Violence and Agression

Social Science Information
http://ssi.sagepub.com
Expanding Evolutionary Psychology: toward a Better

Understanding of Violence and Aggression
Iver Mysterud and Dag Viljen Poleszynski
Social Science Information 2003; 42; 5
DOI: 10.1177/0539018403042001791
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Biology and social life
Biologie et vie sociale
Iver Mysterud and Dag Viljen Poleszynski
Expanding evolutionary psychology: toward a

better understanding of violence and aggression
Abstract. The ``mainstream'' evolutionary psychology model is currently under

criticism from scientists of other persuasions wanting to expand the model or to make
it more realistic in various ways. We argue that focusing on the environment as if
it consisted only of social (or sociocultural) factors gives too limited a perspective
if evolutionary approaches are to understand the behavior of modern humans.
Taking the case of violence, we argue that numerous novel environmental factors of
nutritional and physical-chemical origin should be considered as relevant proximate
factors. The common thesis presented here is that several aspects of the biotic or abiotic
environment are able to change brain chemistry, thus predisposing individuals to
A portion of this article was presented at the 14th Annual Meeting of the Human Behavior and
Evolution Society in New Brunswick, NJ, USA, 21 June 2002. Iver Mysterud is grateful for the
®nancial support from the Department of Biology, University of Oslo, Norway, to take part at
this conference.
We dedicate this article to two of the pioneers who have taken the link between nutrition,
heavy metals and violence seriously. In the US, psychologist and researcher Alexander G.
Schauss (born 1948), founder of The American Institute for Biosocial Research in Tacoma,
Washington, has greatly in¯uenced this ®eld of research. Through numerous articles, books
and lectures he has made the research community as well as the public aware of how nutrition
and heavy metals may in¯uence violence and criminal behavior. In Norway, biologist Ivar
Mysterud (born 1938) took this message seriously as early as the 1970s. He initiated and
headed the ecology and environment part of the broad, introductory course in General Biology
(BIO 101) at the Department of Biology, University of Oslo, where he lectured on heavy
metals, crime and violence from 1973 until 1999. Ivar Mysterud attempted (in vain) to get
media attention for these topics. When the connections between lead exposure, behavior and
crime became known after Bryce-Smith and Waldron's article in 1974, this and some other
articles on heavy metals and human/animal behavior were sent to Dagbladet (one of the largest
newspapers in Norway) and subsequently to the Minister of the Environment/Prime Minister
Gro Harlem Brundtland, but to no avail.
Social Science Information & 2003 SAGE Publications (London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New
Delhi), 42(1), pp. 5±50.
0539-0184[200303]42:1;5±50;031791

6 Social Science Information Vol 42 ± no 1
violence and aggression in given contexts. In the past, aggressive behavior has had a
number of useful functions that were of particular importance to our ancestors'
survival and reproduction. However, some of the conditions in our novel environment,
which either lowered the threshold for aggression or released such behavior in contexts
which were adaptive in our evolutionary past, no longer apply. It is high time
evolutionary approaches to violence are expanded to include the possibilities that
violence may be triggered by nutritionally depleted foods, reactive hypoglycemia caused
by habitual intake of foods with a high glycemic index (GI), food allergies/
intolerances and exposure to new environmental toxins (heavy metals, synthetic poisons).
Key words. Aggression ± Novel environmental factors ± Nutrition ± Pollution ±

Violence
We are all interested in violence, whether for personal or pro-

fessional reasons. There are as many approaches to understanding
violence as there are theoretical approaches to behavior. What is
needed is synthesis. How can we get increased insight into an impor-
tant social problem such as violence? This topic is too important for
disagreement among researchers to prevent synthesis and real pro-
gress in understanding. The intention here is to promote interdisci-
plinary understanding, so that various approaches and disciplines
become consistent with each other, achieving what is called ``vertical
integration'', ``conceptual integration'' and ``consilience'' (Barkow,
1989; Cosmides et al., 1992; E. O. Wilson, 1998). In contrast to
natural sciences, which are consistent with each other, social sciences
are not consistent either with each other or with the natural sciences,
in particular not with evolutionary biology. Evolutionary science
may in theory be seen as the unifying discipline among various
approaches to behavior, including violence. In other words, evolu-
tionary science may be seen as an all-encompassing paradigm that
in principle may be used as a tool for improving behavioral models.
Behavioral theories based on evolutionary thinking are becoming
ever more powerful. They consist of several approaches (Smith,
2000; Laland and Brown, 2002), of which evolutionary psychology
currently attracts the most attention, especially from social scien-
tists, the media and the general public. Even though the roots of
evolutionary psychology can be traced back to Charles Darwin
(e.g. Darwin, 1859, 1872, 1877), the modern version rose in promi-
nence only after an important amount of work was done during the
1980s and 1990s (e.g. Cosmides and Tooby, 1987; Daly and Wilson,

Mysterud and Poleszynski Biology and social life 7
1988b; Cosmides, 1989; Cosmides and Tooby, 1989; Tooby and

Cosmides, 1989a, 1989b, 1990a, 1990b, 1992). One important impetus
for this leap forward was the philosopher Philip Kitcher's criticism
during the sociobiology debate (Kitcher, 1985). Even though he
omitted three-quarters of the available empirical data (Irons,
1991), his work was important in shedding a more intense light on
the ``proximate black box'' located between genes and behavior.
By merging the insights of the cognitive revolution in psychology
with evolutionary principles, better models of how the mind seems
to work were developed. The literature on psychological approaches
to human behavior has grown tremendously, as summarized in a
number of books (e.g. Crawford et al., 1987; Daly and Wilson,
1988b; Barkow et al., 1992; Buss, 1994, 1999; Hirschfeld and
Gelman, 1994; Pinker, 1994, 1997, 2002; Crawford and Krebs,
1998; Bjorklund and Pellegrini, 2001; Gaulin and McBurney, 2001;
Palmer and Palmer, 2002) and review/overview papers (e.g. Buss,
1995; Jones, 1999; Ketelaar and Ellis, 2000). Evolutionary
approaches by scholars with other backgrounds have expanded the
knowledge base still further (e.g. Alexander, 1979, 1987; Chagnon
and Irons, 1979; Boyd and Richerson, 1985; Dissanayake, 1988,
1992; Barkow, 1989; Beckstrom, 1989, 1993; Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989;
Fox, 1989; Masters, 1989, 1993; Brown, 1991; Durham, 1991; Max-
well, 1991; Archer, 1992; Masters and Gruter, 1992; Smith and Winter-
halder, 1992; Hill and Hurtado, 1996; Betzig, 1997; Chagnon, 1997;
Weingart et al., 1997; Arnhart, 1998; McGuire and Troisi, 1998;
Sober and Wilson, 1998; E. O. Wilson, 1998; Boehm, 1999; Chisholm,
1999; Hrdy, 1999; Lopreato and Crippen, 1999; Cronk et al., 2000;
Low, 2000; Nesse, 2001). Even so, we are still only at the beginning
of a new era in the study of human behavior in an evolutionary
context.
Evolutionary psychology is important for the social sciences in
general and for psychology in particular. We are in the process of
®nding better explanations for (known) existing phenomena and
mapping theoretically predicted new phenomena. The understand-
ing of human nature and how it was designed is truly progressing
and improving. However, increasing numbers of scientists are grow-
ing dissatis®ed with the main evolutionary psychological model,
and evolutionary psychology has been criticized by a number of
researchers from both within and outside the evolutionary paradigm
(e.g. Lewontin, 1990; Wilson, 1994, 1999; Horgan, 1995; Davies,
1996; Mithen, 1996; Richardson, 1996, 2000; Schlinger, 1996a,

