Garcia - Sylvan 2011 PDF
Garcia - Sylvan 2011 PDF
Garcia - Sylvan 2011 PDF
Bilingual classrooms most often have strict language arrangements about when and who should
speak what language to whom. This practice responds to diglossic arrangements and models of
bilingualism developed in the 20th century. However, in the 21st century, heteroglossic bilingual
conceptualizations are needed in which the complex discursive practices of multilingual stu-
dents, their translanguagings, are used in sense-making and in tending to the singularities in the
pluralities that make up multilingual classrooms today. Examining the case of a network of U.S.
secondary schools for newcomer immigrants, the International High Schools, this article looks
at how students’ plurilingual abilities are built through seven principles that support dynamic
plurilingual practices in instruction—heterogeneity, collaboration, learner-centeredness, lan-
guage and content integration, language use from students up, experiential learning, and
local autonomy and responsibility. As a result, students become not only more knowledge-
able and academically successful but also more confident users of academic English, better
at translanguaging, and more plurilingual-proficient. The article presents translanguaging in
education as the constant adaptation of linguistic resources in the service of meaning-making
and in tending to the singularities in the pluralities that make up multilingual classrooms
today.
FIGURE 2
Types of Bilingualism
Note. This figure is adapted from Garcı́a and Kleifgen (2010). We gratefully acknowledge permission
from Teachers College Press to reproduce this figure.
Ofelia Garcı́a and Claire E. Sylvan 389
language as a series of social practices that are em- engage in complex discursive practices in order
bedded in a web of social relations that maintain to “make sense” of, and communicate in, multi-
asymmetries of power (Pennycook, 2010; Street, lingual classrooms. According to Garcı́a (2009a),
1984). Pennycook (2010) explained: translanguaging refers to multiple discursive
practices as seen from the perspective of speak-
A focus on language practices moves the focus from ers themselves. It is the communicative norm of
language as an autonomous system that preexists multilingual communities.
its use, and competence as an internal capacity
Translanguaging builds on the concept of lan-
that accounts for language production, towards an
guaging as social practices explained earlier. How-
understanding of language as a product of the em-
bodied social practices that bring it about. (p. 9, our ever, translanguaging also relates to the con-
emphasis) cept of transculturación introduced by the Cuban
anthropologist Fernando Ortiz (1940/1995). For
In speaking about language as an activity, some Ortiz, transculturation refers to the complex and
scholars refer to languaging (Becker, 1995; multidirectional process in cultural transforma-
Makoni & Pennycook, 2007; Maturana & Varela, tion, as well as to the questioning of the epistemo-
1987; Shohamy, 2006). Languaging is different logical purity of disciplines and of the knowing
from language conceived simply as a system of subject. The concept of transculturation thus in-
rules or structures; languaging is a product of so- volves what Mignolo (2000) called “border think-
cial action and refers to discursive practices of ing.” Mignolo saw border thinking as “knowledge
people. Languaging, as Becker (1995) explained, conceived from the exterior borders of the mod-
“is shaping old texts into new contexts. It is done ern/colonial world system”—that is, “subaltern
at the level of particularity” (p. 9). knowledge” (p. 11). In blending transculturation
Within a dynamic conceptualization of bilin- and languaging, the term translanguaging re-
gualism, bilinguals are valued for their differ- sponds to the complex and multidirectional pro-
ing multicompetence (Cook, 2002) because their cesses in the language practices of people and
lives, minds, and actions are different from challenges the view of languages as autonomous
those of monolinguals. As Herdina and Jessner and pure, as constructed in Western thought.
