Speech and Respect

THE
HAMLYN
LECTURES
SPEECH
AND
RESPECT
THE HAMLYN LECTURES
FORTY-FOURTH SERIES
SPEECH & RESPECT

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SPEECH & RESPECT
by
RICHARD ABEL
Professor of Law
University of California Los Angeles
Published under the auspices of

THE HAMLYN TRUST
LONDON
STEVENS & SONS/SWEET & MAXWELL
1994
Published in 1994
by Stevens & Sons Ltd./Sweet & Maxwell Ltd.
South Quay Plaza, 183 Marsh Wall, London E14 9FT
Computerset by
York House Typographic Ltd.,
London W13 8NT
Printed by Thomson Litho Ltd.,

East Kilbride, Scotland
A CIP catalogue record for this book

is available from the British Library
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All rights reserved.

No part of this publication may be produced
or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise or stored in
any retrieval system of any nature without the written permission
of the copyright holder and the publisher, application for which
shall be made to the publisher.
Professor Richard Abel

1994
Contents
The Hamlyn Lectures vii

The Hamlyn Trust xi
Introduction 1
1. The Struggle for Respect 4

2. The Poverty of Civil Libertarianism 33
3. The Excesses of State Regulation 81
4. Taking Sides 123
Appendix 175
References 177
Index 197
The Hamlyn Lectures
1949 Freedom under the Law

by the Rt. Hon. Lord Denning
1950 The Inheritance of the Common Law

by Richard O'Sullivan, Esq.
1951 The Rational Strength of English Law

by Professor F.H. Lawson
1952 English Law and the Moral Law

by Professor A.L. Goodhart
1953 The Queen's Peace

by Sir Carleton Kemp Allen
1954 Executive Descretion and Judicial Control

by Professor C.J. Hamson
1955 The Proof of Guilt

by Professor Glanville Williams
1956 Trial by Jury

by the Rt. Hon. Lord Devlin
1957 Protection from Power under English Law

by the Rt. Hon. Lord MacDermott
1958 The Sanctity of Contracts in English Law

by Professor Sir David Hughes Parry
1959 Judge and Jurist in the Reign of Victoria

byC.H.S. Fifoot, Esq.
1960 The Common Law in India

by M.C. Setalvad, Esq.
VII
The Hamlyn Lectures
1961 British Justice: The Scottish Contribution
by Professor Sir Thomas Smith
1962 Lawyer and Litigant in England

by the Rt. Hon. Sir Robert Megarry
1963 Crime and the Criminal Law

by the Baroness Wootton of Abinger
1964 Law and Lawyers in the United States

by Dean Erwin N. Griswold
1965 New Law for a New World?

by the Rt. Hon. Lord Tangley
1966 Other People's Law

by the Rt. Hon. Lord Kilbrandon
1967 The Contribution of English Law to South Africa Law;

and the Rule of Law in South Africa
by the Hon. O.D. Schreiner
1968 Justice in the Welfare State

by Professor H. Street
1969 The British Tradition in Canadian Law

by the Hon. Bora Laskin
1970 The English Judge

by Henry Cecil
1971 Punishment, Prison and the Public

by Professor Sir Rupert Cross
1972 Labour and the Law

by Professor Sir Otto Kahn-Freund
1973 Maladministration and its Remedies

by Sir Kenneth Wheare
1974 English Law—The New Dimension

by the Rt. Hon. Lord Scarman
1975 The Land and the Development; or, The Turmoil and
the Torment
by Sir Desmond Heap
1976 The National Insurance Commissioners

by Sir Robert Micklewait
VIII
The Hamlyn Lectures
1977 The European Communities and the Rule of Law
by Lord Mackenzie Stuart
1978 Liberty, Law and Justice

by Professor Sir Norman Anderson
1979 Social History and Law Reform

by Professor Lord McGregor of Durris
1980 Constitutional Fundamentals

by Professor Sir William Wade
1981 Intolerable Inquisition? Reflections on the Law of Tax

by Hubert Monroe
1982 The Quest for Security: Employees, Tenants, Wives

by Professor Tony Honore
1983 Hamlyn Revisited: The British Legal System Today

by Lord Hailsham of St. Marylebone
1984 The Development of Consumer Law and Policy—Bold

Spirits and Timorous Souls
by Sir Cordon Borrie
1985 Law and Order

by Professor Ralf Dahrendorf
1986 The Fabric of English Civil Justice

by Sir Jack Jacob
1987 Pragmatism and Theory in English Law

by P.S. Atiyah
1988 Justification and Excuse in the Criminal Law

byJ.C. Smith
1989 Protection of the Public - A New Challenge

by the Rt. Hon. Lord Justice Woolf
1990 The United Kingdom and Human Rights

by Dr. Claire Palley
1991 Introducing a European Legal Order

by Gordon Slynn
1992 Speech & Respect

by Professor Richard Abel
IX
The Hamlyn Trust
The Hamlyn Trust owes its existence to the will of the late Miss Emma
Warburton Hamlyn of Torquay, who died in 1941 at the age of
eighty. She came of an old and well-known Devon family. Her
father, William Bussell Hamlyn, practised in Torquay as a solicitor
and JP for many years, and it seems likely that Miss Hamlyn founded
the trust in his memory. Emma Hamlyn was a woman of strong
character, intelligent and cultured, well-versed in literature, music
and art, and a lover of her country. She travelled extensively in
Europe and Egypt, and apparently took considerable interest in the
law and ethnology of the countries and cultures that she visited. An
account of Miss Hamlyn by Dr. Chantal Stebbings of the University
of Exeter may be found, under the title "The Hamlyn Legacy," in
volume 42 of the published lectures.
Miss Hamlyn bequeathed the residue of her estate on trust in terms
which it seems were her own. The wording was thought to be vague,
and the will was taken to the Chancery Division of the High Court,
which in November 1948 approved a Scheme for the administration
of the trust. Paragraph 3 of the Scheme, which closely follows Miss
Hamlyn's own wording, is as follows:
"The object of the charity is the furtherance by lectures or

otherwise among the Common People of the United Kingdom of
Great Britain and Northern Ireland of the knowledge of the
Comparative Jurisprudence and Ethnology of the Chief European
countries including the United Kingdom, and the circumstances
of the growth of such jurisprudence to the Intent that the Common
People of the United Kingdom may realise the privileges which in
law and custom they enjoy in comparison with other European
Peoples and realising and appreciating such privileges may recog-
nise the responsibilities and obligations attaching to them."
xi
The Hamlyn Trust
The Trustees are to include the Vice-Chancellor of the University of

Exeter, representatives of the Universities of London, Leeds, Glas-
gow, Belfast and Wales and persons co-opted. At present there are
eight Trustees:
Professor J.A. Andrews, M.A., B.C.L.

Professor T.C. Daintith, M.A.
Professor D.S. Greer, LL.D., B.C.L. (Chairman)
Dr. D. Harrison, C.B.E, M.A., Ph.D., Sc.D., F.R.S.C, F.I.Chem.
E., F.Eng.
Professor B. Hogan, LL.B.
Professor A.I. Ogus, M.A., B.C.L.
Professor J.P. Grant, LL.M.
Professor D.E.C. Wedderburn, M.A., D. Litt.
From the outset it was decided that the Trust's objects could best be
achieved by means of an annual course of public lectures of
outstanding interest and quality by eminent Lecturers, and by their
subsequent publication and distribution to a wider audience. Details
of these Lectures are given on page vii. In recent years, however, the
Trustees have expanded their activities by organising supplementary
regional lecture tours and by setting up a "small grants" scheme to
provide financial support for other activities designed to further
public understanding of the law.
The forty-fourth series of lectures was delivered by Professor Abel
at the University of Wales College of Cardiff in December 1992. The
Trustees regret the delay in the publication of these Lectures, which
arose in part as a result of Professor Abel's decision to include
material not delivered in the original lectures and concern on the
part of the Trustees and the publishers that some of this material
might be regarded as objectionable or distasteful. In the event, it was
decided to accede to Professor Abel's request that the additional
material should be included in the published version of the Lectures
on the basis that readers will judge for themselves the appropriate-
ness of Professor Abel's decision, and, like the Trustees, become
involved in a practical way with an issue which is central to The
Lecturer's thesis.
February 1994 DESMOND GREER

Chairman of the Trustees
XII
Introduction
The goal of the Hamlyn Trust is to educate "the Common People of

the United Kingdom" to "realise the privileges which in law and
custom they enjoy in comparison with other European Peoples [so
that they] may recognise the responsibilities and obligations attach-
ing to them." Why did a Victorian/Edwardian single woman from a
good West Country family feel the need to assert such superiority—
to the Common People, whom she sought to instruct so that they, in
turn, would feel superior to other European Peoples? With the
condescension that each generation bestows on its predecessors we
may look with amusement at the parochialism and ethnocentrism of
Ms. Hamlyn's will, written before World War Two and expressive of
attitudes formed more than a century ago. But such assertions of
social superiority are no less pervasive today, if they take different
forms. Status inequality and the challenges it provokes are the
subject of my lectures. The Hamlyn Trust was inspired by a sense of
paternalistic obligation. I explore the responsibilities of those privi-
leged today by virtue of class, race, ethnicity, gender, religion, or
sexual orientation.
I was very pleased that the Trustees chose Cardiff as the venue for
the 1992 lectures, for several reasons. First, I probably owe my
invitation to deliver these lectures to an invitation from Phil Thomas
a decade earlier to participate in a conference on the Report of the
Royal Commission on Legal Services (the Benson Commission).
Although I had been teaching and writing about American lawyers,
the 1600 page report introduced me to the legal profession in
England and Wales and launched me on a comparative study of legal
professions throughout the common law and civil law worlds. (The
Report arrived during the 1979/80 winter—the rainiest in recent Los
Angeles history; the constant drizzle not only inspired nostalgia for
my days as a post-graduate student in London in the 1960s but also
1
Introduction
created the necessary atmosphere for mastering the anachronistic

minutiae of kite fees, court attire, and the conveyancing monopoly.)
Second, for more than 20 years Cardiff has been a centre for socio-
legal studies, not only in Britain but throughout the world. The
Journal of Law and Society was founded there in 1973, just three
years after the law school was established in the Faculty of Social
Science, and quickly became one of the leading international
journals in the field. Cardiff has hosted numerous conferences; its
curriculum introduces undergraduates to sociology of law; and
many faculty members engage in sociolegal research. Since my
approach in these lectures is more sociological than legal, Cardiff
offers a hospitable environment. Finally, it seems fitting that lectures
about insiders and outsiders, dominant and subordinate cultures,
should be delivered in Wales.
There is something anomalous about an American law professor
addressing a British audience on the superiority of their laws and
customs (which may be why I am only the second to be invited and
the fifth from outside Britain). Because I naturally have drawn on the
American experience and literature, I fear that many of my examples
may appear arcane and exotic. Yet I believe there are common
lessons to be learned. Status inequalities do not respect national
boundaries; indeed, the massive increase in international migration
has aggravated and complicated those inequalities. My first lecture
deals at length with the conflict surrounding The Satanic Verses; and
its other two topics—pornography and racial hatred—have pro-
voked almost as much controversy in Britain as they have in the
United States. I believe that the struggle for respect will continue to
intensify in both countries. The United States often seems about a
decade ahead of Britain in the construction of social problems (and
California a decade ahead of the rest of the United States). When I
moved to England in autumn 1965, after a summer as a civil rights
lawyer in Mississippi, I was asked to speak about that experience to
local Labour and Conservative Party meetings and at conferences.
Those audiences always assured me that race was not a problem in
Britain—an opinion I found hard to reconcile with the "no col-
oured" signs I constantly encountered in seeking a flat in London.
Within a few years, not surprisingly, Britain heard Enoch Powell
warn of "rivers of blood" and witnessed violent racial conflict,
which has continued to escalate. At the same time, Britain is ahead
of the United States in acknowledging the ways that speech repro-
duces status inequality and seeking to do something about them.
I have not re-written the lectures for this book (although I had to
Introduction
cut them slightly for oral delivery). Instead, I have appended exten-
sive textual notes and references for those interested in greater detail,
further examples, and the relevant literature.
I am grateful to those who read earlier drafts: my wife Emily Abel
(chapters one to three), C. Edwin Baker and Steven Shiffrin (chapter
two), Joel Handler and Lucie White (a shorter version), and my
critical legal theory seminar (the entirety, or so they claim). All of
them have reservations about both substance and format—as do I.
1. The Struggle for Respect
I am going to begin these lectures with three stories, which illustrate

the drama, variety, and complexity of the struggle for respect
through speech.
/. Pornography
By the end of the 1960s the champions of free expression and sexual
liberation had declared victory over a century of prudery and
Puritanism. 1 Notorious novels like Ulysses and Lady Chatterley's
Lover, banned just decades earlier, no longer raised many eye-
brows. Pornography proliferated in movies, books, and magazines
and eagerly exploited the new media of videos, cable television, and
telephones. This provoked a counterattack, not just from religion but
also from the contemporaneous second wave of feminism. Gloria
Steinem proclaimed: " A woman who has Playboy in the house is
like a Jew who has Mein Kampf on the table." 2 Diana Russell
condemned pornography as a backlash against feminism, "a male
fantasy-solution that inspires nonfantasy acts of punishment for
uppity females." 3 Susan Brownmiller maintained that "pornogra-
phy, like rape, is a male invention, designed to dehumanize women,
to reduce the female to an object of sexual access . . . ." 4 Judith Bat-
Ada hyperbolised these diatribes.
Sexual fascism means that . . . a few powerful men control our

behavior, attitudes, fantasies, concepts of love and caring, inte-
grity . . . to whom and how we make our genitalia available. . . .
[the] triumvirate—Hugh Heffner, Bob Guccione, and Larry Flynt
[publishers of Playboy, Penthouse, and Hustler) . . . are every bit
as dangerous as Hitler, Mussolini, and Hirohito . . . . Just as the
Pornography
Nazis built prisons around the Jews, and the white man put chains
on the Black women and men, so pomographers have put women
into equally constricting "genital service" structures. . . . All the
special glitter that this male society produces for women—the
makeup, the high-heeled shoes, the tight little dresses—single us
out as women as effectively as did the yellow stars on the coats of
the Jews in Nazi Germany.5
Yet feminists were deeply divided about pornography. Gayle Rubin

denounced the inclusion of sado-masochistic images in the anti-
porn documentary "Not a Love Story" as "on a moral par with . . .
depictions of black men raping white women, or of drooling old
Jews pawing young Aryan girls, to incite racist or anti-Semitic
frenzy."6 The 1982 Barnard conference on the "politics of sexu-
ality" sought to examine the "link between sexual 'political correct-
ness' and other forms of 'political correctness' both on the Left and
the Right."7 It was preceded by a "Speakout on Politically Incorrect
Sex," organized by the Lesbian Sex Mafia, "self-identified 'S/M'
lesbian feminists who argue that the moralism of the radical feminists
stigmatizes sexual minorities such as butch/femme couples, sado-
masochists, and man/boy lovers . . . ." In response, the Coalition for
a Feminist Sexuality and against Sado-Masochism picketed the
conference, protesting the exclusion of "feminists who have devel-
oped the feminist analysis of sexual violence, who have organized a
mass movement against pornography, who have fought media
images that legitimize sexual violence, who believe that sadomas-
ochism is reactionary, patriarchal sexuality, and who have worked
to end the sexual abuse of children."8
The renewed American legal battles over pornography were
fought in this emotionally charged atmosphere. In 1977 Minneapo-
lis neighbourhood groups had secured passage of an ordinance
zoning out adult bookstores, which they believed lowered property
values. Five years later the courts declared it unconstitutional on the
application of the Alexander family, who dominated the local
pornography industry and were represented by the Minnesota Civil
Liberties Union. When the city sought to redraft the zoning law,
Naomi Scheman, a feminist philosophy professor at the University of
Minnesota, put councillors in touch with Catherine MacKinnon and
Andrea Dworkin, who were co-teaching a course on pornography at
the Law School. Never ones to mince words, Dworkin had identified
"the eroticizationof murder" as "the essence of pornography," and
MacKinnon had asserted: "if you understand that pornography
The Struggle for Respect
literally means what it says, you might conclude that sexuality has
become the fascism of contemporary America and we are moving
into the last days of Weimar."4 Anticipating my second story, she
called pornography a "Skokie-type injury" and condemned the
ACLU and MCLU as "pornographers' mouthpieces," while Dwor-
kin dismissed the First Amendment as "an instrument of the ruling
class."
MacKinnon and Dworkin drafted an innovative ordinance, whose
preamble declared that "pornography is central in creating and
maintaining the civil inequality of the sexes." It prohibited the
sexually explicit subordination of women, conferring rights to
damages and an injunction on both women coerced into producing
pornography and sexual assault victims who could show a causal
nexus with a specific publication. Controversy about the ordinance
was intense. Women poured ink over Playboy and Penthouse in the
student union, threw magazines on the floor of the Rialto (adult)
Bookstore, and disrupted the screening of a pornographic movie at
the Rialto Theatre. Dworkin ridiculed the zoning approach: "I think
you should say that you are going to permit the exploitation of live
women, the sado-masochistic use of live women, the binding and
torture of real women and then have the depictions of those women
used in those ways sold in this city . . . ." The star witness was Linda
Marchiano, who testified that she had been coerced into portraying
Linda Lovelace in "Deep Throat" and was raped on screen. Other
witnesses found the hearings cathartic, voicing abuses they had
never disclosed. The audience was partisan and vociferous, "booing
and hissing, moaning and crying." City councillor Barbara Carlson
described the campaign for the ordinance as "onslaught, onslaught,
onslaught! I mean literally, they were in everyone's office. A month
and a half!"
The MCLU vigorously opposed the ordinance, which its director
called a "constitutional mockery" and an "obscenity in itself." So
did the library board. Catherine MacKinnon sought to discredit gay
and lesbian criticism, asserting that "the gay male community
perceives a stake in male supremacy, that is in some ways even
greater than that of straight men." The city's Office of Civil Rights
was uncomfortable with its enforcement role. And the president of
the Minneapolis Urban League saw it as a "white folks issue," which
would divert energy from the struggle for racial equality.
When the liberal mayor vetoed the ordinance, which had passed
by one vote, Dworkin responded: "This city doesn't give a damn
about women." "There's only one question before the City Council:
Pornography
Are they helping the pomographers or helping women?" During

debate over an amended bill a woman with a history of mental
illness, who had testified at the earlier hearings, set fire to herself at
the pornographic Shinder's Read-More Bookstore, leaving a note
declaring that "Sexism has shattered my life. Because of this I have
chosen to take my life and to destroy the persons who have destroy-
ed me." As she lay in hospital in a critical condition 24 women were
arrested for disrupting the climactic council meeting, which passed
the revised ordinance by the same vote, only to have it vetoed again.
Dworkin blamed the defeat on the Council's links to the Mafia. In the
backlash against the campaign, Forum (a Penthouse publication)
listed the names of some of the women who had testified to sexual
abuse, exposing them to further harassment. While the Pornography
Resource Center, which had organised support for the ordinance,
continued to make presentations to women, the Rialto Theatre and
Bookstore across the street expanded its offerings to include nude
dancing.10
The struggle shifted to Indianapolis, the largest Republican city in
the nation, headquarters of the American Legion and birthplace of
the John Birch Society, with a smaller feminist community than
Minneapolis and weaker civil libertarians. City Councillor Beulah
Coughenour, who led the crusade, had chaired the state's successful
Stop ERA campaign and opposed abortion and marital rape laws.
She was supported by Rev. Greg Dixon, a fundamentalist Baptist
who had founded Citizens for a Clean Community, warning that
"the river of smut that is flowing down our cities is . . . one of the
greatest indications of a totally decadent society . . . . we have lost
our moral moorings . . . [and become] hedonistic, humanistic,
materialistic, nihilistic . . . ." City Prosecutor Steven Goldsmith and
Mayor William Hudnut, who had built their political careers on
efforts to close adult bookstores, theaters, and massage parlors,
ignored the city attorney's opinion that the Minneapolis ordinance
was unconstitutional.
This time MacKinnon kept a low profile, managing to convince
some ordinance backers that she, too, was conservative, and Dwor-
kin never visited the city. Conservatives dominated the hearings, to
the exclusion of feminists. Police officers claimed that rapists and
sexual abusers often were arrested in possession of pornography,
which the city prosecutor connected to a recent sensational murder.
Edward Donnerstein, the leading social scientific investigator of
pornography's effects, was questioned by MacKinnon so skillfully
that some city councillors concluded, erroneously, that he asserted a
causal nexus to violence. Activists from the Baptist Temple and

Citizens for Decency through Law packed the audience, booing and
hissing the ineffectual opposition by the Indiana Civil Liberties
Union, the Urban League president, and a feminist former city
attorney.
The ordinance passed 24-5, although most proponents had not
read it and some thought it unconstitutional. Black Democratic
Councillor Rozelle Boyd then moved to limit city spending on legal
defence to $200,000 but was defeated 19-7. As soon as the mayor
signed the law the American Booksellers Association and the ACLU
sought a federal injunction, supported by an amicus brief from the
Feminist Anti-Censorship Taskforce, signed by Betty Friedan, Kate
Millett, and Adrienne Rich, among other notables.11 Judge Sarah
Evans Barker, a Reagan appointee sworn in just a month before,
granted the injunction. The Seventh Circuit affirmed in an opinion
by Frank Easterbrook, another Reagan appointee, who criticised the
ordinance as "thought control" for establishing "an 'approved' view
of women, of how they may react to sexual encounters, of how the
sexes may relate to each other." By the time the Supreme Court
denied the appeal the city's legal expenses exceeded $300,000.
Almost a decade after the Minneapolis ordinance was drafted,
variants are still being debated in the Massachusetts legislature and
the U.S. Congress. Women have written dozens of letters to the
Senate Judiciary Committee urging their passage as an apology for
the Clarence Thomas confirmation and the William Kennedy Smith
rape acquittal.12
//. Racial Hatred