1996b; Fausto-Sterling, 1997; Fausto-Sterling et al., 1997; Gould,

1997a, 1997b; Grif®ths, 1997; Fodor, 1998, 2000; de Jong and van
der Steen, 1998; Irons, 1998; La Cerra and Bingham, 1998; Potts,
1998; Samuels, 1998; Shapiro and Epstein, 1998; Thiessen, 1998;
Buller, 1999; Eagly and Wood, 1999; Grantham and Nichols,
1999; Lloyd, 1999; Shapiro, 1999; Sterelny and Grif®ths, 1999:
ch. 13; Badcock, 2000; Buller and Hardcastle, 2000; Caporael and
Brewer, 2000; Cervone, 2000; Ehrlich, 2000; Heyes, 2000; Miller,
2000; Panksepp and Panksepp, 2000; Rose and Rose, 2000;
Caporael, 2001; DupreÂ, 2001; Holcomb, 2001; Mameli, 2001). This
is not the place to discuss all of the arguments raised against evolu-
tionary psychology, but we will mention one: there is still no good
integration of evolutionary psychology with behavior genetics
(Wilson, 1994; Masters, 1995; Scarr, 1995), although work has
been initiated (Buss, 1984, 1990, 1991; Gangestad and Simpson,
1990; Belsky et al., 1991; MacDonald, 1991, 1998; Mealey and
Segal, 1993; Segal, 1993; Bailey, 1997, 1998; Gangestad, 1997; Segal
and MacDonald, 1998; Buss and Greiling, 1999; Mealey, 2001;
Olafsen et al., 2001). At issue is the role of human variation: to
what extent is it adaptive, genetic or facultative? This is a crucial
question. With its basic model of a universal human nature, evolu-
tionary psychology has focused mainly on invariant patterns
between individuals, societies and cultures. Differences in behavior
are explained by individuals who are identical in basic design
(except for sex/gender differences) but encounter different psycho-
sociocultural environments. This untested assumption is criticized
by those who emphasize the need to integrate evolutionary psychol-
ogy and behavioral genetics.
Such debates are of bene®t to a young science, as they may push it
towards improved models of human nature. They are, of course,
also relevant to the theoretical approach one may use in order to
understand a complex phenomenon like violence. Below we will
focus on environmental factors which evolutionary psychology
(and behavioral genetics) need to take into consideration to achieve
a better model of human nature and human behavior in novel
environments. We will attempt to delineate a model for the roots
of violence and aggressive behavior. These topics are of central inter-
est to evolutionary psychologists, who have made important contri-
butions during the last two decades (e.g. Daly and Wilson, 1988b;
Buss and Shackelford, 1997). We will start by tracing some of the
history of evolutionary approaches.

An evolutionary view of violence
From an evolutionary perspective, violence and aggression can be

appropriate in a number of situations. A large literature discusses
the usefulness of such behavior for animals (Archer, 1988), including
our own species, Homo sapiens sapiens (Buss and Shackelford,
1997). Use of violence and aggression to achieve bene®ts can be
traced to life forms far older than our own species (Wrangham
and Peterson, 1996). Such behavior is also well documented in our
own past and seems to have followed humans through time
(Keeley, 1996; Walker, 2001). Violence and aggressive behavior
are also widespread in the rest of the animal kingdom (Archer,
1988). For a long time evolution-minded researchers have discussed
possible implications of human and animal predisposition to
violence and aggressive behavior.
This focus has sometimes led us astray. For example, in the 1960s
evolutionary research focused on aggression as an `àggressive
instinct'' both in humans and in other animals (Lorenz, 1966). The
instinct was thought of as a ``drive'' that sought outlet in some
way. If it were redirected, the outcome could be harmless, but if it
were suppressed, it would sooner or later break through with explo-
sive force. Consequently, aggression would occur spontaneously
unless the instinct was redirected into a less ``bloodthirsty'' substi-
tute (e.g. sports for humans).
The idea that aggression arises spontaneously and seeks a release
was later strongly opposed (Berkowitz, 1962; Hinde, 1967). There
are many events that occur during an individual's development
which in¯uence his/her behavior. Evolutionary researchers like
Konrad Lorenz (Lorenz, 1966) did not present suf®cient evidence
for the view that aggression would continue to grow and break
out in the absence of the external factors that normally release it.
While Lorenz's models predicted that an instinctive pressure will
build up and possibly break out with explosive force if it is not let out
in other ways, other evolutionary researchers argued to the contrary
that aggression can be self-reinforcing for both spectators and the
perpetrator (Tinbergen, 1968; Nisbett, 1976). It was further pointed
out that getting aggression `òut of the system'' makes subsequent
violence more likely and not less, as the theory suggests (Bateson,
1990). The hypothesis that humans and other animals have an
`àggressive instinct'' has therefore been consigned to the history
of ideas. Still, this research emphasized the important point that

violence and aggressive behavior can be appropriate for survival and

reproduction.
In the 1960s, evolutionary researchers argued that the function of
aggression was to distribute individuals (or pairs or groups) over
their available home range so as to secure the most bene®cial utiliza-
tion of a region and its nutrients (Lorenz, 1966). The postulated
aggressive instinct that built up and broke out with explosive force
as aggressive behavior was aimed at other individuals. The effect
of this on survival and reproduction was a better utilization of an
area's resources to the bene®t of individuals and species alike.
Such a functional view of aggression, in which the whole group or
population bene®ts from it, was discredited in the 1960s (Williams,
1966). Today there is a consensus that neither humans nor other
animals are equipped with this `àggressive instinct'', and that it is
the survival and reproduction of individuals ± not whole groups ±
that is at the center of the evolutionary process (with certain
human behaviors as possible exceptions: see Boyd and Richerson,
1985; Sober and Wilson, 1998; Boehm, 1999). Today the discussion
is focused not on any one single function of violence and aggressive
behavior, but on many different functions. The important point is
that such behavior is thought of as being context-dependent (Buss
and Shackelford, 1997).
Use of violence and aggression can be appropriate for survival
and reproduction in a number of situations. For instance, a
mother of any species would bene®t from aggression in defending
her own young if other individuals threaten them. Infanticide is a
widespread phenomenon in a number of species (Hausfater and
Hrdy, 1984; Parmigiani and vom Saal, 1994). A mother who did
not have the inclination to defend her young would, through the
evolutionary process, have less probability of passing on her
``family genes''. Aggressive behavior could also be appropriate in
defending oneself against hostile animals of other species (carni-
vores), against other humans bent on raping, mutilating or killing,
or against other humans who threaten one's status in a social hier-
archy (e.g. in order not to ``lose face''). In other words, aggression
is an important defense reaction that can be activated in a number
of different situations. But it could also be appropriate to use aggres-
sion in a number of other contexts. Aggression could enable one to
gain control over resources, in¯ict costs on sexual rivals, increase
status in a social hierarchy, deter rivals from future aggression or

prevent one's partner from engaging in sexual in®delity (Buss and

Shackelford, 1997).
Accordingly, from an evolutionary perspective one can imagine
a number of contexts in which use of violence and aggression in
the past would have been useful for survival and reproduction. Indi-
viduals who, through the evolutionary process, were not equipped
with purposeful ways to react in speci®c situations would over
time gradually have failed to leave descendants. Contemporary
humans are descendants who were equipped with such abilities.
Certain parts of the brain are specialized in the regulation of aggres-
sive behavior. The brain activates various parts of the physiology to
prepare us to cope with aggressive encounters, which involves the
activation and triggering of a number of hormones, neurotrans-
mitters, emotions (feelings) and released energy to meet the challenge.
Research in evolutionary psychology has documented humans'
tendency to react with violence and aggressive behavior in the
kind of situations we have just mentioned (e.g. Daly and Wilson,
1988b; Buss and Shackelford, 1997). Jealousy is a relevant example,
since this central emotion has been observed in all surveyed cultures
(Daly et al., 1982) and is the main cause of the abuse and killing of
partners throughout the world (Daly and Wilson, 1988b). Another
example concerns defense of status, reputation and honor among
peers and friends. This is a key motive when men kill men. Police
archives often classify such homicides as ``trivial quarrels''. A typical
example is a quarrel in a bar, which escalates and gets out of hand.
The opponents are sometimes not able to withdraw without being
humiliated in the eyes of their peers, and they break a bottle, or
pull a knife or a gun. US police chronicles often emphasize that
seemingly trivial arguments can trigger homicide (Buss and Shackel-
ford, 1997). Aggressive behavior is therefore not activated randomly
in relation to the situations in which people ®nd themselves.
Humans seem more prone to react with aggressive behavior in
certain situations. This is true for both sexes, but some of the situa-
tions will have a tendency to be different for the two sexes. In addi-
tion men, like males of the majority of bird and mammal species, will
have a lower threshold of violence to achieve social bene®ts. Several
researchers have discussed the evolutionary reasons for this ten-
dency of men and other males to be more aggressive than women
and other females (Wilson and Daly, 1985; Daly and Wilson,
1994a; Wright, 1995).