(2002) have pointed out, the interactions of bilin- Translanguaging, then, is a product of border
guals’ interdependent language systems create thinking, of knowledge that is autochthonous
new structures that are not found in monolin- and conceived from a bilingual, not monolingual,
gual systems. Learning is then not just the “tak- position.
ing in” of linguistic forms by learners, but as Translanguaging includes codeswitching—
Larsen-Freeman and Cameron (2008) have said, defined as the shift between two languages in
“the constant adaptation of their linguistic re- context—and it also includes translation, but it
sources in the service of meaning-making in re- differs from both of these simple practices in that
sponse to the affordances that emerge in the it refers to the process in which bilingual students
communicative situation, which is, in turn, af- make sense and perform bilingually in the myr-
fected by learners’ adaptability” (p. 135). This iad ways of classrooms—reading, writing, taking
view is based on van Lier’s (2000, 2004) con- notes, discussing, signing, and so on. However,
cept of “affordance,” which he defined as a rela- translanguaging is not only a way to scaffold in-
tionship between a learner and the environment struction and to make sense of learning and lan-
“that signals an opportunity for or inhibition of guage; it is part of the discursive regimes that
action” (2004, p. 4). students in the 21st century must perform, part
Cummins himself moved away from discussing of a broad linguistic repertoire that includes, at
an L1/L2 dichotomy, characterizing the way in times, the ability to function in the standardized
which languages had been conceptualized in academic languages required in schools. It is thus
bilingual classrooms as “two solitudes” (Cummins, important to view translanguaging as complex dis-
2007) and calling for bilingual instructional strate- cursive practices that enable bilingual students to
gies in the classroom as a way of promoting “iden- also develop and enact standard academic ways of
tities of competence among language learners languaging.
from socially marginalized groups, thereby en-
abling them to engage more confidently with liter- SINGULAR PLURALITIES AND DYNAMIC
acy and other academic work in both languages” PLURILINGUAL EDUCATION
(p. 238).
Garcı́a (2009a), extending Williams (cited in Education for bilingualism (i.e., to teach
Baker, 2006), talks about translanguaging as the an additional language) includes types of pro-
process by which bilingual students and teachers grams that are bilingual but also some that are
390 The Modern Language Journal 95 (2011)
monolingual. For example, in the United States, had recently arrived. Latino immigrants to the
transitional bilingual education programs use two United States often follow a migration pattern
languages to develop English, whereas English- referred to as step migration, in which one fam-
as-a-second-language programs are monolingual ily member initiates the migration, with children,
programs in which instruction is supposed to spouses, and siblings left behind, until the lengthy
be in English. Both, however, are conceived as process of obtaining permanent visas is resolved
education for bilingualism because their objective (Grasmuck & Pessar, 1991). For this reason, the
is to teach an additional language. Whether edu- child’s language characteristics often have little
cational programs are monolingual or bilingual to do with the language of the home. In this
and whether they view bilingualism linearly or dy- fifth-grade two-way bilingual classroom, often the
namically, they are often structured as if groups mother had been in the United States for a long
of students need the same language “treatment,” time and spoke English. She sometimes had a
as if language and life (or the content they need new husband and young children whose linguis-
to learn) were separate. Thus, schools often have tic repertoires did not coincide with that of the
language policies and practices that are organized child. There had been divorces, marriages, and re-
as top–down and are applied to the group or composition of families, each bringing with them
groups as if everyone needed the same. However, a new set of language practices. There had also
all educators need to pay attention to the indi- been moves to different communities, also accen-
vidual experience of students in their classrooms. tuating different language practices.
John Dewey (1938), the American educational re- Among the “Latinos” there were class differ-
former, has said: ences, national differences, and racial differences.
Among the so-called “Anglos,” there were stu-
Every experience is a moving force. Its value can be dents who spoke English at home, but there were
judged only on the ground of what it moves toward also speakers of Italian, Portuguese, Arabic, Urdu,
and into . . . It is then the business of the educator
Gujarati, and Romanian. Although the teacher
to see in what direction an experience is heading . . .