My next story concerns racial hatred. In 1950 Joseph Beauharnais
distributed leaflets for the White Circle League in the form of a
petition to the Chicago city council and mayor
to halt the further encroachment, harassment, and invasion of

white people, their property, neighborhoods and persons, by the
Negro . . . . If persuasion and the need to prevent the white race
from becoming mongrelized by the negro will not unite us, then
the aggressions . . . rapes, robberies, knives, guns and marijuana
of the negro surely will.
He was convicted under the state group libel law, which the U.S.
8
Racial Hatred
Supreme Court upheld.13 Twelve years later, the Chicago branch of

the American Nazi Party, led by Malcolm Lambert, passed out flyers
in front of a Chicago theatre showing a movie featuring Sammy
Davis, Jr.
Niggers! You Too Can Be a Jew. . .. It's Easy; It's Fun . . . Sammy-
the-Kosher-Coon Shows You How . . . In Ten Easy Lessons . . .Be
One of The Chosen People . . . Here's some of the Things You
Learn: Jewish customs and traditions such as how to force your
way into social groups . . . How to make millions cheating
widows and orphans. . . How to Hate-Hitler and get believing he
killed six million of us even though we are all over here living it up
on the dumb Christians.
When 40-60 members of an angry crowd of 200 threatened to

attack Lambert, who refused to leave, police arrested him. He was
convicted of defamatory leafleting and criminal libel.14
In the early 1970s Frank Collin and the dozen members of his
National Socialist Party of America applied to several North Shore
suburbs for permission to demonstrate, after being rebuffed by the
Chicago Park District. He saturated the region with tens of thousands
of leaflets featuring a swastika with hands reaching out to choke a
stereotyped Jew and the caption "We Are Coming!" A Chicago Sun-
Times story quoted Collin at length.
I hope they're terrified. I hope they're shocked. Because we're

coming to get them again. I don't care if someone's mother or
father or brother died in the gas chambers. The unfortunate thing
is not that there were six million Jews who died. The unfortunate
thing is that there were so many survivors.
When only Skokie replied, demanding a $350,000 bond, Collin

targeted trie village, unaware that nearly half the residents were
Jewish and 800-1200 Holocaust survivors. (Collin's own father was
not only Jewish but a Dachau survivor!) "Lieutenant" Roger Tedor
explained the Party's motivation: "We had a picket in Berwyn and
got into a brawl with the JDL. Later, we went to the same place on the
pretext of picketing for free speech. We got a lot of publicity." After
trying the same tactic in Skokie in April 1977 and being stopped by
the police, they hurried to their headquarters to watch themselves on
the evening news and pose in uniform for cameramen.
When the village passed an ordinance requiring a $350,000 bond
for demonstrations and prohibiting racial hatred and military

uniforms, the ACLU sued to enjoin enforcement. Its Public Relations
Director said that "those who preach changes in constitutional law
are the enemy, possessed of sinister motive and intent. . . . " H e and
his family received death threats. A Holocaust survivor called ACLU
lawyer David Goldberger "A rotten person and an opportunist. . . .
during the Nazi era . . . we had people like that. They were
collaborators." Goldberger's own rabbi denounced him during
services. Skokie Holocaust survivors, a close and somewhat isolated
community, rejected the B'nai B'rith Anti-Defamation League policy
of ignoring the Nazis. One explained: "The minute somebody
comes and tries to attack my home, I have to defend myself." When
Collin threatened to march without a permit, Jewish Defense League
leader Meir Kahane told the press: "the streets of Skokie will run with
Nazi blood." Collin was delighted with the response: "I used [the
First Amendment] at Skokie. I planned the reaction of the Jews. They
are hysterical." When a state appellate court permitted him to march
but not display swastikas, he was defiant: "This is my party identifi-
cation, that is my symbol, and we will not be parted from it." Finally
allowed by the state supreme court to flaunt the swastika, Collin
threatened to march on Hitler's birthday. More then a hundred
organisations of Blacks, Latinos, and Ukrainians joined Jews in
promising to mobilise 50,000 people for a counter-demonstration;
the JDL, Jewish War Veterans, and Coalition Against Violence(!)
threatened to attack the NSPA. Israeli Prime Minister Menachem
Begin visited the village and gave Mayor Smith an expense-paid trip
to Israel, where he was presented with the keys to Jerusalem.
Fearing the counterdemonstration might overwhelm his own and
endanger him physically, Collin was persuaded by the U.S. Justice
Department's Community Relations Service to march at the Federal
Plaza courthouse in downtown Chicago. Over the shouts of more
than 6000 anti-Nazis, few could hear Collin's cry that "the creatures
should be gassed." Yet he claimed ultimate victory.
We faced the alternatives of either dying or coming up with

something so dramatic that we could get it up in the world's
headlines. In the courts I was a mouse in a maze, so this was an
end-run . . . . Skokie was traumatic. We lost many members.
Many older people left us because the Jews were on television and
said they'd kill us. Even hard core people left us. There's a parallel
to Hitler. He had many people until the Putsch. Then he found
10
Racial Hatred
himself with no movement. But when we started making pub-

licity, we gained numbers all over the country.
The ACLU also suffered, losing a third of its income in Illinois and 15
per cent of its national membership.
The incident's aftermath exhibited several striking ironies. The
village hired a public relations firm, which launched a "Skokie
Spirit" campaign to erase its image as a stronghold of militant Jews—
earning the council a charge of anti-Semitism. The NSPA informed
the police that Collin was sexually molesting young boys, leading to
his arrest and imprisonment. And surveys found that substantial
majorities of Skokie residents and Illinois citizens disagreed with the
courts that the Constitution protected Nazi speech. Skokie Holo-
caust survivors put it more vividly. One called Nazi speech "ob-
scene," while another said: "It's impossible to think that the people
who wrote the Constitution, that they would say that a murderer has
the right to come and express his opinion and to say that we are
going to murder a certain segment of people."15
///. The Satanic Verses

Because readers will be familiar with the events of my third story,
about The Satanic Verses, I will concentrate on the participants'
language. Three months before its September 1988 publication, Dr.
Zahid Hussain, the Peterborough City Council race relations officer,
told Viking that he and the eight other referees read the book as
history rather than fiction and feared it would cause great offence.16
Penguin Group chairman Peter Mayer decided not to publish the
book in India when his local adviser, journalist Khushwant Singh,
warned that it would "cause a lot of trouble."17 Interviewed by the
Indian press, however, Salman Rushdie insisted that he had sought
to "distance events from historical events" by changing the names of
people and places. "My theme is fanaticism." "There are no sub-
jects which are off limits and that includes God, includes
prophets."18
Syed Shahabuddin, an ambitious Muslim MP in the Janata party,
saw in these interviews an opportunity to embarrass the ruling
Congress (I) Party, which was losing popularity and facing a general
election within a year. Shahabuddin was already a leading actor in
Muslim opposition to Hindu attempts to build a temple on the site of
an ancient mosque in Ayodhya.19 When the Finance Ministry
11
banned the book, Shahabuddin wrote triumphantly to The Times of

India, denouncing Rushdie as an "overrated Eurasian writer," the
product of a "fatigued culture," spokesman for a West "which has
not yet laid the ghost of the crusades to rest. . . ." He reserved his
worst insults for the "Anglicised elite," the "pukka Sahibs," the
"entire 'liberal establishment,' " while welcoming the slurs of Rush-
die and his supporters: "Call us primitive, call us fundamentalists,
call us superstititious barbarians." He refused to read the book: "I do
not have to wade through a filthy drain to know what filth is." 20
Rushdie responded in an open letter to Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi, stressing that the book was fiction, not history, and invoking
the support of Indian newspapers, publishers, and booksellers,
international organisations opposed to censorship, and "such emi-
nent writers" as Kingsley Amis, Harold Pinter, Stephen Spender, and
Tom Stoppard.21 He followed this with an article in The Illustrated
Weekly of India, accusing Gandhi of playing communalist politics.
Perhaps you feel that by banning my fourth novel you are taking a
long-overdue revenge for the treatment of your mother in my
second; but can you be sure that Indira Gandhi's reputation will
endure better and longer than Midnight's Children? Are you
certain that the cultural history of India will deal kindly with the
enemies of The Satanic Verses? You own the present, Mr. Gandhi;
but the centuries belong to art.22
Nevertheless, most countries with substantial Muslim populations

followed India in banning the book.
British Muslims quickly took charge of the attack. In a book
entitled Be Careful with Muhammad!, Shabbir Akhtar compared
Rushdie's "calculated attempt to vilify and slander the Prophet of
Islam" with the abortive 1970s plot by Jewish extremists to blow up
Al-Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem. Rushdie was a "literary terrorist,"
who called the Prophet by the derogatory name Mahound, sug-
gested that the Qu'ran was not divine revelation, applied the adjec-
tives bum, scum, black monster and bastard to historical
personalities, and had prostitutes take the names of Mohammed's
twelve wives. "[A]ny Muslim who fails to be offended by Rushdie's
book ceases, on account of that fact, to be a Muslim." Christianity
had exposed its weakness in failing to respond to "continual blas-
phemies." "Any faith which compromises its internal temper of
militant wrath is destined for the dustbin of history . . . . God does
not guide a people who sell his signs for a paltry price." Raising the
12
The Satanic Verses
spectre of a "Western conspiracy" against Islam, he issued a much

quoted warning: "the next time there are gas chambers in Europe,
there is no doubt concerning who'll be inside."23 Qureshi and Khan,
who subtitled their own book on the controversy "Unmasking
Western Attitudes," located it within a larger war.
[The Satanic Verses] inflamed the feelings of nearly 1 billion

followers of Islam. . . . Attacking the Muslim community became
legitimate and fashionable for anyone for a variety of reasons.
Racists found a new cause in protesting against the protests of the
Muslim minority; the secularists found their cause in hatred of all
religion; others in anti-lslamism, if not anti-semitism, and the
assimilationists against muiti-culturalists.24
Tariq Modood dismissed the book as "no more a contribution to

literary discourse than pissing upon the Bible is a theological argu-
ment."25 Dr. Saki Badawi, liberal head of the Muslim College in
Ealing, protested that Rushdie had hurt Muslims worse than if he had
raped their daughters.26 AN Mazrui, an American professor of
political science, reported that Pakistani friends told him: "It's as if
Rushdie had composed a brilliant poem about the private parts of his
parents, and then gone to the market place to recite that poem to the
applause of strangers . . . and he's taking money for doing it."
Mazrui himself proclaimed that " 'The Satanic Verses' could be one
of the most divisive books in world politics since Hitler's 'Mein
Kampf.' " 2 7 Hesham el Essawy, chairman of the Islamic Society for
the Promotion of Religious Tolerance in the U.K., urged Penguin to
withdraw the book; otherwise "we might as well knight muggers and
give mass murderers the Nobel prize." M.H. Faruqi, editor of Impact
International, described Rushdie as "a self-hating Indo-Anglian,
totally alienated from his culture, who has also learnt that it is
possible to make money by selling self-hate." Determined to "show
them all," he had engaged in "a continuous striptease, from soft to
hard and even harder porn." 28
Muslim outrage elicited unprecedented ecumenical solidarity.
The Archbishop of York asked why "the freedom of writers to write
what they like" was superior to all other claims of "sacredness."29
The Archbishop of Canterbury declared that "offence to the religious
beliefs of the followers of Islam or any other faith is quite as wrong as
is an offence to the religious beliefs of Christians."30 The Chief Rabbi
deprecated "not only the falsification of established historical
records but [also] the offence caused to the religious convictions and
13
susceptibilities of countless citizens" and called for legislation pro-

hibiting "socially intolerable conduct calculated or likely to incite
revulsion or violence by holding up religious beliefs to scurrilous
contempt."31 The Vatican newspaper L'Osservatore Romano
expressed respect for the "offended sensibilities and religious con-
sciences [of millions of believers] . . . . [l]t is not the first time that,
by invoking artistic motives or the principle of free expression,
people have sought to justify the improper use of sacred texts . . .
," 32 Yet Islam was not monolithic. Fadia Faquir recounted the
history of Islamic censorship, which she also had suffered.33 And
Southall Black Sisters joined the Southall women's section of the
Labour Party in proclaiming: "We have struggled for many years in
this country and across the world to express ourselves as we choose
within and outside our communities. We will not be dictated to by
fundamentalists."34
Rebuffed by both publisher and government, British Muslims
resorted to direct action. When their first public meeting was ignored
by the media they decided to burn the book in front of Bradford
police headquarters. Sayyid Abdul Quddus of the Council of
Mosques notified the press. More than a thousand Muslims partici-
pated, holding placards reading "Rushdie Eat Your Words" and
"Rushdie Stinks." Liaqat Hussein of the Jamiaat Tabligh ul Islam
expressed both jubilation and outrage: "All the newspapers com-
mented. Times, Daily Telegraph, Guardian, Yorkshire Post. They
compared us to Hitler!"35 Rushdie broke a silence of more than four
months to denounce the "contemporary Thought Police" and
observe how life was imitating art.
"Battle lines are being drawn up in India today," one of my

characters remarks. "Secular versus religious, the light versus the
dark. Better you choose which side you are on." Now that the
battle has spread to Britain, I can only hope it will not be lost by
default. It is time for us to choose.
When Mohammed seized power in Mecca he executed two writers

and two actresses for performing satirical texts.
Now there you have an image that I thought was worth exploring:
at the very beginning of Islam you find a conflict between the
sacred text and the profane text, between revealed literature and
imagined literature. . . . It seems to me completely legitimate that
there should be dissent from orthodoxy, not just about Islam, but
14
The Satanic Verses
about anything . . . . Doubt, it seems to me, is the central

condition of a human being in the twentieth century.36
Now the initiative shifted a third time. Thousands of Pakistanis

tried to storm the U.S. Information Center in Islamabad in February
1989, screaming "American dogs" and "God is great," and thou-
sands more demonstrated in Karachi the next day. In controlling the
crowds, police killed six and injured dozens. Not to be upstaged,
Ayatollah Khomeini issued his notorious fatwa: "I call on all zealous
Muslims to execute [Rushdie and his publishers] wherever they find
them, so that no one will dare to insult the Islamic sanctions.
Whoever is killed on this path will be regarded as a martyr, God
willing." He denounced Rushie as an apostate, "an agent of corrup-
tion on earth," who had "declared war on Allah." 37 To encourage
those insufficiently motivated by religious zeal, the director of the
Fifth of Khordad Foundation put a price on Rushdie's head: $3
million for Iranian assassins, $1 million for foreigners.38
Having been led to expect a pardon, Rushdie and Viking imme-
diately apologised. Instead, Iran banned all Viking publications, and
President Ali Khameini joined the chorus of vilification: "As the
enemy's attack on our frontiers brings us into action, the enemy's
attack on our cultural frontiers should evoke a response from us at
least to the same degree, if not more." Rushdie tried again: "I
profoundly regret the distress that publication has occasioned to the
sincere followers of Islam. Living as we do in a world of many faiths
this experience has served to remind us that we must all be con-
scious of the sensibilities of others." But Khomeini was implacable:
"Even if Salman Rushdie repents and becomes the most pious man
of time, it is incumbent on every Muslim to employ everything he
has got, his life and his wealth, to send him to hell." 39 To which
Rushdie replied: "SV is a clash of faiths . . . or more precisely it's a
clash of languages . . . . It's his word [Khomeini's] against mine." 40
These threats produced the predictable reaction in Britain. The
Observer editorialised: "neither Britain nor the author has anything
to apologise for." The Sunday Sport hypocritically assumed a high
moral tone and offered £1 m to anyone bringing Khomeini to trial in
England. Not to be outdone, Robert Maxwell promised $10m to
anyone getting Khomeini to recite the ten commandments (although
Maxwell's own knowledge was rather shaky). The Independent
regretted that Britain had been "too tolerant for too long." The Daily
Mirror put that into tabloidese, denouncing both the "Mad Mullah"
15
and British Muslims who followed their imams "with sheeplike

docility and wolf-like aggression." And The Star fulminated:
Isn't the world getting sick of the ranting that pours from the
disgusting foam-flecked lips of the Ayatollah Khomeini? Clearly
the Muslim cleric is stark raving mad. . . . Surely the tragedy is
that millions of his misguided and equally potty followers believe
every word of hatred he hisses through those yellow stained
teeth.41
Athough such language might be expected from the media, many

intellectuals were equally intemperate. Joseph Brodsky expressed
surprise that nobody had put a price on Khomeini's head, adding
"mind you, it shouldn't be too big." Peter Jenkins maintained that
"the offence done to our principles" by the burning of The Satanic
Verses in Bradford was "at least as great as any offence caused to
those who burned the book." He denounced the "obscurantist
Muslim fundamentalism" and "medieval intolerance" of the "geri-
atric prophet in Qom." Anthony Burgess called the fatwa a jihad. "It
is a declaration of war on citizens of a free country . . . . It has to be
countered by an equally forthright, if less murderous, declaration of
defiance." Christopher Hitchins applied Shelley's anathema of King
George to Khomeini: "an old, mad, blind, despised and dying
king," adding: "Is it not time, as a minimal gesture of solidarity, for
all of us to don the Yellow Star . . . ?" Fay Weldon wallowed in
religious chauvinism: "The Koran is food for no-thought. . . . You
can build a decent society around the Bible . . . but the Koran? No."
Conor Cruise O'Brien unconsciously inverted Shabbir Akhtar's call
to arms: "A Westerner who claims to admire Muslim society, while
still adhering to Western values, is either a hypocrite or an ignora-
mus or a bit of both." He reviled the Muslim family as "an abomina-
ble institution" and Muslim society as "repulsive" and "sick."
Norman Mailer, always spoiling for a fight, sounded like a New
Statesman competitor imitating Hemingway:
[N]ow the Ayatollah Khomeini has offered us an opportunity to

regain our frail religion which happens to be faith in the power of
words and our willingness to suffer for them. He awakens us to the
great rage we feel when our liberty to say what we wish, wise or
foolish, kind or cruel, well-advised or ill-advised, is endangered.
We discover that, yes, maybe we are willing to suffer for our idea.
Maybe we are even willing, ultimately, to die for the idea that
16
The Satanic Verses
serious literature, in a world of dwindling certainties and choked-

up ecologies, is the absolute we must defend.42
British politicians also felt compelled to intervene. When Sayyid

Abdul Quddus, secretary of the Council of Mosques, boasted that
"members of our religion throughout the country have sworn to
carry out the Ayatollah's wishes should the opportunity arise,"
Conservative MP Terry Dicks demanded his deportation (although
Quddus was a citizen). Roy Jenkins regretted that the government
had not "been more cautious about allowing . . . in the 1950s,
substantial Muslim communities [to come] here." The Home Sec-
retary told Birmingham Muslims: "no ethnic or religious minority is
likely to thrive in this country if it seeks to isolate itself from the
mainstream of British life," which a tabloid headline promptly
translated into the command: "Behave like British, or don't live
here." John Townsend, Conservative MP for Bridlington, concurred:
"when Muslims say they cannot live in a country where Salman
Rushdie is free to express his views, they should be told they have the
answer in their own hands—go back from whence you came."
Home Office Minister of State John Patten wrote an open letter
reminding Muslim leaders of their obligation to live harmoniously in
a multi-cultural Britain.43
Divisions deepened within and between countries. Imam Bukhari
of a Delhi mosque and the Mufti of the Al Aqsa mosque in Jerusalem
endorsed the fatwa. Ahmed Jebril of the Popular Front for the
Liberation of Palestine-General Command offered to execute it. But
Dr. Tantawi, the Cairo mufti and grand sheikh, condemned Kho-
meini, and Egyptian Interior Minister General Zaki Badr raised the
ante by calling the Ayatollah a dog and a pig. When a Saudi Arabian
Imam showed lenience toward Rushdie on Belgian television, he
and his Tunisian aide were assassinated.44
The struggle within Britain was replayed on the Continent, if at
lower intensity. The twelve European Community foreign ministers
denounced the fatwa and imposed diplomatic sanctions on Iran; the
United States, Sweden, Canada, Australia, Norway and Brazil
promptly followed suit. Iran recalled all its diplomats from Europe. A
thousand Muslims demonstrated in Paris, prompting SOS Racisme to
organise an equally large counterdemonstration against fundamen-
talist extremism. Paris Mayor Jacques Chirac denounced those
threatening Rushdie and his publishers: "If they are French they
need to be pursued; if they are foreigners, they should be expelled."
Neo-fascist politician Jean-Marie Le Pen welcomed this fuel for racist
17
fires: "What Khomeini has just done with revolting cynicism is

exactly what 1 fear . . . the invasion of Europe by a Muslim
immigration."45
Muslim actions and threats seriously impeded distribution of the
book (while simultaneously increasing sales). The British Library put
it on "restricted" locked shelves. Arsonists firebombed Collets Pen-
guin bookshop on Charing Cross Road, persuading the chain to
remove the book, and damaged a Dillon's store. The fatwa scared
large American chains like Barnes & Noble, B. Dalton, and Walden-
books and many independents into withdrawing the book, but most
resumed selling it. After the bombing of a small newspaper that had
defended Rushdie, Senator Daniel Moynihan denounced "intellec-
tual terrorism" and sponsored a resolution: "Let it be understood in
the parts of the world from whence such threats emanate: We are not
intimidated and the resources of civilization against its enemies are
not exhausted." Rushdie's French and German publishers dropped
the book, citing threats, but announced that consortia would bring
out translations. In Italy Muslims severely wounded his translator,
burned a bookshop, and threatened to blow up the Ravenna monu-
ment to Dante, who had consigned Mohammed to the ninth pit of
hell 700 years earlier. The Japanese translator was stabbed to death.
A year after publication, when a paperback version normally would
have been in press, a memo from the board of directors of Viking
Penguin's parent corporation urged delay: "Some principles have to
be fought to the death, but I am quite clear this isn't one of them." Six
months later, however, Rushdie protested that failure to issue the
paperback would mean that he and the publisher "in some sense
have been defeated by the campaign against the book." 46
Britain was profoundly polarised. The Bradford Council of
Mosques, unscathed during the previous decade, was attacked four
times, while its president was threatened and his home vandalised.
Rushdie's name became a taunt, used by white children against
Blacks and white sports fans against Bradford City supporters.
Warders forced Muslim prisoners to listen to passages from The
Satanic Verses. Walls in Muslim areas were defaced with graffiti
reading: "Rushdie rules," "Kill a Muslim for Christmas," and even
"Gas the Muslims."47 These attacks helped to unify the fragmented
Muslim community and inspire cultural pride, intensifying demands
for halal food in schools and single-sex education.48 On May 27,
30,000 Muslims marched from Hyde Park to Parliament Square
carrying banners reading:
18
The Satanic Verses
Freedom of speach, yes! Freedom to insult, no!

