinações Ifá and of sixteen cawris are distinct between itself for
its names and the divinadores, also differing for its sexos, for the used equipment,
the number of involved figures, the choice between specific alternatives and the
deities that preside over the cults. In the Ifá, the divinadores are known by
babaláwo, that it has of being men; the sixteen dendês are manipulated in the
hands or one opolê is launched to the ground, has 256 figures; a choice can
simultaneously be made between two or five alternatives; e the entity that presides
over is Ọrúnmìla, also known as Ifá. In ẹrìndínlógun (as practised for Salakọ), the
divinadores are known by awo olõrìșà, that they can be men or women; sixteen
cawris are hurled to the ground; it has 17 figures; a choice can be made
simultaneously enters only two specific alternatives; e the deity that presides over
is Orìșà Olùfọn, also known for Òrìșãlá.

It has, however, many similarities. As much babaláwo how much awo

olõrìșà is defined as awo, both is herbanários as well as divinadores. In both the
systems, the figures are known by odù and verses for ẹsẹ. The names of the
figures are analogous. The memorized verses constitute the nucleus of both
systems, which if they distinguish from other ways of divinação known them
Yorùbá, such as the game of four cawris, game of four segments of the glue nut
(Glue acuminata) or bitter glue nut (Garcinia kola), hidromancia, you settle
mediúnicos,” Islamic cut of sand” and game of the four divinatórios rosaries
(agbigba), even so this last one has short verses associates with its figures. In both
in the divinação Ifá and the one of the sixteen cawris, the verses will count the
predictions and the sacrifices to be carried through, the consultant choose the
appropriate verse its in case that, the intention of the divinação is to determine the
sacrifice necessary to move away the curse or to assure the favour of the benefit
that will have been augurado, and some of verses are similar.

Three verses can be enough to show the similarities in verses. The

following verse of Ifá (Bascom 1969: 446-451), supplied in it chats, it seems to be
only one more complete version of the A27, in sixteen cawris:

“ The dog sorve the water of the side of its mouth; the fly you do not
arrange accounts to vender” and “If the exprobação if refuses to go ahead, then we
bring it we stop backwards” we were the ones that they had played Ifá for Osu, that
was son of the king of Ọyọ, Ajọri, that we had not tried pains of the childbirth, and
that he was corando because had not given the light to a child.

“ The dog sorve the water of the side of its mouth; the fly does not
make use accounts to vender” and “If the exprobação if refuses to advance then
we brings it stops backwards” had been the ones that had played Ifá for Arera, that
was the son of the king of Ifẹ and that it was in tears because had not generated a
son.

The sacrifice of Arera was an entire sheep. The sacrifice of Osu was a
sheep. Arera had to create its small sheep. Osu would have to create its small
sheep.

Both were trying to have children; they had met and had relations,
being pregnant Osu. Arera said it who the child would have to call Ojodu. Not much
time after this, appeared a conspiracy against Ojodu. The people of Ifẹ, wanted
purchase it so that Ọni could sacrifice it. When they manietaram Ojodu, it started to
cry saying that he had been led for its proper city as a captive. It said that Ọni
would have to give eight glue to it to play and that four with the face for low e four
for top were come close, all would have to start to sing:

“Ojodu arrives, the son of Arera;

“Ojodu arrives, the son of Arera;
“Vocês had to give favours with me because the glues if had
disclosed good.
“Ojodu arrives, the son of Arera;
“Vocês would have to catch an animal as sacrifice;
“Vocês would not have to take the head of a relative.
“Vocês would have to take an animal as sacrifice;
“Vocês would not have to take the head of a relative;
“Ojodu arrives, the son of Arera.”

To leave then, we sacrifice sheep for Ifá.

One another verse Ifá (Abimbọla 1968: 24-25;1976: 160-162), in

poetical version, it can be compared with the A6 verse. Some variations are simply
arbitrary differences in translation.

Known you and as Olálékun;

Whose another name is Òmìnìnkun;
Elephant cannot be turned low head for being trinchado
That also Àtàtàbíà-kun is called.
The small terrible e man at night.
A male dog means honor.
One àgùàlà male is known as moon.
The proper son of somebody is for it a source of accounts okùn.
The proper son of somebody is a source of all wealth.
While the nádegas of the son are without accounts.
Nobody goes to decorate with accounts the chest of the son of
another person.
The divinação Ifá was carried through for Ondèsè the man of clear
skin of the Àpà hill
Whose house was haunted by the Death and the Illness,
Whose house persistently was haunted by all Ajogun.
Its Ifá priest therefore asked for to offer bùjé to it in sacrifice
sufficiently.
They had caught part of bùjé and had rubbed in its body
E it became a black person very.
 The result was that the Ajogun could not recognizes it.
It started to dance,
It started to commemorate.
It started to praise its Ifá priests
While its Ifá priests praised Ifá.
Gongs had been sounded in Ìpóró,
The Àràn drum was percutido in Ìkijà,
Poles had been used to produce melodiosa music in ÌșẹrimOgbê.
It opened a little the mouth,
E the song of Ifá was what it stated.
When it distendeu the legs,
The dance grasped it.
It said: “Death, does not kill the man of bùjé for mistake.
You who now are predestinold to deceive the man for another thing.
You who doravante have to deceive the man for another being.
Illness does not afflict the man of bùjé by mistake
You who are destined to deceive the man for another thing.
You whom doravante it needs to deceive the man for another being.
Warriors of the sky,
They are turned around and they run even so,
Vocês that now is predestinold to deceive the man for one another
being.

The narrative that if follows, counted by a divinador of Ifẹ and

registered in a typewriter as it chats, can be compared with A12.

Ọrunmila despertou certain morning early and was for Orișa. Ọrișá
said that it would have to divinar for it because its slaves were lost. The goat
(ewurẹ), the slave of Orișa, the frog (ọpọlọ), the slave of Ọrișá and the camaleão
(alagẹmọ), the slave of Orișa, was lost. They had looked for and looked for for
them but they had not been able to find them.

Ọrunmila said to them to bring hot water, rinds of inhame and a red
penalty of the tail of a parrot, and them three things had brought these. They had
shed the hot water for inside of the thin one of the bathroom and the Frog came to
is. They had put the penalty against a tree akoko [3] e Camaleão became red and
them they had caught. They had placed then the rinds of inhame in the granary
and the Goat left. Ọrișá was surpreso with the rapidity with that Ọrunmila had
found the three slaves and said: “You, Ọrunmila, he was who stole my slaves.” [4].

Ọrunmila cried and came back toward its house. In the way, it found
Eșu. Eșu asked to it to which age the problem and Ọrunmila counted to it that
Ọrișá had called it thief. Eșu said: “All good. Either only patient. There I go going
for hanging me.” When it arrived there, Eșu around moored a rope of the hips and
it ordered it for air; Ọramfẹ[5] it held the rope and Eșu was hung in air, upside-
down .a people saw and said it” Eșu if it hung”. Then Alara and Ajero and
Orangun[6] if they had worn in fine clothes and if they had seated with Ọrișa. They
had said that they would call Ọrunmila sent the messengers in return to say to
them that the three kings would have to release all its fine suits and to run away
because nobody would have to enxergar hanging Eșu there. They would not have
to take nothing with them, but to go undressed.

Ọrunmila was for and found all there the clothes. It said that it would
call people to take care of of Eșu that if had hung. When it was in return, it found its
friend, the priest of Ọbameri, in way it way. The priest caught all the clothes the
three kings had left stops backwards and looked at there for hung Eșu when
nobody met more there. When Eșu saw, said it the Ọramfẹ that freed the rope. It
jumped for the soil and if it postou ahead of the priest. This caught the suits, two
sheep and two goats of the Ọrișá and took everything for Ọrunmila. Ọrunmila
pegou tudo e perguntou: “With that name we would have to call the man who
brought these things for me” It said that its name would have to be: “' That one that
walks is what it finds its friend in the way' is that one that we call Lokorẹ, the priest
who cuts who if he hangs” (Ẹniti the kidney, I read ko there ọrẹ lọna npe ni Lokorẹ,
ișoro you on already ișo)[7].

Other parallels between verses for sixteen cawris, of Salakọ, and those
in divinação Ifá include the following ones:

B8. The origin of jejum Muslim. Abimbọla S. D., IV: 87; 1971: 449-450;
1977: 128-131 (Otu the Meji)

B9. Spider weaves its teia as witchcraft. Abimbọla S.D., IV: 14; 1976:
218; 1977: 54-55 (Iworí Meji)

C11. Lêmure runs away from sheep. Epega S.D., I/II: 121 - 124 (Ogbê
Ọsá)

C18. Sarnento beans. Abimbọla S.D., IV: 101-102; 1976: 230-231

(Ọsẹ Meji)

E6. Younglings of Squirrel. Abimbọla S.D., IV: 85; 1976: 199-200;

1977: 126-129 (Otura Meji)

F1. Outsider resoluto goes for `peri. Bascom 1969: 314-317 (Edi Meji)

H8. Anger, Exaltação and Frieza. Epega S. D., I/II: 116-117 (Ogbê
Ogundá)

I1. Pumpkins of Ọbàrá. Abimbọla 1696: 63-66; 1977:82 - 87 (Ọbàrá

Meji)
 I10. Viper, Píton and Escorpião. Abimbọla 1968: 78-79 (Ọbàrá Meji)

I12. Son of Poye. Gleason 1973: 164-168 (Irètê Meji); Bascom 1969:
66

I16. Eșu leaves hunting escapes. Gleason 1973: 223-225 (Ogbê

Otura)

I18. Coffin of Calau. Abimbọla S. D., IV: 46-48; 1976: 212-215; 1977:
88-93 (Ọbàrá Meji)

J5. Measure. Abimbọla 1968: 57; 1976: 106-107 (Odi Meji)

J6. Milhafre dives in smoke. Gleason 1973: 247-250 (Otura Ọsá)

J12. Outsider resoluto goes for the Benin. Abimbọla 1969: 137-139;
1977: 62-65 (Odi Meji)

Less seemed they are histories of the Pigeon and the Dove (A15.
Bascom 1969: 268-275, Iworí Ogbê), Òlòkún if becomes king of all the waters
(A47. Abimbọla 1968: 154-155: 1976: 59-60, Ofun Meji), Iris apanha water for
Òlòkún (13. Epega S. D., III: 38-39, Ogundá Ọyẹku), and Pigeon has twin (18:
Abimbọla, S. D., III: 5-7; 1976: 206-208, Ogbê Meji). But seven (A6, G14, I1, I18,
J5 and J12) of these twenty and three verses are associates with figures of similar
names in both systems of divinação, as for Odi example in sixteen cawris and Odi
Meji in Ifá (J12). Similar communications of the name of Olodumare are given in
different verses (B12. Bascom 1969: 322-323, Edi Ọkanran), and two sufficiently
different verses explain because the iron rusts but brass and lead, not (C5.
Bascom 1969: 300-303, Iworí Meji).

Three of five verses of sixteen cawris published for Ogunbiyi are also
similar those data for Salakọ: Oko screen finds money in the farming (E2. Ogunbiyi
1952: 68-69), Insensato Donkey removes Leopard of inside of a well (F13.
Ogunbiyi 1952: 73). Of these, as (F13) the Irosun for Salakọ, but Ọsá (c) for
Ogunbiyi is attributed. It has agreement, however, on the figures which the others
two verses belong.

The narrative concerning the taboos of Yemọjá and Okẹrẹ (H12) was
registered as a legend-myth in Isẹyin, Ọyọ and Koso and that one on Ọrunmila and
the son of Poye (112) in Igana (Bascom 1969: 66). Other narratives in verses of
Salakọ had been registered as popular stories (C9, I11, J8, K9,); e the verses
contain sayings (K8, L7) and an enigma (M ²). Popular legends, stories, 0ccasional
sayings and enigmas also occur in verses of Ifá.

Conquanto the three cited Ifá verses are not identical to its correlatives
in divinação with sixteen cawris, them also they differ from a divinador for another
one and even though in different occasions when recited by the same divinador.
This also was true in the case of Salakọ, that recorded some verses more than a
time. The following version can be compared with L4. The Played for Day and
partilhado expression “with the Sun” exactly means that the divinação for the Day
also includes the Sun, thus it not consulting the divinador, and that both would
have to offer a sacrifice. “Twelve greaters” mention the twelve cawris to it opened
for top.

Ọrișá of the one blessing of long way, is what vaticina it

Where we see the Twelve Greaters.
“Round Hill with a top precise does not fall”
Played for the Day and partilhado with the Sun.
Day, what it would have to make in way that the arms of the others
did not hold it?
Sun, what it would have to make so that the arms of the others did
not hold it?
It said that the arms of the others would not hold it;
A sacrifice was what it had to offer.
The one that it would have to offer?
They had said that it would have to offer 24,000 cawris.
E had said that the Sun would have to offer the imported goblet that
it had.
The Day congregated the sacrifice, offered the sacrifice;
The Sun calmed deuses.
Both had come to the land;
They had been delighted in the land,
E its lives ran pleasant.
The Day was dancing,
The Sun if rejubilava;
They praised the divinadores,
E these the Ọrișá
That its divinadores had said the truth.
“Round, round hill
“With top precise it does not fall”
Jogou para o Dia
E divided with the Sun.
It sang: “Day, I offered a sacrifice because of the mouths;
“Sun, I made a sacrifice because of the mouths;
“No arm can hold the Sun;
“Mouth none can command the Day.”
Ọrișá says that the mouths of others will not be capable of in
commanding them.
 A despeito de as diferenças não serem grandes, fica claro que os
versos não são decorados palavra por palavra; the divinador makes use of some
latitude when reciting them. For example, L4 adds “When the Sun appeared, the
people had said “the sun are hot today. '” Both verses had been recorded as
divinatórios verses. As it would be to wait, the divergences are still bigger when the
verses had been registered as legends.