had been educated as a bilingual teacher and was
Failure to take the moving force into account so as to
judge and direct it on the ground of what it is moving well versed in theoretical frameworks and peda-
into means disloyalty to the principle of experience gogy, she was ignorant of the linguistic complex-
itself. (p. 38) ity of her classroom. In fact, on the first day, when
Garcı́a walked in, the children told her that the
Recently, one of us (Garcı́a) was in a fifth-grade Romanian girl was a “Roman.” When Garcı́a in-
two-way bilingual classroom that, although atten- quired further, it became obvious that neither the
tive to dynamic bilingualism, demonstrated how teacher nor the children had any idea of either
organizing classrooms for homogeneous groups the country of Romania nor the Romanian lan-
of students is often not enough in our complex guage (nor, incidentally, of whether the child was
world. The teacher described the class as being a Roma from Romania). The teacher had also
half Latino, half Anglo. However, of course, the never heard of Guaranı́ and had no idea that one
individual experiences of the children were far of her students was a Guaranı́ speaker. For her,
more complex than simply those of two ethnic or the job simply was to teach the children in two
linguistic groups. Among the so-called “Latinos,” languages—English and Spanish. Clearly, the in-
there were monolingual Spanish speakers, mono- dividual linguistic, cultural, and schooling expe-
lingual English speakers, and bilingual and trilin- riences of the children were being ignored. This
gual speakers. Not all of the Latinos who were school only structures a language group experi-
learning English were speakers of Spanish, for in ence, denying the many individual variations that
the group there was a recently arrived Mexican exist.
indigenous child who spoke Mixteco at home as Schools that are truly organized to respect
well as a Paraguayan child who was bilingual in the singular pluralities in multilingual classrooms
Spanish/Guaranı́. Those Latinos who were born have to let go, then, of some principles that even
in the United States were not necessarily the ones bilingual education has long held dear. No longer
who were English speakers, for some had been is it possible to isolate languages or to limit instruc-
born in the United States and had then moved tion to two or even three languages; it is important
back to Latin America or had moved back and to create a context in which educators pay close
forth over the course of their lifetime. Some who attention to how a student and his or her language
were born in Latin America had been in the practices are in motion—that is, to focus on how
United States for a long time and were fluent the students are engaged in meaningful activities.
English speakers, but there were also those who It is only then that, as Carini (2000) said, “it is
Ofelia Garcı́a and Claire E. Sylvan 391
possible for the teacher to gain the insights very much relevant. (See Bartlett & Garcı́a, 2011
needed to adjust her or his own approaches to and Garcı́a & Bartlett, 2007 for an example of one
the child accordingly” (p. 9, our emphasis). such program for Dominican immigrants in the
Bilingual education programs often have lan- United States.) But there is also space for more
guage allocation policies that dictate when, how, flexible bilingualism in education, emerging not
and for how long each language should be used; from top–down policies, but from educators’ and
that is, language allocation policies most often students’ negotiation of bilingual practices (see
focus on the macroalternation of languages. Rarely Garcı́a, Flores, & Chu, 2011). Garcı́a and Kleifgen
do these policies include thinking about the mi- (2010) have called this type of program dynamic
croalternation of languages, the translanguaging plurilingual education.