Penguin will pay for its crims!
Rousseau greatest champion of human liberty and equality deeply
inspired by the Prophet Muhammad
"Islam is the only suitable creed for Europe," George Bernard
Shaw
Dr John W. Baker: "Islam the greatest blessing for mankind"
Rushdie is a devil!
Rushdie is a son of Satan!
Kill the bastard!
Jihad on agnostics!
One poster displayed Rushdie on the gallows, his head sprouting

horns, wearing a Star of David, and attached to a pig's body —
imagery that could have come from the novel, except for the anti-
Semitism. Women Against Fundamentalism, who staged a counter-
demonstration, were attacked by both Muslim men and white
racists.49
After almost two years in hiding Rushdie sought reconciliation
with the community of British Asians, especially Indian Muslims, by
undergoing a conversion, while reiterating his criticisms of the
sexism and homophobia of Islamic priests. He agreed:
1. To witness that there is no God but Allah and that Muhammad is

His last prophet.
2. To declare that I do not agree with any statement in my novel
The Satanic Verses uttered by any of the characters who insult the
Prophet Muhammad or who cast aspersions upon Islam or upon
the authenticity of the Holy Quran, or who reject the divinity of
Allah.
3. I undertake not to publish the paperback edition of The Satanic
Verses or to permit any further agreements for translation into
other languages, while any risk of further offence exists.
4. I will continue to work for a better understanding of Islam in the
world, as I have always attempted to do in the past.
He offered further justification in The Times: "The Satanic Verses

was never intended as an insult. . . it is a source of happiness to say
that I am now inside, and a part of, the community whose values
have always been closest to my heart." The six Islamic scholars who
accepted this apology agreed he had no evil intent, and the Cairo
Grand Shaikh formally forgave and blessed him. But this merely
19
heightened the hostility of Iran, which reiterated the fatwa in March

1991 and doubled the price on Rushdie's head. 50
Both sides expressed frustration at the stalemate. The International
Committee for the Defence of Salman Rushdie denounced the
British government for capitulating to Iran. But when prominent
intellectuals, artists, and media figures planned a 24-hour vigil in
London, New York, and Los Angeles to commemorate the author's
thousand days in hiding, the Foreign Office pressured Rushdie to
cancel the rally for fear of delaying the return of western hostages. At
the same time, Iqbal Sacranic, Joint Convenor of the U.K. Action
Committee on Islamic Affairs, wrote to The Guardian.
What bewilders is that nothing is being done or said to stop the

circulation of the book which continues to cause unspeakable
distress and anguish to more than one billion Muslims all over the
world. . . . [We] have consistently demanded its withdrawal and
appropriate public apology and redress by the publishers.51
Rushdie now reversed his strategy. Appearing in public for the first
time in nearly three years, at a Columbia University tribute to the
First Amendment and retired Supreme Court Justice William Bren-
nan, he compared his plight to drifting in a balloon incapable of
carrying him to safety while gradually losing air.
[H]as it really been so long since religions persecuted people,

burning them as heretics, drowning them as witches, that you
can't recognize religious persecution when you see it? . . .
[In the] upside-down logic of the post-fatwa world . . . [a] novelist
can be accused of having savaged or "mugged" a whole commu-
nity, becoming its tormentor (instead of its . . . victim) and the
scapegoat f o r . . . its discontents. . . .
I've been put through a degree course in worthlessness . . . . My
first teachers were the mobs marching down distant boulevards,
baying for my blood and finding, soon enough, their echoes on
English streets. . . . as I watched the marchers, I felt them tram-
pling on my heart. . . .
Sometimes I think that one day, Muslims . . . [will] agree, too,
that the row over The Satanic Verses was at bottom an argument
about who should have power over the grand narrative, the Story
of Islam, and that that power must belong equally to everyone.
I faced my deepest grief, my . . . sorrow at having been torn away
20
The Satanic Verses
from . . . the cultures and societies from which I'd always drawn
my . . . inspiration . . . . I determined to make my peace with
Islam, even at the cost of my pride. . . .
I had always argued that it was necessary to develop the nascent
concept of the "secular Muslim," who, like the secular Jew,
affirmed his membership of the culture while being separate from
the theology. . . . But my fantasy of joining the fight for the
modernization of Muslim thought . . . was stillborn. . . . I have
never disowned The Satanic Verses, nor regretted writing it. . . .
[Within days [after my meeting with the six Islamic scholars] all
but one of them had broken their promises, and recommenced to
vilify me and my work, as if we had not shaken hands. I felt (most
probably I had been) a great fool. The suspension of the paperback
began at once to look like a surrender. . . . The Satanic Verses
must be freely available and easily affordable, if only because if it
is not read and studied, then these years will have no meaning.
. . . I have learned the hard way that when you permit anyone
else's description of reality to supplant your own . . . then you
might as well be dead. . . . I must cling with all my might to . . .
my own soul . . . .
"Free speech is a non-starter," says one of my Islamic extremist
opponents. No, sir, it is not. Free speech is the whole thing, the
whole ball game. Free speech is life i t s e l f . . . .
You must decide what you think a writer is worth, what value you
place on a maker of stories, and an arguer with the world. 5 2
This launched another cycle of recriminations. A Muslim wrote to

the New York Times:
Salman Rushdie's greatest flaw is his lack of shame. . . . Instead of

repenting, Mr. Rushdie is "sorrowful;" instead of admitting guilt,
he becomes the grand preacher of a new order in Islam. . . . Mr.
Rushdie's preaching for a "carefree" Islam will further alienate
him from the Islamic fold.
Paul Theroux, the cosmopolitan author and traveller, leapt to Rush-

die's defense.
I have made a point of asking all the Muslims I meet their views on
Mr. Rushdie and his book. . . . It ought to happen everywhere:
first the question—What about Rushdie?—and if the answer is
21
hostile, set them straight. . . . I have no doubt that eventually the

message will get through, and he will be free.53
More than three years after the fatwa an anonymous consortium

published an American paperback. Rushdie withdrew his accep-
tance of Islam. "After three years of having my life smashed about by
religion, I don't feel like associating myself with it. I'm fighting for
my life against it." 54 Contemporaneously Iranian leaders reiterated
the death sentence, under the headline: "A Divine Command to
Stone the Devil." Rushdie was rebuffed when he visited Washington
to seek American support. White House Press Secretary Marlin
Fitzwater declared: "There's no reason for any special relationship
with Rushdie. I mean, he's an author. He's here. He's doing
interviews and book tours and things authors do.. . . We have often
said that we want better relations with Iran." Rushdie disavowed
pecuniary motives: "The purpose of the paperback is to make a
point about First Amendment rights . . . ." Shortly thereafter an
Indian historian's call to lift the ban on The Satanic Verses led to
student protests, which closed his university, the country's leading
Muslim institution.55
IV. Negotiating Respect

These stories about pornography, racial hatred, and The Satanic
Verses share a common core. They concern values that inspire deep
emotions: fury at the sexual objectification of women versus convic-
tion that sex is irreducibly ambiguous; racism versus equality; the
truth of Islam versus religious scepticism. Each confrontation impli-
cates more fundamental controversies: group and individual, par-
ticular and universal, tradition and innovation, authority and
freedom—antinomies that have haunted humankind for millenia.
Each side views its values as absolute while vilifying its opponent's
as an antithesis for which no synthesis is possible. This Manichaean
struggle allows no compromise; anything less than total victory is
ignominious defeat.
If values constitute the manifest content of these stories, however,
respect is their subtext. Women are demanding respect from pro-
ducers and consumers of pornography, who make them instruments
of voyeuristic pleasure. Racial and religious minorities are asserting
equality against racists and anti-Semites who defend their own
superiority. Muslims are asserting equality with Christians, immi-
22
Negotiating Respect
grants with natives, traditionalists with modernists, locals with

cosmopolitans, while religious sceptics and creative artists chal-
lenge orthodox hegemony. Disembodied values are not colliding in
vacuo. Every assertion of value is an act of symbolic politics, a
competition for status. In championing values, speakers simulta-
neously claim moral superiority for their groups. This is most visible
in the controversy provoked by The Satanic Verses. Muslims feel the
honour of Islam is at stake, while westerners maintain the superiority
of their intellectual, artistic, and political traditions. Shabbir Akhtar's
warning to "Be Careful with Muhammad!" elicited Norman Mailer's
"great rage" "when our liberty to say what we wish . . . is endan-
gered." The eternal verities of religion encountered the "absolute"
of "serious literature." Islam invoked its billion adherents and
centuries of tradition while Rushdie paraded his support by "emi-
nent" English writers and claimed that "the centuries belong to art."
"[T]he row over The Satanic Verses," he said, "was at bottom an
argument about who should have power over the grand narrative
. . . ." Status is equally visible in the other controversies. NSPA
leader Frank Collin sought to humiliate Jews: "I hope they're terri-
fied. I hope they're shocked. Because we're coming to get them
again." JDL leader Meir Kahane replied: "the streets of Skokie will
run with Nazi blood." "I am not predicting violence—I am promis-
ing violence." Women demand passage of anti-pornography legisla-
tion to redress the humiliations of Clarence Thomas's confirmation
and the William Kennedy Smith's acquittal.
That struggles over collective status should continue to preoccupy
society violates the modernist credo, now a century old, which
characterises history as an inexorable movement from status to
contract, particularism to universalism, gemeinschaft to gesell-
schaft. Marx saw status as a feudal relic largely eradicated by the
bourgeoisie and irrelevant to the proletariat— a theorisation that
blinded generations of marxist scholars to the importance of race
and gender. Instead of disappearing, however, status groupings
embody an irrepressible nostalgia for community, an imperative to
preserve, recreate and strengthen collective identity. Regional politi-
cal and economic integration not only co-exists with a resurgent
nationalism but actually accelerates the very international migration
and communication that invigorates status competition.
Language (and other symbolic communication) is the principal
medium of collective status competition.56 Although wealth and
power can confer status or derive from it, the three attributes are
relatively independent. A dominant group whose wealth or power is
23
declining often clings desperately to its residual tokens of respect,

while a subordinate group frustrated in its aspirations to wealth or
power may still assert its dignity. Because status, unlike wealth, is an
indivisible good whose meaning is relational, competition is a zero-
sum game. Even if a subordinate group asks only a minimum of
respect, the dominant group rightly perceives this as challenging its
superiority.57
Collective status competition pervades daily life. It motivates
controversies over legislation ostensibly directed toward practical
ends: homosexuality in the military, AIDS, abortion, animal rights,
tobacco, gun control, crime and social disorder, welfare and immig-
ration. The campaign against sexual harassment significantly rede-
fines the relative status of men and women. Status is implicated
whenever the state engages religion (as in the battle over Ayodhya in
India). It resonates in the curriculum wars: multiculturalism in
schools, the revision of the literary and historical canon in universi-
ties. Intrareligious conflicts over the ordination of women or the
celebration of homosexual marriages affect status. Public events and
exhibits define and modify status: the exclusion of gays and lesbians
from the St. Patrick's Day parades in New York and Boston, or
commemoration of the Columbus Quincentenary. The treatment of
ancestral bones arouses collective passions—the recently discover-
ed black graveyard from colonial New York or the display of Indian
skeletons in museums—as does the appropriation of Indian names
and mascots by sports teams. The media have become increasingly
sensitive to such issues, as shown by the furor over the portrayal of
gays and lesbians in the film "Basic Instinct"; so have public
officials, as illustrated by the response to Bill Clinton's remark that
Mario Cuomo acts like a Mafioso. The legal system receives intense
scrutiny because of its visible power and explicit commitment to
equality; the initial acquittal of the four Los Angeles police who beat
Rodney King provoked the largest uprising in twentieth-century
American history. Nations compete for status (often when they are
declining along other parameters): Japan-bashing in the United
States, for instance, or European Community conflicts over the
languages of diplomacy. Aggressor nations like Germany and Japan
must be particularly sensitive to their former victims, as shown by
the uproar over Korean "comfort women" or the Emperor's visit to
China, Germany's hospitality to Kurt Waldheim or its handling of
neo-Nazi violence against foreigners.
Re-reading my three stories as status competition illuminates their
many common features. Each borrows buzz words from the others.
24
Negotiating Respect
Gloria Steinem likened Mein Kampf to Playboy, while Ali Mazrui

compared it to The Satanic Verses. Feminists called pornographers
sexual fascists, while Rushdie supporters saw memories of Nurem-
berg in the flames of the Bradford book burning. A feminist identified
women with Jews, while a writer urged colleagues to ally with the
Muslim apostate by donning yellow stars. Shabbir Akhtar warned
that "the next time there are gas chambers in Europe, there is no
doubt concerning who'll be inside them," while racists defaced
Midlands walls with graffiti screaming "Gas the Muslims." After
Holocaust survivors denounced American Nazis as obscene, Cath-
erine MacKinnon reversed the metaphor by calling pornography a
Skokie-type injury, while the Minnesota Civil Liberties Union con-
demned MacKinnon's ordinance as an obscenity. Muslims equated
The Satanic Verses with strip-tease, raping one's daughter, pissing on
the Bible, and describing a parent's genitals in public.
In each story, some actors portrayed ultimate values as mere
instruments of status conflict. Nazi "Lieutenant" Roger Tedor admit-
ted that their anti-Semitic demonstrations used "the pretext of
picketing for free speech" by carrying placards reading "Free
Speech for White America," while Frank Collin gloated: "I used [the
First Amendment] at Skokie." Andrea Dworkin dismissed the First
Amendment as "an instrument of the ruling class," and Catherine
MacKinnon called civil libertarians the "pornographers' mouth-
piece." Muslims ridiculed Rushdie's claims to "free" speech by
pointing to his large advance for the book and the £100,000 that The
Independent on Sunday allegedly paid for his article "In Good
Faith." Some politicians cynically manipulated values and status
aspirations: the Indianapolis mayor and city prosecutor in local
American politics, Syed Shahabuddin in Indian communalist poli-
tics, and Ayatollah Khomeini in Muslim world politics.
Status competition is conducted through language whose ambi-
guity can vary. Neo-Nazi racial hatred is wholly evil, although it can
be disguised as science, history, or politics. Like all literature, The
Satanic Verses was capable of numerous interpretations. Even if read
as an attack on Islam, it could invoke the license of liberalism to
criticise ideas. The eternal arguments about human sexuality have
grown more complex and intense over the last century.
Given the ambiguity of speech, context is vitally important in the
attribution of meaning: who is addressing whom, before what
audience, in light of what history. Decades of English racism,
especially the experience of Muslim pupils in Midlands schools,
heightened the anger of Bradford's Muslims at The Satanic Verses.
25
Jewish memories of the Holocaust, which a thousand Skokie resi-

dents had suffered first-hand, strongly contributed to the village's
ban of the Nazi march. Women respond to pornography in light of
their daily experience of sexual harassment and objectification. The
speaker's identity may be critical: it was worse for a Jewish ACLU
lawyer to represent the Nazis, a Muslim to criticise Islam, a lesbian
to endorse sado-masochistic pornography. Style tends to overshad-
ow content. Islam has suffered worse attacks than The Satanic
Verses, but they were couched in less emotive language.58 Art and
erotica shade imperceptibly into pornography. The Nazis might
have demonstrated without incident (but also without an audience)
had they abandoned their uniforms and swastika. But of course
provocation often is the purpose: Rushdie's use of historical figures,
Khomeini's fatwa, Bradford's book burning, Nazi taunts of Jews, the
Lesbian Sex Mafia's choice of a name. The speaker's motive is
central but often opaque. Did Rushdie intend to liberate Islam from
patriarchy and authoritarianism, ridicule Mohammed, titillate
readers, win fame, sell books—or all of these? Do pornographers
seek to explore sexual frontiers, objectify and degrade women,
make money—or all three?
Rejecting the nursery rhyme's false reassurance that "names can
never hurt me," critics of degrading speech hold it responsible for
"sticks and stones" and "broken bones." Pornography is the theory,
say feminists, rape the practice. Hate speech causes racist attacks.
Violence clearly does follow some speech: police killed protesters in
Pakistan, Muslims were assassinated in Belgium, Rushdie's Japanese
translator was murdered and his Italian translator assaulted, English
bookstores were bombed. But consequentialist arguments run the
risk of empirical falsification and distract attention from the real
harm—the reproduction of status inequalities by the very act of
speaking.
Alternatively, speech victims conflate representation with reality,
reduce art to mimesis, deny the very possibility of imagination.
Muslims insisted on reading The Satanic Verses as history rather than
fiction. MacKinnon asserted that "a woman had to be tied or cut or
burned or gagged or whipped or chained" to produce pornographic
films. Dworkin denounced Minneapolis for permitting "the binding
and torture of real women." Skokie Holocaust suvivors equated neo-
Nazis who applauded murder with actual Nazi murderers. Critics of
The Satanic Verses called Rushdie a "literary terrorist," attributing to
him every word, opinion, and action of his characters.
Status competition through speech tends to escalate and ramify.
26
Negotiating Respect
Fearing that the Nazis were trying to attack their homes, Holocaust
victims threatened to "tear these people up." A Minneapolis woman
attempted suicide because "sexism has shattered my life." Muslims
heard echoes of the Crusades in western applause for The Satanic
Verses; westerners condemned the fatwa as a jihad. Each aggressor
presented itself as victim. A billion Muslims claimed to be threat-
ened by a single dissident under sentence of death, proving once
again the paradoxical superiority of pen to sword. White heterosex-
ual males who dominate the polity, economy, and culture decried
the oppression of "politically correctness" whenever women, racial
minorities, and homosexuals sought equality. Hyperbole flourished
on every side. Both pornography and The Satanic Verses were
equated to rape and murder. Rushdie's literary honours were
maligned as "knight[ing] muggers" and "giv[ing] mass murderers
the Nobel Prize." Muslims who called Rushdie a literary terrorist
were denounced in turn for intellectual terrorism. British intellec-
tuals and politicians drew false parallels between book burning in
Bradford and Nuremberg. Insult provoked insult, and violence bred
violence. If Rushdie called Mohammed "Mahound," Muslims re-
sponded by giving the author a devil's horns, a pig's body, and a Star
of David. Nazis traded threats with the JDL. When Iran put a price on
Rushdie's head, English newspapers offered three times as much for
Khomeini's humiliation.
Status competition makes even stranger bedfellows than other
forms of politics. Jewish leaders expressed sympathy for fundamen-
talist Muslims. Rushdie was championed by such improbable allies
as the neo-fascist Jean-Marie Le Pen and the Sunday Sport, whose
audience probably had never heard of the author and certainly had
not read him. The campaign against pornography united born-again
Christians with radical feminists, while civil rights leaders distanced
themselves from both. White racists helped Muslim men assault
Muslim feminists. Ukrainian-Americans, whose homeland had
committed some of the worst nineteenth-century pogroms and
condoned Nazi atrocities, supported the Jews against the NSPA.
Inspired by principle or realpolitik, such alliances expanded the
conflict: Israel applauded Skokie's resistance to the Nazis; the
Islamic world confronted a West united against the fatwa. Neutrality
became impossible. Just as AIDS activists declare that "Silence Is
Death," so inaction became complicity. Holocaust survivors
demanded: "How dare the government sanctify this thing by permit-
ting [it] to take place on public property?" According to Dworkin,
Minneapolis had only two choices: help women or pornographers.
27
Shabbir Akhtar declared that "any Muslim who fails to be offended

by Rushdie's book ceases, on account of that fact, to be a Muslim."
Conor Cruise O'Brien responded: "A Westerner who claims to
admire Muslim society, while still adhering to Western values, is
either a hypocrite or an ignoramus, or a bit of both." Principled civil
libertarians in the ACLU were reviled as the hired guns of pornogra-
phers or Nazis. At the same time, each collectivity displayed major
fissures: feminists over pornography, Muslims over the fatwa, Jews
over civil liberties, British intellectuals and politicians over Rushdie.
Because status competition is a zero-sum game conducted
through the medium of values, compromise is extremely difficult.
Civil libertarians quickly become moralistic absolutists. The Execu-
tive Director of the Minnesota Civil Liberties Union declared:
"Bookstores cannot be censored. That's all there is to it." The
Chicago ACLU public relations director characterised those who
sought to stop the Nazi march as "the enemy, possessed of sinister
motive and intent" and declared that "the Village of Skokie shredded
the First Amendment." Francois Mitterand declaimed: "All dogma-
tism which through violence undermines freedom of thought and the
right to free expression is, in my view, absolute evil." Rushdie
concluded that "free speech is life itself." On the other side,
MacKinnon demanded zero tolerance for "the sexually explicit
subordination of women," many Jews would deny Nazis any right to
speak, and many Muslims would accept nothing less than sup-
pression of The Satanic Verses and execution of its author.
Once offensive speech had impaired its victims' status, they
demanded a remedy that would correct the inequality. Apology is
just such a degradation ceremony. Rushdie offered an apology after
the fatwa, acknowledging and regretting the hurt his words had
caused, but Khomeini refused to forgive. Almost two years later
Rushdie made another obeisance, embracing Islam, repudiating his
characters' words, and postponing translations and a paperback.
The rejection of this self-abasement, which crowned a "degree
course in worthlessness," convinced Rushdie that "there is nothing I
can do to break this impasse." Further apologies threatened annihi-
lation: he "might as well be dead." To restore his self-respect and
reputation, he denied that he had ever "disowned" The Satanic
Verses or regretted writing it. Describing suspension of the paper-
back as a "surrender," he secured its publication within months.
And he re-asserted his worth as a "writer," a "maker of stories," an
"arguer with the world."
These narratives pose an intractable problem. Speech is essential
28
Negotiating Respect
to self-realisation, social life, politics, economic activity, art, and

knowledge. But speech can also inflict serious harm. In particular, it
can reproduce and exaggerate status inequalities. How should we
deal with this tension? The remaining lectures consider three alterna-
tives. The next explores the civil libertarian position, some of whose
deficiencies have already emerged. Private action can constrain
speech as seriously as the state: feminists picketing pornography, the
JDL threatening the NSPA, the Bradford book burning and Khomei-
ni's fatwa, Penguin's publication decisions. Tolerance can be self-
destructive: both the ACLU and the First Amendment lost support in
the wake of Skokie. My third lecture discusses the other obvious
alternative of state regulation. Again, these stories have revealed a
central drawback—efforts to suppress a message may merely
amplify it: banning a movie enlarges its audience, the Nazis
received much more publicity from Skokie's opposition than the
pitiful band ever could have gotten from walking down the street—
swastikas and all; and Muslim fundamentalists greatly increased
Salman Rushdie's name recognition and sales (if not his readership).
In the final lecture 1 suggest that we may avoid some of these pitfalls
if communities encourage speech victims to seek apologies through
informal processes.
Notes
1
For a sociological analysis of anti-pornography campaigns, see Zurcher &
Kirkpatrick(1976).
2
Quoted in Lederer (1980d).
3
Russell &Lederer (1980: 28).
4
"Against Our Will," quoted in Russell & Lederer (1980: 32).
5
Quoted in Lederer (1980d: 127-28).
6
Rubin (1984: 298).
7
Alderfer (1982); Perry (1992).
8
Ferguson (1984); 9(1) Feminist Studies 180-82 (Spring 1983); see also
Linden etal. (1982); Gubar & Hoff (1989). For British debates, see Barrett
(1982); Bower (1986); Chester & Dickey (1988); Assiter (1989); Marxism
Today 22 (July 1990).
9
Dworkin (1989); MacKinnon (1987: 15).
10
This account is taken from Downs (1989: 61-89) and Brest & Vandenberg
(1987).
11
Hunter & Law (1987/88).
12
Downs (1989: 85-139); Brest & Vandenberg (1987: 656-57); Duggan et
al. (1985: 130); New York Times A15 (January 17, 1992); New York
Times Book Review 1 (March 29, 1992). The Senate bill (S.I521) has
29
been nicknamed "the Bundy bill" after the serial killer who claimed to
have been incited by pornography. Hearings on the Massachusetts bill
repeated the earlier consequentialist claims. Pat Haas testified that her
boyfriend forced her to act out what he had seen in porn flicks. "He did
what was in the movies. If he had seen a snuff film, I wouldn't be here."
Time 52 (March 30, 1992).
13
Beauharnaisv. Illinois, 353 U.S. 250 (1952).
14
Chicago v. Lambert, 47 III. App. 2d 151 (1964). For a history of the pre-
Skokie cases, see Arkes (1975).
15
Downs (1985); Barnum (1982) (survey research).
16
Independent (March 8, 1989), cited in Qureshi & Khan (1989: 30).
l7
Ruthven(1990: 85).
18
India Today (September 15,1988) and Sunday (September 18-24,1988),
quoted in Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 38-41).
19
Ruthven(1990:85).
20
The Times of India (October 13, 1988), quoted in Appignanesi &
Maitland (1989: 4 5 - 5 9 ) .
21
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 42-44).
22
Ruthven(1990:90).
23
Shabbir Akhtar, " T h e case for religious fundamentalism," Guardian
(February 2 7 , 1989), reproduced in Appignanesi & Maitland (1989:
2 3 8 - 4 1 ) ; Akhtar ( 1 9 8 9 : 1 , 6 , 1 1 - 1 2 , 2 5 , 3 5 , 102); Qureshi & Khan
( 1 9 9 0 : 1).
24
Qureshi & Khan ( 1 9 9 0 : i).
25
M o d o o d ( 1 9 9 0 : 154).
26
Ruthven (1990: 29); Qureshi & Khan (1990: 10).
27
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 2 2 0 - 2 8 ) ; Ruthven (1990: 29). Elsewhere
Mazrui asserted: "The Satanic Verses is like a rotten pig placed at the door
of Dares Islam, the home of Islam." (1990: 36).
Rustom Bharucha declared that Rushdie "has made himself the enemy
of his p e o p l e . " (1990: 62). Feroza Jussawalla (1989), w h o argued that
Rushdie should be " a c c o u n t a b l e " for his distortions and misrepresen-
tations, found his o w n critique censored before it could be published in
India. Quotations from The Satanic Verses were replaced by page refer-
ences—to a b o o k that was itself banned!
28
Ruthven (1990: 8 4 , 8 6 , 9 1 - 9 4 , 96).
29
The Times (March 1 , 1989), in Akhtar (1989: 61).
30
Qureshi & Khan (1990: 25).
31
The Times (March 4 , 1989), in Akhtar (1989: 122); Appignanesi &
Maitland (1989: 215-16).
32
Qureshi & Khan (1990: 26).
33
Times Literary Supplement (June 1 , 1989), in Appignanesi & Maitland
(1989:236-38).
34
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 2 4 1 - 4 2 ) . For a thoughtful, sympathetic
discussion by t w o British Asian academics of the b o o k and the response it
p r o v o k e d , see Marxism Today 24 (June 1989) (Bhikhu Parekh and H o m i
30
Notes
Bhabha). For a study of the "cultural politics" of the response, focusing