Aggressive behavior could have had a number of useful functions

for the survival and reproduction of our ancestors, and perhaps this
is also the case today among modern humans. However, there are a
number of conditions/factors in the modern environment of humans
that can either lower the threshold for aggression or trigger such
behavior in other circumstances than would have been bene®cial
throughout our evolutionary history. In the rest of this article, we
will focus on factors in the novel human environment which may
contribute to triggering seemingly irrational and in many instances
relatively unprovoked violence. These environmental factors have
often been overlooked or downplayed by the majority of researchers
on violence and aggression, whether they take an (explicit) evolu-
tionary approach or a more traditional one focusing on proximate
factors and causes. Evolutionary psychology in particular needs to
incorporate such factors if it is to achieve a more realistic under-
standing of human behavior in general and violence in particular
in novel environments. Our central aim here is to open the debate
for the equivalent of ``psychoneuro-nutritional medicine'' (Bland,
1995) to evolutionary psychology.
We will focus on important causes of biochemical imbalance
that af¯ict a large proportion of the population. Violence may be
triggered by nutritionally depleted foods, reactive hypoglycemia
caused by habitual intake of foods with a high glycemic index (GI),
food allergies/intolerances and exposure to new environmental
toxins (heavy metals, synthetic poisons). These conditions are
relatively novel from an evolutionary perspective. As a general
rule, we will argue that all environmental changes which in¯uence
our brain biochemistry and, at the same time, happened faster
than we have been able to adapt genetically, may be relevant if
one wants to understand the roots of violence in modern societies.
Evolution, malnutrition and violence
In the last decade, evolutionary or Darwinian medicine has begun to

provide interesting hypotheses about and explanations for a number
of somatic and mental diseases of our time (Nesse and Williams,
1994; Stearns, 1999; Trevathan et al., 1999). One of the most striking
alterations since humans abandoned a hunter-gatherer lifestyle and
became sedentary dwellers has been in our nutrition. Human bio-
chemistry and physiology are a result of several millions of years

of evolution. Our diet has gradually changed from having been

based primarily on plants several million years ago to ± in the last
several hundred thousand years or more ± being dominated by
animal protein and unadulterated fats (Crawford and Marsh,
1995; Kuhnlein and Receveur, 1996; Mann, 2000). Long before
the agricultural revolution began 10,000 years ago, humans con-
sumed signi®cantly more energy than modern humans do. The
food had higher nutritional density (Eaton and Eaton, 2000), and
carbohydrate-dense foods with high glycemic indices (GI), like
grains and potatoes, were not on the menu, not to mention re®ned
sugar, ¯our, ice cream or other processed ``foods'' (Eaton et al.,
1988). GI is de®ned by FAO/WHO (1997: 85) as ``the glycemic
response triggered by one serving containing 50 grams of carbo-
hydrates for a given food expressed as the relative percentage of
the glycemic response from ingesting one serving containing 50 g
of carbohydrate of a standard food''. If pure glucose is used as a
standard, 50 g is dissolved in water and ingested after having
measured the fasting blood sugar concentration. Blood sugar
levels are then measured every 15 minutes for 1 hour and then
every 30 minutes for a further 2 hours, and the incremental area
under the curve above the fasting level is calculated. The glycemic
index for other foods is similarly calculated after the ingestion of
the same amount of sugar in each food and the index set at the per-
centage of the area each food is calculated at. The standard food has
by convention been glucose or white bread (cf. Jenkins et al., 1981).
If glucose is used as standard and the glycemic response is set equal
to 100, the GI for all other foods becomes lower than if one uses
white ¯our, which has an index of 138 relative to glucose. From
an evolutionary perspective it is evident that many of the dietary
practices of today are not in accordance with the foods we have
evolved to eat during millions of years.
It is not a new thesis that food in¯uences our physical health
in both the short and the long run, that chronic diseases like
rheumatism, cancer, cardiovascular disease, diabetes and other
auto-immune diseases are due to a large extent to malnutrition
(McCarrison, 1963; Price, 1970; Bruker, 1976). Humans are not
designed to eat large quantities of food with a higher GI than is
found in fruit, i.e. maximally approximately 80 (ripe banana 82,
white bread 101). Hunters and gatherers have from time to time
found honey, which in re®ned condition has an index of 104, corre-
sponding to white bread and other wheat products (FAO/WHO,

1997). But unprocessed, wild honey has a considerably lower index.

Re®ned foods are characterized not only by having a far higher GI
than natural foods ± for example, `ìnstant'' potato has an index
of 118 and puffed rice 123; re®ned foods also generally have low
nutrient density and contain little ®ber, both factors being connected
to a number of diseases (Cleave, 1975; Eaton et al., 1988). An
example of the relevance of such connections is that white sugar is
void of chromium, a necessary factor for normal glucose tolerance.
Research has shown that chromium supplements can improve the
glucose tolerance in diabetics and ameliorate reactive hypoglycemia
(Levine et al., 1968; Mertz, 1969; Anderson et al., 1982; Elias et al.,
1984; Vinson and Bose, 1984; Urberg and Zemel, 1987; Press et al.,
1990).
Nutrition and mental health
It is well known that nutrient de®ciencies give rise to speci®c somatic

diseases. Less acknowledged is the fact that nutrient de®ciencies can
also trigger serious mental imbalance (Hafer, 1984; Bates, 1987;
Lonsdale, 1987; Hoffer, 1996; Starobrat-Hermelin, 1998; Werbach,
1999). The Canadian researchers Hoffer and Osmond showed, as
early as the 1950s, that schizophrenic patients had a far better prog-
nosis when given large doses of niacin (Osmond and Smythies, 1952;
Hoffer and Osmond, 1957), vitamin C and zinc (Hoffer, 1998). The
theoretical basis for the contribution of concentrated nutrients in the
treatment of mental diseases was later expounded by the double
Nobel laureate (in chemistry and peace), Linus Pauling (Pauling,
1968, 1974). In the US, a number of scienti®c studies support the
hypothesis that there is a connection between nutrient status and
antisocial behavior (Schauss, 1981a; Reed et al., 1983; Schauss
and Costin, 1989; Schrauzer and Shrestha, 1990). In a number of
studies of juvenile delinquents, Steven Schoenthaler has shown
that a diet containing too much sugar, re®ned foods and synthetic
food additives may trigger aggression, hyperactivity and crime
(Schoenthaler, 1991). Allergic reactions to common foods can
trigger so-called brain allergies that can lead to irrational or violent
behavior (Schauss, 1981a: ch. 6; Pfeiffer, 1987: 48; Braly and Torbet,
1992), as can the ingestion of heavy metals like lead, cadmium and
copper (Bryce-Smith and Waldron, 1974; Waldbott, 1978; Pfeiffer,
1987; Bryce-Smith et al., 1978; Cromwell et al., 1989; Marlowe et