that allows educators to adjust language practices We follow the use of the Council of Europe
and content to the child. Educators must negoti- in reserving the term “plurilingual” for the com-
ate sense-making instructional decisions, moment plex language practices of individuals, whereas us-
by moment (for educators as language policy mak- ing “multilingual” to signal the language practices
ers, see Menken & Garcı́a, 2010). Bilingualism in of classrooms, geographic or political areas, or
education must emerge from the meaningful in- groups. In the Council of Europe’s (2001) view,
teraction of students with different linguistic back- plurilingualism is:
grounds and their educators, instead of solely
being handed down to educators as language The ability to use languages for the purposes of com-
policy. munication and to take part in intercultural inter-
This pedagogical philosophy of singular plu- action, where a person, viewed as a social agent, has
proficiency of varying degrees, in several languages,
ralities rooted in progressive education, along-
and experience of several cultures. This is not seen
side understandings of dynamic bilingualism and as the superposition or juxtaposition of distinct com-
its complexities, is what schools must own today. petences, but rather as the existence of a complex or
However, at the same time, and especially in the even composite competence on which the user may
education of language minorities, attention has draw. (p. 168, our emphasis)
to be paid to social justice. Goldfarb and Grinberg
(2002) defined social justice as: In schools with a dynamic plurilingual approach,
the locus of control for language is the stu-
the exercise of altering these arrangements [differ- dents’ own active use—their language/content
ence in terms of power, economic distributions, ac- understandings in motion and in dynamic inter-
cess to knowledge, and generation of knowledge] by
relationship. Regardless of whether classrooms
actively engaging in reclaiming, appropriating, sus-
taining and advancing inherent human rights of eq-
are monolingual (with students of one language
uity, equality, and fairness in social, economic, educa- group), or bilingual (with students of two lan-
tional, and personal dimensions, among other forms guage groups), or multilingual (with students of
of relationships. (p. 162) many language groups), instruction is plurilin-
gual, in the sense that each students’ languaging
Teacher–student relationships and interactions is recognized and the pedagogy is dynamically
have to be simultaneously rooted in the singu- centered on the singularity of the individual expe-
larity of the child’s experience and the plurality riences that make up a plurality. As such, this ped-
of experiences and languages that make up the agogy enables students, as Freire (1970) has said,
bilingual or multilingual classroom. Recognizing to learn from each other as well as from teachers,
the different language practices of students and at the same time that teachers learn from the
focusing on the singularity of the individual expe- students. In addition, this pedagogy is centered
rience and the oppression of groups of minority in the dialogical action that promotes under-
people would enable language minority students standing. Said another way, in these dynamic
to become engaged in their own struggle for lib- plurilingual programs, the direction between
eration and education (Freire, 1970), as well as the educator and the educated goes both ways.
to invest in the development of their additional Both are learners and teachers. The pedagogical
language (Norton, 2000). practices negotiate the dynamic bilingualism of
How schools organize themselves to deliver this students’ individual experiences while actively
instruction depends on the local communities working against existing forms of domination
and the characteristics of the students. For exam- and exploitation of groups of people. It is then to
ple, in the United States, there are schools in res- an example of such schools and how they enact
identially segregated neighborhoods where more this dynamic plurilingual education that we now
traditional bilingual education structures are still turn.
392 The Modern Language Journal 95 (2011)
TABLE 1 more IHSs—seven in New York City and two in
Internationals Network’s Schools in New York City California.
and California and Founding Year Although originally IHSs were linguistically di-
1. The International High School at 1985 verse, serving newcomer immigrant adolescents
LaGuardia Community College of many language backgrounds who were learn-
2. The Manhattan International High School 1993 ing English, two new IHSs have recently opened
3. The Brooklyn International High School 1994 specifically to serve the large number of Latino
4. Bronx International High School 2000 immigrants in New York City. Thus, there are two
5. The International High School at Prospect 2004 models of IHSs. There is a multilingual plurilin-
Heights gual model serving immigrant students with many
6. The Flushing International High School 2004 different home languages and supporting the use
7. International High School at Lafayette 2005
of students’ many languages in sense-making and
8. International Community High School 2006
9. Pan American International High School, 2007 learning. There is also a bilingual plurilingual
Queens model serving immigrant students with Spanish
10. Oakland International High School 2007 as their home language and using English and
11. Pan American International High School 2008 Spanish to make instructional meaning in the two
at Monroe schools called Pan American International High
12. San Francisco International High School 2009 Schools (PAIHSs). The important point, however,
13. International High School at Union 2010 is that regardless of whether the classrooms are
Square multilingual (with students who speak many lan-
guages other than English) or bilingual (with stu-
dents who speak only Spanish), the pedagogy is
a plurilingual one, dynamically centered on the
INTERNATIONALS HIGH SCHOOLS individual students’ language practices—that is,
on the singularity of the plurality in the classroom
The INPS is a U.S. nonprofit organization that (for more on pedagogy at the IHSs, see De Fazio,
supports the work of 13 public (government- 1999; see also Walqui & van Lier, 2010).