on the worlds of India and Islam, see Spivak (1989; 1990).
35
R u t h v e n ( 1 9 9 0 : 103).
36
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 2 7 - 2 9 , 7 4 - 7 5 ) .
37
Akhtar (1989: 83); Qureshi & Khan (1990: 41). N o one seems to have
mentioned the book's devastating portrait of Khomeini as the Imam
determined to end history, w h o sacrifices millions of his followers in the
pursuit of power. Although he could not have read it, his advisers must
have conveyed the gist. Rushdie (1988: 2 0 5 - 1 6 , 234)
38
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 25, 6 4 - 6 5 , 9 2 - 9 5 , 103); Akhtar (1989:
80, 93).
39
Ruthven (1990: 113), Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 4, 8 1 , 8 4 - 8 5 , 87,
1 0 6 - 0 7 , 120, 122); Webster (1990: 52).
40
The Times of India (January 27, 1989), quoted in Nair & Battacharya
(1990:21).
41
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 123-24, 126-27); Ruthven (1990:
119-21).
42
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 102, 127, 171, 174); Qureshi & Khan
(1990: 39); Jenkins (1989); Webster (1990: 43).
43
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 6 5 , 1 0 1 , 1 3 4 , 1 4 0 - 4 1 ) ; Akhtar (1989: 26)
Qureshi & Khan (1990: 5, 19); Ruthven (1990: 118).
44
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 132, 142, 145, 154, 191-93); Ruthven
(1990: 114-17).
Egyptian Nobel laureate Naguib Mahfouz initially supported Rushdie,
accusing Khomeini of "intellectual terrorism." Three years later, h o w -
ever, he called the t w o of them "equally dangerous." A n author "must be
ready to pay the price for his outspokenness." Although he had not read
The Satanic Verses because of bad eyesight, it had been explained to h i m ;
parts were unacceptable. Rushdie did not "have the right to insult
anything, especially a prophet or anything considered h o l y . " Mahfouz's
o w n novel The Children of Gebelawi was still banned in Egypt for
encouraging readers to repudiate Islam, but the author protested that
critics had misunderstood the allegory! New York Times B3 (August 5,
1992).
45
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 1 8 3 - 8 4 , 186).
46
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 143, 1 5 4 - 5 6 , 159, 1 6 4 - 6 5 , 180-81,
1 8 5 - 8 7 ) ; Mother Jones (April 1990); Los Angeles Times A 1 6 (March 14,
1990).
47
Ruthven (1990: 81); Webster ( 1 9 9 0 : 1 0 7 - 0 9 , 1 3 2 ) ; M o d o o d (1990:143).
48
Appignanesi & Maitland (1989: 1 2 8 - 2 9 ) ; Qureshi & Khan (1990: 12-13)
49
Ruthven (1990: 1 , 4 - 5 ) ; Rutherford (1990a: 25).
50
The Times (December 2 8 , 1 9 9 0 ) ; 20(2) Index on Censorship 34 (February
1991); Rushdie (1991), reprinted in Rushdie (1992: 430).
51
Article 19 Bulletin 12 (July 1991); Independent on Sunday 1 (November 3,
1991); Guardian 9 (November 7, 1991), 20 (November 14, 1991).
31
52
N e w York Times A 1 , B8 (December 12, 1991), reprinted in Rushdie
(1992:430).
53
N e w York Times 8 (December 28, 1991), A19 (February 13, 1992).
54
Los Angeles Times A1 (March 25, 1992).
55
New York Times B2 (January 2 9 , 1992), B2 (February 2 0 , 1992), B1
(February 14, 1992), 12 (March 14, 1992), A 1 8 (March 26, 1992), A 6
(March 1 , 1992); Los Angeles Times A 1 6 (March 2 6 , 1 9 9 2 ) . In May 1992
a group of Iranian intellectuals and artists issued a public statement in
defence of Rushdie. New York Review of Books 31 (May 14, 1992).
W h e n Rushdie expressed hope at the beginning of June about political
changes in Iran the regime reiterated the $2 million reward for his death.
New York Times A 4 (June 1 8 , 1992). In July Britain expelled three
Iranians for death threats against Rushdie; one of them had gotten close
enough t o be spotted by Rushdie's guards. New York Times 1 (July 25,
1992).
56
Murray Edelman laid the foundation of this approach (1964: 1971). For
case studies, see, e.g. Cusfield (1963) (Prohibition); Dienes (1972) (birth
control). Sennett & C o b b (1972) explored the status elements of class
relations; Ehrenreich extended this analysis from workers to the middle
class (1989). G o o d e (1978) generalised about "prestige." More recently,
Hunter (1991) sought t o explain all contemporary American conflict in
these terms.
57
O n positional scaracity, see Hirsch (1976).
58
B r e n n a n ( 1 9 8 9 : 142).
32
2. The Poverty of Civil Libertarianism
In my first lecture I told stories about pornography, hate speech, and

The Satanic Verses. Responses to such events oscillate between the
poles of civil libertarianism and state regulation. In this lecture I will
articulate the libertarian position and advance four criticisms: the
costs of speech, the imperative of state regulation, the impossibility
of state neutrality, and the illusion of private freedom.
/. Civil Libertarian Theory

The most uncompromising civil libertarianism prohibits state inter-
ference with private speech (which it views as inherently free) and
mandates neutrality when the state speaks, directly or through
others. A foundation of this position is scepticism about the possi-
bility of resolving conflicts of value. Daily contact among the diverse
cultures of the global village—not just through the media but
increasingly as citizens of the same neighbourhood, workplace, and
school—has reinforced ethical relativism. The accelerating pace of
change during recent centuries vividly exemplifies the contingency
of values. This perspective reflects not only experience but also the
epistemological position that values cannot be proven. Belief
expresses individual subjective preference; consensus is accidental
and ephemeral. Empirical knowledge, by contrast, emerges from
efforts at disproof, as the triumph of modern science dramatically
demonstrates. For both reasons, political authority presupposes
vigorous debate, which alone can generate consent and legitimacy.
And because civil libertarianism holds the ontological view of
humans as expressive and communicative, free speech also is
essential to the full realisation of personhood.1
To support this position, civil libertarians can adduce endless
33
The Poverty of Civil Libertarianism
examples of oppression in the name of absolute values. The history

of religion is a narrative of parochial intolerance justified by appeals
to the transcendent: the persecution of early Christians, the Cru-
sades, the Inquisition, medieval religious wars, anti-Semitism, mis-
sionary zeal, communist attempts to extirpate religion, Muslim
fundamentalism, Catholic orthodoxy, the religious right. Commu-
nist, fascist, and anti-communist repression in the present century
are merely the latest manifestations of millenia of state efforts to
silence dissent. Campaigns for cultural hegemony are a source of
unrelieved embarrassment: patriarchy, racism, agitprop, Nazi ful-
minations against "degenerate art," and sexual repression running
from the Puritans through Victorian prudery to Mary Whitehouse
and Jesse Helms.
Yet civil libertarianism raises more questions than it answers. Is
our ethical relativism really absolute? Haven't the horrors of recent
centuries forged a consensus about the evils of slavery, colonialism,
racism, anti-Semitism? Even patriarchy hides behind "family
values," and homophobia barely dares to speak its name. Do the
advantages of free speech always outweigh its costs—which we are
learning from the previously silenced voices of women, people of
colour, and homosexuals? Does the state refrain from regulation?
Can it maintain neutrality? Is speech truly free in the absence of state
intervention?
//. The Costs of Speech

Most discussion of free speech emphasises the costs of prohibition—
the subject of my third lecture. Recently, however, racial and
religious minorities, women, and gays and lesbians have born
witness to the pain inflicted by slurs, graffiti, threats, and stereo-
types.2 Let me begin with some examples.
In 1990 Russ and Laura Jones and their five children fled the drugs
and crime of downtown St. Paul, Minnesota to become the only
black family in Mounds Park, a working-class neighbourhood.
Within two weeks their tyres were slashed. Soon thereafter they were
awoken at midnight by a cross burning in their small fenced-in front
garden. Mrs. Jones described her terror: "If you're black and you see
a cross burning, you know it's a threat, and you imagine all the
church bombings and lynchings and rapes that have gone before,
not so long ago. A cross burning is a way of saying 'We're going to
get you.' " Reported hate crimes had increased 21 per cent in
34
The Costs of Speech
Minnesota over the previous year. Like cities in almost every Ameri-
can state, St. Paul had a hate crime ordinance, passed in 1982, to
which it had recently added cross burning and swastikas and sexual
bias. Arthur Miller 3d, an 18-year-old who lived across the street,
pleaded guilty and served 30 days in jail. He testified in the trial of
Robert A. Viktora, a 17-year-old high school dropout, that they and
four friends were drinking that night and talking about getting into
some "skinhead trouble" and "burning some niggers." Viktora
appealed his conviction to the U.S. Supreme Court, supported by
the ACLU and the conservative Center for Individual Rights, while
amicus briefs were filed on behalf of the state by the NAACP, the
Asian-American Legal Defense and Education Fund, and the liberal
People for the American Way. In the course of oral argument Justice
Scalia rejected the prosecutor's contention that speech and conduct
motivated by racial bias aggravated the injury. "That's a political
judgment." Some people might be more offended by a provocative
speech about economics "or even philosophy." A protest against the
placement of a home for the mentally ill would not violate the
ordinance because "it's the wrong kind of bias. Why is that? It seems
to me the rankest kind of subject-matter discrimination." Writing for
four colleagues (and supported by the votes of four others, who
concurred in the result), Scalia held that the ordinance unconstitu-
tionally prohibited speech "solely on the basis of the subjects the
speech addresses." The city could not "license one side of a debate
to fight freestyle, while requiring the other to follow the Marquis of
Queensbury Rules. . . . Selectivity of this sort creates the possibility
that the city is seeking to handicap the expression of particular
ideas." On hearing the decision, Mrs. Jones objected that her
children, ranging in age from 2 to 11, were too young to deal with
these injuries. "It makes me angry that they have to be aware of
racism around them, that they notice it more and more."3
Attempts by American universities to protect subordinated groups
from hurtful speech have been similarly frustrated. When white
fraternity members staged an "ugly woman" contest in the student
refectory by painting their faces black, donning fright wigs, and
using pillows to exaggerate breasts and buttocks, George Mason
University suspended them from social activities and sports for two
years. Although the ACLU conceded that the contestwas "inappro-
priate and offensive," it represented the fraternity because the
penalty was "grossly inappropriate." The federal court agreed
because the skit "contained more than a kernel of expression." At
the University of Wisconsin the UMW Post and several students
35
challenged the hate speech code adopted in 1989 as part of a Design

for Diversity and in response to several racist incidents, including a
fraternity "slave auction." A federal court also invalidated this,
declaring: "The problems of bigotry and discrimination sought to be
addressed here are real and truly corrosive of the educational
environment. But freedom of speech is almost absolute in our
land." 4 After restricting the rule to face-to-face confrontations, the
university repealed it following the Supreme Court's decision in the
St. Paul case.5
Black popular music combines legitimate anger at racial oppres-
sion with misogyny, homophobia, and anti-Semitism. 2 Live Crew
gained notoriety for its album "As Nasty As They Wanna Be," which
contains a track called "The Buck." [See Appendix. Readers are
warned they may find the lyrics extremely offensive.] 2 Live Crew
were acquitted of obscenity in a trial at which Harvard English
Professor Henry Louis Gates, Jr., himself African American, called
the group brilliant artists who exploded racist stereotypes about
black sexuality by presenting them in a comically extreme form.6 An
English court dismissed an obscenity charge against the LA rap group
Niggaz With Attitude for its record "Efil4zaggin," which described
oral sex and violence. Band member Eazy-E declared: "We are
underground reporters." Geoffrey Robertson QC agreed: "It is often
very bitterly sarcastic and rude and will appear to our ears rude and
crude, but there it is, all part of the experience. It tells it like it is."7
The rap group Public Enemy appeared at its 1987 launch sur-
rounded by bodyguards armed with fake Uzis. Its members praised
Louis Farrakhan, the openly anti-Semitic leader of the Nation of
Islam. Their song "Fight the Power" became the theme of Spike
Lee's enormously successful movie "Do the Right Thing." In May
1989 "Minister of Information" Proffessor {sic) Griff (Richard Griffin)
told an interviewer from the right-wing Washington Times that Jews
were the cause of "the majority of the wickedness" in the world. The
group fired him but soon thereafter issued "Welcome to the Terror-
dome," whose lyrics included: "Told a rab get off the rag," "Cruxi-
fixion ain't no fiction/So-called chosen frozen/Apology made to who
ever pleases/Still they got me like Jesus." That album, "Fear of Black
Planet," which sold a million copies in its first week, also contained
"Meet the G That Killed Me," with the homophobic lyrics: "Man to
man/l don't know if they can/From what I know/The parts don't fit." 8
The feminist argument that pornography reproduces the subordi-
nation of women receives striking support from the actresses who
make it. Indian movie stars charge fees proportioned to how much
36
The Costs of Speech
skin they expose. As American actresses gain popularity they can,

indeed must, refuse to perform nude. Michelle Pfeiffer, Kim Bas-
inger, Ceena Davis, Ellen Barkin, and Mariel Hemingway all
rejected the lead in "Basic Instinct," largely because it required too
much nudity and sexual simulation. When rising stars accept such
parts they (or the studio) may insist on a "body double." Although
Virginia Madsen had appeared nude in previous films, she
demanded a double for the love scene with Don Johnson in "The
Hot Spot," perhaps to assert her status aspirations. Julie Strain,
double-in-waiting in "Thelma and Louise" for Geena Davis (who
decided to do the motel sex scene herself), described the selection
process.
They brought a bunch of girls out to the director's trailer one by

one, and we had to strip down and spin in a circle. If you had kept
your underwear on, I'm sure he wouldn't have said anything. But
it's just easier to show the whole thing, because if they're going to
shoot a love scene they need to see there are no scars or marks.
Shelley Michele, who doubled Julia Roberts in "Pretty Woman" and

was 33 seconds of Kim Basinger's arms and legs pulling on hosiery in
zero gravity in "My Stepmother Is an Alien," also doubled for
Catherine Oxenberg, daughter of Princess Elizabeth of Yugoslavia,
in "Overexposed." "She's royalty," Michele explained. "It's not
really moral for her to be doing nudity." Although union rules
guarantee doubles up to $2000 a day, they naturally must remain
anonymous.9
Advertising inflicts different kinds of costs. The tobacco industry's
century-old disinformation campaign has been alarmingly success-
ful. Although a panel of a hundred health experts rated smoking the
single greatest hazard among 24 alternatives, 1200 randomly cho-
sen adults rated it only tenth, below such risks as homes without
smoke detectors.10 Children are particularly suggestible. Glasgow
11-14-year-olds could recognise an average of five brands; 83 per
cent could recall one cigarette ad and half remembered two. Those
most aware of ads were more likely to become smokers; a quarter of
fifth-formers already smoked. Camels' "Old Joe" campaign, which
cost $100 million in 1990, expanded its market share from one per
cent to 25-33 per cent of smokers under 18. Thirty per cent of three-
year-olds could identify the cartoon character and connect him to
the cigarette; 90 per cent of six-year-olds could do so—more than
37
recognised Mickey Mouse!11 Research also connects alcohol adver-

tising to drinking and death. Urging a ban on advertisements sug-
gesting that you can raise your athletic, social or professional status
by your choice of drink, the Washington State Medical Association
noted that 32 per cent of fatal car accidents among 16-20-year-olds
involved a driver whose blood alcohol exceeded 0.1 per cent. When
the ex-director of the New York State Division of Alcoholism and
Alcohol Abuse criticised Anheuser Busch for telling youth that its
beer was served at 87 per cent of "the parties your parents would
never attend," the company responded: "No one has ever been able
to establish a clear link between alcohol abuse and advertising." The
company undercut this disclaimer, however, by boasting to share-
holders that its market share had increased during a period when
beer consumption declined significantly.12
///. The Imperative of State Regulation

Many governments own or control the media and use their pervasive
economic and political power to suppress dissent. Liberal democra-
cies declare their respect for freedom of speech but still regulate it in
myriad ways. Since respected judges, lawyers, and legal scholars,
have given an absolutist interpretation to the First Amendment's
cryptic declaration that "Congress shall make no law . . . abridging
the freedom of speech" I will stress American examples in arguing
that state regulation is inescapable. The question is not whether to
regulate but what and when.
The civil libertarian position has to account for many disconcert-
ing exceptions. Although defamation is only supposed to punish
after the fact, Peter Matthiessen's book In the Spirit of Crazy Horse
was forced out of print when his publisher was sued by those he
accused of framing American Indian Movement leader Leonard
Peltier in the 1975 killing of two FBI agents.13 Robert Maxwell was
notorious for suing anyone who mentioned him—even for drawing
parallels between his physiognomy or headgear and that of real or
fictitious criminals; his death terminated a hundred libel actions.
Unable to suppress a 1988 biography, he frightened many book-
sellers out of stocking it.14 American courts have prohibited release
of the tapes of the Challenger disaster out of respect for the privacy of
the astronauts' families. States forbid the identification of rape
victims and juvenile accused, and judges close trials to press and
public.15 Victims of hurtful words can sue for intentional infliction of
38
The Imperative of State Regulation
emotional distress. Courts and administrative agencies extensively

regulate commercial speech under such rubrics as misrepresentation
and professional advertising and solicitation.16 They limit the pro-
motion of dangerous products like alcohol and tobacco and require
extensive disclosure about others.17 California taxes tobacco sales to
fund anti-smoking messages and education. After Secretary of
Health Dr. Louis W. Sullivan, an African American, attacked R.J.
Reynolds's "slick and sinister advertising campaign" for its new
"Uptown" cigarette targeted at black smokers, the company with-
drew the brand. He also denounced the Virginia Slims women's
tennis tournament and other sports events for accepting "blood
money" from tobacco manufacturers. Surgeon General Antonia
Novello, a Latina, condemned industry efforts to increase tobacco
sales in Latin America and declared: "In years past, R.J. Reynolds
would have us walk a mile for a Camel. Today, it's time that we
invite Old Joe Camel himself to take a hike." 18 Contract law endows
speech with fateful consequences, while restrictive practices law
prohibits the formation of certain contracts. The criminal law of
conspiracy and attempt punishes language. And obscenity and
pornography are proscribed, if their boundaries have shrunk. The
Police Chief of Guilderland, New York, threatened local record
stores with prosecution for selling 20 "obscene" tapes; although he
retracted the warning, the casettes remained unavailable. Despite
the unconstitutionality of hate speech ordinances, the New York City
Metropolitan Transportation Authority abridged artistic freedom by
removing a photographic exhibit from an underground station when
the largely black ridership complained that it depicted Greek rather
than African Americans.
All governments invoke raison d'etat to suppress speech. During
the Persian Gulf War, 79 per cent of Americans approved of military
censorship and 57 per cent thought it should be intensified. In
response to the patriotic frenzy of those who waved the flag or
wrapped themselves in it, newspapers reprinted a federal statute
prohibiting use of the flag in wearing apparel, bedding or drapery or
for advertising purposes, even though the Supreme Court had pro-
tected flag burning.20 The California Department of Motor Vehicles
recalled the vanity license plate "4 Jihad" until Kareem Jaffer, who
owned the car, produced a birth certificate showing that his son's
name was Jihad.21 Desperate about the unfavourable opinion polls
two weeks before the November 1992 election, President Bush
condemned Governor Clinton for having demonstrated against the
Vietnam War while a Rhodes scholar. "Maybe I'm old fashioned, but
39
to go to a foreign country and demonstrate against your own country

when your sons and daughters are dying halfway around the world, I
am sorry but I think that is wrong." 22
Secrecy may be the British disease, but the United States also has a
pretty bad case. The CIA is only now thinking about opening
classified files more than 30 years old concerning the 1954 Guate-
mala coup, the 1961 Bay of Pigs invasion, and the 1963 Kennedy
assassination.23 Nations regulate speech by excluding or expelling
speakers. For almost 40 years the McCarren Walter Immigration Act
denied admission to such notables as Graham Greene and Gabriel
Garcia Marquez. Even after repealing that ideological litmus test, the
United States sought to deport Khader Hamide, a Palestinian who
entered the country legally but incurred disfavour for distributing
PLO literature. Britain deported Fred Leuchter, a self-proclaimed
American "expert" on prison execution, who denies that the Nazis
used cyanide in their gas chambers. The French government
expelled Abdelmoumen Diouri after 17 years of legal residence for
publishing Who Owns Morocco?, an expose of the personal fortune
of King Hassan, France's close ally.24
Because blatant state regulation of speech often provokes resis-
tance, which sometimes secures judicial protection, more subtle
interference may actually be more intrusive. The freedom of govern-
ment employees varies inversely with their visibility. Assistant Sec-
retary for Health Dr. James O. Mason told the Seventh World
Conference on Tobacco and Health that it was "unconscionable for
the mighty transnational tobacco companies—and three of them are
in the United States—to be peddling their poison abroad, particu-
larly because their main targets are less-developed countries."
Although he had cleared the speech with the White House and the
Secretary of Health, he was forbidden to testify on the effects of
American tobacco exports before the House Subcommittee on
Health and the Environment. A Department of Health and Human
Services spokesperson said that the opening of new cigarette markets
was not a health issue but exclusively "a trade issue." It certainly
was a trade issue—cigarettes earned a $4.2 billion surplus in
1989.25 The Census Bureau fired Beth Osbome Daponte for estimat-
ing that 13,000 Iraqi civilians died in the Gulf war, more than twice
the official figure. Although it charged her with insubordination, she
had consulted three levels of bureaucracy and released the data only
when the Bureau refused to do so. Under threat of litigation the
Bureau reinstated her and retracted its calumny that the number was
"a deliberate falsification."26
40
In its role as publisher, government also controls private speakers.