Perhaps some differences possibly if must the imperfect writings and

the other had lapses of memory in result of the age of Salakọ and the declining
frequency of the times where he was requested to divinar. For example, in L4, the
question is “Day and Sun, what they could make in order that the mouths of the
others could not give orders to them” but it is “Day here, that would have it to make
so that the arms of the others did not hold it? Sun, what it would have it to make so
that the arms of the others did not hold” Because of the song, that is identical in
both writings, suspected that the correct version is “Day, what it would have to
make so that the mouths of others could not command it? Sun, that would have it
to make so that the arms of the others could not hold it”

I attempted against in the errors (A10, A12, A30, A35, F6, G12,) and
possible errors (C6, C17, D6, J9, J16, K7, K12, L4). It can have others, but errors
in only 14 of these 210 verses by no means it would be a bad mark exactly for a
man younger than it had to trust the memory exclusively. It had other occasions
where Salakọ if repeated or inserted what if it could call “cover-hole”, all time that
obviously hesitated and looked for to gain time to remember itself of what it came
ahead. However, as Abimbọla standes out, some repetitions is expletivas.
Considering itself that one is about literal transcriptions of a purely verbal tradition,
until its recitações remarkably are acuradas and of rectilinear fluency. Evidently,
Salakọ had learned verses well.

In my analyses of the Ifá verses, I found as general standard for most

of verses (1) the declaration of the mitológico case that serves as a precedent, (2)
the solution or outcome of this case and (3) its application to the consultant
(Bascom 1969: 122). That is valid equally for verses destined to the sixteen cawris,
conquanto the sacrifice required to the consultant is not express so
especificadamente as in the Ifá verses; habitually it is understood as being the
same that the fact in the mitológico case. The first section normally includes
diverse lines obscure, even so frequently very beautiful, that are interpreted as
being the names of the divinadores in the case that serves as preceding; they are
annexed between quotations marks in the translation in English, being happen
frequently repeated close to the end it verse.

`Wande Abimbọla (1971: 40; 1976: 43) it considered a composed

structure of eight parts: (1) names of priest (s) Ifá in divinação in the past, (2)
names of consultant (s) so that the divinação was carried through, (3) reason by
which was made, (4) instructions to the (s) consulting (s), (5) if the consultant (s)
acted or the instructions not in accordance with, (6) what it happened with the
consultant (s), (7) reaction of the consultant (s) and (8) a moral based on history.
Parts 1-3 and 7-8 are memorized and recited more acuradamente possible, being
salmodiadas quickly. The remaining parts (4-6) are not decorated, but they are
recited slowly in the proper language of the divinador and in a form freer than if it is
similar to chats (Abimbọla 1976: 63). Therefore second part exists considerable
latitude in mine, the resolution of the case or what the consultants had made and
what happened they as an outcome.

Although Abimbọla indicates that the instructions to the consultant (4)

optional and are not memorized, I find surprising that the sacrifice that the
consultant is instructed to offer varies the same in different verse registers. In the
two considered writings, the mentioned rooster and the pigeon in L4 are omitted of
the sacrifice in the second version. The order of according to which the item to be
sacrificed are mentioned appear to be irrelevant, but in diverse Salakọ chances it
made a special effort to nominate an item that is omitted, for example, f12, where
the seat is mentioned after saying that the sacrifice had been carried through, and
N2, when two crabs are added in similar way. Anyway, it has examples where it is
clearly that a mentioned item had not been sacrificed (B11, G12, H8, P1) and
others where item are added or omitted in one second writing (C11, F15, G3, J6,
L1, L2, L3, L4, L5). The sacrifice, frequently, is not specified (A10, A23, A41, C7,
C13, C15, E5, F2, F5, F7, G8, H12, K8, K11) and many times at least mentioned
(A1, A9, A17, A20, A22, B3, B12, C2, C8, D7, E1, E6, F10, K9).

In the same way that in Ifá, the verses instruct the consultant to sacrifice
an ample variety of domestic and animal birds, also wild, hunting meat, beyond
other foods and products. Several of them are appropriate sacrifices the definitive
deities. When birds or animals must be sacrificed, the head and the blood “is given
to eat” to the deity indicated in the verse or identified by intermediary of specific
alternatives, as it is the liquid of the rind of a snail; the meat is cozida and food for
the divinadores. Enclosed fabrics, tools and other objects in the sacrifice also are
conserved by the divinadores, not to be that another determination is specified in
the verse.

When money if finds enclosed in the sacrifices, must be conserved by the

divinador as payment (eru), instead of offered the deity. The sum is expressed in
cawris, that long ago served as money. The value of cawri has declined throughout
the time as resulted of the inflation (Bascom 1969:64 - 65), but when current
currency was introduced, the value of two a thousand cawris was stabilized, for
divinação ends, the six pence, now five kobo, or 80,000 cawris for sterling pound,
now 2 naira. In these verses, as in the Ifá 2,000 cawris (ẹgbẹwã, ẹgbã) they are
the basic unit of countable money, and, in this in case that, the specified sum
usually is related with the number of cawris played with the face opened for top, as
shown below.

- Eji Ogbê 8 cawris 8 2,000 x or double of this sum

B - Ofun 10 cawris 10 x 2.000
C - Ọsá 9 cawris 9 x 2.000
 D - Ọkanran 1 cawri 11 x 2.000
E - Eji Oko 2 cawris 12 x 2.000
F - Irosun 4 cawris 4 14 x 2,000 or more frequently x 2.000
G - Ọșẹ 5 cawris 5 x 2.000
H - Ogundá 3 cawris 3 13 x 2,000 or more frequently x 2.000
I - Ọbàrá 6 cawris 6 x 2.000
J - Odi 7 cawris 7 x 2.000
K - Ọwọnrin 11 cawris 11 x 2.000
L - Ejila Șẹbọra 12 cawris 12 x 2.000
M - Ika 13 cawris 33 x 2.000
N - Oturukpọn 14 cawris 14 x 2.000
- Ofun Karan 15 cawris 15 x 2.000
P - Irẹtẹ 16 cawris 16 x 2.000
Q - Opirá 0 cawri No specified money

But Iká (m) folloies the regular standard. For 5 cawris and above, the
number of opened for top simply is multiplied by 2.000. Because, presumably, too
much they are reduced, the sums for one and two cawris (D, E) are increased by
means of addition of 20.000 cawris, and this can or not be made for three and four
cawris (H, F). For Eji Ogbê (), the sum frequently is folded. It can be duplicate for
any figure to if asking for the same upstream in the sides right and left or tripled (I7)
if asking for 12,000 cawris of the right side. 12.000 cawris in the way. In certain
cases, the sums had been decupled, specifying 120,000 cawris (I14), 140,000
cawris (J6, j13, j15), 220,000 cawris (K3), 240,000 (E3) and 320,000 cawris (A30,
A48). In case that a verse specifies 20.000cawris less or, in multiples of 2.000 it
would have to be possible to exactly identify to the figure the one that belongs, that
the name is not expressed.

The account in cawris can also influence the number of item in the
sacrifice, for example, eleven portions of mass of white maize, eleven cookies
fritos, eleven “ise” and eleven earthen bowls of beer (K13). It can also influence the
numbers in the text of the narrative, as when Ọrunmila demand eight packs of
inhames, eight loads of maize, eight of beanses and eight of men (A10).

Many etiológicos elements appear in verses and, the spite to be

fantasiosos, communications about of the characteristics of birds, animals, insects,
plants and objects had probably been accepted in last times for a reason or
purpose, and of the origins of customs and institutions (Bascom 1969: 127-128). In
a similar way that in the Ifá verses, these characteristics are, in general, the results
to have offered the prescribed sacrifice or not to have it done e, a time that the
quickly verifiable characteristics are common knowledge or, gives substance to the
veracity of the verse, with its prescribed vaticínios and sacrifices, beyond the o
divinação system as a whole. The explanations can explicit implicit or be declared
in the narrative.

Destarte, the verses count as the parrots had had red penalties in the tail
(G11), because pigeons live with the men and doves in the forests (A15), because
birds “Tecelões of the Village” esbrugam palms in its pantries to make its nests
(F21) and as calau have one tufo in its head (I18). They count because rats are
pegos for the tails (B3), because roosters are sacrificed (B3), because roosters
cocoricam in the way that if knows (B3 notices 1), because leopards are feared by
the other animals (B7), because monkeys are imprisoned with chains around and
its chests and fed with bananas and papaias (F17), as the terrestrial squirrel got its
tail (14), because almiscarados cats sleep more than all the other animals (11) and
as the hares had obtained the white lines in its foreheads (J4). They explain the
reason for which the snakes have if to crawl on its wombs and because they are
gotten rid of its skins (A38, B12). Because crocodiles had gained its teeth and
scales, becoming the kings in the rivers (H10), because it thunders before the
crocodiles having younglings (L6), and as the Konko frog if made king of all the
sapos (C13). They explain because filarias can abate human beings (A49) and the
reason for which spiders weave its wires as magic, without a spindle (B9).

They clarify regarding the origin of the papaia (D7), because glue nuts
are used in rituals and divinação (C17, J10), because people eat beans-butter and
put sarnentos beanses of side (C18), because inhames-coconut grows in the mud
(F6), because the trees fícus grow in the square of the market (I2) and as two
grass - Amaranthus and Kalanchoe crenata - had become well-known for its
freshness (J3). They explain because hills never die (A21), because the iron
oxidates and the brass and the lead, not (C5), and because the rainbows
disappear in the day where they appear (F22). They explain as the rattlesnake
șẹkẹrẹ got its net of cawris and because it and the gong of iron sound as they
sound (B4, B5), because the drum “dressing gown” does not leave Șago (L8),
because cold time provokes discomfort (B11), as the night got the fruit of the
matinal work (F3).

Of special interest they are the communications and lendários stories of

the origins of customs and institutions. In this manner, the verses inform on the
great dimension of the city of Ibadan (G4, G5) and the importance of the city of
Ọyọ (A30, G9, I14). They explain the origin of the service of Arẹmọ, the “inheriting
Inheriting Prince” and presumed of the king of Ọyọ (I16) and of the “Estribeiro-mór”
of the king (G3); e counts as Atiba, the Alafìn that established the capital in the new
Ọyọ, took lands of Așipa, one of its heads (A31). They tell the origin of the
judgments in court (H11), and as the competition for headings started (A3).

The verses explain because the men do not take loaned the wives of
other men to take them together in trips (A36), because just-been born they are
mimados and object of indulgences (A45), because a husband does not have to be
present to receive its fiancé when it arrives in its house with marriage its cortejo
(K3), and because a new brother takes the widowers of its older brother (K3). They
count as the farming sobrepujou all the other occupations (J7), and because
traders use measured when venderem maize and beans (J5) and baskets to make
the exposition of its merchandises (A40). They by the way count the origin of a
name (C8), one dictated (C12) and an saying (K8). They explain because albinic
they do not penetrate in the city of Ejibo. (J17). , because an entire sheep is died
on the tomb in funerals (C11), because the people pray for the blessings of the
night (F3), and as jejum of the Muslen started (B8). Many clarifying elements also
exist that give account of religious, ritual belief, and ritualística equipment.

THE SYSTEMATICS OF THE BELIEF

As an introduction to the divinatórios verses that if follow, information

concerning the Yorùbá deities and other elements of the Yorùbá creed, here it is
presented, together with what the verses in tell regarding the Yorùbá religion and
its way to them to visualize the world (Weltanschauung).

The verses confirm, supplement e, for times, contradict what it is known

on iorubana religion, disclosing as they vary beliefs, with members of the cult
frequently attributing bigger importance to its proper deities of what generally he is
recognized. Therefore, while Șọpọna is especially prominent in the study of
Ogunbiyi (1952: 67) on the sixteen cawris, who is Ọrișálá controls the sixteen
cawris of Salakọ, and who is mentioned repetidamente in its verses and exerts
some of the functions usually attributed to other deities, including even though
Ọlọrun, the God of the sky and supreme deity. If the divinatórios verses recited by
worshippers of Eșu, Ọșun, Yemọjá and other deities associates with the sixteen
cawris were analyzed, would disclose probably a glorificação similar of its proper
deities, in a similar way that it occurs with verses of the divinação Ifá. A great
number of deities exists (ẹbora, ẹbura, imọlè, òrìșà) segundo a crença Yorùbá, cujo
total jamais foi registrado. Informers speak, frequently, of 401 deities, as well as it
make verses (A10, G9, K8), plus one of them (A18) mention 3,200 deities. Each
one of them possesss attributes special or to be able specific, but all can give
children, protection and other benefits its devoted fidiciary offices. It is given credit
that all the deities, to the exception of Ọlọrun, the god of the sky, already had lived
some time in the land and that they had entered for the soil adentro, they had gone
up to the sky, if they had transformed into rivers hills and they had become deities.
A verse (A32) speaks of Egungun, Prays, Șọpọna and Ogun that had entered in
the land and had been immortal, beyond another one (H12) that it tells as Yemọjá
and Ofiki if they had transformed into rivers. Many deities are associates with cities
where if it believes such things have had place or place where they have lived. A
verse (A34) enumerates the cities of Șàngó, Orișá Oko, Ifá (Ọrunmilá, Ọyá,
Egungun, Șọpọna, Ẹlẹgba (Eșu) and Ọbalufọn, and still another one (J17) identifies
the city of Ọrișá Ogiyan.

Above of all the deities the god of the sky finds itself, Olodumare, “that
one that is owner of the sky” (Ọlọrun) or “king of the sky” (Ọbá ọrun), that it was
sincretizado with the Christian God and the Muslim Allah. The verses identify
Marvel (Àrà)[8] as its son (B13) and two of the women of Ọrunmila, Aina and Ọrẹ,
as children (A9). Ọlọrun does not have specific worshippers, no cult and sacrário
some. Sacrifice none is offered to it directly but any one can pray for it (F3). It
inhabits in the heights, above of the rainbow (A2), but as they show verses of Ifá
(Bascom 1969: 104), it can intervine in the human subjects. In verses of Salakọ,
also, it sends the Death to bring Ondẹșeroro for the sky (A6), an agriculturist says
that Ọlọrun gave to a slave (B6) and when Ọșún cure to it children, all says that it
was Ọlọrun that made it (M2). A verse (F20) predicts that Ọlọrun will help the
consultant to catch somebody that wants steals it, and another one (K9)
recommends that we must be patient in asking for the devolution of a loan
“because we do not know what Ọlọrun in the future will say”. One of the
personages is assigned of “If Ọlọrun it does not kill me, people will not be able to
make it” (J8).