supported) high schools for newcomer immigrant The Internationals approach was developed
adolescents who are new to English with what based on the understanding that individuals are
is called the “Internationals approach” (Sylvan incredibly diverse and that immigrant adoles-
& Romero, 2002), which we will describe later. cents, who are emergent bilinguals and arriving with
As of September 2010, 11 of these Internationals limited knowledge of English, still have a large
High Schools (IHSs from now on) are located in array of abilities, knowledge, and experiences—
New York City and 2 in the California Bay Area. linguistic, cognitive, artistic, social, in many other
Table 1 displays a list of the IHSs in 2010. spheres. In the United States, emergent bilinguals
In response to the growing immigrant commu- are most often referred to as English language
nity in New York City and challenges of preparing learners or limited English proficient. We follow
late-entry immigrant adolescents for the rigors of Garcı́a (2009b) in referring to students who are
college study, the first IHS opened in the borough new to English as emergent bilinguals, thus recog-
of Queens in 1985. The success of the educa- nizing their complex abilities and strengths and
tional model led to the opening of Manhattan focusing on their social, emotional, and academic
and Brooklyn IHSs in 1993 and 1994 and Bronx development beyond that of just learning English.
International in 2001, as well as the establish- Building on the immigrant adolescents’ existing
ment of an Internationals Schools Partnership strengths and understanding the centrality of lan-
among the schools to coordinate interschool col- guage to human culture and individual beings,
laborative projects. With grants from both a fed- the Internationals approach focuses on prepar-
erally financed program aimed at disseminating ing adolescent immigrants to succeed in college
exemplary programs for immigrant students who and careers in the United States and especially on
were new to English and the Annenberg Foun- supporting the development of complex language
dation’s “Networks for School Renewal” project practices that include academic English language
in New York City, the Partnership supported new and literacy.
schools as well as provided continuous learn- In addition to being newcomer immigrants who
ing and growth opportunities for all schools and are new to English, the IHSs’ student popula-
their faculties. In 2004, with support from the tion is also poor. In 2009, 92% of students at
Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation, the INPS in- IHSs were on free or reduced lunch—a mea-
corporated and supported the opening of nine sure of poverty—compared to 71% in all New
Ofelia Garcı́a and Claire E. Sylvan 393
York City high schools. Yet, despite their poverty, groups of three to four, usually at hexagonal or
their limited English, and their recent immigra- trapezoidal tables so as to promote interaction.
tion, adolescents at IHSs are doing better, as we They are talking, arguing, trying to make their
will see, than other immigrant emergent bilingual points, and collaborating on a project together.
students in New York City. In so doing, they are using different language
Traditionally, high school study in the United practices, including those they bring from home.
States consists of 4 years. For newcomer In a multilingual–plurilingual model classroom,
immigrant students, it is difficult to develop the an observer will hear several languages at once
level of academic English required for high school and may see materials in many languages. In the
graduation in 4 years. Yet, the graduation rate of bilingual–plurilingual model of the two PAIHSs,
emergent bilingual students in the IHSs is 57%. an observer will see students alternating between
This is 13 percentage points higher than the 44% Spanish and English and using materials in both.
graduation rate of emergent bilingual adolescents In a well-functioning IHS classroom, you find
in all high schools in New York City. It takes students talking in small groups, using bilingual
immigrant adolescents who are learning English dictionaries (both electronic and paper), and
sometimes longer than 4 years to pass all of the switching between English and home languages
high school graduation exams. Whereas the high as needed to complete complex cognitive tasks
school graduation rate of these emergent bilin- and put together a collaborative project, often an
guals citywide is 49% after 5 years and 42% after oral presentation in English to their peers or a
6 years, the high school completion rate of stu- written product. Students are asked to do oral pre-
dents in IHSs is 72% after 5 years and 74% after sentations from their earliest days in the schools
6 years—that is, 23 percentage points higher af- and are supported in taking risks to use their new
ter 5 years and 32 percentage points higher af- language practices publicly. The length and com-
ter 6 years. Clearly, the IHSs are more successful plexity of the presentations will vary based on stu-
in graduating immigrant students who are learn- dents’ linguistic proficiency in English.