Taking Care of Your Child: A Parent's Guide to Medical Care, which
had sold a million copies, was distributed free to 275,000 federal
employees but only after the deletion of six pages about contracep-
tion and adolescent sexuality, including such "controversial" pas-
sages as this:
While a variety of techniques prevent pregnancy, the growing list

and seriousness of sexual diseases serves as a reminder that other
than abstinence only condoms used in combination with a sper-
micide can prevent infection. Your adolescent should discuss with
his or her doctor the full range of contraceptive/disease prevention
options.
Curt Smith, director of the Retirement and Insurance Group of the

Office of Personnel Management, justified the cuts: "I wasn't going
to allow a book like this to go to homes where some people would be
offended. You know, these are issues that alarm people [like Catho-
lics] very quickly. I felt silence would be best."27
During J. Edgar Hoover's long directorship, the F.B.I, often sought
to limit the circulation and impact of critical books by discouraging
bookstores from stocking them and planting unattributed derogatory
reviews. Recently the Bureau sought to persuade judges to accept
DNA "fingerprinting." When a British scientist testified as an expert
witness for the defence, he was interrogated about his visa status,
charged with fraudulent billing practices, and ordered to produce all
his scientific papers—successfully deterring further courtroom
appearances. A prosecutor warned a sceptical University of Califor-
nia professor to get a driver's license because the Oakland jail was
not a good place to spend the night. After the prestigious journal
Science accepted an article criticising DNA identification the editor
forced the authors to soften their conclusions and took the highly
unusual step of delaying publication until a rebuttal was prepared.
While the manuscript was being considered, an official in the
Department of Justice Criminal Division Strike Force asked the
authors to withdraw it. One of their strongest critics received a
$200,000 grant from the Justice Department to study DNA investiga-
tion and licensed his method to prosecutors. A government panel
subsequently acknowledged concerns about the procedure.28 Soon
after the Gulf war Dr. Theodore A. Postal, professor of national
security policy at MIT and former Pentagon science adviser, pub-
lished a 52-page article in International Security, a Harvard peer-
41
reviewed journal, asserting that the Patriot missile had been "almost
a total failure." He was promptly investigated by Pentagon officials
for revealing secret information. After refusing to meet with them
Postol said he was told: "I could not speak about any part of my
article in public without being in violation of my secrecy agree-
ment." Although Raytheon, the missile manufacturer, had claimed
100 per cent success, the Army eventually conceded that Patriots
had shot down only 70 per cent of Scuds in Saudi Arabia and 40 per
cent in Israel.29 Following the bitterly contested Clarence Thomas
confirmation hearings, the special counsel of the Senate Rules
Committee subpoenaed the telephone records of /Vewsda/s
Timothy Phelps and National Public Radio's Nina Totenberg, sus-
pected of leaking Anita Hill's accusations. Although the Senate
withdrew the subpoenas under public pressure, the Reporters Com-
mittee for Freedom of the Press reported 100 similar threats in
1991. 30
Governments retaliate against speech they view as lese majeste. In
his film "Grand Canyon," director Lawrence Kasden depicted the
city of Inglewood as a high-crime area, commenting at its release:
[CJities are supposed to be the hubs of civilization, not war zones.

In Los Angeles, we had the fantasy that we could run to our
neighborhoods and hide, but that illusion has been dispelled. One
wrong turn plants you in enemy territory. There is no safe place
any more, no sense of security. "Grand Canyon" is about the fact
that we're all interconnected. If people on the bottom suffer, we
all do. The world becomes an unlivable place.
In an open letter to Hollywood trade publications and the media the

city expressed strong displeasure, threatening to ban all filming until
the producers apologised and deleted all references to Inglewood,
and to require future directors to agree not to disparage the commu-
nity. The Inglewood Public Relations Director sought to soften the
message: "We're not talking censorship. There's no book burning or
movie burning going on. We're educating Hollywood about how
movies affect people." Several years earlier New Jersey Supreme
Court Chief Justice Robert N. Wilentz, offended by a scene in "The
Bonfire of the Vanities" depicting riotous blacks chasing judges
down hallways, had prohibited Warner Brothers from shooting it
inside the Essex County courthouse. The federal courts rejected the
county's challenge for lack of standing.31
Although schools may be constitutionally obligated to tolerate
42
some contumely in student newspapers, they still regulate much of

what pupils may say.32 The Oakland, California school board
unanimously banned clothing and jewellery denoting gang identifi-
cation, expensive jogging suits, hats, clothing designating member-
ship of non-school organisations, and t-shirt slogans using profanity,
approving drug use or violence, or denigrating people because of
race, ethnicity, religion, sex, or sexual preference. For otherwise
inarticulate youth obsessed with consumption and immersed in their
peer culture, dress may be the most important mode of self-expres-
sion. Government denies schoolsas a venue for meetings expressing
unpopular viewpoints. A New York City school board withdrew
permission to the "Lost-Found Nation of Islam" to host a speech
entitled "Are Jews Hiding the Truth?" Minister Abu Koss disavowed
anti-Semitism: "You mean to ask a question is inflammatory?"
School board spokesperson James S. Flasto responded to that false
naivete with equal hypocrisy, claiming that the group had misrepre-
sented the meeting as a "self-help" gathering: "They did not tell the
truth. And that is grounds for denying a permit." But he also
acknowledged the real reason: "We cannot have hate or propa-
ganda of any kind emanating from our schools."33
Government wields its enormous economic leverage to discour-
age speech. The Supreme Court has upheld the gag law forbidding
federal grantees from counselling women about abortion. Although
the Bush Administration purported to relax this in March 1992 by
allowing doctors to give "complete medical information," it knew
that few patients see doctors, who still could not refer them to
abortion clinics.34 Government also enforces contracts in which
private parties buy silence. Defendants often settle tort claims with
payments binding plantiffs to secrecy. The risks associated with
silicon gel breast implants, for instance, were documented in a 1984
lawsuit whose record was sealed. Hundreds of thousands of women
suffered disastrous consequences for another eight years before the
Food and Drug Administration took action. Heart valve implant
recipients who sued the manufacturer were prevented from disclos-
ing information about defects. Private employees, like their public
counterparts, may be sworn to secrecy. Management in Arista and
BMG record companies could not reveal that Robert Pilatus and Fab
Morvan lip-synched "Girl You Know It's True" on the 1988 album
that sold millions and won them a Grammy. Other contracts can
constrain speech. Paul Yule's "Damned in the USA," a British
television programme about American cultural censorship, was
banned in USA for months because a fundamentalist minister
43
claimed that his participation had been conditioned on a promise

that it not be rebroadcast.35 Even divorce can seal lips. As part of her
$22 million settlement with Donald Trump, Ivana agreed never to
talk about the marriage. When the New York courts upheld this
clause, Donald's lawyer explained: "The judges are saying that this
is not a freedom of speech case. Mrs. Trump, for a price, waived her
right of free speech when she voluntarily accepted money in consid-
eration for surrendering that right." Donald planned to sue Ivana for
breaking this contract by publishing her novel For Love Alone,
which features a Czechoslovak professional skier like Ivana married
to an American tycoon like Donald, whose affair with a younger
actress leads to a messy divorce.36
That the United States, with its strong First Amendment tradition,
constrains speech in so many ways does not prove the inevitability of
regulation. But it certainly discourages hope in attaining the civil
libertarian vision.
IV. The Impossibility of State Neutrality

Some civil libertarians argue that what the state may not do directly
through regulation it should not do indirectly. When the state speaks
or finances speech it must be strictly neutral, neither amplifying
some voices nor silencing others. It is equally impossible to depoliti-
cise this role, however. Government officials have little hesitation in
discouraging or discrediting critics. During the Gulf War, British
Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd expressed "a good deal of concern"
about reporting from Baghdad and voiced the "strong feeling in the
country" that television favoured Iraq in describing the American
bomb that killed 400 civilians in a shelter. House of Commons
Leader John MacGregor said the government had made represen-
tations to the networks. American officials are no more reticent.
When Business Roundtable chief executives discussed proposed
civil rights legislation with minority groups, they were told to break
off negotiations by White House Chief of Staff John Sununu and
White House Counsel C. Boyden Gray. White House Press Secretary
Marlin Fitzwater equivocated. This was just "part of the kind of
backstage wrangling that goes along with legislation. Anybody can
talk to anybody." But the government, of course, is not just any-
body, and it was telling people not to talk.37
The government's burgeoning role in financing speech is equally
partisan and even more controversial. Public schools and libraries
44
The Impossibility of State Neutrality
constantly make decisions about using and lending books, under

pressure from fiercely opinionated constituencies.38 The Duval
County, Florida schools banned or restricted 60 books, including
Snow White, Shel Silverstein's humour, and Nikki Giovanni's
poetry. The Traditional Values Coalition forced California to delete
from science textbooks passages asserting: "There is no scientific
dispute that evolution has occurred and continues to occur; this is
why evolution is regarded as a scientific fact." "These sequences
show that life has continually diversified through time, as older
species have been replaced by newer ones." After the Sandinistas
were voted out of power, the new American-backed Nicaraguan
government planned to destroy four million schoolbooks donated by
Norway because of their allegedly leftist views. Mexico's first
revision of its history textbook in 20 years eliminated laudatory
descriptions of Emiliano Zapata, Fidel Castro, and Salvador Allende
while rehabilitating Porfirio Diaz, whose 30-year dictatorship seems
to be a model for President Salinas de Gortari.39
The State inevitably favours some voices over others in the
allocation of radio and television frequencies to private companies,
programming by public stations, museum exhibits, celebrations and
ceremonies, and of course the appointment of officials—most visi-
bly judges. Legal aid schemes constrain lawyers' clients, substantive
areas, and strategies. American legal services lawyers cannot repre-
sent tort victims, draft resisters, women seeking abortions, voter
registration or desegregation campaigns, or the "voluntary" poor.40
The charitable deduction in tax codes directs money to some
speakers and away from others. The notorious Clause 28 of the Local
Government Act 1988 prohibited local authorities from "promot-
ing" homosexuality, publishing such promotion, or promoting "the
teaching . . . of the acceptability of homosexuality as a pretended
family relationship."41
As science has become heavily dependent on government sup-
port, politics increasingly shapes the research agenda. The National
Institute of Child Health and Human Development withdrew appro-
val of a study of sexual behaviour by Edward Laumann, dean of
social science at the University of Chicago, because it would be
"political suicide." The Senate transferred $10 million from the first
comprehensive surveys of adolescent and adult sexual behaviour to
the Adolescent Family Life Program, which sponsor Senator Jesse
Helms (R-NC) described as "the only federally funded sex-education
program that counsels our children to abstain from having sexual
relations until they are married." He denounced as prurient the
45
defunded study's questions about homosexual behaviour. Their real

purpose was "not to stop the spread of AIDS . . . [but] to compile
supposedly scientific and Government-sanctioned statistics support-
ing ultra-liberal arguments that homosexuality is normal behavior."
The National Institutes of Health cancelled a conference on "Gene-
tic Factors in Crime" after objections by the Congressional Black
Caucus.42
Because artistic taste is strongly associated with status groups,
government support is a hotly contested terrain. Shortly after its
launch in the 1960s, the National Endowment for the Arts became
embroiled in a three-week furor because it had funded an improvi-
sation for Baltimore schoolchildren, which used the word "bull-
shit."43 Two decades later, perhaps hoping that a lawyer would
avoid such flaps, George Bush appointed John E. Frohnmayer to
head the N EA. One of his first acts was to suspend a $10,000 grant to
"Witnesses: Against Our Vanishing," a New York exhibition about
AIDS, because the catalogue contained an essay by AIDS-victim
David Wojnarowicz criticising Rep. William E. Dannemeyer (R-
Calif) and Sen. Jesse Helms, among others. Frohnmayer's justifica-
tion revealed the incoherence of any aspiration to neutrality.
I think it's essential that we remove politics from grants and must
do so if the endowment is to remain credible to the American
people and to Congress. Obviously, there are lots of great works of
art that are political. Picasso's Guernica and the plays of Bertholt
Brecht are strongly political. But the question is, Should the
endowment be funding art whose primary intent is political? . . .
The catalogue to this show is a very angry protest against the
specific events and individuals involved over the last eight months
in the most recent arts legislation in Congress [which prohibited
the Endowment from funding "materials considered obscene,
including sadomasochism, homoeroticism, the sexual exploi-
tation of children, or individuals engaged in sex acts"]. It's very
inflammatory.
Helms, who had sponsored the restrictive legislation, "was much

more pleased by this than he was by the N.E.A.'s reaction under the
former acting chairman to the Mapplethorpe exhibition." Danne-
meyer, who contended that homosexuality was curable acquired
behaviour, commended Frohnmayer "for doing what I think Con-
gress told him to do." Within three years, however, Bush fired
Frohnmayer, fearing that Republican presidential candidate Patrick
46
The Impossibility of State Neutrality
Buchanan was gaining too much political advantage by criticising

the NEA. Frohnmayer's valedictory compared this "Frankenstein
monster's" "shameless" attacks to the Nazi exhibit of "Entartete
Kunst" (Degenerate Art): "A sign on the wall of that show said: 'Your
tax money goes to support this filth.' That could come from the
Congressional Record, my friends."44
Politics infects other government-supported expression.45 Lynne
Cheney, the conservative chair of the National Endowment for the
Humanities, overruled several grant recommendations at each quar-
terly meeting of her national advisory council. To avoid this embar-
rassment, President Bush sought to pack the council with
conservatives, such as University of Pennsylvania history professor
Alan C. Kors, who compared his institution to Beijing University and
urged fellow members of the conservative National Association of
Scholars to transform universities into "the monasteries of the Dark
Ages, preserving what is worth preserving amid the barbaric ravages
in the countrysides and towns of academe."46 Several senators
sought to block funding for the Corporation for Public Broadcasting.
Conrad Burns (R-Mont) was angry at "The Range Wars" for criticis-
ing grazing on public lands: "my constituency, which is a lot of
cattlemen and sheepmen, absolutely went through the roof." John
McCain (R-Az) attacked "Maria's Story" for "glorifying the life of a
F.M.L.N. guerrilla in El Salvador." Jesse Helms lambasted "Tongues
Untied" for portraying "homosexual men dancing around naked"
and "blatantly promot[ing] homosexuality as an acceptable life
style." Minority leader Robert Dole (R-Kan) summarised their fury:
"I have never been more turned off and more fed up with the
increasing lack of balance and unrelenting liberal cheerleading I see
and hear on the public airwaves."47
Neutrality is unattainable. Indeed, no one wants it. All speakers,
whether employed or supported by government, are expressing their
partisan positions. Balance is a chimera; every mixture of views
favours some over others.
V. The Illusion of Private Freedom

Civil libertarians oppose state regulation and partisanship because
they see it as the primary source of constraint. Once that is removed,
private expression will again become a realm of authentic freedom.
The implicit image of free speech is the colonial New England town
meeting or Hyde Park's speakers' corner. In these mythic or marginal
47
environments everyone has equal opportunity to speak, and each

voice carries equal weight with the attentive unbiased audience.
This section questions those assumptions, arguing that state action
constructs the value of speech, state withdrawal exposes speech to
powerful market forces, and private action is the greatest constraint
on speech.
A. The State Valorises Speech

The "marketplace of ideas" in which Oliver Wendell Holmes urged
that a proposition's truth be tested is no more free than any other
"free market."48 Politics constructs all markets; the state defines
every right to property, including intellectual property. In an era of
mass consumption, such rights can be incredibly valuable. During a
recent two-year period, the pop group New Kids earned $115
million from their music. In 1992 Madonna signed a seven-year deal
with Time Warner worth $60 million, similar to the one Michael
Jackson had concluded with Sony a year earlier; Barbra Streisand
had to make do with $40 million. Time Warner was not giving
anything away; during the previous decade Madonna had generated
gross revenues of $1.2 billion. Prince sought to top both rivals by
valuing his contract with Warner Bros. Records at $100 million. But
all this was petty cash to the software industry, where Apple Com-
puter Inc. is suing Microsoft Corp. for $5.5 billion, alleging copy-
right infringement.49
Because habituation leads us to see property as a natural attribute
rather than a political artefact, some marginal examples may use-
fully highlight its contingency. McDonald's Dutch subsidiary settled
a $2.7 million claim by Paul Bocuse for an advertisement picturing
the chef preparing chicken, on which was superimposed a bubble
showing him thinking "Big Mac." 50 McDonald's is no less posses-
sive of its carefully cultivated image. Claiming to have created a
"McLanguage" by naming more than 75 products, it has sued La
Capoterie for selling McCondoms, using a stylised yellow M as the
logo.51 Several American universities have commenced legal action
against entrepreneurs selling notes taken without the lecturer's
permission.52 In order to promote its paper nappies and soap
powder, Proctor & Gamble leased the panda logo from the World
Wide Fund for Nature for £300,000 and the image of a mother
cradling an infant from The National Childbirth Trust for
£250,000."
The state defines the rights of creative and performing artists.
When Jeff Koons sculpted a "String of Puppies" to parody Art
48
The Illusion of Private Freedom
Rogers's famous kitsch postcard of a couple with eight German

shepherds, the judge found copyright infringement, angrily dismiss-
ing Koons's boast that "it was only a postcard photo and I gave it
spirituality, animation and took it to another vocabulary."54 Art
Buchwald's successful suit against Eddie Murphy and Paramount
Pictures for stealing the concept for "Coming to America" was only
the latest in a series of Hollywood tiffs stretching back at least to
Orson Welles's "Citizen Kane."55 Courts are beginning to protect
more subtle forms of creativity. Six years after the Beatles won a $10
million judgment against Beatlemania Inc. for a stage show and
movie featuring four impersonators, Bette Midler won $400,000
against Young & Rubicam for hiring her former backup singer to
imitate her style in a television commercial for Lincoln-Mercury
cars.56 Because rap music incorporates sound-bytes from other
recordings, copyright owners have begun to sue for infringement.57
Discovery as well as creation can confer rights: the full text of the
Dead Sea Scrolls was withheld from the public for 45 years.58 British
libraries pay authors each time their books are borrowed; California
artists earn royalties whenever their work is resold. Some cineastes
argued that directors should be able to veto "colourisation" of their
black-and-white films. Technological advances constantly compel
the state to redefine property rights: photography, lithography,
computer software, genetically engineered plants and animals,
records, analog and now digital casettes, compact disks, and video
recorders.59 State action can deny speakers the right to market their
words. The "Son of Sam" law (named after a New York mass
murderer), which prohibits criminals from selling their stories, has
been applied to such famous convicts as Jean Harris (who murdered
Dr. Herman Tarnower, author of the Scarsdale diet), Sidney Biddle
Barrows (the "Mayflower Madam"), and Jack Henry Adam (the
recidivist murderer and Norman Mailer protege). After the law was
invalidated in a case brought by Henry Hill, a mafioso who earned
$96,000 for the story Nicholas Pileggi turned into "Wiseguy," New
York Governor Mario Cuomo backed an amended version he hoped
would withstand constitutional scrutiny.60
My purpose is not to criticise these rules but merely to demon-
strate that the state inevitably encourages and discourages expres-
sion by conferring or withholding property rights.
B. Has the Fall of Communism "Freed" Speech?

If the state is inherently oppressive and civil society the domain of
freedom, as liberal theory posits, the demise of communism should
49
have liberated speech in the former eastern bloc. In fact, however,

the transition toward capitalism is replacing "Big Brother" with
market forces whose burden may be less visible but remains oner-
ous. Pravda, which boasted that it had been closed fourteen times—
nine by the Czar, four by the Provisional Government, and most
recently in August 1991 for supporting the coup—suspended publi-
cation in March 1992 because circulation had fallen 99 per cent
from 1987, newsprint prices had increased twenty-fold, and annual
subscription fees defrayed the costs of only the first 20 issues.
Izvestia survived by carrying more advertising, renting or selling its
extensive real estate, and launching We-My, a Russian-English
paper published jointly with the virulently anti-communist Hearst
Corporation.61 The 10,000 members of the Soviet Writers Union,
who had lived well under communism, now scrape by on state
pensions of 600 rubles a month and risible royalties of 400 rubles per
24 pages. Although private publishers pay more, they want only
detective stories, science fiction, and sex manuals. Even under
Gorbachev's glasnost the pornography market had grown to an
estimated 15 billion rubles by early 1991 (before the ruble col-
lapsed). The writers' group Aprel complained: "The market threat-
ens to become the grave of culture. Privatization of culture is above
all privatization of the soul." The most unlikely authors suddenly
earned big bucks. Col. Anatoly P. Privalov, vice-chairman of the
Foreign Intelligence Veterans Association and former KGB operative
in Turkey and Algeria, was negotiating with Hollywood to spill his
members' secrets.62
C. The Ambiguous Value of Commodified Speech

If laissez-faire capitalism maximised freedom, then speech that bore
the largest price tag would command most respect. Instead we find
deep ambivalence toward commodified speech.63 The claim to
truth can be fatally compromised by the acceptance of money.
Laypeople everywhere distrust and despise lawyers as hired guns,
mouthpieces for sale to the highest bidder.64 Governments require
lobbyists to register and elected officials to declare their interests.
Eyebrows were raised when 47 MPs with investments in brewing
persuaded Lord Young, the Trade Secretary, to reverse his approval
of the Monopolies Commission recommendation that breweries sell
their pubs. That year the Brewers' Society contributed nearly
£250,000 to the Conservative Party. Large donations from business
sources can embarrass political parties, as the Tories discovered
during the run-up to the last general election when newspapers
50
disclosed contributions of £2.5 million from a Greek shipping

magnate, £100,000 from a Hong Kong entrepreneur interested in
developing the new airport, £1 m from a golf partner of Sir Denis
Thatcher, and £1.5m from the founder of financially troubled Polly
Peck.65 In California, slate mailers that guide voters in casting their
long complicated ballots sell their endorsements, earning Voter
Guide $3.6 million in 1990. The Republican Vote by Mail Project
accepted $20,000 to support the Democratic candidate for Attorney
General, who blithely brushed off criticism: "It's known as a free
press."66 Of course, it was just the opposite.
Because science enjoys a far higher reputation for candour than
does politics, the taint of money is even more damaging. The
Princeton Dental Resource Center (no relation to the university)
distributes a free newsletter to hundreds of dentists without mention-
ing that 90 percent of its costs are paid by a $1 million annual
subsidy from M&M/Mars. The candy manufacturer was not named,
said the editors, for fear of discouraging other donors. A recent issue
cited scientific evidence that chocolate is as good for teeth as apples,
concluding: "So the next time you snack on your favorite chocolate
bar or bowl of peanuts, remember—if enjoyed in moderation they
can be good-tasting and might even inhibit cavities." UCLA
researcher Dr. Lawrence Wolinsky complained that the article
grossly misrepresented his findings. Even Dr. Shelby Kashket, whose
research was supported by Mars, objected when the editors inter-
preted him as suggesting that "sticky" snacks like chocolate and
caramel dissolve out of the mouth faster than starchy foods like
crackers and crisps.67 The Tobacco Institute may have significantly
tarnished scientists' claims to impartiality by paying them to keep
denying any link between cigarettes and illness.68 Lawyers delight in
discrediting expert witnesses by asking how much they are paid and
how often they testify for the opposing side. Those of us who consult
reviews in choosing movies will be dismayed to learn that the
reviewer may have rewritten the screenplay, advised the studio on
marketing, have his own "treatment" sitting on the desk of the
producer whose movie is under review, or produce a favourable
blurb in order to be quoted in an advertisement, like the following
rave a studio solicited for "Joseph Andrews": "Painted as a china
figurine, glazed as a cherry donut, Ann-Margret as the aptly named
Lady Booby adds a new dimension to an overcrowded gallery of
well-etched portraits."69 Payment does not free speech; it turns
speakers into whores.70
51
D. The Unfree Market