al., 1994; Needleman et al., 1996; Masters et al., 1998; Stretesky and
Lynch, 2001).
In the 1980s, a number of studies in US juvenile detention centers
and other institutions showed that antisocial behavior like violence,
theft, and intentional damage can be signi®cantly reduced by
improving the inmates' diets ± cutting down on re®ned sugar,
snacks and processed foods (Schoenthaler, 1982a, 1982b, 1983a,
1983b, 1983c, 1983d, 1983e, 1983f, 1983g, 1985; Schoenthaler et
al., 1986; Somer et al., 1987; summarized by Schoenthaler, 1991).
The largest of these studies included a sample of 3000 young delin-
quents. A combined survey in 1991, carried out at California State
University, of 813 federal juvenile detention centers demonstrated
that the transition to ``nutrient-dense diets'' led to ``signi®cantly
improved conduct, intelligence and/or academic performance''
(Schoenthaler et al., 1991).
A British research project from the middle of the 1990s examined
the diet of 100 young delinquents and compared it with a matched,
equally large group of non-delinquents. The purpose was to uncover
connections between antisocial behavior like hyperactivity and
food allergies, food intolerance and other nutrient problems. The
researchers found no signi®cant differences between the nutrient
intakes of the two groups, but among the delinquents the frequency
of inappropriate reactions to food was estimated at 75 percent,
compared with 18 percent for the non-delinquents (Bennett and
Brostoff, 1997). This indicates that adverse behavior does not
have to be linked to a particularly nutrient-poor diet; some persons
can react with behavioral disturbance while eating ordinary food to
which others do not react.
In 2002, the results of a randomized, placebo-controlled trial on
adult prisoners using nutritional supplements were published
(Gesch et al., 2002). Antisocial behavior, including violence, was
signi®cantly reduced only in the group supplemented with vitamins,
minerals and essential fatty acids. This study is, together with
another study from 2000 (Schoenthaler and Bier, 2000), the ®rst
experimental con®rmation of what was ®rst found out two decades
ago, that nutrient status in fact does in¯uence human behavior.
Reactive hypoglycemia can trigger violence
Highly processed foods are generally poor in nutrients. For example,

the process of sugar re®ning means that all the B vitamins are
removed, while only small traces of chromium are left. Similarly,
white ¯our with an extraction rate of 70 percent has less than half
the nutrient density of whole grains (Hall, 1976). Chromium is,
among other things, necessary for metabolizing sugar; without
chromium the ef®ciency of insulin is reduced, increasing the level
of blood glucose to too high levels (Nñss, 1992). A high sugar
intake combined with a de®ciency of chromium and other nutrients
can lead to ``reactive hypoglycemia'', i.e. blood sugar ®rst rises
quickly and then declines to below the fasting level after a meal
(Budd, 1981). If this happens, the brain will temporarily get too
little glucose, which can trigger aggressive behavior. This may
happen also in normally non-violent, healthy persons, as has been
shown in experiments in which their blood glucose level is manipu-
lated by administering either glucose or insulin (Benton et al., 1982;
Benton, 1988; Roy et al., 1988; McCrimmon et al., 1999). Because of
the controversy concerning the importance of reactive hypoglycemia
in triggering violence, several experiments with mice have been
carried out which demonstrated changed behavior under conditions
of hypoglycemia (see Andrade et al., 1988).
As a young researcher, the US anthropologist Ralph Bolton
wanted to study the so-called hypoglycemia-aggression hypothesis
more closely (Bolton, 1984). His investigations led him to the
Qolla tribe, which lived 3800 m above sea level by Lake Titicaca,
in the border area between Bolivia and Peru. Anthropological
literature has described the Qolla tribe as ``the meanest and most
unlikable people on earth'' because of their antisocial behavior
(Pelto, 1967: 151). Homicide, rape, arson and theft were common
occurrences and, in one particular village, more than half of all
family heads had been involved directly or indirectly in homicide.
Six independent researchers who characterized ``the personality''
of a group of Qolla Indians used expressions like hostile, cruel,
intense hatred, argumentative and vindictive (Bolton, 1979). When
Bolton tested the glucose tolerance in a group of adults, several of
them experienced such strong symptoms of hypoglycemia (sweating,
headache, dizziness) that the test was terminated after four hours
instead of the planned six. Statistical analyses showed that slightly
more than 55 percent reacted with reactive hypoglycemia, and that
there was a clear connection between ranked level of aggression
and hypoglycemia during the test. Before he visited the Qolla
tribe, Bolton had already analyzed the connection between homicide

and a number of variables in 34 African tribes and found that the

most probable factor in triggering homicide was the degree of hypo-
glycemia due to lack of protein-rich food (Bolton and Vadheim,
1973). This work ®tted well with his ®ndings among the Qolla
tribe, where the diet was dominated by high glycemic, carbo-
hydrate-rich foods (FAO/WHO, 1997) like potatoes, supplemented
by beans, peas, barley, oat, sweet potatoes and quinoa (Bolton,
1979).
US studies have shown that the occurrence of hypoglycemia
among violent criminals can be as high as 80±5 percent (Reed et
al., 1983). Many criminals have a diet dominated by high-GI
foods, included a high intake of sugar. High sugar intake may act
as a sedative and lead to tiredness and depression, as well as inducing
sleep (Budd, 1981), but it can also trigger violence. This may explain
why hypoglycemia is seen to be connected with suicide, anxiety and
panic attacks, nightmares, hyperactivity and alcoholism, which in
turn can lead to depletion of important nutrients like zinc and
thiamin (vitamin B1). Because the brain needs thiamin to function
normally (Lonsdale, 1987), a de®ciency of this vitamin can in turn
trigger aggressiveness and impulsive behavior and increase sensi-
tivity to criticism. A number of controlled studies among children
at hospitals have shown a close connection between deviant beha-
vior and a nutrient-poor diet. Too much coffee or alcohol may
also trigger aggression, since such substances increase the secretion
of several minerals (Schauss, 1981a).
Drug dependency is often linked with poor nutrient status. A
Norwegian study from 1995 showed that children who were given
a lot of sweets and sweetened, carbonated drinks at home later
developed a higher propensity for using alcohol and tobacco than
other children (Grimsmo et al., 1995). A nutrient-de®cient diet can
in turn predispose to drug abuse, violence and criminal behavior;
drug abusers are responsible for a substantial part of the violence,
serious robberies and thefts that occur in many modern industrial
societies today. Human studies are supported by animal studies,
which have clearly shown that lack of nutrients like zinc and thiamin
can trigger craving for alcohol and lead to aggressive behavior
(KarstroÈm, 1980; Kocken, 1982; Collipp et al., 1984). Independently
of psychosocial factors, the evidence therefore seems to support a
clear link between malnutrition, alcoholism, mental disorders and
affective violence (Poleszynski, 1984).

Allergy and food intolerance
Adolescents who are violent or intentionally destroy property not

only often suffer from reactive hypoglycemia, they can also have
allergies or intolerances (enzymatic, pharmacological or non-speci®c
food reactions) toward particular foods (Jacobsen and Vatn, 1996;
Helm and Burks, 2000). Allergies involve immune reactions towards
proteins that are ingested from air, water or food and absorbed into
the bloodstream. They are usually measured by the occurrence of
speci®c antibodies like IgE (a marker for `ìmmediate allergy''),
which play a primary role in airborne allergies. Less common is
measurement of IgG1±IgG4 (delayed allergy), which may constitute
up to 90 percent of all allergic reactions (Braly and Torbet, 1992: 39).
Of interest in this connection is the fact that particular foods can
trigger not only bodily reactions like nasal congestion, sneezing,
itching or rashes, but also psychological symptoms like anxiety,
panic attacks, depression, aggressive behavior, irritability, hyper-
activity and certain forms of autism and schizophrenia (Braly and
Torbet, 1992: 45). A study of the food habits of delinquents found
that the food most often correlated with antisocial behavior was
cow's milk (Schauss, 1981a: 14). From an evolutionary perspective,
it is not surprising that a large part of the world's population does
not tolerate cow's milk and reacts both somatically and mentally
to regular intake (Oski, 1983), since cow's milk is a relatively new
environmental factor in human evolution (Eaton et al., 1988).
Already in 1916 Dr Hoobler reported on children who reacted
allergically to proteins in food. US psychologist Alexander G.
Schauss worked as a young probation of®cer and had wide contact
with criminals, whom he also studied from a metabolic perspective;
he found that allergies and food intolerances often were important
causal factors in explaining their high level of hyperactivity,
nervousness, learning disorders, depression, aggressive behavior,
hostility, confusion and irritability (Schauss, 1981a: 75). In the
1970s, US researchers studied a sample of 133 psychiatric patients
and found that 74 percent of them suffered from reactive hypo-
glycemia. It has subsequently been demonstrated that approxi-
mately 70 percent of all schizophrenics suffer from low blood
sugar (Reed et al., 1983: 58). Frequently allergies to common foods
are involved. A 1980 study found that, among a group of neurotic
patients who were not helped by regular psychiatric treatment,
88 percent were allergic to wheat, 60 percent to cow's milk and