ing English than many other high schools in the Students walk around periodically to get ma-
city. Likewise, if we compare the rate of success terials they need to complete their project. The
of IHS students in the English Language Arts and teacher is not in the front of the room talking or
Math exams required for graduation with other sitting at the desk, but rather sitting with the stu-
emergent bilinguals in New York City, 70% of IHS dents listening, redirecting conversation at times,
students passed the English Language Arts exam asking and answering questions, or just being part
compared with 47% of all emergent bilinguals in of the small group discussions as he or she moves
New York City high schools. Whereas 82% of IHS from table to table.
students passed the Math exam, 61% of emer- The teacher will almost always be using English
gent bilingual students in all New York City high with students and asking other students to trans-
schools passed the same exam. (Data from 2009.) late for him or her when a student is using a
What, then, accounts for the success of these language other than English. Despite the many
IHSs? Eight principles lie at the core of the IHS languages that may be involved in the process
instructional design:1 of creating a project, students use English on a
daily basis because the project (with the exception
1. heterogeneity and singularities in plurality;
of home language projects and work in Spanish
2. collaboration among students;
in a PAIHSs model) will generally (although not
3. collaboration among faculty;
always) be in English. Students will be asked to
4. learner-centered classrooms;
present orally often and generally in English; so,
5. language and content integration;
many times they are practicing their English pre-
6. plurilingualism from the students up;
sentations or preparing for their presentations
7. experiential learning; and
using their home languages.
8. localized autonomy and responsibility.
Most of the texts and documents in the class-
Before we describe each of these principles of the room will be in English, although the student ta-
Internationals approach, we illustrate what class- bles also have dictionaries in many languages and
rooms in IHSs might look like. print and Internet material in languages other
than English. Although students may be asking for
A SNAPSHOT: IHS CLASSROOMS translation from other students or having some
discussion in the home language around the text
The IHS classrooms are noisy, active, and in- or document, they go back to English to interact
teractive places. Students are generally sitting in with peers on their project.
394 The Modern Language Journal 95 (2011)
Students are usually working with an activity they are reading and studying and to discuss it
guide provided by the teacher that walks them collectively.
through each step of the project. The activity Authentic experiences are woven into differ-
guides are in English, so they require constant ent parts of the class—a unit is often introduced
negotiation in English. The guides contain many through a field trip, movie clip, pictures, hands-on
graphic organizers that ask students to summarize activity, or small group discussion about a familiar
and categorize the information and then to use concept/experience that relates to the more aca-
it to make conclusions, ask questions, synthesize demic concepts central to that project or unit of
different ideas, or compare perspectives. They study. These shared oral experiences that are de-
also include different media (written word, signed to be accessible to all students anchor the
poetry, visuals, primary documents, etc.) that stu- major concepts for students, provide an accessi-
dents of different levels can use to make sense of ble avenue to return to when the concepts and
their learning. Some guides may contain almost language get to a higher level, generate key vo-
no English text and instead have pictures and cabulary and ideas that students can relate to the
graphics so that students who are not literate or broader topic, and often provide a hook or mo-
those who are completely new to English can have tivation that gets students interested in the topic,
access to the information. understanding how it relates to their own life or
There are resources on the walls that provide the world around them. Students are constantly
students with sentence starters, key vocabulary, asked to reflect on their work—to look at where
and phrases that they can use to add ideas or they are as learners and where they need to go.
politely disagree—all in English. However, as we Students are also asked to think about the broader
said earlier, tables always have dictionaries in var- implications and the “so what?” aspect of what they
ious languages and students consult them fre- are studying.