If Milton Friedman is right that there is no free lunch, there can be no
free speech either. As societies are massified and audiences expand,
the cost of speech inevitably increases and intermediaries proliferate
between speaker and audience, each with distinctive incentives and
powers to shape what is said and heard.
Book publishers decide which manuscripts to accept; form con-
tracts dictate terms to all but best-selling authors; editors "suggest"
changes; and marketing departments decide price, distribution, and
promotion.71 Sometimes publishers go further. When Penguin
issued a translation of Massacre by Sine, a well-known French
cartoonist, English booksellers complained about its irreverence to
Allen Lane, who had recently resigned as Penguin's director. That
night he drove to the Harmondsworth warehouse with four accom-
plices, filled a trailer with the remaining stock, and burnt it. The next
day Penguin reported the book out of print.72 The Japanese publisher
Hayakawa withdrew a translation of The Engima ofJapanese Power
because the Dutch author had written that the Burakumin Liberation
League "has developed a method of self-assertion through 'denun-
ciation' sessions with people and organizations it decides are guilty
of discrimination."73 Anticipating feminist criticism, Simon &
Schuster cancelled publication of Bret Easton Ellis's American Psy-
cho a month before it was to appear. When Random House brought
out the book, the Los Angeles branch of the National Organization
of Women urged a boycott, describing it as "a how-to novel on the
torture and dismemberment of women" and offering a telephone
reading of a passage about a woman raped and tortured with an
automatic nailgun.
Although booksellers' preoccupation with maximising profit has
intensified as massive chains have displaced independents, ideology
also affects decisions about inventory and display.75 The London
bookstore Gays the Word refused to carry the Marquis de Sade's
Juliette or Bret Ellis's American Psycho. Some feminist bookstores
bar men from displays of lesbian erotica. Many mainstream book-
stores reverse these biases, excluding gay and lesbian literature.
Waterstone's, Britain's second largest chain, also declined to stock
Jeremy Pascall's God: The Ultimate Autobiography.76 Prizes and
reviews catapult a handful of books to instant fame while consigning
most to obscurity. The Caldecott Medal (for American children's
literature) virtually assures 100,000 sales in the first year and strong
backlist performance. The National Book Award, the Pulitzer Prize,
and the Booker Prize increase sales two or threefold. Some prizes
52
simply amplify market forces. In 1991 the American Booksellers

created a Book of the Year award for the volume they most enjoyed
selling. The first "Abby" went to The Education of Little Tree, the
purported memoir of an Indian orphan, which remained a best-seller
even after its author was unmasked as a white racist.77
The production and dissemination of scholarship is supposed to
be insulated from commercial or ideological considerations. After
more than 20 years of writing for leading scientific journals Forrest
M. Mims 3d applied to write the "Amateur Scientist" column of
Scientific American, submitting good trial columns and impressive
proposals for future projects. At the interview, however, Mims
revealed that he was a creationist and opposed abortion. Armand
Schwab, who soon thereafter retired as managing editor, attributed
Mims's rejection to the fear that "Scientific American might inadver-
tently put an imprimatur on 'creation science,'" jeopardising the
journals credibility with biologists. Associate editor Tim Appen-
zeller conceded that Mims would have been hired had his religious
beliefs not emerged. Mims was understandably aggrieved: "I have
never, ever written about creationism . . . I'm willing to dialogue.
But I'm not going to deny my faith. . . . I even told them I could be
their token Christian, but they didn't smile at that."78 After three
years as general editor of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Harvard Divinity
School Professor John Strugnell was removed "for ill health" when
the Israeli newspaper Haaretz quoted him as saying that Judaism was
"originally racist" and "not a higher religion." Israel was "founded
on a lie, or at least on a premise that cannot be sustained." Judaism
was "a horrible religion. It's a Christian heresy . . . . You are a
phenomenon that we haven't managed to convert—and we should
have managed."79 Money buys scholars the means and time to
research and write (and sometimes subsidises publication). In 1991
the conservative John M. Olin Foundation gave $12 million to
support law and economics, the American Enterprise Institute, right-
wing authors like Dinesh D'Souza, Harold Bloom, Linda Chavez,
and Carol lannone, and ex-politicians like William J. Bennett.80
A fundamental argument against state regulation of speech is the
indispensability of an informed electorate to a democratic polity. But
the market guarantees neither quantity nor quality in news reporting.
Between 1975 and 1986 American network newscasts devoted 37
per cent less time to domestic policy issues and 50 per cent more to
human interest stories. Most stations cut their news budgets 20-25
per cent between 1988 and 1990. The networks allocated only four
hours to the four-day 1992 Democratic National Convention. Some
53
stations even refuse political advertisements. KFI-AM, the fifth lar-

gest radio station in Southern California, has done so because the
FCC requires broadcasters to charge their lowest rate. All-news
station KNX-AM, the third largest in the region, has rejected com-
mercials for state legislators and judges, who cannot otherwise reach
their local constituencies.81
Although the American media, unlike the British, simulates neu-
trality, greed quickly strips away this mask. The Gulf war coincided
with the ratings sweeps, whose audience estimates determine future
advertising revenue. After viewers wrote and telephoned KABC-TV
in Los Angeles to denounce its coverage of anti-war protests the
station adopted a policy of ignoring the demonstrations. Universities
use their subsidy of student newspapers to control tone and con-
tent.82 The media decide how much attention to devote to candi-
dates.83 Just as Pravda compared market forces to Czarist repression,
so Jerry Brown Americanised the metaphor when his 1992 campaign
for the Democratic presidential nomination foundered: "We
actually have a media and a party hierarchy that wants to shut down
democratic debate. It reminds me of the Bolsheviks in Russia . . . .
[They] would like to have one name on the ballot."
Even if the media impartially reported news and accepted political
advertising, electoral competition would reflect differences in mar-
ket power. Just as lawyers' clients get as much justice as they can
afford, so politicians get only that much publicity. Unable to pay
network prices, Jerry Brown had to make do with $200 an hour
public-access cable television. Another outsider, Ross Perot, could
threaten to spend "whatever it takes" to win—although his business
instincts convinced him to turn off the spigot in July at $10 million.84
Three weeks before the November 1990 election Congressional
incumbents had outspent challengers $214.8 million to $60 million
and had twenty times as much left for the campaign's crucial last
days. 96 per cent of House incumbents were re-elected (having
outspent challengers 9:1) as were all incumbent Senators but one
(having outspent challengers 3:1). California initiative battles dis-
played similar disparities that year: industry spent nearly five-times
as much as public interest groups. The liquor lobby alone threw $28
million into a battle against a tax that would finance health research
and education. Two years earlier the insurance industry had lavished
$75 million on resisting premium reductions.85
As audiences for mass entertainment grow, entrepreneurial efforts
to anticipate and shape consumer preferences increasingly override
creative independence. Film studios decide which treatments to turn
54
into screenplays, who will write, direct, and act, and how much to
spend on production and promotion. The lessons of commercial
failure are illustrated by "Radio Flyer," a 1992 flop costing $40-45
million. A despondent executive kvetched:
Even if this film worked, how do you get an audience? Ifyoutellan

audience it's about child abuse, they won't come. So you tell
them it's about childhood. So an audience shows up and sees the
movie, and they say, "Hey, wait a minute. This is not what we
paid seven bucks for. A kid is being beat." They walk out. They
feel betrayed. They hate you!
It is not surprising that Hollywood, which invests an average of $38

million per film, tests audience reaction before releasing at least 75
per cent of the top 200 movies each year. According to the Columbia
Pictures marketing president: "It's the same thing you do with a
product. You sample it: Is it too sweet? Is it too hot?" Ron Howard,
who directed the highly successful films "Parenthood" and
"Cocoon," starts with a 3—4 hour rough cut and chops it in half on
the basis of audience reaction to as many as 16 test screenings. The
ending of "Fatal Attraction"—perhaps the most profitable movie
ever made—was changed after negative test screenings.86
Non-economic considerations also shape film content. Tristar and
Columbia Pictures were collaborating on "Hell Camp," a movie
about sumo wrestlers, which Milos Forman had agreed to direct.
After Sony bought Columbia it cancelled the project, claiming it
could not get the Sumo Association to cooperate. When Matsushita
bought Universal Pictures it had the studio substantially rewrite the
script for "Mr. Baseball," about a boorish American joining a
Japanese team, to make it more sympathetic to Japan.87 The industry
collectively shapes content through its rating system. Fearing that a
ban on children under 17 would exclude "Basic Instinct" from some
theatres, the producers wanted to cut the objectionable scenes.
Director Paul Verhoeven and actor Michael Douglas resisted, con-
vinced that the sex and violence would attract publicity and thus
viewers. The studio won, although Verhoeven maintained he had
only "replaced things from different angles, made it a little more
elliptical, a bit less direct." At the same time, he dismissed protests
by gays and lesbians about the bisexual murder suspect, who
seduces women and men, keeps ice picks around the house, and
writes books about fictional murders resembling the movie's
events.88
55
Advertising strongly influences all media that sell it.89 American

tobacco companies spent $585 million on advertising in 1990,
mostly in magazines and newspapers (because they are barred from
television). American magazines were 40 per cent more likely to
publish news articles about the dangers of smoking if they refused
cigarette ads; women's magazines were twice as likely; indeed, six
women's magazines that took tobacco money published no feature
articles about smoking and health between 1982 and 1986.90
Financial World, a journal with half a million subscribers, hired UC
Berkeley Professor Graef S. Crystal in 1991 to write a column on
executive remuneration. When advertising pages dropped 30 per
cent in the next four months it quickly fired him. Editor Geoffrey N.
Smith explained:
1 have tremendous respect for [Crystal] as an academician, He's

the foremost authority in that field, but you know it's just pretty
incendiary stuff. . . . [l]f you're a C.E.O. and it's your picture
featured in that column . . . you don't always like it. Some of them
have spoken to their lawyers. It's just been quite controversial.
Crystal noted that he had written a similar column for Fortune

magazine until forced to retract his criticism that executives at Time
Warner Inc, Fortune's parent, were overpaid. He concluded bitterly:
"I can't find a niche in any American magazine that has advertising
//91
Because television requires large audiences to generate the adver-

tising revenue necessary to defray its high production costs,
networks are wary of offending viewers. Each maintains a standards
division, whose 60 employees examine every script and video.92
After " L A . Law" introduced a lesbian character who kissed another
woman the producers quickly transformed her into a less threatening
bisexual. A "Quantum Leap" script about a gay teenage naval cadet
who committed suicide after being beaten by student vigilantes was
rewritten to make the character older and have him saved from the
beating and suicide. Even so, sponsor withdrawals cost the network
$150,000. ABC earlier had lost $1.5 million when advertisers
backed away from a "thirtysomething" episode showing two gay
men in bed, and NBC had suffered pullouts from its movie about the
Supreme Court's abortion decision. Although Dan Quayle has
sought political capital by maligning the eponymous hero of "Mur-
phy Brown" for choosing to have a baby alone, executive producer
Diane English saw that as the less controversial decision. Had
56
Murphy had an abortion "it would have been lights out." A Saatchi
& Saatchi executive was unashamed about advertiser influence:
"When we use TV, we're not using it to support First Amendment
rights or artistic freedoms, we're using it because it's a good business
decision for our client. . . ," 93
Advertiser anxiety can affect the marketability (and thus the
commercial speech) of celebrities. After Earvin "Magic" Johnson
disclosed he had AIDS, Pepsi, Nestle, Spalding, and Kentucky Fried
Chicken shunned him like the plague. A spokesperson for Target
Stores squirmed: "It's a real predicament; because of his situation
are we obliged to work with him forever?" (an unfortunate phrasing
given his dramatically shortened life expectancy). Pepsi equivo-
cated: "As a major advertiser, we need to rethink how to position
Magic in a way that's right for him and right for us." A New York
expert on celebrity advertising was more candid: "I don't think
[Magic] has a future in advertising new products. Advertisers don't
want to be associated with negatives. And this is a very solemn
negative. He might die." Nine months later, however, when Johnson
signed a $14.6 million contract with the Lakers for 1994/95—the
largest single season deal in team sports—Pepsi revived its "We
Believe in Magic" campaign, and athletic shoe manufacturers plot-
ted to lure him away from Converse. The publisher of Sporting
Goods Intelligence opined: "Reebok is the best bet. They're into all
that stuff like social responsibility and Amnesty International. They
could really get behind this AIDS thing and run with it." 94
Some audiences confront speakers without waiting for interme-
diaries to interpret their views. We have seen feminists denounce
pornography, Jews and anti-racists oppose neo-Nazis, and Muslims
seek to silence Rushdie. The Province of St. Joseph of the Capuchin
Order in Milwaukee bought stock in media and tobacco companies
in order to attack cigarette advertising at shareholder meetings. It
forced Philip Morris to extend the mandatory American warnings to
cigarettes sold abroad. Gannett, which owns the largest American
billboard company and earned 15 per cent of its annual $1.5 billion
revenues from tobacco, insisted that cigarettes were "integral to the
success of outdoor advertising companies" and that "the company is
acting in a socially responsible manner . . . ." 95 Angered by a
Cuban-American television commentator who blamed Puerto Rican
poverty on the "thousands of single mothers, very young, who try to
escape . . . through welfare or through new partners who then
leave, and leave behind other children to worsen the problem,"
Puerto Rican groups in New Jersey persuaded advertisers to boycott
57
the station, which quickly terminated the talk-show.96 Furious that

The Miami Herald was "soft" on Castro, the Cuban American
National Foundation attacked it in bus and billboard ads and
Spanish-language radio spots. The paper's executives received con-
temporaneous death threats, the newspaper suffered a bomb scare
and veiled boycott warnings, and vending boxes were vandalised
with paint, glue, and faeces.97 Hostile audiences can even put
words in a recalcitrant speaker's mouth. When every house on his
Culver City (Los Angeles) block sported yellow ribbons to support
American troops in the Persian Gulf, Steve Raikin defiantly displayed
a peace sign. In the nights that followed two ribbons were tied on his
tree, one was painted on, and his car was spattered with yellow
paint. When he called the police, they asked why he did not simply
conform.98
I am neither endorsing nor condoning the myriad ways in which
private actions regulate speech but merely seeking to demonstrate
that such interference is pervasive and profound. Audiences
influence what speakers say, speakers limit what audiences hear,
and intermediaries do both in pursuit of their own ends. A civil
libertarian Utopia without state regulation would be a world of
constraint, not freedom. Each instance of private power must be
evaluated by criteria that are substantive, not formal.99
VI. The Burden of Choice

By obsessing about the power of state officials to constrain speech,
civil libertarian theory paralyses them. By disregarding the power of
private actors, civil libertarian theory fails to hold them accountable.
This vision of state abstention and neutrality joined to private
irresponsibility is fatally impoverished.1 Just as public actors cannot
avoid regulation and partisanship, so private actors cannot avoid
power. Both must shoulder the burden of choice.
Notes
1
Holmes (1897; 1918); Popper (1969); Meiklejohn (1948; 1965); Emerson
(1970); Unger (1975); Schauer (1982); Ingber (1984); Baker (1989; n.d.);
Garry (1990); Smolla (1992). For an English debate, including the absolu-
tist position, see Commission for Racial Equality (1988). For a comparison
of approaches in Canada and the United States, see Borovoy et al. (1988/
89). For a comprehensive world-wide survey, see Coliver (1992).
58
Notes
2
Matsuda (1989); Bell (1987); Lawrence (1990); Delgado (1982); Williams
(1991). Simon Lee acknowledges this inspiration in his recent book
(1990).
3
In re the Welfare ofR.A.V., 464 N.W.2d 507 (Minn. 1991), rev'd sub
nom. R.A.V. v. St. Paul, 120 L.Ed. 2d 305 (1992); New York Times s.1
p.1 (December 1, 1991), B19 (December 5, 1991), A1, A10 (June 23,
1992). The Fairfax County (Virginia) School Board defied the Court by
adding sexual orientation to its decade-old prohibition of hate speech in
schools based on gender, race and ethnicity. The executive director of the
National School Boards Association declared: "I don't think a judge in his
right mind would find this unconstitutional. It is to prevent people from
hurting others emotionally, and that is it." New York Times A7 (July 27,
1992).
4
lota Xi Chapter of Sigma Chi Fraternity v. George Mason University (E. D.
Va. 91-785-A); The UMW Post, Inc. et al. v. Board of Regents of the
University of Wisconsin System (E.D. Wis. 90-C-328); New York Times
A12 (August 29, 1991); Chronicle of Higher Education A1 (October 23,
1991).
5
New York Times A10 (September 14, 1992).
6
A jury acquitted them for their live performance; a federal appeals court
reversed the conviction based on the recording, finding it not without
serious artistic value. A record store was appealing a $1000 fine for
selling the album. Los Angeles Times A28 (May 8, 1992).
Although UCLA Law Professor Kimberle Crenshaw (1991), also African
American, criticised the racism of a legal system that tolerated similar
language by whites like television "humourist" Andrew Dice Clay, she
condemned the lyrics as misogynist. Whether the song was intended, or
heard by some, as humourous, it remained profoundly sexist.
7
Guardian 2 (November 8, 1991).
8
New York Times s.2 p.25 (April 22,1990), 6 (January 11,1992). In "Black
Korea," rapper Ice Cube sang: "Oriental one-penny countin' mother-
fuckers. . ./So pay respect to the black fist/Or we'll burn down your stores
right to a crisp." This was his response to a March 1991 incident in which
Soon Ja Du shot to death Latasha Harlins, a 15-year-old black girl she
accused of stealing a $1.79 bottle of orange juice. In "Death Certificate"
Ice Cube "commanded" N.W.A. (with which he had previously sung) to
kill their Jewish manager: "Get rid of that devil, real simple/Put a bullet in
his temple/'Cause you can't be a nigger for life crew/With a white Jew
tellin' you what to do." Csathy (1992).
The furor over "Cop Killer" (described in chapter three) has sensitised
record companies, several of which have established informal "lyric
review committees." Two days after rapper Ice-T withdrew that record,
Tommy Boy Records (owned by Time Warner, which produced "Cop
Killer") ended their contract with rappers Almighty RSO after police
organisations criticised the group's "One in the Chamber," and Time
59
Warner reexamined plans to release new albums by Ice-T, Juvenile

Committee, and Apache.
At the same time, MCA Music Entertainment Group withdrew FU2's
"No Head, No Backstage Pass," about a sexual assault on a young female
fan. Two months earlier women employees had refused to work on the
project. A month after that men joined the revolt when marketing
executives would only agree to delete the corporate name from the
record. MCA Records president Richard Palmese allowed the men to
withdraw as well but refused to pull the record, deferring to MCA Records
Black Music president Ernie Singleton, who said: "I can see why women
are upset. I wouldn't play this single for my wife or my kids, but I firmly
believe in our Constitution and I think a black artist has a First Amendment
right to express his own experience." The women persisted, sending the
lyrics anonymously to chairman Lew Wasserman and president Sidney
Sheinberg. They included:
. . .I'll drink champagne, she'll drink Ripple
Scream when I put the safety pins through her nipples
I know it sounds harsh, but the bitch is gonna love it
Hurt me, hurt me, push it harder, shove it. . . .
Sheinberg immediately had the record pulled. It was later issued by JDK
Records, whose president said: "The lyric was written tongue in cheek.
Yeah, it's a little risque. Yeah, it's a little controversial. Because hey, we
realize that in this business, controversy sells. But it wasn't meant to
offend anyone the least bit." Los Angeles Times F1 (August 20, 1992).
Although David Geffen has issued the homophobic, racist misogynist
Andrew Dice Clay, he declined Getto Boys' "Mind of a Lunatic." "I've
always felt that in issues of language, sex, etc. that everything is O.K. But
when it got down to murder it was too much for me." New York Times s.2
p.20 (September 6, 1992).
9
Independent 13 (November 8, 1991); New York Times s.2 p. 13 (January
19, 1992), s.2 p. 17 (March 15, 1992). Pornographic performance gener-
ally disqualifies an actor or model from other work. Stoller (1991). Even
Playboy had its standards. "They were very picky about what flesh they
exposed. They would never take any women who had already been in a
porn movie—especially a hard-core porn movie." Lederer (1980c: 65).
Fashion models have expressed fury when they are photographed
topless backstage and the pictures published. Roshumba,who modelled
for Calvin Klein, Michael Kors, and Donna Karan, complained: "The
minute we start changing, the photographers immediately run over. We
hate it, all of us. They are disgusting." New York Times B4 (May 4,1992).
10
Los Angeles Times A27 (January 30, 1992).
11
Guardian 9 (November 7, 1991); New York Times A12 (February 21,
1990), D22 (December 11, 1991), D1 (December 12, 1991), A5 (March
13,1992). Camel's market share climbed 0.4 per cent in May 1992 to 4.5
per cent at a time when almost all other full-price brands were losing
ground to discount cigarettes. The company was expanding its Camel
60
Notes
Cash programme by offering a new catalogue of "gifts." New York Times