Most important it is that who is Ọlọrun determines and controls the

human destinations (Bascom 1969:115 - 118). The Yorùbá believes in the
reincarnation and some multiple souls. Most important amongst them it is the soul
ancestral guard (ẹlẹdá, ìpọnri, ipọrí), associated with the head of the person, its
destination reincarnation. Second it is the breath (ẹmí), that it inhabits in the
pulmões and the thorax and has the nostrils for serviz it as the two openings in the
bellows of a Yorùbá blacksmith. The breath is the vital force that the man makes to
work and it of the a life.

Some say that one third soul exists, the shade (òjìji), that it does not have function
in elapsing of the life but simply follows the living body for all the places.

The breath can be seen the shade and be heard and be felt; but nobody
hears, feels or enxerga the soul ancestral guard while the individual will be alive.
The shade does not make use of substance and it does not want food; the breath
is supported by the food that the proper individual ingests; but the soul necessary
ancestral guard 0ccasionally nourished by intermediary of sacrifices known for
“feeding the head” (ìbọrí, ìbọ ori).

Before a child being born - or renascer -, the soul ancestral guard

appears before Ọlọrun in order to receive a new body, a new breath, and its
destination (ìwà, ìpín) for its new life in the land. Kneel itself ahead of Ọlọrun, to
this soul the chance is given to choose its proper destination, and if it believes to
be able to make any choice that to desire, even so Ọlọrun can refuse case the
order is not made humblly or is talked nonsense. The destination involves the
personality of the individual, its occupation and its luck; e includes one day fixed in
which the souls have to return for the sky. By times, the soul ancestral guard is
called of head (orí) or of “owner of the head” (olórí), and in verses of Salakọ it is
impersonatied as Head (A28, A34, A35, A13, J19). A verse (A35) counts as the
head chose “all the destinations”. In another one (A5), a called woman “the one
that has small children” said that “its blessings if had been slow; it said that its
celestial blessings if had been slow. It said that she does not know if its head chose
a destination of accounts, its head chose a brass destination, its head chose a
great abundance of money”. A luck person is called “the one that has good head”,
meaning a good destination, and a person without luck is “the one that has an bad
head”.

Informers emphasize the importance of the soul ancestral guard, some

until calling of deity. “The head is the main deity of the individual. The head is more
important for any one of what its proper deity. The head is the oldest and more
powerful of all deities” (Bascom 1960: 408). A verse (A34) tells as the Head
launched nine deities for its cities, where they prosper, and “Thus she was as the
head exceeded all the deities”. Ọrunmila sacrifices to its head and house with
Money; it praises it proper itself for this fact until its wife makes objection, it praises
Money until its divinadores say to it that it praises that one that made it to be
successful, and finally it praises the Head (A28). The personages in the verses
frequently are instructed in the direction of that they sacrifice for its heads (A28,
E4, F12, H2, H9, I11, J1, J8, J9 notice 1) but in they say them “If our head goes to
give attention to our suplications, this do not know” (C8). In verses, it has many
praises to the head. “Country does not exist where the head is not known” (A28).
“Head is optimum defender, that one that has good head does not have equivalent”
(A34). “The head of a person is what it makes it rich” (I16). “Head is what it makes
of the boy a man” (A28). “It does not have nothing that a head cannot make of a
man; the head of a person makes of it a king” (G5).

The day of the death of a person never can be delayed, but other aspects
of its destination can be modified by means of human acts and by beings or force
supply-human beings. If somebody makes use of the integral support and
protection of its soul ancestral guard, Ọlọrun, and the other deities, then it will
enjoy of the destination that was promised to it and will deplete the lapse of life that
was attributed to it; contrary case can see of the blessings it private destined or to
die before the hour. Through its life, the individual makes sacrifices for its soul
ancestral guard and its deities; dispõe de magias ou “medicinas”, preparadas para
protegê-lo e assisti-lo; e when in difficulties, it it consults a divinador in order to
determine what it would have to be made to improve its luck. The divinador also is
consulted before any enterprise of bigger spread, to know that sacrifice is
necessary to assure a successful outcome.

For occasion of the death, the multiple souls abandon the body and
normally they reach the sky, remaining until its soul ancestral guard is reincarnated
there. People who die before its time, continue in the land as ghosts, remaining in
distant cities where cannot be recognized, until the day indicated for Ọlọrun
arrives, moment that “die” one second death and follow for the sky. When the three
souls arrive there, Ọlọrun prescribe them an one “good sky” or a “bad sky”,
depending on its behavior in the land. Those that they had been sent for the “bad
sky” never could be restituted to the life through the reincarnation; neither the
suicidal ones can, which never reach the sky but if they become malignant
espíritos, that if hang to the pantries of the trees, such as bats or butterflies.
 If a woman has diverse children in succession, who die in the childbirth,
infancy or until when one in such a way older, is possible that it is not a succession
of different souls ancestral guards however one only soul that repetidamente
renasce, to only return for short space of time to the sky, where conserve its
infantile form. It does not want to simply remain for long time in the land, preferring
the life in the sky or desiring to go and to come between the sky and the land,
having been granted short times to it of life for Ọlọrun. Such children are known by
“abiku” (àbíkú) or “the been born one to die”, and its mothers can join it Ẹgbẹ
Ọgbạ, a cult that becomes propitious “abiku” and whose members have guizos
great facts of iron for its children and that these use tied to the hips. The corpse of
the child can be marked by means of the scraping of a place of the head or one cut
in the ear to certify that if it deals with one “abiku” when it comes to renascer with
the same mark; e the one body dead “abiku” can be threatened of being burnt or to
have one artelho or cut off finger in order to frighten it so that it remains in the
when of new land renasça. In verses, consultants are ordered to sacrifice for one
cause abiku (F22) and in way that the child that comes to have is not abiku (12).
Ọrunmila offered a sacrifice before abiku was married one, and it did not die (A26).
Rainbow Trifler “continues dying as one abiku” because its parents do not know its
true name (F22).

A sacrifice also is prescribed for twin (J8). These (ibéjì) they are not so
bad as abiku but they are feared because they are powerful and they can badly
make or even though to provoke the death of its parents. When they are born twin,
two pintinhos partially are embedded to one I sing of one cômodo and sacrifices
are offered next they, annually. When one of the twin dies, the parents orders a
wooden wood carver to sculpture one figurinha of twin (ère ibéjì) of the same sex
and with the face marks of its ancestry. In case that as it comes to die while young,
one second figure is cultivated. As abiku, the twin keep the form of children in the
sky and pass its time playing. Twin and abiku are not deities; the sacrifices offered
they are for its souls. A verse (A5) counts as people had started to cook kneaded
and tempering inhames, maize (cooked), to fry banana-of - the land and inhames
for twin.

A verse (G1) counts of that Ọlọrun way gave to one amongst dezessete
figures (Ọșẹ) all the destinations that this had lost. However, in another verse
(A35), it is Ọrișálá (Òrìnșanlá) who distributes destinations and, as already we saw,
according to Șalakọ, is not Olorun but Ọrișálá (Òrìșanlá Òșẹrẹgbọ) who determined
the deities the respective ones to be able. This subject is repeated in other verses
(A18, A35).

The verses, in the way as they had been taught the Salakọ, obviously, enrich the
importance of its proper deity.

Ọlọrun also is called Olódùmarè (A6, B13, G1). Some interpretations of

this name have been offered (Bascom: 1969: 104), also that one contained in the
B12 verse, however, identifies Olodumare as Ọrișá Oluofin, one of the “white
deities” and son of Píton and Ọrișálá. This diverge clearly of the belief widely in
vigor that Olodumare if finds above of all the other deities (Idowu 1962: 56) as well
as not if coaduna with the myth of the creation as told by the priests of Ọrișálá in
Ifè.

In the story of them, Olodumare inside gave to the Ọrișálá a little of land
of a snail shell and a hen of five fingers and sent it with Camaleão in order to
create the land on primevas. However, Ọrișálá was inebriated with palm wine and
adormeceu, taking Oduá, its younger brother, the materials in hands and descends
for a chain of skies, was folloied by Camaleão and Calau. Camaleão launched the
land to the water and placed the galináceo of five fingers on it, commanding Oduá
to it that spread it. When Oduá despertou and perceived what it occurs, interditou
the wine of palm (and all the things derived from the palm oil) its worshippers and
followed Oduá until the land, where they had fought for the ownership of it. When
Olodumare heard concerning the fight, sent Ọrunmila for pacification. Other
versions add that to the Creator of the Land, Oduá, the right was given to govern it.
The first king became, of who the Yorùbá monarchs alleges to descend directly.
The Ọrișálá was given the power to mold the human bodies, becoming it creative it
of the Humanity.

The spite of its importance in mythology Yorùbá, Oduá (Oduá, Oduwà,

Odùduwà) it does not appear in verses of Salakọ, conquanto was mentioned as
tied with the figure Ofun (b) and consisting in one of legends of Salakọ, as
accompanying of Ọrișálá to the land. In quarrel, Salakọ described it as one of the
“white deities” and messenger of Ọrișálá in Ifè, that used it to assist it in its shape
work of children not been born. Exactly in its version of the creation, counted under
the legend form, it is Ọrișálá (Ọbanlá) and Oduá or Camaleão who did not put the
land bit on water, put the hen of the five fingers to spread it, and created the birds,
animals, grassy trees, shrubs and. Both versions are mentioned by Idowu (1962:
1922), which favors the deposition of Salakọ.

Ọranmiyan (Ọránmíyàn, Ọrányàn) it is another important deity that does

not appear in these verses, but exactly thus Salakọ mentioned as deity to it
associated with the figure Ọkanran (d). It is said to have had it two parents and
being half white skin as Oduá and way black skin as Ògún, the God it Iron. Great
warrior became as its father, Ògún, and is curious that he has not been cited for
the fact to have been the founder and first king of Ọyọ.

Ọrișálá, the God of the Brancura and the creator of the Humanity, already
was boarded however it demands additional consideration in result of its
importance in the version of Salakọ of the divinação with sixteen cawris. Having
been given the power to it to mold the human bodies, it created the first man and
the first woman; in accordance with Salakọ, Gbẹgbade and Mọtawede , other
names for Ọrișá Rowu and Ọrisa Yemo were they. Ọrișálá also shapes the form
human being of the beings in the uterus, before they are born. Salakọ declared that
it ignored as this made age, but other informers had said that, he worked in the
blackout with a knife, it molds its bodies and later, as a wooden wood carver,
separate the arms, the legs, the fingers and artelhos, and open the eyes, the ears,
the nose and the mouth. It is, for times, called sculptor of Olorun and two of its
names when it is praised are “That one that excuses in the blackout” (Agbõkùnkùn
sonà) and “the person who makes the eyes and that sọjú makes the nose” (Ẹni you
semú; cf. Idowu 1962: 72). In one of verses (A18), Eșu found Ọrișálá sculpturing
and of it it learned as it made feet, mouths and eyes.

Another one of the names of praise of Ọrișálá is “That one that a person
creates as she understands well” (Adáni bó you laughs). Children who it shapes as
albinic (àfín), corcundas (abuké), cripples (arọ), dwarves (Aràrá) and deaf person-
dumb (odi), they are, for it, sacred. One room louvor name is “Husband of
corcunda, husband of cripple, husband of dwarf who has flattened head” (Ọkọ
abuké, Ọkọ, aràrá aborípèté), and verses mention as many cripples (A41, A43,
G12,) how much albinic (A43, J17). The envoltos been born ones in the amnion
(òké, àlà) also they are sacred before Ọrișálá, and the names given to the been
born ones in these conditions also are mentioned (B10, K10).

It appears in verses with the names Òrìșálá e Òrìsànlá, frequently

shortened it stops Òșãlá e Òșànlá, or with its names of praise Òrìșãlá Ọșẹrègbò
and Erijialo (A25). Ọbafúnwà that means “King of the destination” seems to
constitute another assignment of louvor (K10). The Ọbàlùfọn names, whose city is
identified as Ẹrìn (A34), Olùfon (C16) and òrìșà Wuji (A7, G8) or Òrìsa also is used.
More it to it happens frequently mentions as, simply, “Father” (Bàbá) or “Deity”
(Òrìșà, or in its reduced form, Òșà). While the Ọrișá word is expressed as deity,
comumente it is mentioned, specifically, to the “white deities”, distinguishing itself
from other deities (ẹbọra, ẹbura, imọlẹ).

Who is clearly Ọrișálá controls the divinação of sixteen cawris, of Salakọ,

in a similar way that it is Ọrunmila that makes it in the divinação Ifá. Repetidamente
prays the verses “Ọrișá says” when they announce the prediction, and the
consultant “was praising the divinadores and the divinadores were praising Ọrișá
for its divinadores to have said the truth” or, literally, “that the divinadores had
spoken with good mouths”. This means that the divinadores were praising Ọrișálá
because it made with that the divinação has been acurada, in way that the
prediction showed true.

The verses identify Aratumi (A1), Ọșún (A25), Ere or Píton (B12), Pray
(C16) and Yemo or Yemuo (J16), also known for Mọtawẹde, as being the wives of
Ọrișálá, having Salakọ adding Adun, or Snail, and Yemọjá. One says that they are
its children Eșu (K2) and Ọmọniyinrẹ (G8). The verses tell as Ọrișálá obtained the
power (àșẹ) to have its predictions is not become fullfilled in one day (A12, F8) and
as was said to it so that it used white clothes (J16). When Ọșún if congregates the
Ọrișálá in its sacrário, is said it stops wearing with fabric white, white hat, and white
long pants and that “They have to be clean” (A29). When the clothes of Ọrișálá are
enodoada with oil of palm and oil of caroço of palm, both taboo for it, and made
dirty for black wood, Yemo it of the clean white clothes to dress (J16). Other verses
count as it started to eat the not tempering stew that is offered to it in sacrifice (D1),
and as it made of the salt a taboo for albinic (A43).

References are made to its white accounts (B13), its special metal, the
lead (C5, C19, J16), and its drum agba (J11), and the sacrifices that it is instructed
to make include weaveeed white, white hens, white pigeons and snails (B13, J16).
In a verse (A20), Ọrișálá finds Snail charging toll in the gate of the city and
Ọrunmila and Ògún, in similar way, find its sacrificiais animals favourite, the Goat
and the Dog. The majority of these points confirms accepted beliefs concerning
Ọrișálá, but I do not obtain to explain the reason for which a sacrifice it would have
to include a hen , a pigeon and a black goat black. (P1).