quently. Documents in different languages and The work of the teachers at the IHSs is heav-
Internet access to home language materials are ily focused on designing the activity guides (not
often available. Multiple conversations are hap- lesson plans) to direct students through active
pening at multiple times in many languages with learning of academic content. Rather than talk
occasional breaks in the “chaos” for the teacher about “lesson plans” that describe what teachers
to explain a concept or practice a skill collectively are doing, the Internationals approach encour-
that students immediately apply in the work they ages teachers to plan curricula and projects to in-
are doing. volve students in active learning, in which students
There is often a student discussion leader/ and teachers rely on each other and in which stu-
facilitator at each table, with every other student dents utilize English and their home languages
playing a key role or assuming responsibility for to complete projects by building on their existing
a meaningful piece of the culminating project. knowledge (both content and linguistic).
Groups of students pool their knowledge. Stu- In short, teachers in IHS classrooms use
dents have considerable choice in how they ar- dynamic plurilingual pedagogy and build on
rive at the final project, including the language translanguaging in the classroom. By allowing
practices with which they negotiate, and the even- individual students to use their home language
tual form that the project takes on, but activity practices to make sense of the learning moment,
guides and rubrics (often collectively designed be- these IHSs go beyond traditional second-language
tween teachers and students) establish parameters programs (such as English as a second lan-
in which students operate. guage [ESL], English structured immersion, or
A student who knows little English will often Sheltered English in the United States) or tra-
be sitting next to a more proficient student who ditional bilingual education programs. Instead
shares a home language so that he or she can of the top–down traditional approach that often
get support and better access the information. dictates language policy in schools and that in the
Students depend on one another to share their United States results in classrooms being English-
experiences, knowledge, perspectives, and under- only or bilingual, the IHSs have designed a dy-
standings of the text; they teach each other. The namic plurilingual system of education. At these
teacher is not the only “expert” in the room, and IHSs, emergent bilingual immigrant adolescents
considerable control is handed over to the stu- are developing English language and literacy so
dents. Content is made accessible because stu- that they can graduate from U.S. high schools.
dents work on figuring out the content, lan- However, they are doing so by being empowered
guage, and implications together. Students are as individuals to use their home language prac-
constantly asked to “re-present” the information tices in singular agentive ways to make meaning
Ofelia Garcı́a and Claire E. Sylvan 395
of their learning of rigorous content and new lan- at IHSs recognize that every individual student’s
guage practices. language characteristics and use differ from those
Now that we have described what IHS class- of others in the class, even when supposedly the
rooms might look like and we have identified the students speak the “same language”; that is, ev-
subtle translanguaging practices that characterize eryone at IHSs recognize the singularities of the
the dynamic plurilingual education of the IHSs, pluralities in language practices that make up the
we turn to explaining each of the core principles classrooms.
of their sociolinguistic and socioeducational
philosophy. Collaboration Among Students
Collaborative structures that build on the strengths
CORE PRINCIPLES
of every individual member of the school community
Heterogeneity and Singularities in Plurality optimize learning. Because the Internationals un-
derstand the individuality of the emergent bilin-
Optimizing heterogeneity builds on the strengths gual experience, students with varied levels of
of every single individual member of the school English proficiency as well as literacy levels and
community. The IHSs have a different approach home language proficiency are in the same class
to heterogeneity than that found in most pro- by design.2 They study complex and sophisticated
grams or schools that work with language-minority topics, through working collaboratively.
students. Because IHSs believe that inevitably all Collaboration leverages the benefits of a hetero-
groups are by nature heterogeneous, instructional geneous class and addresses its challenges. Stu-
programs are designed to leverage diversity. dents are able to share their different perspec-
The students at the IHSs are highly diverse, tives, experiences, and talents. While building
coming from over 90 countries, speaking about community in the classroom and in the school,
55 languages, and ranging in prior academic ex- different students are challenged in multiple
perience from never having attended school to and divergent ways through these heterogeneous
being at or above grade level in their home classes. While supporting struggling students,
language. They have vastly different experi- collaborative grouping also challenges more ad-
ences, with some commonalities. All students are vanced students who must understand the mate-
new learners of English and have been in the rial fully in order to explain it to others. Collabora-
United States 4 years or fewer at the time of admis- tion also allows students to form friendships across
sion. About 70% of students have been separated cultural and linguistic lines because they have a
from one or both parents in the course of immi- reason to talk to one another and are not silently
grating to the United States. They may have seen filling out worksheets or listening to a teacher.