C16 (July 29, 1992). A Harvard literature professor offered a persuasive
reading of Joe Camel as a phallic symbol. New York Times A21 (March
20, 1992) (oped).
Advertising can mislead doctors as well as children. A review by 150
doctors and clinical pharmacists of 109 full-page pharmaceutical advert-
isements in ten leading medical journals in 1990 found that 44 per cent
contained information that could induce doctors to prescribe durgs
inappropriately. The acting director of the Food and Drug Adminis-
tration's Division of Drug Marketing, Advertising and Communications
found that about half violated FDA guidelines and 57 per cent had little or
no educational value. Drug companies spent $351 million on advertising
in medical journals in 1991. Wilkes (1992); New York Times A1 (June 1,
1992); Los Angeles Times A3 (July 31, 1992) (re-analysis by Public
Citizen Health Research Group).
12
New York Times 7 (December 31, 1990).
13
Matthiessen (1983). The book was reissued nine years later with an
afterword describing the litigation. Matthiessen (1991).
14
Guardian 23 (November 7, 1991); New York Times Book Review 10
(April 12, 1992). See generally Gillmor (1992).
15
So far the Supreme Court has struck down state laws protecting the
privacy of rape victims. The Florida Starv. B.J.F., 491 U.S. 524 (1989).
16
The distinction between commercial and non-commercial speech, cen-
tral to contemporary First Amendment jurisprudence, is hopelessly
vague. "Informercials" are now invading television—half-hour long talk
shows featuring celebrities like Cher, Dione Warwick, and Ali MacGraw
pushing products like Aquasentials, Psychic Friends Network, and
Beauty Breakthroughs and generating $750 million in sales in 1991.
Informercials were made possible when the Reagan Administration abol-
ished the limit of 12 commercial minutes per hour, which the FCC had
established in the 1950s. The business now has its own Informercial
Marketing Association (to avoid federal regulation) and an annual cere-
mony to bestow PLAY awards (Program-Length Advertisment of the Year).
New York Times B2 (October 5, 1992). The American Society of Maga-
zine Editors has adopted guidelines urging the industry to distinguish
clearly between advertising and editorial content, expanding those issued
in 1982 to govern "advertorials" (special advertising sections). New York
Times C17 (October 20, 1992).
17
Federal courts have upheld laws prohibiting begging in subways and
transportation terminals. A court recently invalidated New York's ban on
street beggers, but the case is on appeal. New York Times A14 (October
2, 1992).
Even non-commercial enterprises can be compelled to speak. Under
the 1972 Drug Abatement Act a court ordered a man found with less than
an ounce of marijuana to post a sign that his house was under court order
61
and could not be used for the sale of illegal drugs. Los Angeles Times A3
(July 24, 1992).
18
New York Times A] (January 19, 1990), A1 (January 20, 1990), s.1 p.4
(February 18, 1990), s.1 p. 11 (March 18, 1990), A1 (March 10, 1992);
Los Angeles Times A23 (February 24, 1990), A4 (March 13, 1992). In
Boston and San Francisco, public transportation bans ads for tobacco and
liquor; New York just banned tobacco ads. New York Times 16 (June 27,
1992). The Minnesota Department of Public Health has launched a
$321,000 campaign to discourage women from smoking. A television
commercial shows two male ad executives admiring a billboard depict-
ing a young leotard-clad woman smoking. When one exclaims "Women
will love it," the billboard model comes alive and stubs out her cigarette
on his head. A radio spot has a female voice thank cigarette makers for
"your portrayal of us as shallow and superficial. . .for making our hair
smell like an ashtray. . .for staining our teeth and increasing our dry-
cleaning bills. . .for the 52,000 cases of lung cancer you cause in women
each year. We only hope we can return the favor some day." New York
Times s.1 p.7 (September 6, 1992).
The U.S. Treasury Department persuaded Black Death vodka (targeted
at young rock fans) to change its name to Black Hat, and Crazy Horse malt
liquor to alter its label so that it did not resemble malt whiskey. In the
summer of 1991 Heileman's introduced Power Master malt, targeted at
black men, but quickly withdrew it because of objections that the name
emphasised its high alcohol content (5.9 per cent). A year later it
introduced Colt 45 Premium in a can with the same design and an alcohol
content between 5.9 per cent and Colt 45's 4.5 per cent (regular beers are
3.5 per cent). When Dr. Novello condemned all three, the maker of
Crazy Horse replied: "A free society requires freedom of choice in many
areas, not the least of which is the consumer's right to select products they
find attractive or distasteful. They vote with their pocketbooks." New
York Times C1 (May 12,1992); Los Angeles Times A16 (May 20, 1992).
19
NewVo/* 777nesA32 (December 13,1991), B2 (December 16, 1991), B3
(December 19, 1991), A16 (January 17, 1992), s.4 p.4 (January 19,
1992), A4 (February 14, 1992), C1 (February 18, 1992), A11 (April 16,
1992). Prosecutors in Nebraska have won convictions against record
stores for selling 2 Live Crew's "As Nasty as They Wanna Be" to minors.
Los Angeles Times F1 (April 23, 1992). Washington State bars sales to
minors of records that a judge finds appeal to prurient interests and offend
community standards. New York Times 7 (June 13, 1992).
Nassau County (Long Island) has banned sales of trading cards depict-
ing "heinous crimes and criminals" to those under 17. The publisher of
the "True Crime" series—110 cards of law officers, gangsters, serial
killers, and mass murderers—said she sold 8 million in the first week
($1.25 for a package of 12). "They are the biggest selling cards we have
ever had. Every state where there has been an attempt to ban them,
62
Notes
people have begun calling and asking to open up accounts." New York
Times B16 (June 16, 1992).
20
Texas v. Johnson, 109 S.Ct. 2533 (1989). O n superpatriotism, see Abel
(1991). The first Bush ad in the 1992 campaign had to be w i t h d r a w n
because it used the presidential seal in violation of federal law. Los
Angeles Times A 1 6 (August 1 1 , 1992). After Rep. Cass Ballenger (R-NC)
accused Bill Clinton of lying about the draft and involvement in protests
agains the Vietnam war, the Speaker of the House of Representatives
extended to presidential and vice-presidential candidates the rule of
courtesy that forbids "derogatory, demeaning or insulting" references to
the President, Vice President, or Members of Congress. N e w York Times
s.1 p. 18 (September 2 7 , 1992).
21
Los Angeles Times A]] (January 3 1 , 1991), A 9 (February 15, 1991), A3
(February 20, 1991). The California Department of M o t o r Vehicles
screens vanity plate applications for offensive language, but multilingual
punsters sometimes fool t h e m .
22
N e w York Times A1 (October 9, 1992). Criticised for this dramatic
contraction of the First A m e n d m e n t , Bush lashed back: " Y o u let the
liberal elite d o their number today, trying to call me Joe McCarthy. I'm
standing w i t h American principle. It is w r o n g to demonstrate against your
country w h e n your country's at w a r . " Los Angeles Times A1 (October 10,
1992).
23
Los Angeles Times A1 (February 2 2 , 1992). A University of California
history professor has just w o n a protracted battle to obtain the 69-page
FBI file o n John Lennon, w h i c h N i x o n ordered begun in 1971 in an effort
to get him deported. Los Angeles Times A3 (June 23, 1992).
24
Mail on Sunday 3 (November 17, 1991); New York Times A 7 (November
2 7 , 1990), s.1 p.34 (December 8, 1991), s.1 p.9 (March 2 2 , 1992); New
York Times Book Review 1 (March 2 9 , 1992). Although South Africa has
no shortage of native hate mongers, even it expels foreigners, like the
English revisionist David Irving. Weekly Mail 15 (June 12, 1992). Israel
threatened to apply its ban on talking to the PLO to the Palestinian
representatives to the current Mid-East peace conference! Los Angeles
Times A 4 (June 2 0 , 1992).
25
New York Times AU (January 2 6 , 1990), A1 (May 18, 1990). W h e n the
Government cannot silence the speaker it withholds information. After
Rep. Henry Gonzalez (D-Tex) began investigating the CIA, all executive
branches stopped providing him w i t h any information, on instructions
from Attorney General William P. Barr. Los Angeles Times A23 (August 1 ,
1992).
26
New York Times 5 (March 7, 1992), 1 (March 2 8 , 1992), A 1 4 (April 13,
1992).
In 1992 the Census Bureau's Assistant Director for Communications (a
political appointee) was put on the pre-publication list for all reports. " I
d o n ' t edit reports," he said " I d o ask a lot of questions about press
releases." In April a department director told subordinates they could not
63
"give out simple numbers, such as the number of housing units in the
U.S." without clearing this with the public information office. Although
the Bureau's Director denied this was official policy, she circulated an old
Commerce Department memorandum making it more difficult for
reporters to gain access to experts. In the run up to the 1992 American
election the Census Bureau delayed for months issuing a report showing
that the proportion of full-time workers earning less than $12,195 (in
constant dollars) declined in the 1960s, remained constant in the 1970s,
and then grew from 12.1 per cent to 18 per cent during the 1980s. The
head of the Division of Housing and Household Statistics caled this
"unusual—indeed, unprecedented." W h e n the report finally appeared,
the press release downplayed its significance. N e w York Times A7 (May
12, 1992), 6 (May 23, 1992).
T w o lawyers at the Resolution Trust Corporation (charged with selling
insolvent savings and loan associations) were demoted when they criti-
cised the RTC for failing to recover money. New York Times C1 (August
13, 1992).
FBI agent Jon Lipsky has been forbidden to tell a Congressional
committee w h y no individuals were prosecuted and so few crimes
charged for the m a m m o t h environmental pollution at Rockwell Interna-
tional's Rocky Flats nuclear weapons plant in Colorado. New York Times
s.1 p. 15 (September 27, 1992).
27
New York Times A 6 (April 1 1 , 1992). In July 1991 the Army Times
Publishing Co., w h i c h produces Army Times, Navy Times and Air Force
Times with a combined circulation of more than 200,000, refused an
advertisement praising gay soldiers in the Gulf War, insisting there had
been none! N e w York Times A15 (August 20, 1992).
28
Robbins (1992); N e w York Times A20 (December 20, 1991), A1 (April
14, 1992), A1 (April 15, 1992).
As Franklin Roosevelt ran for an unprecedented fourth term in 1944 his
doctor declared that he was " i n splendid shape." W h e n his feeble
appearance prompted rumours of high blood pressure his press secretary
got the FBI to investigate the doctor suspected of telling the truth. The
story was killed and Roosevelt re-elected. He died after three months in
office. N e w York Times A 1 9 (April 23, 1992).
Blacklisted by the FBI for refusing to testify before the House Commit-
tee on Un-American Activities, H o w a r d Fast was unable to find a
publisher for his books. He wrote 20 under pseudonyms, several of which
became best sellers and were made into movies. New York Times B2
(September 23, 1992).
In 1988 the FBI public affairs officer wrote Priority, the Los Angeles
c o m p a n y that produced NWA's album "Straight Outta C o m p t o n , " to
complain that the song "Fuck Tha Police" encouraged violence against
law enforcement personnel. Los Angeles Times A7 (May 2, 1992).
29
New York Times A8 (January 9 , 1 9 9 2 ) , A 1 0 (March 19,1992), A9 (April 8,
64
Notes
1992). O n government manipulation of news during the war, see

MacArthur (1992); Miller (1992).
This must have semed like deja vu to Postol, w h o had been an expert
witness for The Progressive magazine in 1979, when the government was
trying to stop it from printing an article demonstrating that the untrained
layperson could assemble virtually all the information about h o w to make
a hydrogen b o m b . Postol testified that the article "contains no information
or ideas that are not already c o m m o n knowledge among scientists,
including those w h o do not have access to classified information." Hans
Bethe, one of the many scientists supporting the government, himself had
been prevented from publishing an article on thermonuclear weapons in
Scientific American in 1950. Although the Atomic Energy Commission
conceded that the article contained no secret information, it forced the
magazine to capitulate and then supervised the destruction of the entire
print run (not yet distributed) and the melting d o w n of the type. Smolla
(1992: 2 6 6 - 6 7 ) .
Four days before the 1988 election federal prisioner Brett Kimberlin
scheduled a press conference to disclose that he had sold marijuana to
Dan Quayle. The next day he was put in solitary confinement. He was
removed the following night when Nina Totenberg threatened to report
the incident on National Public Radio, and a telephone news conference
was re-scheduled for the day before the election. But moments before it
was to begin he was returned to solitary until after the election. He is the
only inmate ever k n o w n to have been placed in solitary by order of the
Bureau of Prisons Director. A report of the Senate's Governmental Affairs
Subcommittee confirmed this account; the Inspector General is investigat-
ing. N e w York Times s.1 p. 15 (May 3, 1992), A23 (June 25, 1992), 1
(October 3, 1992); Los Angeles Times A17 (October 3, 1992); Singer
(1992).
30
N e w York Times A1 (February 14, 1992), A9 (March 18, 1992); Los
Angeles Times A 1 6 (March 17, 1992), A23 (March 26, 1992).
31
Los Angeles Times B1 (February 14, 1992); New York Times 34 (January
1, 1992). The Secretary of State for Washington State, running for re-
election, sought to prevent the producers of " B o d y of Evidence" from
filming in the State Capitol Building: " t h e plot is that the character played
by Madonna seduces a man to death. . . .the movie is filled with sex and
violence. W h y should w e condone or cater to anything of this kind?" Los
Angeles Times F1 (April 2 3 , 1992).
32
Compare Bright v. Los Angeles Unified School District, 18 Cal.3d 450
(1977) (protecting student speech under state consitution) with Hazel-
wood School District v. Kuhlmeier, 484 U.S. 260 (1988) (rejecting
protection under federal constitution).
The Orange County (California) High School for the Arts covered up a
painting at an exhibition because it portrayed t w o nude w o m e n embrac-
ing, with an explanatory statement by the artist, a Catholic senior: " I
don't w a n t to go to hell because of loving another w o m a n . " After protests
65
f r o m gay and lesbian groups both were replaced. Los Angeles Times A3
(May 2 2 , 1992), A 2 8 (May 2 3 , 1992).
33
New York Times B2 (December 16, 1991), B3 (December 19,1991), A13
(January 2 2 , 1992).
34
New York Times A 1 7 (December 9, 1991); Los Angeles Times A1 (March
2 1 , 1992).
After a campaign of criticism in w h i c h the Metropolitan News-Enter-
prise called Los Angeles Superior Court Presiding Judge Ricardo A. Torres
a "despotic t w i t , " a "petty and spiteful autocrat," and " t h e Queeg of Hill
Street," Torres ordered his subordinates to limit county-paid subscriptions
to one legal newspaper. 332 o f them d r o p p e d the MNE, whose circula-
tion had been only 2 0 0 0 . The publisher then w r o t e a m o c k m e m o from
Torres t o all Superior Court judges c o n d e m n i n g the MNE for demeaning
the "august status" of a judicial officer and declaring that "possession of
that publication. . .shall not be tolerated." Three MNE employees were
found distributing the memo in the courthouse and forcibly brought
before the judge, who allegedly held them in contempt and refused to let
them see a lawyer. Later that day there was a further hearing in which
Torres disqualified himself in the contempt proceeding and offered to
drop it if the paper apologised. The paper and the three employees are
now suing Torres for $285,000 for false imprisonment and violation of
civil rights. Los Angeles Times B3 (October 3, 1992).
35
A federal court finally lifted the injunction, b u t Rev. W i l d m a n still is
seeking contract damages. N e w York Times A12 (September 10, 1992),
A 1 4 (September 2 3 , 1992).
After Edward J. Rollins quit as Ross Perot's campaign manager and
ridiculed the candidate, Perot required deputy manager Charlie Leonard
to sign a contract agreeing to "refrain from making any disparaging
remarks o r negative comments, either publicly or privately, directly or
indirectly, regarding Ross Perot" and then fired h i m . N e w York Times
A 1 9 (October 2, 1992).
36
T r u m p (1992); New York Times A 1 4 (February 18, 1992), 10 (March 2 1 ,
1992), 13 (April 1 8 , 1 9 9 2 ) , A 1 2 (September 1 0 , 1 9 9 2 ) ; Los Angeles Times
F1 ( N o v e m b e r 16, 1990), F1 (January 2, 191).
37
New York Times s.1 p. 12 (April 1 4 , 1991), s.1 p. 15 (November 2 4 ,
1991), A 8 (March 1 0 , 1 9 9 2 ) ; Los Angeles Times A15 (April 17, 1991), A7
(February 16, 1992).
38
Ravitch (1974); Arons (1983); Kirp (1991); DelFattore (1992). For Cana-
dian examples see 9 ( 1 - 2 ) Fuse 7 - 8 (Summer 1985).
W h e n the N e w York City School Board adopted a first-grade curricu-
lum urging teachers t o " i n c l u d e references to lesbians/gay p e o p l e " "as
real people to be respected and appreciated," a district in Queens voted
unanimously t o resist because it undercut their moral code. New York
Times B3 (April 2 4 , 1992). The Chancellor of the N e w York City school
system, M a y o r , a n d Borough Presidents of Manhattan and the Bronx
d e n o u n c e d t h e decision b y the city-wide board to recall a video and
66
Notes
pamphlet about AIDS because neither sufficiently emphasised absti-

nence. N e w York Times B1 (May 28, 1992), B3 (May 29, 1992). The
curriculum was revised to emphasise sexual abstinence, delete references
to contraceptive creams and anal intercourse, and omit information on
cleaning needles. N e w York Times B12 (June 24, 1992). 4 0 out of 200
AIDS education groups refused to stress abstinence, supported by the
Mayor and City Health Commissioner. New York Times A 1 6 (August 28,
1992).
W h e n the California health curriculum for public schools acknow-
ledged the existence of "families headed by grandparents, siblings,
relatives, friends, foster parents and parents of the same sex" the Western
Center for Law and Religious Freedom objected to "treat[ing] the tradi-
tional family as the equal of these other kinds of families." the Traditional
Values Coalition decried "attempts to advocate and promote homosexu-
ality as an acceptable and healthy life-style. . . .this is recruitment par
excellence. It is saying, hey, guys, same sex is viable, same sex is
meaningful." The State Board of Education referred the issue back to the
Curriculum Commission. Los Angeles Times A3 (July 2 8 , 1992).
39
New York Times M (November 10, 1989), s.1 p. 11 (October 14, 1990),
s.1 p. 10 (March 22, 1992), A3 (September 2 1 , 1992) (Mexico); Los
Angeles Times H3 (September 22, 1992) (Mexico). Jean Mayer, a leading
Mexican historian, protested that his chapter was rewritten without his
consent to praise Salinas's achievements. His co-author Hector Aguilar
Camin, w h o as one of t w o principal editors presumably did the rewriting,
dismissed the dispute as " a trivial issue." Camin's foundation received a
government grant to write the book.
40
Abel (1985a).
41
Marxism Today 2 (February 1988), 22 (June 1988); Kaufmann & Lincoln
(1991).
Oregon voted in November 1992 on a state consitutional amendment
prohibiting the use of public money to " p r o m o t e , encourage, or facili-
tate" homosexual behaviour and requiring state and local government to
"assist in setting a standard for Oregon's youth that recognizes homosexu-
ality, pedophilia, sadism and masochism as abnormal, w r o n g , unnatural,
and perverse and that these behaviors are to be discouraged and
a v o i d e d . " New York Times s.1 p.1 (August 16, 1992).
42
Chronicle of Higher Education A1 (October 2, 1991); 11(6) COSSA
Washington Update 1 (April 6, 1992), New York Times 1 (September 5,
1992), B5 (September 5, 1992), B5 (September 15, 1992) (NIH confer-
ence). Sen. Robert Byrd (D-W.Va.) criticised NSF funding for 31 studies,
including sexual agression in fish in Nicaragua and the personal identity
of law school professors. President Bush has continued to veto support
for research using fetal tissue, and Congress has been unable to override.
11(10) COSSA Washington Update 1-2 (June 1, 1992).
43
Chronicle of Higher Education A12 (March 1 1 , 1992). For a history of
these controversies, see Mulcahy & Swaim (1982); Pindell (1990).
67
44
New York Times B3 (November 10, 1989), B1 (March 24, 1992). The
description of Helms's response is a quotation from his official spokesper-
son. See generally Bolton (1992).
Frohnmayer's successor, Anne-lmelda Radice, promptly vetoed two
grants recommended by her 26-member advisory panel (one unani-
mously, one 11-1-1). The first, " M y Wishes," contained one penis
among more than 100 tiny photographs of faces, lips, and hair. The
second, "Genital Wallpaper," was not "sexually explicit." Radice
denied she had received instructions from the White House: "it wouldn't
be necessary because those people know me and my w o r k . " Los Angeles
Times F1 (May 4 , 1992); N e w York Times B1 (May 13, 1992). The seven
members of the sculpture panel responded by suspending consideration
of applications. N e w York Times 12 (May 16, 1992). When a federal
judge struck d o w n the prohibition against funding "obscene" material,
Rep. Ralph Regula (R-Ohio), w h o had drafted it, was confident that
"under the rubric of artistic excellence [Radice] will continue to apply
that subjective judgment call." New York Times A1 (June 10, 1992). She
planned to by-pass her obstreparous advisory panel in allocating
$750,000 in fellowships. New York Times 13 (August 1, 1992).
45
Problems of Communism, launched by the United States Information
Agency in 1952, claimed complete independence from the government.
But in its early years the USIA refused to allow any mention of Marx,
Engels, Lenin, or Stalin! It ceased publication after 40 years when there
were no more problems with communism. New York Times s.1 p.26
(May 3 1 , 1992).
The USIA withdrew a $35,000 grant to an exhibit on "La Reconquista:
A Post-Columbian New W o r l d " by the Centra Cultural de la Raza at the
Istanbul Biennial, whose theme was the "Production of Cultural Differ-
e n c e . " The USIA and the U.S. Embassy in Turkey objected to an essay
criticising the "violent history of conquest and domination." Los Angeles
Times F1 (September 19, 1992).
46
Chronicle of Higher Education A21 (February 19, 1992), A25 (April 8,
1992); New York Times B1 (February 24, 1992).
47
Los Angeles Times F1 (February 2 1 , 1992), F1 (February 28, 1992); New
York Times A8 (March 4, 1992), A8 (March 5, 1992).
W h e n the Public Broadcasting System hired British filmmakers to
produce "The Lost Language of Cranes" it required them to make a
different American version in which the nude men wore boxer shorts.
W h e n "Masterpiece Theatre" screened the BBC's "Portrait of a Mar-
riage," it cut 34 minutes, including girlhood scenes in which Violet
Trefusis, dressed as a man, climbed into bed with a fully-clothed Vita
Sackville-West. In introducing the American version, Alistair Cooke
characterised the lesbian relationship as a dangerous interlude threaten-
ing Vita's marriage with Harold Nicholson, rather than as the grand
passion of her life. Jac Venza, PBS director of performance programmes,
explained: "there are t w o things program managers have a hard time
68
Notes
w i t h : language and nudity. If I left it in, it w o u l d not be able to be seen in

cities where I most want it to be seen." Los Angeles Times F1 (June 24,
1992).
4a
Abramsv. United States, 250 U.S. 616, 6 3 0 ( 1 9 1 9 ) .
49
Independent 1 (September 16, 1991) (New Kids); New York Times B1
(April 20, 1991) (Madonna), C3 (March 20, 1992) (Apple); Los Angeles
Times F1 (September 5, 1992) (Prince); Los Angeles Times F1 (May 1 1 ,
1992) (Streisand). Aerosmith got $35 million for four albums with Colum-
bia, Motley Crue $35 million for five with Elecktra, and the Rolling Stones
$42 million for three with Virgin. Los Angeles Times F1 (September 5,
1992). Television talk shows generate extraordinary profits. Although
they cost only $ 1 0 - 2 0 million a year to produce, Oprah Winfrey grossed
$157 million in 1 9 9 1 , Phil Donahue $90 million, and Sally Jessy Raphael
$60 million. New York Times C1 (June 22, 1992). Even authors c o m -
mand staggering sums. Barbara Taylor Bradford signed a contract with
HarperCollins for more than $20 million for three novels; she retained
foreign language and film rights. N e w York Times B3 (May 6, 1992).
50
New York Times C1 (February 18, 1992).
51
Los Angeles Times D1 (March 15, 1992). W i t h the collapse of c o m m u -
nism the M o s c o w branch of the Smimov family has sued Pierre Smirnov
Company of Hartford, Connecticut, claiming that the emigre from w h o m
it derived the name (and secret recipe) in 1939 was a gambler w h o had
ceded his share to his brothers in 1905. The American firm had sales of
$550 million in 117 countries in 1 9 9 1 . The 150 million Russians,
however, drink 100 million bottles of vodka a day! Los Angeles Times A5
(August 14, 1992).
52
Chronicle of Higher Education A35 (April 8, 1992). Editor and author
G o r d o n Lish has sued Harper's magazine for publishing a marketing letter
he sent to prospective students in his writing seminar. Courts have
protected J.D. Salinger's letters and Gerald Ford's unpublished biogra-
phy. New York Times B1 (September 22, 1992).
53
International Guardian 3, 9 (September 14, 1991).
54
New York Times B10 (April 3, 1992). The Supreme Court dismised
Koons's appeal w i t h o u t c o m m e n t . N e w York Times A 9 (October 14,
1992).
55
New York Times s.2 p.1 (March 15, 1992). R K O paid a Hearst biographer
$15,000 to settle the claim after the trial ended in a hung jury.
Edgar Rice Burroughs Inc. has sued Vogue over a 14-page fashion
feature called "Tarzan, Meet Jane," in the April 1992 issue. The company
alleged that the sexually suggestive poses "are inconsistent with the good,
wholesome and attractive images of Tarzan and Jane, which have been
cultivated. . .over the course of 70 years." They claimed proprietary
rights not just in the names but also in any "character in a loincloth with a
knife in a jungle seting." A decade earlier they won a court order that the
1981 movie "Tarzan the Apeman" be edited to eliminate sex scenes with
Bo Derek. New York Times B1 (April 28, 1992).
69
56
Los Angeles Times F1 (March 24, 1992). Twenty years earlier Nancy
Sinatra lost a lawsuit against Goodyear for dressing up a blonde in a
miniskirt and go go boots in a commercial for a tyre called the Boot. Since
the Midler victory Tom Waits w o n $2.5 million against Frito Lay and its
advertising agency for imitating his voice in a jingle for Doritos. Infinity
settled with Chris Isaak for using a guitar riff almost identical to his hit
song " W i c k e d G a m e . " N e w York Times s.2 p.23 (July 5, 1992). Did
" H o n e y m o o n in Vegas" pay the King's estate for permission to film the
finale in w h i c h the Jumping Elvises sky-dive into the city?
57
New York Times B1 (April 2 1 , 1922).
58
N e w York Times s. 1 p. 12 (April 1 9 , 1 9 9 2 ) . Litigation is pending between
the editor of the two-volume, 1750-plate "Facsimile Edition of the Dead
Sea Scrolls" and the Israeli editor w h o claims a copyright on the 2000-
year old manuscript. Los Angeles Times B4 (October 3, 1992).
59
New York Times s.2 p.26 (April 12, 1992). The North American software
industry estimated that $2.4 billion was illegally copied in 1990, c o m -
pared to sales of $5.7 billion. Codes that prevented copying were
eliminated because they interefered with loading programmes on hard
disks. New York Times A1 (July 27, 1992).
In 1991 the National Institutes of Health sought patents on thousands of
gene fragments, even though their functions were u n k n o w n . The Office of
Patents and Trade Marks rejected the application, and the Department of
Health and H u m a n Services was considering resubmitting. N o w both its
General Counsel and numerous scientists (including Nobel laureate
James Watson) have advised against this for fear of slowing the human
genome project. New York Times A 1 6 (October 8, 1992).
60
New York Times A1 (December 11,1991) (making it easier for victims to
sue criminals for their profits). W h e n KLM Productions paid high school
student A m y Fisher $60,000 for the story of her shooting of Mary Jo
Buttafuoco, w i t h whose 39-year-old husband A m y claimed to have a
year-long affair, Ms Buttafuoco sought to seize the money before Ms.
Fisher could use it for bail. New York 777nesA16(August7, 1992). A New
Jersey judge has imposed a lien on any money paid for the story of the
convicted kidnap-killer of the Exxon International president. New York
Times A13 (October 7, 1992).
The market naturally resists such regulation. Networks base 3 5 - 4 0 per
cent of the movies they produce on real events, paying informants as
m u c h as $ 1 2 5 , 0 0 0 . NBC's senior vice president for movies received
seven pitches in a single day for the A m y Fisher story. " O n e agency called
and simply said they were offering the L.A. riots. I said, what exactly are
you representing?" H B O Pictures bought the story of a Texas mother w h o
hired a hit man to kill her daughter's rival on the high school cheerleading
team; an executive said " w e ' r e going to do it as a dark c o m e d y . " New
York Times C1 (June 15, 1992).
Richard Nixon is still suing the government for payment for some of the
70
Notes
42 million documents and 4000 hours of tapes seized w h e n he was forced