50 percent to corn. Studying 30 delinquents, Alexander Schauss

found that they drank on the average more than twice as much
cow's milk as a control group of law-abiding youths (Schauss,
1981a: 15).
In addition, several studies have found a link between nutrition
and hyperactivity (Egger et al., 1985; Kaplan et al., 1989; Egger et
al., 1992; Carter et al., 1993; Boris and Mandel, 1994; Rowe and
Rowe, 1994). The Norwegian physician Karl Ludvig Reichelt has
shown that serious behavioral problems may be caused by the
accumulation of brain peptides which are absorbed from the gut.
His hypothesis is that this may be caused by a de®ciency in peptidase
activity (Hole et al., 1988). Other studies show that allergies may
trigger hyperactivity (Rapp, 1979; Marshall, 1989; Dommisse,
2000). Several other nutritional and toxicological factors may play
a role in the development of hyperactivity (ADD/ADHD): de®cien-
cies of essential nutrients (essential fatty acids, especially omega-3
fatty acids, zinc, iron, vitamins B3 and C, vitamin B6 in cases of
low brain serotonin levels, calcium, folic acid and general malnutri-
tion), the presence of environmental toxins and pesticides, the so-
called candida syndrome (or fungal overgrowth disease) and sugar
intolerance (Feingold, 1976; Langseth and Dowd, 1979; Swanson
and Kinsbourne, 1980; Weiss et al., 1980; Stevens et al., 1996;
Dommisse, 2000). Prospective studies show that approximately
one quarter of all hyperactive children go on to commit at least
one criminal offense as juveniles (Mannuzza et al., 1989) and to
abuse drugs and/or exhibit antisocial behavior as adults (Mannuzza
et al., 1998). It is not unreasonable to assume that some of this anti-
social behavior involves violence and aggressive behavior.
Cholesterol, serotonin and violence
From an evolutionary perspective, it is interesting to note that

low blood cholesterol seems to make people prone to violence.
The mediating factor seems to be the brain serotonin concentration.
Serotonin is an important neurotransmitter which in¯uences
impulse control. We will here bring up two factors of importance
in this connection: cholesterol and the heavy metal manganese (see
next section). In terms of evolution, low blood cholesterol may in
itself not be new, but the contemporary one-sided focus on possible
detrimental consequences of ingesting cholesterol and of having a

high total-cholesterol concentration in the blood is de®nitely a new

phenomenon. Before we discuss the so-called cholesterol-aggression
hypothesis, we will present some studies which indicate that there
may be a connection between violence and the important brain neu-
rotransmitter, serotonin.
Extensive research has documented what seems to be a link
between a low level of serotonin in the cerebrospinal ¯uid and impul-
sive violence (as well as impulsive suicides and arsons) (Linnoila
et al., 1983; Virkkunen et al., 1987, 1989; Brown and Linnoila,
1990; Linnoila and Virkkunen, 1992; Marazziti et al., 1993; Coccaro
et al., 1996; Fava, 1998; Volavka, 1999) ± the ``low serotonin syn-
drome'' (Linnoila and Virkkunen, 1992). The topic is summed up
this way in a comprehensive consensus article on neurobiological
factors and violence (Filley et al., 2001: 6, citing Volavka, 1999):
`Àlthough the evidence is not entirely consistent, most studies
increasingly support the association of lowered central serotonin
levels and impulsive violence''; however, see Berman et al. (1997)
for a critical review of the literature in which they point out that
experimental studies of humans are lacking and that, accordingly,
the association between a low serotonin level and aggression may
not be causal (see also Balaban et al. [1996] for a meta-analysis
which questions the link between low serotonin levels and impulsive
violence).
That low serum cholesterol levels can produce low levels of sero-
tonin in the cerebrospinal ¯uid, and with this an increased prob-
ability of violence (as well as impulsive suicides) as a result, is
often called the ``cholesterol-serotonin hypothesis'' (for violence
and aggression) (see Figure 1). It is discussed in an extensive litera-
ture (Muldoon et al., 1990, 1992, 1993; Kaplan et al., 1991, 1994,
1996, 1997; Engelberg, 1992; Lindberg et al., 1992; Hillbrand and
Foster, 1993; Erickson, 1997; Golomb, 1998; Golomb et al., 2000;
Hillbrand et al., 2000). The hypothesis is supported by experimental
studies of monkeys in which the fat and cholesterol content in
the diet has been manipulated (Kaplan et al., 1991, 1994, 1996;
Muldoon et al., 1992). Even though the association between choles-
terol and behavior is not yet documented with experimental data
from humans (Kaplan et al., 1997), new research gives clear support
for the cholesterol-serotonin hypothesis (Golomb, 1998; Golomb et
al., 2000; Hillbrand et al., 2000).
The cholesterol-serotonin hypothesis illustrates how important it
is for medicine to take an evolutionary perspective. A reduced intake

FIGURE 1
Model depicting a presumed adaptive cascade after a decline in lipid intake. If the intake
of lipids in the diet increases, the direction of the black arrows is reversed (after Kaplan et
al., 1997; reprinted with permission).
of cholesterol-rich foods and a subsequent lowered cholesterol level

may have been a recurrent phenomenon in our past for some indi-
viduals (but not others). In periods of little food, it might have
been bene®cial to have a lowered threshold for aggression (Erickson,
1997). To the extent that the concentration of blood cholesterol ¯uc-
tuates with environmental changes, an increased disposition for
aggression may be thought to follow. This increased aggressiveness
is mediated by the in¯uence on the serotonin level. The cholesterol-
serotonin hypothesis therefore consists of three parts: (1) reduced
intake of fatty foods may lower the blood cholesterol level; (2) this
can in turn reduce the serotonin level in the central nervous
system, which (3) in turn can lead to increased inclination to aggres-
siveness. The level of blood cholesterol may historically have been a
reliable internal marker for the availability of high-quality food
(Erickson, 1997). It is not dif®cult to imagine that an aggressive
reaction pattern may have been adaptive in our evolutionary past
during times of food scarcity or in periods of abject hunger. When
populations of modern western countries reduce the cholesterol
level in the blood by drugs (dieting has relatively little effect), this
could possibly trigger a latent inclination to impulsiveness, and
risky and aggressive behavior. This old mechanism could therefore
explain the increased death rate from violent causes which has
been observed in studies where the blood cholesterol level has been
reduced by the use of drugs (Erickson, 1997).