Diverse other “white deities” are cited in verses. Ọrișá Oluọfin, already
mentioned as identified with Olodumare, carries the white suit from the Ọrișá
Rowu, that takes the heading of the Ọrișá Olojo (A3). Segundo Salakọ, these are
three distinct white deities and Ọrișá Rowu is the son oldest of Ọrișálá, but Idowu
(1962: 75) it identifies Ọrișá Rowu as Orișálá in the city of Owu. A verse (J18)
prescribes a sacrifice for an not identified white deity . Ọrișá Ogiyan, that That one
is called “that enjoys of the honor”, is hit with batons for seven albinic in ejigbo, its
city, an apparent alusão and flagellation, that is practised by its worshippers (J17).
this exactly prescribes a sacrifice to the Ogiyan hill and others prescribe sacrifices
for a hill (L3 notices I, L4). Hills figures remarkably in some verses (e. g., A21),
including Osinnido, in Ibadan (G4, G5) and Olumo, in Abeokutá (K5).

Eșu (Èșù) it is the messenger the holy ghost that delivers to the sacrifices
offered in its sacrário, in accordance with what prescribe the divinadores, the
Ọlọrun. It is also the the holy ghost dodger who not only delights in making civil
disturbance but also he serves to other deities when disturbing the human beings
that had offended them or neglected. It is called “Eșu is not good” (Èșù Òdára; A44,
C15), and also are known by Ẹlẹgbá (A34) e Jùoriwà (K2). Its city is Iworo (A34).
Independently of which deity everybody age for it is cultuada by each individual, in
order that it does not cause them problem, and a part of any sacrifice is side ece of
fish , for it. Its sacred nesting is a block of laterita mounted outside of the house
and which sacrifices are offered or a coarse adobe figure it is ece of fish in
crossroads, which the passers-by give to cawris or food small pieces.

Eșu is the youngest e the smartest amongst all deities created for Ọlọrun,
conquanto Salakọ breaks of the common belief when attributing this act again the
Ọrișálá. In one of verses of Salakọ (K2), before Ọrișálá generated Eșu it was
warned of that Eșu “goes to want to surpass it “and “will take its world of you if not
to give attention”; later Eșu it cut clubs and one used them to surpass any on the
land, and “everything that the Father made, Eșu made”. E of new was Ọrișálá who
sent Eșu to live in the crossroads and to make collection of some thing of any one
that passed; e therefore Eșu if became rich and “bigger that all its greaters” (A18).
It is sluggish (K2) and does not have work to make (A18). The affirmation that
“indolent men live of its wisdom; the fools do not only know as to manage its
businesses” (A18) if relate the Eșu.

In the same way that in verses of Ifá, Eșu appears here, primarily, in its
paper of “the holy ghost executor”, what it imposes, he is who punishes those that
leave to make the sacrifices prescribed for the divinadores and reward the ones
that make them. Its notable imparcialidade in this paper (Bascom 1969: 105-106,
118) and in the one of messenger of the deities are hardly compatible with its
identification the Satan as they make it in such a way Christian as Muslim.
Abimbọla (1976: 86) it defines it as a policeman, but Eșu does not arrest the
people simply or it brings them before a judgment; it, in person, is who minister
divine justice, wants rewards, wants punishment. Neither it is this coherent paper
with its identification with what it would be called “the beginning of the ambiguity”
(Fagg 1960) or “a spirit of perhaps and uncertainty” (Elisofon and Fagg 1958: 114).
Nothing more infallible of what does not exist when Eșu attends somebody, is
because this person offered the prescribed sacrifice or made some another thing
that pleased to it, or then when somebody left to carry through the sacrifice, if it
refuses to obey other instructions, or still it commits one another offence any, Eșu
will punish it or it will be glad with its misfortune.

For this, a verse affirms that Eșu ruins the work of a boy who if refuses to
be in house learning Ifá, the rites you sacrifice and as to calm deuses (C15). Ògún
breaches with a taboo and later bush the person in charge of the toll of the door of
the city, and Eșu makes it to foragir itself in the forest (A20). A woman carried
through sacrifice and has children; but it mocks of the divinadores and Eșu makes
with that the children play fruits in it (A5). A combatant Eșu flame of thief and if
refuses to make sacrifice, being then dead in battle (J13). When Akisa Ẹmẹrẹ
defies deuses and if it refuses to sacrifice meat dry, Eșu exclama: “It would not
have to behave thus” e Akinsa Ẹmẹrẹ if chokes suffocated with the meat while E șu
if rejubila (I17). Egungun and Agunfọn if refuse to sacrifice its swords and Eșu
says: “They had not offered sacrifice”. Egungun decapitates Agunfọn with its sword
and Eșu if it rejoices (N1).

The drum agba takes one sova with baqueta that it left to sacrifice and
Eșu if delights (J11). The tree glue not complete its sacrifice and Eșu says the
people to use its children (glue nuts) in its rituals (C17, J10). Not complete a
harmful grass its sacrifice and Eșu says the farmers to capinarem with the hoe
what it did not offer (A37). Although let us not be informed if it sacrificed or not,
pparently the Squirrel does not obey the instructions not to mention; peasants kill
then its younglings and of new Eșu if he cheers (E6).

When the Dove if refuses to sacrifice, Eșu takes the campônios to eat its
younglings and Ọyá to break its eggs; but because the pigeon carried through the
sacrifice, Eșu makes the men to take it house and keeping as bichinho of esteem
(A15). When Beans Butter rejects to sacrifice Eșu makes the farmers to eat its
beanses; but because Sarnento Beans offers sacrifice, them they abandon (C18).
When one plants tripping if it denies to sacrifice, makes farmers to cut. Ochra, that
sacrifices, is left to grow (K6). When Irritation and the Hot Head does not want to
sacrifice its knives, Eșu makes them if to kill with its proper weapons; but it of the a
Serenity the three hampers of accounts that the mother of them had sent its three
children (H8). When `Jegbe does not sacrifice, Eșu returns the life to the animals
that it killed, and they run away; then `Jegbe carries through sacrifices and Eșu the
aid to obtain a horse, six túnicas, six servers and six wives and to become the heir
of the king (I16). When the head of Wata makes the sacrifice but its woman does
not make it, Eșu the salute but its woman leaves to be deceased (C12).

In the reality, in these verses, Eșu attends those that offer the sacrifice
prescribed in much more examples of what it punishes the ones that do not make it
or if rejubila when these topam with misfortunes. The king of Igede sacrifices a
knife and Eșu uses it for safe it when it tries to hang itself (H6). The head of Ifọn
and the head of Ejigbo sacrifice and Eșu the aid to lock up the dispute that keeps
between itself (J18). The head of Ẹju sacrifices and Eșu the aid, as well as its
relatives, to live long lives (J15). Lagbonpala and an old woman sacrifices and E șu
assists them if to marry with one another (J1). The Blind Man sacrifices and E șu
the aid to abate birds and an antelope with rifle when others had failed (E7).
Rọjuforiti takes loaned money to make the sacrifice and Eșu assists it so that if it
becomes rich (A33). Eșu multiplies the sacrifice of Mọloun and the salute of the
Egungun (K13). It multiplies the sacrifice of the mother of On' dere and saved its
son of the death to he qualifies it it to become head of Idere (F9).

Monkey Fool sacrifices and Eșu the aid to escape of the Leopard (F13).
Crocodile sacrifices cravos of iron and rinds of coconuts and Eșu transform them
into its teeth and scales (H10). The mother of Potto offers to sacrifice and E șu the
salute of the death (C11, note 4). Blowpipe sacrifices and Eșu obtains it clothes,
money and a wife (C7). Eluju palm sacrifices and Eșu the aid to give the light to its
rebentos (A16). Hill offers a sacrifice and Eșu assists it to resist the attacks of the
birds, the rats and the men (A21).

The head sacrifices and Eșu defends it when it takes the destinations
(A35). The Destination makes sacrifice and Eșu convinces Ọrișálá pardons it it for
having been insolente (C19). For three Ọrunmila times it sacrifices and Eșu the
salute of the death (I18), helps it it to be rich (G14) and convinces Ọșún to give to
money and children to it (G15). Ọrunmila initiates Eșu in Ifá and Eșu repays helping
it to it to become it rich (A19). The lições of verses are obvious: it pleases the E șu
and it does not offend it; e “offering sacrifices is what it helps somebody; not
offering, it does not help nobody”.

Ọrunmila (Òrúnmìlà), of who if it says would derive the divinação with

sixteen cawris, frequently is mentioned in verses. Although it is evident that Ifá (Ifá)
is also a name of Ọrunmila, (A12, G13, G14, G15, I12), we in relate it to them as
Ọrunmila, and its system of divinação as Ifá. It is said happens frequently of
Ọrunmila as a amanuense or a scribe because it “wrote” to the other deities and
taught to its divinadores “to write”, that is, to mark the Ifá figures in wooden dust in
its divinatórios trays.

Also it is defined as a man instructed or erudite in virtue of the wisdom

contained in the Ifá verses. Here it is called “Wisdom” (C2), “the small one that he
lives of its wisdom” (A34, B14), and “That one that is but possante that medicine”
(N2). In it is said them that:

Great wisdom
It is the key to obtain itself great to know.
If we will not have great wisdom
We will not be able to learn powerful medicine,
Not knowing medicine sufficiently strong
We will not cure serious illness
We will not gain great richness,
E if not to gain much money
We will not be able to make great things. (B6)

We are also knowing that “It is in the poverty that the boy learns Ifá; later
it only is that it prospers” (C14). We already saw that Ọrunmila is physically weak,
and that it only became divinador and herbanário because none another work it
was easy. Exactly thus, a verse (G14) says that the corporal fight was its
profession and that it abated diverse kings until Eșu taught to it to lose. Its skin is
black (N2) and its city is Ado (A34). Also it is called “That one that a crown has”
(A9) and Oluwara Okun (A34).

The verses because a goat is the main sacrificial animal of Ọrunmila

(I12). They mention its to it rebenque of divinador, cow tail (I4) and mention its
gong (I12, N2) and two of its tambores, aran I12) and ogidan (J11). They give
account of the origin of the divinatória earthen bowl (opón igede) inside of which
sixteen are conserved its dendês, and of the iron baton (osù, osùn) that if it finds
next to its sacrário and cannot tumble (J9). They clarify the origin of hurl it of opelê
(G14, note 4) e, probably, if she relates to the way as she is manipulated (G15,
note 1). They describe the way as the Ifá figures are marked in the divinação tray
and count as Ọrunmila joined dendês with four “eyes” each one and the grass with
which they are washed in order prepares them for the use in the divinação (B6). In
verse (A10), Ọrunmila exclusively plants grass destined to the medicine, but it fulls
its deposits with maize, maize of guiné, beanses and inhames cultivated for other
deities. Its knowledge concerning the properties of the grass is surpassed by the
one of Ọsányin, the god of the medicine (19), but wins this in a magic match,
taking to it the gong for itself (N2).

Ọrunmila if house with the son of the head of Iwo (H7), Poye (I12), Odu
(B14), Ẹrẹ (K12), Ajesuna (A28) or Money, Emere (A26) one abiku, Ọșún (C2) and
Aina and Ọrẹ (A9), children of Olorun. It also deflorates as much Ọșún (F10) how
much Poye (I12) and is accused with adultery (I12, K12); e breaches a taboo of
Ọșún when spilling beer of maize-of - guiné on it (G15). It appears as main
personage in many other verses (A8, A12, A19, A20, C6, G11, G13, I10, I13, I18,
I19).

Ọșún (Ọșun) it is the goddess of the river Ọșun, that is born in Ekiti, the
east, and runs passing for the city of Oșogbo, where if finds located its main
sacrário. They tell the verses that it married Ọrunmila (C2) and Ọrișálá (A25), and
informers add that, in other times, he was married Ògún, Șàngó, Șopọna and
Ọsányin, beyond taking others deuses as loving. In one of its legends, Salakọ
observes that “Ọșún is apreciadora of sexual relations that all the other women”. In
consequence of its promiscuity, its worshippers describe it as a prostitute but they
feel pride of the loving adventures of it because they contribute for its reputation of
beauty and for its meticulous care with the appearance; e is so famous for giving to
the light children how much for being beautiful. Its worshippers in Ọyọ inside say
that the work of Ọșún is to provoke the conception, creating the babies of the
uterus after sexual relation before Ọrișálá starts it shape them in the form human
being. It also uses cold water to cure fevers (M2).

Ọșún is called “Possessing of Cold Water” (A25, A29, M2), “Ọșún gave
me” (G2), “Knowledge (C2), “Our Mother” (F4), “My Mother, Otolo Ẹfọn” (A24, C4,
G2, G6, G9, G10) and still Oladekoju (G15). A worshipper of Ọșún in Ileșa
interpreted `Ladekoju as meant “He has many crowns”, if relating its crowns of
cawris, and Otoro Ẹfọn” in Ekiti. Its worshippers in Oșogbo says that it is natural of
Igede (F10), situated city the seven miles the west of Ado Ekiti.

In a verse (G10), Ọșún of the children to the people of Ọșogbo, but they
ignore it; thus, it makes with that its children have fever and later the cure when the
people recommences to sacrifice for it. The sacrifices it include lettuce wild, will
acará, glue ẹkọ, nuts and hens (G10, G15). It takes beer of white maize, but beer
of maize-of-guiné is taboo. Ọrunmila says “It does not have greaters taboos that
maize-of-guiné” and when it sheds beer of this maize on it, Ọșún is seated in its
throne in all esplendor (G15). In this verse (G15), the consultant is instructed to
give to the Ọșún its taboo and, after that, to offer its favourite plates to it. Another
verse (C4) counts as it left to drink beer of maize-of-guiné and took beer of white
maize in order to have children. Ọșún captures the City of Women and brings the
women for Ọjogbomẹkun, where all venerate it (G9). Its metal is brass (G2), “the
first one been born of Ọșun” (C5), and its worshippers uses bracelets of this metal
as its insignia.