parents and relatives killed in violent upheavals Collaboration enables all students to engage
and wars, or have lived in refugee camps, or have in challenging and creative projects because stu-
been victims of narco-terrorists. The IHSs are de- dents of different levels work together to accom-
signed to promote respect for different language plish a final product they would not be able to do
and cultural practices and to leverage them in all on their own. This instructional approach relies
aspects. on the advantages of small group collaborative
In looking at heterogeneous/homogeneous learning and peer-mediated instruction while rec-
grouping models, educators at IHSs understand ognizing the linguistic heterogeneity of all groups
that even if students have the same scores on lan- of students and their singularities.
guage proficiency tests, they may not have gotten
the same items correct and thus their language
Collaboration Among Teachers
proficiency differs. Even if, amazingly and with-
out cheating, two students have answered all of The collaborative structures in which students work
the questions in the same way, educators at IHSs and learn mirror those in which faculty work and
understand that the thinking that led students to learn, capitalizing on everyone’s diverse strengths and
choose their answers is inevitably divergent. Fur- maximizing their ability to support one another. Just
ther, IHS teachers and administrators know that as students work in groups, IHS teachers work
students differ on numerous other characteristics in groups. Teachers, like students, are assumed
and proficiencies and that language proficiency to be diverse and have various strengths. They
is impacted by the content of study (e.g., study- work in teams with teachers from different disci-
ing astrophysics in any language would be beyond plines (at a minimum, an English language arts,
these authors’ proficiency level). Thus, educators social studies/history, science and math teacher)
396 The Modern Language Journal 95 (2011)
and share responsibility for a cluster of 75–100 and to achieve the same result. This is not possi-
students, who are subdivided into three or four ble when you have students with English language
classes that are, by design, heterogeneous in all proficiency ranging from very little knowledge in
respects (language proficiency, home language, English to grade-level use of English. This is also
literacy level, prior academic experience and/or not possible if students have different literacy lev-
success, etc.). els in their home languages and diverse schooling
These teams are responsible for students’ experiences, academic and literacy traditions, and
progress collectively and holistically—linguistic, classroom scripts.
academic, sociocultural, affective, and so on. As Swain (1996, 2000) has posited, collabora-
Time is built into the day (and often added to tive dialogue is very important in the development
it, with compensation) to allow teachers to meet of an additional language. Educators at the IHSs
for anywhere from 2 to 6 hours a week so that they believe that students are best served when teach-
can learn from each other. These small groups of ers use their professional expertise, not princi-
teachers focus on the design of their curricula and pally as providers of knowledge but as facilitators
their pedagogies, their challenges and successes, of a process that enables students and faculty to
and their students’ progress. learn while making language choices to accom-
Teachers’ collaboration prepares them to plish meaningful activities.
replicate for students their own learning environ- Students’ active use of language is critical to
ments. Teachers learn not from lectures in profes- the academic program of the IHSs. No one learns
sional development sessions and faculty meetings, to ride a bicycle by watching someone else ride
but from each other. The Internationals approach it. Thus, the Internationals model is designed to
expects that the adult learning model and the have students actively use the additional language
model for student learning will mirror each other. practices for as much of each class period as possi-
The IHSs build on the diversity of the teachers so ble. Students use English as well as their home
that the staff can then construct learning experi- languages to understand the material they are
ences based on the linguistic and cultural differ- studying and to prepare oral presentations and
ences of the students with whom they work. written work in English.