Heavy-metal poisonings and violence
US researchers have carried out a number of studies on the diets of

murderers, rapists and other violent criminals. A common denomi-
nator, in addition to poor nutrition, is that many of the perpetrators
have been exposed to poisoning with heavy metals. From an evolu-
tionary perspective, metals like lead are a new environmental factor
which, even in low concentrations, can induce detrimental neuro-
physiological effects, whether they are caused by pollutants in the
external environment (Rutter and Jones, 1983) or endogenous pollu-
tants like mercury from dental amalgam ®llings (Siblerud, 1989).
In order to test the hypothesis that there exists a systematic
connection between violence and heavy-metal exposure, in 1989 a
group at the University of Texas carried out a study of trace
elements in hair from a sample of 80 prison inmates (Cromwell et
al., 1989). Based solely on this marker, the researchers were able
to identify 86 percent of the violent and 78 percent of the non-violent
inmates. Later studies have demonstrated that hair analyses of
murderers and other violent offenders often show conspicuously
high levels of heavy metals like lead, manganese and cadmium,
and very low levels of zinc and lithium (copper values have been
found to be either very high or very low). The amount of hair man-
ganese has turned out to be a good indicator of violent behavior.
Lead and manganese have respectively turned out to be able to
lower the brain levels of dopamine and serotonin, neurotransmitters
which in¯uence impulse control (Masters et al., 1998) (see the discus-
sion of serotonin above). Investigations carried out in four US
prisons identi®ed the level of manganese in hair samples of inmates.
The cut-off point was set at 0.7 ppm (parts per million), a level which
was exceeded for 66 percent of the prisoners in two big-city prisons,
78 percent of the inmates in a federal prison and 63 percent in a
county jail, compared with 4 percent, 3 percent and 3 percent,
respectively, among the controls (Alex G. Schauss, personal
correspondence).
Hair analyses of several of the best-known mass murderers in the
US have revealed increased levels of lead, cadmium and copper
(Hall, 1989; J. Wilson, 1998). Since psychosocial factors were not
found to play any role, heavy-metal poisoning was judged to be
the main explanation for their acts of violence (Schauss, 1981a).
A frequently cited example of the connection between heavy-
metal poisoning and violence is the mass murderer Patrick H. Sherill,

who on 20 August 1986 went berserk in a post of®ce in Oklahoma

and killed 14 people, injured 6 others and then took his own life.
Sherill had no history of psychiatric illness or alcoholism, but hair
analyses performed immediately after his death showed extremely
high values of cadmium and lead (Hall, 1989).
Another example is the mass murderer James Huberty, who in
1984 killed and injured 20 people at a McDonald's restaurant in
California. The police subsequently killed him. He did not suffer
from alcoholism nor did he use any drugs, something which could
have precipitated his aberrant behavior. On the other hand, he
had extremely high values of cadmium in the body, actually
among the highest ever observed in a human being. Huberty had
been exposed while working as a welder (Hall, 1989).
In 1979 Herbert Needleman analyzed shed teeth in the US and
found that subjects who had the highest lead levels, but no external
signs of lead poisoning, had a lower IQ score, shorter attention span
and poorer language performance than those with low lead levels
(Needleman et al., 1979; also see Bellinger et al., 1990, 1992; Needle-
man, 1990; Banks et al., 1997; Payton et al., 1998; Barth et al., 2002).
In 1996 he showed that a sample of 301 boys from public schools
were more prone to antisocial behavior if they had more lead in
their bones (tibia) (Needleman et al., 1996). Needleman subse-
quently examined 216 delinquents and 201 pupils from high schools
in Pittsburgh and found that the delinquents had signi®cantly more
lead in their bones than the controls (Needleman et al., 2000).
A study including all counties in the 48 contiguous United States
found clear associations between the homicide rate and the lead con-
tent in the air (Stretesky and Lynch, 2001), and a British study of a
group of children found an association between blood lead levels
and behavioral and/or developmental problems which could not
be explained by differences in age, sex or socio-economic status
(Lewendon et al., 2001).
The conclusions drawn from these examples are supported by a
research group using hair analyses to establish the concentration
of 6 toxic trace elements and 14 other minerals in a sample of
31 mentally disturbed boys, 21 violent youths and 99 controls
(Marlowe et al., 1994). The researchers found a statistically signi®-
cant association between violent behavior and an increased content
of cadmium, lead, copper, manganese, iron and nickel and a reduced
level of phosphorus. In another study of children's hair, the same
research group found that proneness to violent behavior was

associated with an increased level of lead, cadmium, copper, iron

and silicon and a reduced lithium level. They also found that
mentally disturbed children had increased lead and cadmium
levels and reduced levels of phosphorus (Marlowe et al., 1991).
These results indicate that there may exist biochemical differences
between normal, mentally disturbed and violence-prone children.
Several other studies have found associations between heavy-metal
exposure and violent behavior (Pihl and Ervin, 1990; Gottschalk
et al., 1991; Denno, 1994).
In conclusion, a few studies using hair analyses of mass murderers
indicate that heavy metals like lead, cadmium and manganese can
be involved in violent behavior (Hall, 1989), and such ®ndings are
supported by various case-control and correlation studies (analyses
of heavy-metal content in hair, bones and air) (Schauss, 1981b;
Pihl and Ervin, 1990; Gottschalk et al., 1991; Marlowe et al.,
1991; Stretesky and Lynch, 2001) as well as by prospective studies
(Denno, 1994; Needleman et al., 1996). Even if there is no scienti®c
consensus at the moment, it is highly probable that these associa-
tions are causal. One decisive factor which allows us to draw this
conclusion is that heavy metals may reduce the levels of neurotrans-
mitters which are linked to impulse control. Extensive research has
been initiated to clarify these mechanisms in more detail. However,
this task may prove to be so dif®cult that a de®nitive scienti®c
``proof '' cannot be expected in the foreseeable future. In the mean-
time, this should not prevent us from acting on the information
already at hand.
Interaction between environmental factors
Interactions between environmental factors may aggravate the

effects of toxic metals. For instance, a suboptimal intake of essential
nutrients (in particular minerals like calcium, magnesium and zinc)
can lead to increased uptake of lead, manganese and other toxic
metals from drinking water or food, with the subsequent passage
of such neurotoxic substances into the brain (Levitt, 1999). There
are indications, too, that in some areas ¯uorinated drinking water
may not only have negative health effects in general (Waldbott,
1978; Yiamouyiannis, 1993) but also be linked to increased violence.
This phenomenon may be explained by the fact that two easily

soluble silico¯uorides ± ¯uosilicic acid (H2SiF6) and sodium silico-

¯uoride (Na2SiF6) ± may increase the uptake of lead from environ-
mental sources (Masters et al., 1998, 2000; Masters and Coplan,
1999b). More than 90 percent of the water ¯uoridated in the US
today is made with these two easily available and cheap ¯uoride
compounds.
Controlled studies have shown that laboratory animals do not
absorb signi®cant amounts of manganese from the diet unless the
food is de®cient in calcium (Murphy et al., 1991). In humans such
effects can be linked to social class/strati®cation. People low on
the social ladder often have less healthy diets than those higher
up. Data indicate that US minority children with a low calcium
intake have an increased risk of absorbing lead (Bruening et al.,
1999). Since women from lower socio-economic strata have a
tendency to a lower nursing frequency or to nurse for a shorter
length of time than those from higher social strata, children from
lower social strata may absorb far more manganese. It is found
that children who are given formula milk absorb ®ve times more
manganese than those who are nursed (Masters et al., 1997). In addi-
tion, low-status families have a higher probability of living in an
environment contaminated with toxic substances, since they often
live in the vicinity of polluting industrial plants, in the inner cities,
get their drinking water from old, lead-coated water pipes and live
in houses decorated with leaded paint (Waldbott, 1978; Levitt,
1999). Finally, one should keep in mind genetic variation.
Americans of African origin may be more susceptible to lead
uptake than some of European descent for genetic reasons (Smith
et al., 1995), and they seem to have lower levels of monoamine
oxidase than people of European descent (Ellis, 1991) for genetic
and/or other reasons.
The fact that alcohol (ethanol) ingestion is often linked to violent
behavior is uncontroversial (e.g. see Pernanen, 1991; Gustafson,
1995; Rossow, 2001). However, it is less known that rats given a
combination of cadmium and alcohol have a higher uptake and
accumulation of cadmium in all examined tissues, compared with
controls that were given only cadmium (Sharma et al., 1991).
If this study is representative and can be transferred to humans,
a somber perspective on the ± not uncommon ± co-ingestion of
alcohol and cigarette smoking emerges. In addition to a number
of other metals, cigarette smoke is a signi®cant source of cadmium
(Hertz-Picciotto and Hu, 1994).