Șàngó (Șàngó) he is a God of the ray. Inhabiting the sky, arroja meteorites
for the land, killing the ones that offend it or setting fire fire its houses. They are
prehistoric axes of rock that farmers for times find to it will pass the hoes in the
fields that cultivate; they are led to the priests of Șàngó who conserve them in its
sacrário in a tray supported in an inverted gral, which also serves of seat when the
heads of the initiates are scraped (cf. Bascom 1972: 6). The rocks in the sacrifices
the Șàngó (A46, E2, L1, L3) can be a alusão to its meteorites and, in a verse (F5),
Șàngó kills a leopard when placing on the animal an inverted mortar. It has a
special type of drum known for `has beaten' (cf. Bascom 1972:18), and a verse
(L8) explains that Dressing gown, that had been friend of Șàngó since infancy,
became its substitute or representative; Șàngó sacrificed a drum has beaten and
“This is the reason because Dressing gown cannot release Șàngó today” and
because the people give to the deity money, túnicas and chickens. The favourite
foods of Șàngó include bitter glue nuts and mass of inhames (A46, L1), but nor
entire sheep nor cooked of ochra are mentioned.

It is affirmed that Șàngó succeeded its father, Ọranmiyan, as one of the

primitive kings of Ọyọ and some verses say that it became king (A48, L7, L8). It
was noticed by its magical powers and was feared because, when spoke, fire left
its mouth. A verse has Șàngó lighting a fire in its mouth with `itufu' (L3), soaked oil
staple fibres proceeding from pericarpo of the oleaginosa palm, and that they are
used in the confection of archotes and to set fire fire. In possession state, one says
that a worshipper of Șàngó can swallow fire, possibly using itufu, carry a pot with
alive live coals on the head or place its hand in alive live coals without damage
relative. Another verse (C17) advises: “We will have to use itufu to receive the aid
from Șàngó”. According to a legend, it was a defeat in a magic match that took
Șàngó to leave Ọyọ and to hang itself (or to hang itself), conquanto when lightning
spark and thunders ribombam its worshippers bradam “the king were not hung”, a
greeting that appears in a verse (A46). We are knowing that its city is Koso (A34),
where if says that it was hung, and that Șàngó, Dada and Egungun are half-
brothers, children of the same mother, Yemọjá (H2, note 2).

Many names are given to the Șàngó in the gifts verses, but not more
usual it, that one that “Fight with rocks” (Jakuta), mentioning the meteorites to it
that hurl to the land. It is called “What he inverted a gral and he killed a leopard in
Enpe “ (F5), “wild Man of Ijebu” (F5), son “Of whom sees 200 enemies and the
conquest” (L1), “Leves help” (L3, L8) and Awalawulu me (F1), that relembra the
sound of the thunder. Many names of Șàngó could not have been translated, also
Lakiọ (A34), Jagba (A46), Jẹmiade (A48), Tẹla Oko (E2), Olubambi (F5, L3, L8),
Jẹnrọla (L1), son of Ojogbo (l), Oromajogbo (L3) and Afọnja (A48, L7), that it is
also the name of Afọnja de Ilọrun, which if rebelled against the king of Ọyọ.

In verses, we are informed of that, when Crocodile did not obtain to give
birth its younglings, Șàngó freed shouts and all its children had been born, and “is
for whom the thunder estala before the children of Crocodile leaving” (L6). Șàngó
“opened the water door a little” and rain fell during seven days, provoking the
brotação of taken away the leaves trees, making with that rivers ran of new and
that the people of Ire prospered (J4). It sacrificed and nobody more can be arisen
against it; it took by a club in the hand and defeated its enemies (L1). It moved
away the African antelopes (Hartebeeste) that they were killing the children of the
people of Ijagba and if became the deity that all the people of Ijagba reverenciava
(A46).

Ọyá (Ọyá) she is the favourite wife of Șàngó, the only woman who it
remained faithful until the end, leaving Ọyọ with it and turning deity with it. It is the
goddess of the river Níger, that is called Rio Ọyá (Odò Ọyá), but manifest it if as
being the strong gale that precedes a storm. When Șàngó wants to fight with
lightning it sends its woman to the front to fight with wind. It destelha houses,
knocks down trees and insufla the fogos set fire for meteors of Șàngó, making of
them a great fire of high flames. When Ọyá arrives, the people know that Șàngó is
not very behind, and say that, without it, it does not obtain to fight. The verses
inform that Ọyá is the woman of Șàngó, “the wife who is fiercer than the husband”
(H5). Its city is Anger (A34), that the Ọfa is said to be next.

In verses, Kite appeals Ọyá that proves one such wind that it allows it to
dive in smoke and to remove of the fire a rock (J6), and Eșu says the Ọyá to shake
a tree (with the wind) and to make to overthrow eggs of the Dove to the soil and
thus it breaks them (A15). The mother of Potto sacrifices for Ọyá and Ọșun, and it
she is except a wind (C11, note 4). Be-in the told one that “horn of Buffalo is good
to be sandpapered with `camwood'; we rub it until being red and we give the Ọyá
to it (C10), a reference to the colored horns that are placed in the sacrário of Ọyá.
We are knowing that Ọyá makes of the sheep meat taboo because it ate it to have
children, and that it is also she is called “that one that train children” (Ọlọmọ) and
“Nine Mother” (Iyansan, `Yansan) because it had nine children (C3). Another one of
the wives of Șàngó, Ọbá, also goddess of river with Ọșún and Ọyá, is not
mentioned in verses, even so appears in one of legends of Salakọ.

Yemọjá (Yemọjá) it is the Goddess of the river Ògun (odò ògun), to the
times definite as the river Yemọjá (odò Yemọja), that it runs in the south direction,
through the Yorùbá territory, and passes for the cities of Ọyọ and Abẹokutá.
Although Salakọ identified it as the woman of Ọrișálá, it is said in general that it
proceeds from the city of Bida, in the Nupe territory, taking the direction of the old
Ọyọ, where if married the king, Ọramiyan, and with it it had Șàngó. Later it released
of the husband and it was married Ọkẹrẹ, head of Șaki, situated city about seventy
and five miles the northwest of Ọyọ. A verse (H12) tells the most important legend
regarding Yemọjá - as it and Ọkẹrẹ if they had promised to respect the respective
taboos, but when it penetrated in the forbidden one retires of arrows for takes off
them of rain, Ọkẹrẹ violated the taboo of it mocking of its long and fallen seios, that
arrived at the soil; then it was the time of it to breach the taboo of it when jeeing of
its protracted teeth and ran away, it fell to the ground and if it transformed into the
river Ògun while its younger friend of concubinage turned river Ofiki, a tributary of
the Ògun.

In a variant of this legend, counted for worshippers of Yemọjá, in Isẹyin,

the goddess entered in one forbidden room it palace of Ọkẹrẹ in food search for its
guest and it it violated the taboo of it when ridicularizar its baloiçantes seios
lengths; it talked back when mofar of its immense testicules, and took its pots and
if she escafedeu. Ọkẹrẹ pursued it and it knocked down it, transforming it into a
river that it drained of its pots. Ọkẹrẹ if became the Ọkẹre hill, in order to block the
course of it, but Șàngó came in its aid and cleaved the hill with a way ray that the
river flowed through.

One third variant, counted for a divinador Ifá, in Igana, says that it and
Ọkẹrẹ did not respect its taboos mutually in agreement had combined. Ọkẹrẹ said
that the seios of Yemọjá were long excessively and it talked back that the testicules
were so great how much cabaças. Ọkẹrẹ grasped a knife and Yemọjá escapuliu
with its pot, fallen in the soil and if it transformed into the river Ògun.

One fourth version, presented for worshippers of Yemọjá, in Ọyọ, does

not indicate because they had broken up themselves but she says that Yemọjá was
even so taking to the coasts its babies and its pot of water on the head. Ọkẹrẹ
followed it, but it put its pot and she transformed it into a river that it drains. Ọkẹrẹ if
made a hill in the passage of the water course, but Șàngó fulminou it, breaching a
way so that the river flowed through.

A final version, tells for priest of Șàngó, in Koso, only counts that Yemọjá
complained with Ọkẹrẹ and was to live in the river, but makes of Ọkẹrẹ, instead of
Ọranmiyan, the father of Șàngó.

The Yemọjá name habitually is interpreted as meaning “Mother of Fish”

or, more literally, “Mother of fi8lhe of fish”. (Yèyé or Ìyé ọmọ ẹja). Also it is known
by “Water takes a crown, for which we assent to marry “(H2), son “of whom ate
palm drills and had six hundred children” (H2), Atalamagba (h1),
Mọașọgbọgbọgbayo (H1) and Ọmọjẹlẹwu or `Mọjẹlẹwu (H12), name also given by
informers of Isẹyin and Igana. It is identified as the mother of Șàngó, Egungun and
Dada (H2, note 2).

Ogun (Ògún) he is the god of the Iron and protector of all those that use
tools of this metal. He is the protector of hunters and warriors and, therefore, a God
of the War, a padroeiro of blacksmiths, wood carvers wooden and coureiros, of
barbers, of whom they carry through circuncisão and cicatrização and, in recent
times, of that automobiles and locomotives dirigem. Without it, the people could not
have cut its hair, could not be circuncidados and would have face, animal marks
could not be hunted or abated, farms could not be clean or its dug lands, ways for
farms as well as water wells would be taken by the weeds, and nobody could have
lit fire without pederneiras, which were used until matches had been imported. The
other deities also depend on Ogun, therefore it opens them the way with its
marchete; but it is more famous as blacksmith and a great combatant.

Ogun is the owner of the iron and new pantries of palms, that are used to
mark its sacrários; frondes of palms can be used in other sacrários of other deities,
but pertaining the Ogun. We are sages for these verses that Iron is the first-born of
Ogun, and because it rusts or it oxidates while Brass or Lead, not (C5), and that
“new pantries of palm make the body of Ogun” (B5). It is also the owner of the
dogs; the males constitute one of its favourite sacrificiais foods, being eaten for its
worshippers. Opposing the advice of Ọrunmila and Ọrișálá, Ogun was for the
market “Supports suffering”, taking a pilgrim's staff and a sword. It found the Dog
collecting toll in the door of the city and cut the head of it outside. Scared for E șu,
Ogun was taken refuge in the forest, where its clothes had been lacerated by urzes
and thorns. Thus, it cut frondes new of palm and he dressed them; “that is what
they set for Ogun, and because they do not give to calmness the Ogun” (A20).

The city of Ogun is Ire. When the head of Ire disdained Ogun, deity of its
father, its life was insane, it she was informed by the divinadores of that she would
have to sacrifice for Ogun and god two friends, Șàngó and ỌrișáOko, and would
have to sing, asking for the Ogun that returned for house (J4). We are knowing that
“Ogun kills the creditor” (I11). It is described as strong and very very black, being
defined as “Black Ofun” (B5). Its other names are also Onijaole (A20) and Tiẹlẹ
(B5).

Ọșọsi (Òșõși) he is a god of the Hunting and, as Ogun, a padroeiro of the

hunters. It was one of these and gave to all the animals that the Ọrișálá abated
(F7). It is called “Refinement” and son “of whom without working he uses túnica of
accounts”; when the members of its society had decided to make new long túnicas
for the annual festival, Ọrișálá gave a done túnica to it of accounts and all the
others were prostraram ahead of it (F7). It is habit these Yorùbá bosoms to make
identical customs in way that its members can quickly be identified when they
leave together; but, according to this verse, they had made diverse types of
túnicas. One another version of this verse adds that Ọrișálá also gave to a cap and
pants to it, both of accounts (F7, note 4). One third registered version adds Ọ șọsi
was a arqueiro and hunted with brass arrows and has covered presenteadas for
Ọrișálá (F7, note 2). While a rifle is a symbol of Ogun, the arc and the arrow are
symbols of Ọșọsi. One of objects kept in its sacrário is an arc in miniature,
frequently with an arrow of iron, forged to the arc and the metal rope the same.
 When Ọrunmila and Ọșún go to visit Ọrișálá, them are received by Ọșọsi,
that tries to prevent that they enter to see it; the verse adds: “As Ikudẹfu it takes
care of to the door of the house of the king of Ọyọ, thus Ọșọsi keeps the house of
Ọrișálá” (C2). Ikudẹfu is an attendant (Ilari) of the king of Ọyọ, that is seated next to
the road of the palace to observe all that they arrive and if they go. One third
version of another verse (F7) repeats this assertive one, adding that Ọșọsi is the
door voice or “linguistics” (gbédè gbéyo) of Ọrișálá and that nobody could find
Ọrișálá if was not for intermediary of Ọșọsi (C2, note 3). This interesting paper
never was mentioned in my interviews with priests of Ọșọsi, neither it it was its
custom of accounts or the assignment of “fine”.

ỌrișáOko (Òrìsà Oko) it is called God of the Farm, but he is another God
of the hunting. The spite of its name, is not a “White Deity”; neither he is the God of
the farming or agriculture, if one may use the expression comumente. It takes its
name in result of the fact of living in the farm; agriculture practises a little but he is
basically a hunter. “Hunting of elephants that its clean house keeps” (Ọdẹ erin
mulé mọ) he is one of its ápodos of praise; the hunting word (ọdẹ) it is incorporated
in names given for its worshippers; e it if relates, in songs, as hunting. In two
verses where figure with proeminence, it is defined as a hunter (A14, C10). In one
of them, it was said it not to be miserly and to give one festim with the first animal
that abated; thus e proceeded it, since then, who wants that it if dirige are yearning
for for children or ill, of it receiving water cold (C10).

Its city is Ìràwò (A34, C10), about ten miles to the south of șaki. It is there
that it “entered land adentro” and where is located its main sacrário. The most
important object of this is its baton. The inferior portion is molded iron and as a
blade, but it is interpreted as the leg; the intermediate part is wooden; e the
extremity, of iron, has a fálica form, being interpreted as the head. The fálico format
is mentioned in another verse (A14). For the fact to have been impotent, it was
directed the farm to hunt and sculptured a baton with a penis, leaned it against the
wall and it cultuou it. When its time arrived to occur in official position, it if it refused
to come back toward house. It said that who wants that wanted children, who came
and sacrificed to its baton, for which sacrifices until today. Since then it was called
of “God is a penis (Òrisà l' Okó)”, that one that today we call “God of the Farm”
(A14). The verses do not mention its important paper when punishing witches or to
manage misfortunes in its sacrário in Irawọ when it has a witchcraft accusation.