An interesting mineral often connected to behavioral disturb-

ances and violence is lithium. In a double blind study, a sample of
66 prisoners with a past characterized by chronic, impulsive and
aggressive violence was divided into two groups one of which was
given lithium (n 34) and the other a placebo (n 32) for a maxi-
mum period of three months. Those who received lithium showed
signi®cantly less aggressive behavior than those who received the
placebo (Sheard et al., 1976). Another study from 27 municipalities
in Texas during the period 1978±87 found a higher occurrence of
suicide, homicide and rape where the drinking water contained
little or no lithium compared to those areas where the water con-
tained a certain amount (Schrauzer and Shrestha, 1990). Interest-
ingly, similar results were also found for robberies, burglaries and
thefts. This indicates that lithium in low dosages generally acts as
a sedative, something which may be due to its functions as an essen-
tial trace element (Schrauzer and Shrestha, 1990; Nielsen, 2000). The
link between low lithium levels and violent behavior is also found in
a third study (Schrauzer et al., 1992). Hair analyses can be an effec-
tive method for evaluating lithium status and uptake. Research has
shown that lithium supplements improve lithium status, but at the
same time reduce the uptake of other minerals such as aluminum,
vanadium, lead, arsenic and manganese. Lithium also increases
the transport and distribution of vitamin B12 , a vitamin of primary
importance to brain function (Schrauzer et al., 1992).
The possibility that exposure to poisons, poor nutrition and sub-
stance abuse may have synergistic effects on brain function and
social behavior has been discussed for many years. To the extent
that such factors are structurally forced on a large part of the popu-
lation, it is not surprising that industrialized societies experience
waves of unprovoked violence:
Changed brain chemistry can alter behaviour, and changed behaviour can alter
brain chemistry: the interaction is two-way. It therefore follows that behaviour,
cognition, social interactions, and other expressions of brain function are subject
not only to the social environment but also to certain aspects of the chemical envir-
onment. The relevant chemical factors include (a) neurotoxic pollutants in general,
of which lead is evidently now the most serious in its impact, (b) certain common
nutrient de®ciencies, particularly of zinc, and (c) neurotoxins of voluntary abuse,
of which ethanol is still probably producing the most widespread social damage.
(Bryce-Smith, 1986: 122)
Studies have found that nuclear reactors and above-ground

nuclear test explosions emit radioactive pollution that may directly

(via air) or indirectly (via the food chain) af¯ict large parts of the
population. Such radioactive substances not only contribute to
increased cancer rates, low birth weight and impaired immunity
(Gould, 1996), but radioactive isotopes like iodine-131 also in¯uence
the brain negatively and act synergistically with other toxins. US
overseas above-ground nuclear test explosions during the 1950s
and 1960s led to massive emissions. Fall-out of iodine-131 is
absorbed through the food chain (milk and milk products) and, if
it is ingested by pregnant women, radioactive iodine may be trans-
ferred to the fetus. If ingested, radioactive iodine may retard the
development of the child's thyroid gland and thus the hormones pro-
duced (T3 and T4), hampering the development of its brain. The US
physicist Ernest J. Sternglass and his co-workers have found a nega-
tive correlation between the amount of radioactive fall-out during
®rst months of pregnancy and test results of the children exposed
in utero as adolescents later in high school (Anonymous, 1979;
Sternglass and Bell, 1983, 1984). The psychologist Robert Pellegrini
later found a clear statistical association between radioactive fall-out
and violent crimes in the US (Pellegrini, 1987; Graeb, 1994: 169).
The way forward
Among the main body of researchers with a background in psycho-

social models for violence, bio- and neurochemical explanatory fac-
tors and the importance of environmental pollution have long been
neglected. Actually, among criminologists during nearly the whole
of the 20th century there has been a near taboo on any arguments
linking biochemistry, genetics and/or neurophysiology to criminal
behavior (Wright and Miller, 1998). Textbooks re¯ect the spirit of
the time in the individual disciplines, and the coverage of biological
arguments or lack of them in criminology textbooks indicates a total
domination of the traditional social science approach to violence.
However, this is in the process of changing (Wright and Miller,
1998). Even though the evolutionary psychological model rejects
the divide between social and ``biological'' as unnatural (Tooby
and Cosmides, 1992; Wright, 1995), evolution-minded researchers
have until recently not been suf®ciently cognizant of the ways a
number of evolutionary novel environmental factors (changed
diets, sharply increased pollution) may in¯uence brain chemistry
and trigger or increase the probability of violent behavior. However,

this is now on the verge of changing (Masters, 1997, 2001; Masters et

al., 1997, 1998, 2000; Masters and Coplan, 1999a, 1999b), even
though no evolutionary psychologists so far have devoted serious
attention to this.
The present emphasis on certain neglected factors which may
in¯uence human bio- or neurochemistry does not mean that we think
these are suf®cient proximate causes or triggers to explain all violent
episodes. Quite the contrary, a number of other ``biological'' factors
are also documented as contributing to violence. These too need to
be incorporated into an expanded evolutionary psychological model
± for instance genetic and neuro-anatomical factors (like brain
damage), other neurochemical substances than the ones we have
emphasized (like noradrenalin), brain infections, neuropsycho-
logical de®cits and mental illness (like schizophrenia) (see Johnson,
1996; Scarpa and Raine, 1997; Filley et al., 2001; Walsh et al., 2002
for reviews). (We write ``biological'' in quotation marks because it
is unnatural to use social factors as opposed to the biological; see
Alexander, 1987.) An evolutionary model of crime would also
have to include the given psychosocial and cultural context, so
that a ``comprehensive model'' would integrate a wider range of
factors. Even though we have focused on, among others, heavy
metals as a factor in explaining violent behavior, a large number
of other chemical substances could in theory in¯uence the human
inclination to be violent, and these avenues of evolutionary psychol-
ogy should not be ignored. Environmental medical research takes
time, while new substances are continually entering the market (as
a rule without long-term testing and without studies of combina-
tions of several substances that act synergistically). Concerning
our physical environment and its relation to violence, we have
mentioned one controversial example (radioactivity), but there are
a number of other, less controversial, conditions which may in¯u-
ence crime, for instance seasonal variations in violent behavior
caused by changes in light intensity (Morken and Linaker, 2000a,
2000b).
We are fully aware that simply considering the physical, chemical,
nutritional and other ``biological'' factors alone is insuf®cient. We
argue that a synthesis of the causes of violence should take an evolu-
tionary understanding of human design as a point of departure. This
includes a focus on inclinations and reaction patterns which exist
because they were bene®cial in the past (Daly and Wilson, 1988b,
1997; Kanazawa and Still, 2000), combined with an analysis of the

ways the new environmental factors can be thought to in¯uence

these. This should in principle be an easy match for evolutionary
psychologists, who insist that our mind is adapted to past
(psycho-sociocultural) environmental conditions. By adding a com-
parison of physical, chemical, nutritional and other ``biological'' fac-
tors in the old and new environments, we obtain a far more realistic
model, which at the same time integrates other relevant disciplines
on the way to a more uni®ed science.
Evolutionary psychologists have accused evolutionary anthropol-
ogists (human behavioral ecologists) of being like an evolution-
based branch of behaviorism (Kennair, 2002). Similarly, we could
say of evolutionary psychology that it is nothing but an evolution-
ary-informed version of the ``Standard Social Science Model''
(Tooby and Cosmides, 1992). Still the focus of evolutionary psychol-
ogy is on psycho-sociocultural factors, and not on such factors
in interaction with physical, chemical, nutritional and other ``bio-
logical'' factors.
Our emphasis on certain factors which in¯uence human bio- and
neurochemistry does not mean that psychosocial factors do not play
a role in explaining violent behavior on a general level. We contend
that physical, chemical, nutritional and other ``biological'' factors
have been neglected for too long by most researchers and therapists
due to a psychosocial explanatory hegemony in both mainstream
social science and evolutionary psychology. To the extent that ``bio-
logical'' factors have been included in such analyses at all, the types
of explanatory models and factors that we have emphasized in this
article are conspicuous primarily by their absence. As an example,
we can mention one issue of Science which recently devoted a
whole section to articles on violence without so much as a mention
of these environmental factors (Blumstein, 2000; Davidson et al.,
2000; de Waal, 2000; Enserink, 2000; Helmuth, 2000; Holden,
2000; Marshall, 2000; Stone and Kelner, 2000).
Psycho-sociocultural explanatory models in mainstream social
science could be likened to using a ®shing net with too large a
mesh in the search for the causes of violence. No-one can deny
that factors like unemployment, low social status, problems in child-
hood/adolescence or relationships may correlate with violence.
From a causal viewpoint, it is just as interesting to clarify why one
person who has for example had a dif®cult childhood/adolescence
develops violent behavior, while others do not. By using a ``®ner-
mesh net'' in the search for the causes of violence, for instance by

including exposure to heavy metals and/or poor nutritional status, it

is probable that the analyses of violent behavior can be taken
farther.
This argument is also relevant for evolutionary psychology.
Evolutionary researchers have found several contexts which increase
the probability of evoking violence and aggressive behavior (e.g.
Daly and Wilson, 1988b; Buss and Shackelford, 1997). For example,
over the last 20 years Martin Daly and Margo Wilson have made an
impressive contribution by documenting that the context of step-
parent presence (mainly stepfather) is a risk factor for abuse and
homicide of infants (Daly and Wilson, 1980, 1981, 1985, 1987,
1988a, 1988b, 1988c, 1991, 1994a, 1994b, 1994c, 1995, 1996, 2001;
Wilson et al., 1980; Wilson and Daly, 1987; Daley et al., 1993).
This is actually the best epidemiological predictor of such problems.
But, as we all know, most instances of step-parent presence do not
lead to abuse or homicide. Thus context is not enough. What distin-
guishes step-parents who abuse and kill from the rest of step-
parents? Here we expect that a focus on the physical, chemical,
nutritional and other ``biological'' factors that we have emphasized
in this article could be of great relevance. Such factors could alter
brain chemistry, reduce impulse control and therefore lower the
threshold for violence, leading to an increased risk of such behavior.
Jealousy is another example where evolutionary psychologists have
contributed to improved understanding (Symons, 1979; Daly et al.,
1982; Buss et al., 1992, 1996, 1999; Wiederman and Allgeier, 1993;
Geary et al., 1995; Buunk et al., 1996; DeSteno and Salovey, 1996;
Dijkstra and Buunk, 1998; Buss, 2000; Shackelford et al., 2000;
Pietrzak et al., 2002) although the approach is criticized (Harris,
2000). There is a clear evolutionary rationale for why both sexes
should have jealousy as a defense mechanism. But why do people
react so differently to unfaithfulness? In a moment of sober
re¯ection, the evolutionary psychologists David Buss and Todd
Shackelford actually mention this as a limitation of evolutionary
psychological approaches to violence (Buss and Shackelford,
1997). They admit that the current perspective cannot account for
some variability in behavior where different people are confronted
with the same adaptive problem. For example, why should three
men confronted with a wife's in®delity resort to beating in one
case, homicide in the second case and getting drunk in the third
case? Here is where evolutionary psychology needs to focus on
factors that alter brain chemistry.

Buss and Shackelford also admit that evolutionary psychology

cannot account for the fact that some cultures, such as the Yano-
mamoÈ, seem to require male violence to attain a position of status,
whereas in other cultures aggression leads to irreparable damage
to one's reputation. Environmental factors that alter brain chemis-
try could also be imagined to give an insight into this explanatory
challenge, for instance by focusing on the main foods eaten or on
general exposure to certain external environmental factors that
would make a certain cultural development more likely than another
(cf. the diet of the Qolla tribe mentioned earlier). Another example
could be the ``culture of honor'' that is documented in the US
South (Nisbett, 1993; Nisbett and Cohen, 1996; Cohen, 1998).
Perhaps a general exposure to a pollutant like lead or manganese
may have made the cultural development of this extremely status-
focused culture more probable. This must be read not as a reduction
of complex sociocultural dynamics to physical, chemical, nutritional
and ``biological'' factors (this is exactly the kind of dichotomy we
argue against), but as a plea for considering both sets of factors in
complex and more realistic models.
Such connections between diet and exposure to physical-chemical
environmental factors and individual behavior and cultural norms
are of course speculative at the moment (as is typically the case
when new approaches challenge old paradigms), but the important
point is that such problems are testable.
It is becoming increasingly clear that a focus on the brain and its
chemistry is crucial for understanding human behavior (e.g. Masters
and McGuire, 1994). We live in an environment that is different
physically, chemically and nutritionally from that at any point in
human history and prehistory. Evolutionary psychology needs to
expand its focus to other parts of the environment than the psycho-
sociocultural. Novel physical, chemical and nutritional proximate
factors may throw numerous monkey wrenches into adaptive studies
of behavior as well as into behavioral genetic studies. The more
common a factor is in our physical-chemical environment, the
easier it is to overlook. By not taking these novel proximate factors
seriously, a better understanding of human behavior and physiology
will be delayed, and society will lose an opportunity to ®ght major
social problems in new and promising ways.

Iver Mysterud (born 1966) is a PhD student in behavioral ecology at the Depart-
ment of Biology of the University of Oslo. His present research interests are gift-
giving in humans, evolutionary medicine, evolution and human behavior, and evo-
lution and nutrition. Recent publications: (1) (with others) `Èvolutionary Health
Promotion'', Preventive Medicine 34: 109±18 (2002); (2) Mennesket og moderne
evolusjonsteori [Humans and Modern Evolutionary Theory], Oslo: Gyldendal
Akademisk (2003). Author's address: Zoologisk avdeling, Biologisk institutt, Uni-
versitet i Oslo, Postboks 1050 Blindern, NO-0316 Oslo, Norway.
[email: mysterud@bio.uio.no]
Dag Viljen Poleszynski (born 1946) is Professor at Harstad College, Harstad,

Norway and is presently working on nutrition and evolution, low-carb diets and
orthomolecular medicine. Recent publications: (1) The Emergence of Medical
Alternatives ± from Competition to Cooperation, Kristiansand: Norwegian
Academic Press (2001); (2) ``Genetic Polymorphism and Blood Type ± A Founda-
tion for Dietary Choice'', Nordic Journal of Biological Medicine 2 (2002). Author's
address: Bjerkelundsvn. 8b, NO-1358 Jar, Norway.
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Expanding Evolutionary Psychology: toward a Better

The online version of this article can be found at:

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Iver Mysterud and Dag Viljen Poleszynski

Expanding evolutionary psychology: toward a

Abstract. The ``mainstream'' evolutionary psychology model is currently under

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Key words. Aggression ± Novel environmental factors ± Nutrition ± Pollution ±

We are all interested in violence, whether for personal or pro-

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1988b; Cosmides, 1989; Cosmides and Tooby, 1989; Tooby and

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1996b; Fausto-Sterling, 1997; Fausto-Sterling et al., 1997; Gould,

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An evolutionary view of violence

From an evolutionary perspective, violence and aggression can be

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violence and aggressive behavior can be appropriate for survival and

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prevent one's partner from engaging in sexual in®delity (Buss and

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Aggressive behavior could have had a number of useful functions

Evolution, malnutrition and violence

In the last decade, evolutionary or Darwinian medicine has begun to

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of evolution. Our diet has gradually changed from having been

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1997). But unprocessed, wild honey has a considerably lower index.

Nutrition and mental health

It is well known that nutrient de®ciencies give rise to speci®c somatic

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Reactive hypoglycemia can trigger violence

Highly processed foods are generally poor in nutrients. For example,

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and a number of variables in 34 African tribes and found that the

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Allergy and food intolerance

Adolescents who are violent or intentionally destroy property not

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50 percent to corn. Studying 30 delinquents, Alexander Schauss

Cholesterol, serotonin and violence

From an evolutionary perspective, it is interesting to note that

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high total-cholesterol concentration in the blood is de®nitely a new

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of cholesterol-rich foods and a subsequent lowered cholesterol level

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Heavy-metal poisonings and violence

US researchers have carried out a number of studies on the diets of

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who on 20 August 1986 went berserk in a post of®ce in Oklahoma

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associated with an increased level of lead, cadmium, copper, iron

Interaction between environmental factors

Interactions between environmental factors may aggravate the

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soluble silico¯uorides ± ¯uosilicic acid (H2SiF6) and sodium silico-