Ọsányin (Ọsányìn) he is the God of the Medicine. It inherited the grass

and if it became a herbalista or doctor (I9, note 1), rival of Ọrunmila. Its work is to
cure people with medicines to the leaf base, grain stalks, rinds and roots; one says
that it does not obtain to make a medicine without a part of some plant. When
laborer or contracted servant of Ọrunmila became, was rank to clean of harmful
grass the farm of Ọrunmila, but he found a leaf pair money, one for wives, one for
children, another one for stomach ache, another one still pair migraine - all the
leves were useful; it did not find only a harmful one to capinar and Ọrunmila
cancelled its obligation (I9). It followed for Ọyọ and cured a person of migraine, one
with stomach ache , another one whose feet ached, a woman that did not
engravidava and another one that did not obtain to give birth; e the king of Ọyọ
made it rich (I16). Its city, Abẹ, are not cited in verses, nor neither the fact to
possess only one leg. She is called “Leves” (N2), that is, grass, “That one that is
supernatural” (N2), and of Angberi (I6), and its woman is called “Leves had given to
me” (I9, note 1). The sacrifices of Ọsányin include a hen, black a black pigeon, one
bode and a black túnica black (I6, I9). Oil of caroço of palm is its main taboo, as
well as it is for Eșu. in a dispute with its Ọrunmila rival, Ọsànyin was entirely
composed after to have been embedded during 320 days, remaining only the rods,
cramps, pots and cacos of iron that used; Ọrunmila survived, caught the gong of
Ọsányin and gave to the worshippers of this a rattle, seemed with the one of Șàngó
(cf. Bascom 1972: 6), so that they used it in its cult (N2). Șọpọna (Șọpòná) he is the
god of the smallpox. Conquanto its cult has been forbidden for the government
Nigerian in sight them accusations according to which its priests spread the
smallpox to get the property of its victims, the priests supports that its paper is to
cure the disease and, in case that they fail, makes an atonement to prevent a
recurrence of the disease in the family. It is a cripple who uses crutch or cane (opa
ìtilẹ); this is not found indicated in verses but one of legends of Salakọ explains as
it broke its leg as Akere, the frog (Bascom 1969: 404-407), with that Ọsányin is
identified by Salakọ.

The people habitually prevent to mention the Șọpọna name, calling it

“King of the World” (Ọbalúaìyé) or another one of its many names of praise, but in
verses it is cited as Șọpọna and in a verse as “owner of the hot water” (M2). We
learn that its city is Égún (A34), a reference to the Daomé, rebaptized Benin; e we
are informed of that “Șọpọna kills the enemy” (I11). It incidentally appears in some
other verses (A9, A10, A32, B14, G9), but in bigger paper only two verses,
associates the Ika, 13 cawris. Here we are knowing that it sacrificed water hot and
that when it immerges the son of somebody into hot water, the child has fever
(M2). In another verse (M1), they had not given to the Șọpọna its part and thus it
sacrificed leves, flies and fire and the divinadores had made a medicine for it. Then
it shook its rattle and the smallpox appeared in the bodies of the involved people,
who had said that so soon you to come the smallpox, you she will have to give to
some thing the Șọpọna and to ask for for she helps it to it. This verse affirms that
Șọpọna cut to face marks without razor, mentioning itself it the similarity between
cicatrização and the marks left for the smallpox.

Egungun (Egungun, Ègun) it is a deity venerated for “masked ” men

frequently defined as, that they are occulted in customs/fancy. It has four
categories of Egungun, and nor all include masks grooving as part of its suits
(Bascom 1969B: 89, 93-95). Most powerful, protected for many sorceries, long ago
it executed witches and fazedores of maleficent magias. The category most
numerous dance in public in the Egungun festival. One third, that it uses customs
in bag form and that they are crawled behind, impersonaties recently deceased a
masculine relative. The fourth classroom, also very numerous, but only for
diversion, entretém the spectators with fast exchanges of customs and
arremedando diverse people and professions while they use masks wooden cut.

Individuals of the masculine sex only can use the fancies. Women can
cultuar Egungun and observe the masked dancers, but she is forbidden to see the
fancies to them when in use and if she cannot count who to them is using them. “If
a woman knows the secret, is forbidden to count”. A verse (K13) counts as a
woman caught a suit of Alapini, the most raised in the hierarchy of the members of
the cult of the Egungun, for it takes off it of rain and it keeps it in I retire it where the
customs were kept; Alapinni threatened it kills it but Eșu saved it. As much the
room-deposit how much the place where it would have to be executed is called
Igbalẹ (K13, note 3), name of the small sacred forest of Egungun where sacrifices
are offered and witches were executed. It is cited in two verses (K11, K12). When
the disobedience ignored a warning and if it possessed of land of farming in the
sacred arvoredo, appeared Egungun and it sang: “You knew the taboo; because
you made this” Then Disobedience gave up the farming and if it became follower of
Egungun, carrying its vestments (K11). Ọrunmila offered a sacrifice in the small
sacred forest and later it married the woman of Àgon (K12). This can be a
reference the Àgọn, the Egungun executor (cf. Abraham 1958: 150), but in the
transcribed way, the tones are not the same ones.

The worshippers of Egungun in Ifẹ had said that Amaiyegun is the name
of the god who taught the people to make and to use the customs. In the verse of
Salakọ (F1), he is “Resoluto Outsider”, identified as Egungun, that was for `Peri,
cured people and it gave children to them and later it said to them to make one
fabric and a net for it. The fabric of clothes or túnica that serves as suit and the net
through which the dancers can enxergar is mentioned in some verses (J14, K4,
K8, K11, K13), and in is told them that “the Egungun that in the aid is that one for
who acquires clothes” (F16).

Egungun has been called of cult of ancestral, the even so informing ones
divirjam in its interpretations of the masked dancers. Some of them say that they
are ancestral died who return from the sky, but devoted of Egungun in Ifẹ, Ọyọ and
Igana they had supported that this only is applied to the third category with its
customs with aspect of shrouds, conquanto the second classroom will be able to
dance during funerals. In Ọyọ, they had said that this third category only appears in
funerals of worshippers of Egungun and patriarchs of ancestries or lineages, and
while Egungun is called “people of the sky” (ará òrun) this nothing more means that
the worshippers had been dedicated the Egungun before its birth and not that they
are ancestral of return. Three verses (I4, J3, J4) only suggest some relation with
ancestral cult: “They (It) sacrificed for the Egungun of the house; they had
sacrificed to the deities are (of the house)”. But this can simply mean that they
existed devoted of the Egungun in the house.

We are informed of that when Egungun came to the land, it offered a

sacrifice and “Egungun became more powerful than human beings” (J14). Two
species of Egungun oppose to sacrifice it its swords and Egungun Ẹlẹru decollates
Agunfọn (N1). The city of Egungun is Ọjẹ (A34). It also is known by Alukulaka; it
goes for the Egba Yorùbá to divinar, they cultuam it and it generates Abuja Aka
(K4). Egungun, Șàngó and Dada are children of Yemọjá (H2, note 2). Egungun is
mentioned incidentally in other verses (A9, A10, B9, B14, F17, G9, I2) and appears
also with its rival, Prays. It and I pray were working and living together, but
Egungun spent the money all that earned to buy weaveeed (for its customs);
therefore it is that they do not go for place some together, never more, thus giving
explanation for the saying “we do not see Egungun in a festival I pray “(K8). The
head of Ejigbo, that is identified as Egungun (K3, note 5), is died for order of Prays.
Although it is, to the times, denied for informers, the verses leave clearly that as
much Egungun how much I pray is deities: they had come both for the land with
Șọpọna and Ògún and, as they, had become immortal (A32). Both receive
sacrifices (K7, K11) and they themselves offer-in (A32).

I pray (Orò) it is the deity that is cultuada with zunidores or bawl-oxen. As

Egungun, the priests long ago were called to apanhar and to execute witches and
all those that made malignant medicines. Women are excluded from its cult and in
some cities, when the zunidores sounded in these occasions or in the continuation
of the annual festivals of I pray, the women were obliged to remain inside of house,
behind forbidden doors and windows. In a great Isẹyin city, where the cult Oro is
particularly strong, the vision of the markets and the empty streets of women is
inesquecível.

We are knowing that the city of I pray is Olufọn (A34), and that the urban
head of Isẹyin is a descendant of Prays and is buried in Kọitẹ, the sacred arvoredo
of I pray (K7). However, in 1960, they had been revealed to the tombs of the
Asẹyin in Ile Border Itọn, the house of Border, the head of I pray in Isẹyin. We are
also informed that the mother of the first Asẹyin or head of Isẹyin was called Erelu,
and that its father was a chimpanzee or baboon (K7). One gives credit, in general,
that I pray is a man, but Salakọ said to be about a woman, appearing as such in
two of its verses. In one, I pray is an enslaved woman who manifest its disdain to
the husband, “Olufon, Bah” e this expression is identified as the shout of I pray,
meaning the sound of zunidores (C16). In another one, the head of Ejigbo, that is
identified as Egungun, is surrado until the death for order of its intended fiancé,
“Something Scarce”, identifies as I pray (K3). This verse adds that “the market that
it frequented quickly when went for the house of its husband is the market who it is
frequenting today”, a reference to the precipitation with that the women abandon
the market when they listen to the sound of the zunidores.

Numerous other Yorùbá deities appear in verses. Òlòkún, god of the Sea,
depending on the locality, has water pulled for it for Iris (I3) and it becomes king of
all the waters (A47). The partner of Òlòkún, Ọlọsa, goddess of the Lagoon, is not
mentioned, even so Ogunbiyi cites it and Òlòkún as the deities associates with the
figure Ofun (B. aje or Ajeșuma, the goddess of the money, whose symbol is the
shell of great cawri tiger, consults the Head (A34), and if it becomes the wife of
Ọrunmila (A28). Given, that Salakọ identified as being the sister oldest of Șàngó,
only one time is mentioned; Yemọjá of the a light the Given one, Șàngó and
Egungun (H2, note 2). Lapetiji, that is surprised stealing peanuts (F20), was
identified by Salakọ as a deity cultuada in the city of Ijaye.

A consultant is recommended to offer sacrifice for ỌrișáỌjá, god of the

Market (J2), that, for the context, she seems to be Ọrișálá. Again judging for the
context, Father Olopirigidi, who covered the evil with a pot (I7), can be Ọrișálá; but
the sacrifice of black a black hen, one bode and a also black pigeon, suggests that
it can be Ọsányin.

Oșumare, the rainbow, and Iroko, a tree, is not deities in Ọyọ, and yes in
Mẹkọ and other iorubanas cities of the west even so they appear in verses of
Salakọ. Because its mother did not carry through a sacrifice, the Rainbow returns
the same to the sky in day where it came to the land, such which one abiku that it
dies soon later that is born (F22). Sacrifices are prescribed the Iroko (F16, J9) thus
as to the shea tree to butter (K7), Àterminalia (K7) and to the Dracena (D6); e we
are informed of that “if a tree assists me, I can have nuts of kola and sacrifice to
the tree”.
 APPENDIX

The following table lists the names of the figures of the divinação with
sixteen cawris as given by Yorùbá informers in the cults of Orișálá in Ọyọ (Salakọ),
Yemọjá in Ilara, the west of Abeọkuta, next to the border to the Daomé, Șàngó in
Mẹkọ, accurately the east of Ilara, and in Ọyọ, Ọșun, in Ọyọ and Ifè, and Eșu, in
Mẹkọ. One eighth Yorùbá list for the cult of Șọpọna is of Ogunbiyi (1952: 65-66).
The table also includes the names registered in the Daomé for Maupoil (1943: 266-
267), in Brazil for Bastide and Verger (1953: 377, repeated in Bastide 1958: 103),
of three informers in Cuba for me exactly, of six manuscripts not edited for sale in
store of “Santeria” in Cuba and as registered in Cuba for Lachatanere (1942: 85-
88), Fabelo (1956: 30), Hing (1971: 58, 62-94, 96), Rogers (1973: 16, 61-114),
Canet (1973: 33-34), Cabrera (1974: 184-185), Elizondo (s. d.: 9, 16-61), Suarez
(s. d.: 36-37) anonymous e (s. d. 4-5, 28-35).

A trace, of certain curious form, is the use of the names, for “the married”
figures, in the divinação Ifá. It does not constitute surprise that the raised name
more amongst the 256 figures of Ifá, Eji Ogbêou Ogbê Meji, both meaning “two
Ogbê”, either the standard for the figure. However, also we find Eji or variants in
many of the Cuban names for Irosun (F11-27), in a Yorùbá name pair Ogundá
(H7), in a Yorùbá name for Odi (J6) and possibly in a Cuban name for Ọwọnrin
(K16). Eji, “two”, also appear in all the names for Oko (e), but the number of cawris
with the openings directed toward top is mentioned to it here, as occurs in “ten
Ofun” (B6), “three Ogundá” (H10) and “twelve” (L2). Names of figures of Ifá,
derivatives or “mixing”, also appear (C6, D16, F6, G2, H6, I6, K6, O1).

For another side, the names are uniforms for first the twelve figures, but
considerable confusion is noticed from then on. Looking at itself first for the Yorùbá
lists (1-8) of the Nigéria, Otura (C8) or Otuwa, Otua, it was identified for Salakọ as
an alternative name for Ọsá. The biggest number of different names was given by
the worshipper of Ọșún in Ifẹ, that used some names for the figures derived from
Ifá, including Ọsá `wori (C6) of Ọsá-Iworí, Ogundá wom' Ọsá (H6) of Ogundá-Ọsá,
Ọbàrá b' Ogbê (I6) of Ọbàrá-Ogbê, and the Ọwọnrin ș' Ogbê (K6) of Ọwọnrin-
Ogbê. It specifically identified to Ogbê' rosun (F6), derived from Ogbê-Irosun, as an
alternative name for Irosun. The Ọkaran-Sode (D6) appears as being an
alternative for Ọkanran according to it, based in the standard of Ọwọnrin Sode, that
Salakọ identified as an alternative for Ọwọnrin (k).

Eji Onko (E2, E3, E7) is a variant of Eji Oko supplied for informers of or
next pronunciation the Mẹkọ. Ogbêșẹ (G2, G5, G7, G8) was identified as one
alternatives for Ọșẹ for worshippers of Ọșún in Ọyọ, is one derivative of the figure
Ifá Ogbê-Ọșẹ or possibly an abbreviation of Ogbê sẹgun (G6), that it wants to say
“Ogbê conquest”.

Ogbê yọnu (H2), alternative name for the figure Ifá Ogbê-Ogundá, and
Ogbê Egun had been identified by Salakọ as alternative names for Ogundá. Ogudá
(H8) is a variant of Odi; in divinação Ifá, Edi, Odi and Idi are synonymous. Ọwọrin
(K7) is variant pronunciation of Ọwọnrin (K1). Ejila (L2), that it wants to say
“twelve” regarding to the number of cawris opened for top, is an abbreviation of
Ejila Șẹbọra (L1); Ejilẹwa Ișẹ Ẹbura (L6), perhaps its form for extensive, was
interpreted by the informer of Ifẹ as being “Twelve, work or Workmanship of the
Deities”.

The biggest part of the differences presented for the dahomeanos,

Brazilian and Cuban names for first the twelve figures must the errors of
orthography, pronunciation or typographical, not being of bigger significação.
Therefore, “sh” of the English is presented as “ș” Yorùbá, “ch” in Cuba, “x” in Brazil
and “c” for Maupoil pair the Daomé. In Cuba, the “j” Yorùbá (and also English) is
written “ll” or “y”, conquanto sharp “j” for the Cuban informers, “k” is grafado or as
“k” or as “c”; “b” in such a way is written “b” as “v”; e the “s” is written or “s” or “z”. in
the Cuban names, a curious shunting line of the “i” for the “o” exists (F11, F13, -
27) and of “and” for the “o” (A13, A19, E15, F13, F14, F23, F25, F27, L14). In the
same way as she can occur in Yorùbá, the vowels are eliminated frequently.

The dahomeanos names also follow the common standards of the

inversion “l-r” (F9, I9, L9) and the suppression of initial vowels (A9, B9, C9, E9, F9,
H9, J9, L9). Destarte Eji Oko if becomes (e) j (i) - onko (E9), with Oko being sharp
Onko, as in the names of the situated Yorùbá cities in the proximity of the border
(E2, E3, E7). Maupoil also of the Loso (F9) for Irosun and Abla (I9) for Ọbàrá as
the dahomeanos names for divinação Ifá. Wele (K9) only differs slightly from the
dahomeano name for the figure Ifá Ọwọnrin, that Maupoil presents as Wenlẹ, Wele
and Wonlin.

In Brazil, Eji Ogbê () turns Eji Onile. In Cuba, Eji is presented as Eji, Eyi,
Elli, Eye, Elle, Olle or Ojo; Ogbê if becomes Onle, Ombe, Where, Unle. Ofun (b) is
Ofun in Brazil and Cuba, or 0ccasionally Efun in Cuba; Ojun Maju and Ofui are
perhaps typographical errors. Ofun Mafun is used alternatively as Ofun for Rogers
(B23) and Anonymous (B28). Ọsá (c) is express simply as Osa in Brazil and Cuba,
having Ossa, Wing, Osan and Osain as variant Cuban.

Ọkanran (d) is Okaran in Brazil and Okana or Ocana in Cuba. Many

Cuban sources use the alternative name (D6), giving Sode as Sode, Sọde, Sodde,
Sote, Zite, Sorde or Sordo. Ocanrandi (D16) seems to be derived from the figure
Ifá Ọkanran-Odi and Okan Chocho de Cabrera only means “one” (ọkan sọsọ), thus
if relating to only cawri with opening directed toward top. Ocanani (D18) perhaps
wants to mean “Is Ọkanran” (Ọkanran ni). Eji Oko (e) is used correctly except for
Ebioko (E21), that it seems to be an error of impression.

Irosun (f) is transcribed as Orosun in Brazil and frequently, in Cuba,

where also it is grafado Orozun, Oruzun and Oroso. Orosun also was given as
being the name of the figure Ifá Irosun for an informer Yorùbá de Ilara, and is listed
by Beyioku (1940: 34) as being the Yorùbá name for this figure in the divinação
Agbigba. The inversion “l-r” explains the Cuban Olosun as well as its variants,
Olozun and Olosu; the Ifá figure was called Ilosu for an informer Yorùbá de Ọyọ
and Olosun for another one, in Mẹkọ. in Cuba, the name also is presented as
Irosun, Iroso and Irozo; e Eji, Eyi, and Elli, meaning “two”, comumente is
predetermined to the name. Ellonoso (F17) can be a typographical error of
Elloroso. As pointed previously, the differences between Ọșẹ (G1), Cẹ, (G9), Oxe
(G10) and Oche (G11-28) are simply ortográficas, except in the case of the
suppression of the initial vowel in Cẹ (G9).

For Ogundá (h), the EtaOgundá Brazilian wants to say “three Ogundá”,
mentioning the three cawris to it opened for top. In Cuba, the name comumente is
given as Ogundá, conquanto either also grafado Oggunda, Olgunda and Orgunda.
Ọbàrá (i) is more frequently given as Obara in Brazil and Cuba, however Obbara,
Olbara, Orbara, Ovara and Osvara are variant Cuban. Odi (j) is habitually Odi in
Brazil and Cuba, with Oddi, Oldi, Ordi and Ordy as variant Cuban.

Ọwọnrin (k) is the name most difficult in phonetic terms and has
considerable variation in pronunciation substance here, in a similar way that it
exists for the Ifá figure of this name (Bascom 1966:414). Bastide registers Owanrin
for Brazil and the majority of the Cuban sources gives Oguani or Ojuani. Other
Cuban variants are Onjuani, Oguane, Oguoni, Ogbani, Owani, Owhani and
Onhwani. Some Cuban sources follow the worshipper of Ọșún de Ifẹ (K6), adding
Ohober (K28), that it is, presumably, error of impression, Chober, Chobe or Sogue
in place of Ș' Ogbê. Oguorin Neyi (K16) is a deviated name, but it possibly fails
typographical for Oguorin Meyi or “two Ọwọnrin”.

Ejila Șẹbọra (l) is given as Ejila Sebora in Brazil and was sharp Ejila
Șẹbora for a Cuban informer. In Cuba, Ejila frequently becomes Eyila, Ellila or
Ollilla; e Șẹbọra turns Chebora, Che Bora, Chebara or Chevoa. As the worshipper
of Yemọjá de Ilara (L2), Cuban sources simplify repeat frequently the name for
Ejila, “twelve” or its variants.

For conseguinte, in first the twelve figures, the only significant shunting
line is the addition of “two” the Irosun (f), Ogundá (H7), Edi or Odi (J6), and
perhaps also the Ọwọrin (K16). Ojun Majun (B16), Ofui (B19), Ebioko (E21),
Ellonoso (F17), Oguorin Neyi (K16) and Ojuani Ohober (K28) seems to be
typographical errors. Loso (F9), Abla (19) and Welẹ (K9) correspond to the
dahomeanos names in the divinação Ifá.

For the five remaining figures, the names do not disclose enough
correspondence for significant comparisons. The only example that emerges as
standard is that one that simply to assign to figures M the P for the number of
cawris with the openings directed toward top: Mẹtala Thirteen, Merinla Quatorze,
Marunla ( which, in Yorùbá, would have of being Mẹdogun) Fifteen and
Mẹrindinlogun Sixteen. One more time already minimum variations of orthography,
but Metanla (023) for fifteen cawris is, obviously, an error. Salakọ identified to Agba
Mẹtala (M3) Thirteen Anciãos as an alternative of nomenclature for Ika, and Agba
Mẹrinla (N3), Catorze Anciãos as an alternative name for Oturupọn. For Ofun
Kanran (01), it gave Ọkanran Funfun, “White Ọkanran”, and Iru Ẹkun, “Tail of the
Leopard” as alternative names; e for Opira (Q1), Ẹsẹ Kan Ọla, “Foot Burrow
Wealth”, and Ọyẹku, name of one appears Ifá that Ogunbiyi of the one for
Oturupọn (N8). It equally identified Iworí, that the worshipper of Eșu, in Mẹkọ, said
to be the name for Ika (M7), as an alternative assignment for Ejila Șẹbọra (l).

The names for last the five figures are also remarkably incomplete. Many
sources finish with Ejila Șẹbọra, twelve cawris. The worshipper of Yemọjá, in Ilara,
continued for “Catorze” (N2), but affirmed that when 15, 16 or 0 cawris appear, it
cannot read them and then she plays of new the cawris. The worshipper of Șàngó,
in Mẹkọ, the same stopped in point, alleging that the three other figures were bad
and that, conquanto knew them the names, would not say them. The worshipper of
Șàngó, in Ọyọ, stopped in the 12 because, he said it, 13 is for Șọpọna, the God of
the Smallpox. The worshippers of Ọșun, in Ọyọ, had given a name for 14 relative
cawris but they had said that they were unaware of a 13, 15, 16 or 0. the
worshipper of Ọșun, in Ifé, affirmed that she would not say the names of the four
last figures and the worshipper of Eșu, in Mẹkọ, stanched in 14, saying that last the
three were bad. Of the 28 sources listed here, only Salakọ supplied to the names
of all the 17.

The deities and other entities supply-human beings associates to the

figures of the divinação of sixteen cawris had been cited by three informers Yorùbá,
Salakọ for the cult of Ọrișálá, and other informers of Ọyọ for the cults of Șàngó and
Ọșun. They are supplied by Ogunbiyi (1952: 67-79) for the cult of Șọpona in the
Nigéria, for Maupoil (1943: 266-267) for the Daomé, for Bastide (1958: 103) for
Brazil and for Cabrera (1974: 184-185) for Cuba. The other Cuban sources or do
not supply any associations or cite as many deities for each one of the figures that
comparisons do not make sensible. Because these associations presumably if
base on the frequency with that the deities are mentioned in verses for one given
figure and because different verses had been, without a doubt, learned in different
cults, it is of if waiting that the associations will go to vary of a cult for another one;
but they offer some surprises, particularly for figures D, and and J.

Picture 3 indicates first the deities more frequently mentioned in verses of

Salakọ and the verse number for each figure where they appear, it wants as that
one to who the sacrifice must be offered, as a main personage in the narrative,
wants in the names of the divinadores, given between quotations marks in the
translation, habitually next to the start or the end to the verse.

It omits references to the divinação Ifá and the Ọrișálá in its paper in the
divinação, for example, “Ọrișálá says” and “the divinadores praised Orișa”. Olorun
is omitted by not being mentioned in any of the seven lists: it appears more
frequently (3 verses) in figure B. in order to simplify the picture, Eșu also is not
enclosed but its counting is 11 verses in, 7 in C, 2 in D, and E, 4 in F, 3 in G, 3 in H,
3 in I, 5 in J, 4 in K and 1 in N. Eșu appears in a total of 45 verses, almost as
Ọrișálá, with 46; Orunmila, with 36, is third. Following the tabulação for verses, it
comes the names supplied for the sources mentioned in the paragraph there
above. Although presented in the picture as Ọrișálá, informers had effectively
mentioned Ọbanla for B2, Ọrișáfunfun (White Deities) for B3, and Ọbalufọn for F2.
Two other “white deities”, Ọrișá Rowu and Ọrișá Oluọfin are not equalized the
Ọrișálá for the fact of Salakọ to have considered them distinct.

Some of these associations can be established in the names of the

figures. Therefore Ofun (b) suggests (is white”, the color of Ọrișálá. Ọas (c) rhymes
with Ọyá, and Ọkanran (d) rhymes with Ọranyan de Salakọ (Ọranmyian). Eji Oko
(e), with two cawris of opening for top, suggests twin. Ogundá (h) suggests Ogun
and Ika (m) suggests “cruelty” (ika) e, in consequence, perhaps, Șọpọna. However,
the appearance in verses of the deities assigned for verses would have to be more
significant.

For the figure, with its forty and nine verses, Head (Ori) she is on for
Șàngó and Ọșum (3 verses each) and exceeded by Ogun (5 verses) and Eșu (11
verses), as well as for Ọrișálá and Ọrunmila; Ọrișá Rowu appears in only one verse
and Hill (Oke) is not mentioned. Ọrunmila (9 verses) perhaps deserves as place for
the figure, as given for the worshippers of Ọșún and Cabrera.

For the figure B, Ogun (3 verses) it is classified soon behind Ọrișálá

(verses) but was not cited as associated it; Ọșún appears in only verse and Oduá,
Òlòkún, Ọlọsa, Ogodo, and Ọyá is not mentioned in verses. For figure C, Ọyá is
more frequently cited by the sources but it places itself below of Ọșún (3 verses),
as well as of Ọrișálá and Orunmila (4 verses each). Witches, Ọsányin, Ajaguna and
Aganju are not cited

For figure D, Eșu appears in two verses, not very behind Ọrișálá (4
verses); but it is mentioned more frequently in verses for eight other figures (, C, F,
G, H, I, J, K); Egúngún does not appear in verses for this figure and Ọranyan is not
cited in no verse of Salakọ. For figure and, twin are mentioned in three of the four
Yorùbá lists, but it they are not in verses, neither it is Ògún; but Șàngó (1 verse)
and Eșu (2 verses) appear. For figure F, Șàngó appears in a verse, in a similar way
of Ọrunmila, Ọșọsi, Lapetiji and Abiju, but all are classified below of Ọșún (2
verses) and Ọrișálá and Egúngún (3 verses each); Ọyá, Òlòkún and Yewá are not
cited.

Complete agreement with the Yorùbá sources exists and Cuban for figure
G, conquanto Orunmila (4 verses) and Ọrișálá (5 verses) are not very below of
Ọșún (6 verses); Yemọjá appears in only one verse. For figure H, Ògún, folloied of
Șàngó and Ọyá (1 verse each), it is classified below of Yemọjá (3 verses). For
 figure I, Elegba (Eșu), Ògún and Șàngó (3 verses each) are placed well below of
Ọrunmila (7 verses); Abiku alone appears in a verse e Yalode, Ọyá e Ọșún they
are not cited. For figure J, Abiku (1 verse), Ọrunmila (4 verses) and Eșu (5 verses)
does not reach Ọrișálá (8 verses); Yemọjá it is not mentioned. It has complete
unamimity enters the Yorùbá sources how much to figure K and the Cuban source
also Egun mentions or Egúngún (5 verses); Elegua (i. e. Eșu) Șọpọna is cited (4
verses) but nor nor Ọșọsi(Oșosi) they appear.

Complete agreement exists enters all the sources for next the two figures,
except Maupoil that does not mention figure some for figure L; the deities classified
in as place are Ọrișálá (2 verses) for figure L, e Ọsun (1 verse) for figure M. for
figure N, only Egúngún, Ọrunmila e Ọsányin (1 verse each) they appear; nor
ỌrișáOko nor Oșumare they are cited e Okirikiși (Okirikiși, Okikiși), that Salakọ it
described as a white deity that its mother in the proper day greeted where it was
born, does not appear in any verse of Salakọ. It does not have any mention of
Ògún, witches or Ọrișálá in the only verse for the figure, that it prescribes a
sacrifice for the proper deity of the consultant. Oluọfin it is not cited for figure P. It
has agreement how much to figure Q, even so only Salakọ, a time that the cult
Ogboni it carries through its sacrifices to the Land.

The proper associations of Salakọ are confirmed by its verses for figures
B, F, G, H, I, K, L, M and Q. It needs one more time to be salient that the
associations are susceptible of variations of cult for cult this because different
verses are learned and are of if waiting that the deity of each cult will appear
predominantly in its verses, such which Ọrișálá in verses of Salakọ e Ọrunmilá in
the divinação Ifá. Not obstante, abstaining the daomeanas and Brazilian sources, it
has generality agreement that Ọșún it controls Ọșe (g) with five cawris and that
Egúngún it controls Ọwọnrin (k) with eleven cawris opened for top. Entire
agreement exists enters all the sources how much the two figures: Șàngó it
controls Ejila Șẹbọra (l) with 12 cawris and under its varied names, Șọpọna controls
Ika (m) with 13 cawris of openings directed toward top.

PICTURE II
NAME OF THE DEZESSETE FIGURES (ODU)
FONTES [[A]] B C
8 cawris 10 cawris 9 cawris

1. Ọrișálá, Ọyo Eji Ogbê (20 gbe) Ofun Ọsá

2. Yemọjá, Ilara Eji Ogbê Ofun in Ọsá
3. Șàngó, Mẹkọ Eji Ogbê Ofun Osa
4. Șàngó, Ọyọ Eji Ogbê Ofun Ọsá
5. Ọșun, Ọyọ Eji Ogbê Ofun Ọsá
6. Ọșun, Ifẹ Ogbê Meji Ofun Mewa (10.) Ọsá' won
7. Eșu, Mẹkọ Eji Ogbê Ofun Ọsá
8. Șọpọna, Ogunbiyi EjiOgbê Ofun Otura
9. Daomé: Maupoil JyOgbê Fu Sa
10. Brazil: Bastide Ejionile Ofu Ọsá
11. Cuba: Informer Eji Onle Ofun Ọsá
12. Cuba: Informing Eji Onle Efun Ọsá
B
13. Cuba: Informer C Ojo Onle Ofun Ọsá
14. Cuba: Manuscript Ellionle, Lleunbe Ofunmofun, Efun Ọsá, However
15. Cuba: Manuscript Elliombe, Ofun Wing, Ọsá
B Enllionle
16. Cuba: Manuscript Ellionle Ofun Majun, Ofun Ọsá
C
17. Cuba: Manuscript Ellionle Ofun Ọsá
D
18. Cuba: Manuscript Ellionle, Ollionde Ofun Ọsá, However
E
19. Cuba: Manuscript Olleonle Ofui Osain
F
20.Cuba: Lachtañere Eyi Where Ofun Ọsá
21. Cuba: Fabelo Eyeunle Ofunfun Ọsá
22. Cuba: Hing Elleunle, Eyeunle Ofun Mafun Ọsá
23. Cuba: Rogers Elleunde, Ofun Mafun, Ofun Ọsá
Elleunle
24. Cuba: Canet Ellionle Ofun Ọsá
25. Cuba: Cabrera Eyionle, Eyeunle Ofun Ọsá
26. Cuba: Elizondo Eyionle, Ellionle Ofun Ossa, Ọsá
27. Cuba: Suarez Elleunle Ofun Mafun Ọsá
28. Cuba: Eyionle, Elleunle Ofun, Ofun Mafun Ọsá
Anonymous
 D E F
(1 cawri) (2 cawris) (4 cawris)

1. Ọkanran Eji Oko (2 Oko) Irosun

2. Ọkanran Eji Onko Irosun
3. Ọkanran Eji Onko Irosun
4. Ọkanran Eji Oko Irosun
5. Ọkanran Eji Oko Irosun
6. Ọkanran Sode Eji Oko Ogbê' rosun, Irosun
7. Ọkọnrọn Eji Onko Irosun
8. Ọkanran Eji Oko Irosun
9. ------ Jonko Loso
10. Ọkanran Ejioko Orosun
11. Okana Sode Eji Oko Eji Orosun (2 Orosun)
12. Okana Sordo Eji Oko Eji' rosun
13. Okana Sọde Eji Oko Ojo Orosun
14. Ocana Sorde Ellioco Elliolosun, Olloroso
15. Ocana Sorde Ellioco, Ollioco Elliorosun
16. Ocarandi Ellioco Elliolosun
17. Ocanasote Ellioco Ellonoso
18. Ocanazode, Ocanani Ellioco Elliolosun, Elliolozun
19. Ocanasode Ellioco Elliolosun
20. Okanasorde Eyi Oko Eji Olosun
21. Ocana-Sodde Ebioko Eyorosun
22. Ocana-Sorde, Ocana Ellioco, Eyioco Ellioroso, Elliroso
23. Okanasodde, Ocana Ellioco Iroso, Olloruzun, Irozo
Sorde, Okana
24. Okana Ellioco Elliorosun
25. Okana Sode, Okan Eyioko Eyiolosun, Oyoroso,
Chocho Irosun
26. Okana, Okanasorde Eyioko Irosun, Elliolosu, Iroso
27. Ocana Sorde, Ocana Ellioco Ollorozun
28. Ocana, Ocanasorde Eyioko, Ellioco Irozo
G H I J
(5 cawris) (3 cawris) (6 cawris) (7 cawris)

1. Ọșẹ Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi

2. Ogbêșe Ogbê yonu Ọbàrá Odi
3. Ọșẹ Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
4. Ọșẹ Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
5. Ọșẹ, Ogbêșe Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
6. Ogbê Șẹgun Ogundá won' Ọsá Ọbàrá d' Ogbê Eji Meji
7. Ogbêșe Eji Ogundá, Ogbê Ọbàrá Odi
yọnu
8. Ogbêșe Ogundá, Ogundá Ọbàrá, Ọbàrá Odi
9. Cẹ Guda Di
10. Oxe EtaOgundá (3 Ọbàrá Odi
Ogundá)
11. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
12. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
13. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
14. Oche Ogundá, Olgunda Ọbàrá, Olbara Odi, Oldi
15. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá, Ovara Odi
16. Oche Orgunda, Ogundá Osvara, Ọbàrá Ordi, Odi
17. Oche Orgunda Ovara Ordi
18. Oche Orgunda Ọbàrá, Orbara Ordi
19. ----- Orgunda Ọbàrá Odi
20. Oche Orgunda Ọbàrá Odi
21. Oche Ogundá Ọbbara Odi
22. Oche Oggunda Ọbàrá Odi
23. Oche Orgunga, Ogundá Ọbbara, Ọbàrá Oddi, Odi
24. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
25. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
26. Oche Oggunda, Ọbbara, Ọbàrá Oddi, Odi, Ordy
 Orgunda, Ogundá
27. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
28. Oche Ogundá Ọbàrá Odi
K L M
(11 cawris) (12 cawris) (13 cawris)

1. Ọwọnrin Ejila Șẹbora Ika

2. Ọwọnrin Ejila (12) Metala (13)
3. Ọwọnrin Ejila Șẹbora Agba Mẹtala
4. Ọwọnrin Ejila Șẹbora -------
5. Ọwọnrin Ejila Șẹbora -------
6. Ọwọnrin s' Ogbê Ejilẹwa Ișẹ Ẹbura Mẹtala
7. Ọwọnrin Ejila Șẹbora Iworí
8. Ọwọnrin Ejila Șẹbora Odu Pariwo
9. Welẹ Jila-Onion Loso-lolo
10. Owanrin Ejila Șẹbora Eji ologbon
11. Ogbani Ejila Chebora ------
12. Onhwani Ejila Metanla
13. Owhani Ejila Șẹbora Dribble gudu ede
14. Oguani Sogue, Ellila Chevora, Olli there -------
Oguani Sebora
15. Oguoni, Oguani Ellila Chebara, Ellila -------
chobe Chebora
16. Oguorin Neyi, Ellila Chebora, Elliba -------
Oguani
17. Ojuani Ellilachebora -------
18. Ojuani, Oguani Ellila Chevora, Ellila -------
Chebora
19. Oguani ------- ------
20. Oguani Eyila Che Bora Metanla
21. Oguani Eyila -----
22. Ojuani-Chober, Eyila-Chebora, Eyila Metanla, Metala
Ojuani
23. Ojuani to chober, Ellilla Chevora Metanla
Ojuani
24. Ojuani Ellila Chebora Metanla
25. Ojuani Chobe Eyila Chebora Metanla
26. Owani, Oguane Eyila, Ellilachebora Metanla
27. Ojuani to chober Chevora Ellila Metalas, Metanla
28. Onjuani, Ojuani Eyila Chebora, Ellila Metala
Chober Chebora
N [[O]] P Q
(14 cawris) (15 cawris) (16 cawris) (0 curry)

1. Oturupọn Ofun Kanran Irètê Opira

2. Mẹrinla (14) ----- ----- -----
3. Agba Mẹrinla ----- ----- -----
4. ----- ----- ----- -----
5. Idegbe ----- ----- -----
6. ----- ----- ----- -----
7. Ọkan Sode ----- ----- -----
8. Oyẹku Igara Adakete, Adakete -----
9. Osanlu- Olo-oba Egbo ----- -----
Ogbênjo
10. Ika ----- ----- -----
11. ----- ----- ----- -----
12. ----- ----- ----- -----
13. ----- ----- ----- -----
14. ----- ----- ----- -----
15. ----- ----- ----- -----
16. ----- ----- ----- -----
17. ----- ----- ----- -----
18. ----- ----- ----- -----
19. ----- ----- ----- -----
20. ----- ----- ----- -----
21. ----- ----- ----- -----
22. Mẹrinla Manula, Marunla Medilogun, -----
Meridiloggun
23. Mẹrinla Metanla Meidilogun -----
24. Mẹrinla Manula Medilogun -----
25. ----- ----- ----- -----
26. Mẹrinla Marunla Mediloggun -----
27. Mẹrinla Manula, Manola Meridilogun -----
28. Mẹrinla Manunla Meridilogun -----
 PICTURE III
DEITIES ASSOCIATES WITH THE FIGURES

FONTES (8) the 49 Verses B (10) 14 Verses

1. Verses Ọrișálá 14, Ọrunmila 9 Ọrișálá 4, Ogun3

2. Ọrișálá: Ọyọ Ọrișá Rowu Ọrișálá, Oduá
3. Șàngó: Ọyọ Ọrunmila Ọrișálá
4. Ọșun: Ọyọ Ọrișálá, Ọrunmila Ọrișálá
5. Șọpọna: Ogunbiyi Ori (Head) Òlòkún, Ọlọsa
6. Daomé: Maupoil Oke (Hill) Ọbá Egbo (Ọrișálá)
7. Brazil: Bastide Oke (Hill) Ogodo
8. Cuba: Cabrera Obatala (Ọrișálá), Obatala, Oya, Ochun
Orunla (Ọșun)
C (9) 19 Verses D (1) 7 Verses E (2) 7 Verses

1. Ọrișálá 4, Ọrunmila Ọrișálá 4 Șàngó 1

4
2. Ọyá Ọranyan Ibeji (Twin)
3. Ọyá, Witches Egúngún Ibeji (Twin)
4. Ọyá Eșu Ibeji (Twin)
5. Ọsányin ----- Ogu (Ogun)
6. Ajaguna ----- Ogun
7. Aganju Exu (Eșu) Ogun
8. Ọyá Ellegua (Eșu) Many (but not twin)
F (4) 22 Verses G (5) Verses H (3) Verses

1. Ọrișálá3, Egúngún 3 Ọșun Yemọjá 3

2. Ọrișálá Ọșun Yemọjá
3. Șàngó Ọșun Ogun
4. Șàngó Ọșun Ogun
5. Ọyá Ọșun Yemọjá
6. Cago (Șàngó) Yẹmaja Ogu (Ogun)
7. Xango (Șàngó) Yemanja-Oxun Ogun
8. Òlòkún, Yewá Ochun (Ọșun) Ogun
I (6) Verses J (7) 18 Verses K (11) 13 Verses

1. Ọrunmila 7 Ọrișálá8 Egungun 5

2. Ọrunmila Abiku Egungun
3. Ọrunmila Abiku Egungun
4. Abiku Ọrunmila Egungun
5. Ogun Abiku Egungun
6. Yalode Lẹgba (Eșu) Sakpata (Șọpọna)
7. Yansan (Ọyá) Exu (Eșu) Omolu (Șọpọna)
8. Chango, Ochun, Yemaja Elegua, Egun
Elegua (Egungun), Ochosi
L (12) 8 Verses M (13) 2 Verses N (14) 2 Verses

1. Șàngó 6 Șọpọna 2 Egungun 1, Ọrunmila 1,

Ọsányin 1
2. Șàngó Șọpọna Okirikiși
3. Șàngó Șọpọna -----
4. Șàngó Șọpọna ỌrișáOko
5. Șàngó Șọpọna -----
6. Cãngo (Șàngó) Sakpata (Șọpọna) Ọșumare (Rainbow)
7. ----- Omolu (Șọpọna) Oxunmare (Rainbow)
8. Chango (Șàngó) Babalu Aye (Șọpọna) -----
(15) the 1 Verse P (16) 1 Verse Q (0) 1 Verse

1. Not identified Ọrișálá1 Land 1

Ogun Oluọfin Ogboni
3. ----- ----- -----
4. Witches None -----
5. ----- ----- -----
6. Obatala (Ọrișálá) ----- -----
7. Obatala (Ọrișálá) ----- -----
8. ----- ----- -----