to resign in 1974. N e w York Times A9 (September 15, 1992).
61
Los Angeles Times A4 (February 22, 1992); N e w York Times 1 (March 14,
1992), A4 (April 7, 1992). In August a Greek capitalist bought the paper,
w h i c h resumed publishing three times a week. Los Angeles Times A6
(August 12, 1992). Other previously subsidised journals saw subscrip-
tions fall as prices soared: N o v y M r d r o p p e d from 2.5 million to 250,000,
Znamya from 1 million to 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 , Druzhba Narocfovfrom 1.2 million to
90,000. Remnick (1992). The cost of newsprint rose from a heavily
subsidised 300 rubles per ton to 29,000 in July 1992. W h e n Komsomols-
kaya Pravada sought resubscriptions at a more realistic price, only a few
hundred thousand of its 13 million former readers signed up. Gambrell
(1992). Noting that it had published Doctor Zhivago, The Gulag Archipel-
ago, and 1984, Novy Mir appealed to the West to contribute $190,000 a
year because its costs were twice its subscription income. New York
Review of Books 61 (October 22, 1992).
M o s c o w sought to rent Red Square to advertisers for the spring festival
that has replaced M a y Day, asking $1 million for bilboards on three sides
and t w o dirigibles stationed above. Even this new-found passion for profit
had its limits: nothing was to deface St. Basil's Cathedral or Lenin's t o m b .
New York Times A7 (April 24, 1992). But there were no takers.
62
New York Times s.1 p.6 (March 22, 1992); Los Angeles Times A11 (April
13, 1991), F1 (March 26, 1992). For $3180 Russia is n o w offering
photographs of strategic American sites taken from a spy satellite with a
resolution of less than 2 meters. New York Times s.1 p.8 (October 4,
1992).
In Poland, railway station bookstores sell horoscopes, parapsychology
and soft-porn like Fanny Hill and Emmanuelle; translations of Canadian
Harlequin romances sell 1.5 million copies a m o n t h . A m o n g novels, the
sequel to Gone With The Wind topped the best-seller list, followed by
Judith Krantz and Jackie Collins. The first translation of Mein Kampf sold
out 20,000 copies days after a court refused to block publication; copies
were quickly resold for three times the cover price. New York Times Book
K e w e w 1 4 ( J u l y 12, 1992).
Democratic capitalism may have similar consequences in the third
w o r l d . The opposition press in Z i m b a b w e has introduced a "Page 3 G i r l , "
one of w h o m recently posed topless in black transparent pantyhose, a
string of beads, and a headscarf, with a caption saying "she is a traditiona-
list and w o u l d like other girls to feel the same w a y . " Harare feminist
groups were furious. Weekly Mail 15 (April 24, 1992).
63
Whittle Communications distributes Channel O n e to 7.1 million students
in 11,000 government schools in 45 states (and to private schools in three
others). It provides the video equipment free on condition that schools
require students to watch the daily 12-minute news programme. Whittle
earns $630,000 a day for four 30-second commercials. The California
Superintendent of Education, California Congress of Parents, Teachers
71
and Students, and t w o teachers sued to prevent its distribution in the state.
O n e of the latter said: " I didn't become a teacher to sell Nikes, Colgate
toothpaste and Pringles." N e w York Times A 8 (June 4 , 1992). An evalua-
tion f o u n d that students retained detailed memories of the commercial but
k n e w no m o r e about current events than the control group.
The U.S. Department of Health and H u m a n Services has investigated
payments by doctors to hospitals for patient referrals. O n e group of
radiologists had to pay half their gross receipts; another paid 25 per cent
of their profits over $ 1 2 0 , 0 0 0 . O n e hospital required pathologists to buy
its billing services; another terminated radiologists w h o refused to pay
$ 1 8 1 , 0 0 0 for " m a r k e t i n g . " New York Times A1 (September 28, 1992).
54
Wasserstrom (1975); Simon (1978); Luban (1984; 1988); Abel (1989a;
1989b); Curran (1977); Mindes & A c o c k (1982).
55
Guardian 6 (September 2 7 , 1991), 1 (September 1 9 , 1 9 9 1 ) , 4 (September
2 9 , 1991), 2 (October 7, 1991); Observer 9 (September 29, 1991).
In October 1990 the Congressional Human Rights Caucus held hearings
o n the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait. The star witness was a Kuwaiti girl, w h o
described Iraqi soldiers removing 15 premature infants from incubators at
Al-Adan Hospital and leaving them to die on the floor. Representatives Tom
Lantos (D-Calif.) and John Edward Porter (R-lll.) concealed the facts that
she was the daughter of the Kuwaiti ambassador to the United States and
her participation had been organised by a public relations firm represent-
ing the Kuwaiti government. New York Times A15 (January 6, 1991).
66
Los Angeles Times A1 (November 3, 1990).
W h e n the socialist U p t o n Sinclair w o n the 1934 Democratic nomina-
tion for Governor of California, M C M head Louis B. Mayer withheld a
day's pay from each of his employees and committed it to supporting the
Republican incumbent Frank Merriam. Dirctor Irving Thalberg formed a
special unit at the studio to produce three shorts entitled "California
Election News," which omitted the M C M logo in order to appear non-
commercial. The first interviewed "average citizens": respectably-
dressed actors impersonating Merriam supporters and derelicts represent-
ing Sinclair backers. The second indulged in shameless red-baiting. And
the third depicted bums moving into California and camping in a hobo
jungle in anticipation of the good times they expected under Sinclair.
Merriam came from behind to win. When criticised, Thalberg asserted:
'Nothing is unfair in politics." N e w York Times s.2 p. 15 (April 19, 1992);
Mitchell (1992).
57
New York Times A1 (April 15, 1992). Some people still are scandalised
when academics are exposed as government spies. Diamond (1992).
68
New York Times C1 (December 6, 1993) A14 (3. 15.94).
69
New York Times B4 (March 9, 1992), B1 (March 11, 1992). The 1950s
" p a y o l a " scandal revealed that companies paid disk jockeys to play their
records.
Stars and studios control publicity in other ways. Some insist on
choosing which writer will conduct the interview. Tom Cruise's public
72
Notes
relations agent required journalists invited to a press junket for "Far and
A w a y " to agree in writing to publish interviews only in connection with
the initial theatrical release and not sell them to tabloids. Even without
explicit constraints, the need for access limits candour. The editor of
Premiere conceded: "It's easy to be blackballed in that world as a writer.
It's very hard to shake a reputation as a killer if you've done one tough
piece." After the journal published a strong article about "Aliens 3 , " 20th
Century Fox pulled its ads for the movie. Warner Brothers barred the Los
Angeles Magazine critic from future screenings after he wrote a critical
piece about "Batman Returns." Paramount withdrew all ads indefinitely
from Variety following a critical review of "Patriot Games." Its vice-
president for communications said: "the trade [papers] are there to assess
the commercial viability of a film and give exhibitors and industry people
an enlightened interpretation of what the film can do. It's not like a review
for The New York Times. . .that would be assessing the merits of the
f i l m . " Variety's small circulation (well under 20,000) made it highly
dependent on advertising. Its editor apologised and promised that the
reviewer (who had almost 20 years experience) would never again be
assigned a Paramount film and might be fired. He warned the reviewer
that he objected " w h e n [your] political opinions. . .(a) color the review
emotionally, and (b) negatively critique the work done by artisans such as
the composer, cinematographer, etc. . . these views are not subject for
intellectual discourse; they are policy." N e w York Times D1 (June 1,
1992), B3 (June 10, 1992). A group of Indian film stars retaliated against
six movie gossip magazines by refusing them any further interviews. New
York Times s.1 p.5 (September 6, 1992).
When the editor of Automobile attacked General Motors at the annual
Automotive Press Association dinner for closing 21 plants and eliminating
74,000 jobs, calling G M management "piano players in the whore-
house," the carmaker withdrew Oldsmobile and Buick ads for three
months. The editor said that GM's 5 0 - 6 0 pages of advertisments a year
(out of 900) could make the difference between profit and loss. The G M
vice president for marketing and public affairs responded that "all G . M .
vehicle divisions make their o w n decisions about how to spend advertis-
ing dollars." Toyota pulled its ads from Road and Track when it failed to
make the 1991 " 1 0 Best List." G M did the same when Car and Driver
photographed an Opel Kadett in a junkyard and called it "the worst car in
the w o r l d . " N e w York Times C9 (June 26, 1992).
70
Kennedy (1971). " A good lawyer is like a good prostitute . . . If the price is
right, you warm up your client." Tybor (1978: 18), quoted in Galanter
(1983: 159).
71
Before Duckworth published D . H . Lawrence's Sons and Lovers, Edward
Garnett cut 10 per cent of the text without consulting the author, partly
because it was sexually too explicit. The complete version is being
published by Cambridge University Press. New York Times B3 (May 6,
1992).
73
Although book publishing is generally less market-driven than other

media, there are exceptions. W h e n Ross Perot announced his candidacy,
four biographies rapidly climbed to the t o p of the best-seller list, and
several others were scheduled for release. W h e n he withdrew, the books
disappeared. Tony Chiu's Ross Perot: In His Own Words was the most
successful: 19 days from concept to bookstore, a first printing of 300,000,
sales of 500,000. The publisher gloated: " W e didn't pay a lot of money
up front and w e got out there w h e n the time was right. Listen, it's the
occupational hazard of doing instant books. They have a shorter shelf life
than lettuce." N e w York Times B5 (July 22, 1992).
72
Webster (1990: 2 6 - 2 7 ) .
73
N e w York Times s.1 p.4 (October 14, 1990). Frank Upham has told me
that his highly acclaimed book (1987) will not be translated into Japanese
because it also discusses the Burakumin.
74
New York Times B2 (December 6, 1990).
75
HarperCollins organised a b o o k signing at Rizzoli's bookstore in N e w
York's W o r l d Financial Center for Bryan Burrough's (1992) expose of the
A m e r i c a n Express smear campaign against banker Edmond Safra. The
event f l o p p e d because A m e x c o , w h i c h is headquartered in the same
building, pressured Rizzoli not to publicise it. An A m e x c o spokesperson
denied this but c o m p l a i n e d that Rizzoli had not been " n e i g h b o r l y . " Safra
earlier had w o n a judgement ordering A m e x c o to apologise publicly and
pay $8 million t o Safra a n d charities he selected. Harry Freeman, a
former A m e x c o executive, is n o w suing Burrough and D o w Jones for $50
m i l l i o n , claiming that Burrough recklessly distorted the truth in a Wall
Street Journal article that secured him a $1 million advance for the book.
New York Times C 8 (May 4 , 1992); Los Angeles Times D1 (May 1 1 ,
1992).
76
Edwards (1991); Webster (1990: 2 6 - 2 7 ) ; GLC Gay Working Party (1985:
13-14,23).
Earvin "Magic" Johnson wrote What You Can Do to Avoid AIDS,
donating ail profits from the $3.99 book to his AIDS foundation. Nearly
500,000 copies were in print, and it was being translated into 12
languages. The American Medical Association declared: "Everbody—
especially teenagers and parents—needs to read this book. This book
could help save lives." But Wal-Mart's 1747 stores refused to stock it
because "we found some of the material inappropriate." "The language
was not in keeping with what our customers tell us they would want to
read." Kmart also concluded that the book "doesn't fit the family orien-
tation of a Kmart shopper," although it displayed Jackie Colins's Holly-
wood Wives and a Cosmopolitan issue on the etiquette of oral sex. New
York Times A15 (August 3, 1992) (op ed).
77
New York Times C8 (March 1 6 , 1 9 9 2 ) . Less than t w o weeks after the 1992
Tony awards (for best play) the League o f American Theatres and Pro-
ducers dismissed 9 o f the 12 panel members, claiming it wanted more
w o r k i n g professionals and fewer academics. Panel members, w h o had
74
Notes
honoured t w o plays that had closed by the time of the award, said they
had been afraid of displeasing the League. N e w York Times 12 (June 13,
1992).
78
N e w York Times A 1 4 (October 24, 1990).
79
New York Times M (December 12, 1990).
Harvard law professor Randlall Kennedy invited Indiana University law
professor Craig Bradley to contribute to a symposium on Clarence
Thomas in Kennedy's Reconstruction magazine, whose goal is to foster
"robust, wide-open debate." After telling Bradley that the article had
been accepted, Kennedy rejected it "because of your references to the
infamous Coke can [on which Thomas claimed to have found a pubic hair
at the EEOC] and the matter involving pornography [testimony by a black
w o m a n law school classmate that Thomas had described x-rated films to
her several times]." Kennedy explained: " I press for candor, but I also
press for a certain degree of intellectual discipline. I thought there was a
hint of smarminess in his piece. . . ." New York Times B12 (September
11, 1992).
80
Chronicle of Higher Education A31 (lanuary 22, 1992). Donors to
universities can earmark funds for particular subjects and even choose
the occupants of e n d o w e d chairs. L e e M . Bass (Yale'79 and member o f a
billionaire family) gave Yale $20 million for a new elective course of
studies in Western Civilisation, " a field that for more than a decade has
been under attack while many colleges and universities increased their
emphasis on the study of people and cultures outside the Western
tradition." Although Yale already offered a survey and three specialised
courses on the subject, Stephen H Balch, president of the conservative
National Association of Scholars, applauded the gift as " a very important
gesture and message being sent to the rest of the academic community
about what has been neglected for a long time and n o w should be
addressed." New York Times A 1 0 (April 18, 1991).
81
N e w York Times A15 (November 5, 1990); Los Angeles Times A3 (March
1 6 , 1 9 9 2 ) , A14 (April 2 1 , 1 9 9 2 ) . In response to a finding by the Center for
Media and Public Affairs that the average soundbite in the 1988 election
was only 7.3 seconds CBS adopted a policy of not reporting as news any
candidate statement less than 30 seconds long! New York Times A8 (July
3, 1992).
Stations are not required to accept issue-oriented ads. The CBS affiliate
in Buffalo (WIVB) rejected a National Abortion Rights Action League ad
showing the Statue of Liberty and flag as a narrator read a plea to make
"abortion less necessary" by encouraging sex education and birth c o n -
trol. A W I V B spokesman explained: "Even if Operation Rescue had not
been in t o w n , I'd question the ad. It's a sensitive issue, and w e elected not
to get involved." Stations differ in the degree of documentation they
require for factual statements. During the 1990 North Carolina senatorial
race between Republican incumbent Jesse Helms and black pro-choice
challenger Harvy Gantt, the state Republican party warned stations
75
planning to broadcast NARAL spots that they would be closely moni-

tored. New York Times A12 (June 11,1992).
82
Los Angeles Times A11 (February 26, 1991); Chronicle of Higher Educa-
tion A35 (March 4 , 1992).
Church-affiliated universities are even more intrusive. Georgetown
University, a Jesuit institution, withdrew the $150/year subsidy and
meeting space allocated to G . U . Choice for violating an agreement not to
participate in " a d v o c a c y or action o n behalf of abortion." The group is
forbidden to demonstrate or distribute information on campus. New York
Times 9 (April 25, 1992).
83
Entman(1989).
84
New York Times A 1 3 (March 26, 1992).
If poverty silences, those with resources may be compelled to speak. At
an April 1992 fund-raiser for President Bush, donors were invited to buy
tables for 10 for $ 1 5 - 2 0 , 0 0 0 . O n e table got you a member of the House
of Representatives; a second got you a Senator; $92,000 got you a photo
opportunity w i t h the President; and top contributors got to sit at his table.
(Michael Kojima, w h o bought a seat at the President's table for $500,000,
was simultaneously being sought by former wives and business associates
for large unpaid debts; he has since been jailed and forced to pay
$120,000.) James R. Elliott, president of Cherry Payment Systems of
Illinois, was under investigation by the FDIC and had already served a
prison term for bank fraud. He denied telling subordinates that their
contributions might secure him a Presidential pardon. But a letter from his
regional marketing director to Midwest offices described the dinner as
a great opportunity. . .to rub elbows with the most powerful people in
this country. . .
So w h a t I suggest is that y o u d o some soul searching and decide
whether you're going to go the distance. W h a t I need is a phone call
from those of you that plan to participate in this event. There are other
perks that will go along with this. . . . If you're asking yourself, can I
afford to make this trip, then ask yourself, ifyou can afford n o t t o o ! [sic]
W e will truely [sic] see what kind of cloth your [sic] cut from when I
hear from those of you that plan to participate.
The c o m p a n y said the letter was unauthorised and its sender had been
reprimanded. It also insisted that an employee was dismissed for not
meeting sales performance targets rather than for refusing to contribute.
The dinner raised $9 million. N e w York Times A 2 0 (April 24, 1992); Los
Angeles Times M (May 8, 1992), B1 October 16, 1992).
85
Los Angeles Times A 2 6 (November 3, 1990), A25 (November 8, 1990);
New York Times A15 (November 5, 1990).
86
New York Times B1 (March 9, 1992), s.2 p. 11 (April 19, 1992). Art
Linson, producer of such commercial successes as "Singles," "Melvin
and H o w a r d , " "Car W a s h , " and "Fast Times at Ridgemont H i g h , " hates
the review process.
You're d o o m e d the minute you start cutting your film because 100 kids
76
Notes
say they liked this but didn't like that. I can't tell you h o w many movies
w o u l d have been ruined by preview cards because the natural impulse
of an audience is to want a happy ending, to reach for what's familiar,
not to be challenged. You really have to lead an audience, not follow
them.
New York Times B1 (September 28, 1992).
87
New York Times B1 (February 5, 1992). W h e n the film appeared, the
American had been chastened and civilised by falling in love with his
Japanese coach's daughter. O n e reviewer observed:
[T]he finished version shows no signs of ever having been a hard-hitting
satire.. . .The ending certainly smacks of compromise, since this is not
a film willing to think seriously about Japanese attitudes toward an
interracial romance. . . .Some of the film's crass American charac-
ters. . .are allowed to become caricatures. A n d there is a trace of
hostility in the w a y one of Jack's teammates refers to him as " w h i t e
trash." The film also makes room for the occasional lecture, as w h e n
Jack complains about what he calls "the Japanese way—shut up and
take it." In response, he is t o l d , "Sometimes acceptance and c o -
operation are strengths also."
N e w York Timex B6 (October 2, 1992); see also Los Angeles Times F12
(October 2, 1992).
88
New York Times B1 (January 30, 1992), s.2 p.17 (March 15, 1992). An
N C - 1 7 rating may discourage movie chains from showing the film,
media from accepting advertising for it, and video stores from stocking it.
Stephen Chao's meteoric rise to the presidency of Fox Television
Stations was followed by his equally precipitate fall. At a panel on " T h e
Threat to Democratic Capitalism Posed by Modern Culture" he discussed
the constant pressures on television, illustrating his talk by having a male
model strip before an audience that included NEH chair Lynne Cheney
(and her husband, Defense Secretary Dick Cheney). Rupert M u r d o c h
fired Chao on the spot, commenting "It was a tragedy to see a great career
self-destruct." Chao explained: " I was questioning the conventions
which govern TV in America, which are confused and hypocritical—such
things as the difference between nakedness and lewdness or the predomi-
nance of violence in fictional programming." M u r d o c h needed no les-
sons in hypocrisy. Chao had played a major role in developing such hits
as "America's Most W a n t e d , " " C o p s , " and "Studs." The last, Fox's main
money-maker, features three young w o m e n in tiny mini-skirts and t w o
hunks engaging in half an hour of suggestive conversation whose prize is
a " d r e a m date." The programe cost $50,000 a week to produce while
earning Fox $20 million in 1991/92 and an anticipated $60 million in
1992/93. Los Angeles Times D1 (June 22, 1992), A1 (June 23, 1992);
N e w York Times C6 (June 29, 1992).
89
Bagdikian (1987); Baker (1992). The November Company, a firm of
advertising executives handling the Bush-Quayle campaign, told
networks its decision about where to buy commercial time w o u l d be
77
influenced by the " g o o d taste" and " m o r a l values" of their regular

programmes. N e w York Times C2 (July 14, 1992).
90
Los Angeles Times A 2 7 (January 30, 1992); Warner et al. (1992).
91
New York Times C1 (February 25, 1992). Some executive compensation
consulting firms refuse to talk to reporters. Business Roundtable members
w h o are clients of Towers Perrin persuaded the firm to stop helping the
Wall Street Journal prepare its annual executive pay survey. Half a dozen
angry clients phoned Michael J. Halloran of Wyatt Company after he
helped Fortune with its 1991 pay survey, which included stock options for
the first time. Another firm assured clients that it had refused to cooperate
w i t h Fortune. New York Times C1 (August 25, 1992).
92
They also examine advertisements for taste, fairness, and documentation.
The vice president for comercial standards at ABC said that only 1 2 5 - 1 5 0
of the 4 6 , 0 0 0 commercials are challenged each year; about half are
modified or w i t h d r a w n . A " W h a t is Sexy" commercial for Jovan Musk
exposed an inch of skin around a woman's navel, which the network
inisted be covered. Jovan tried to circumvent such prudery by showing a
man and w o m a n undressing while an actor portraying the network censor
explained w h a t was acceptable. Censors w o u l d not allow Vitabath bath
oil to show a w o m a n in a bathtub using her toe to plug an annoyingly
dripping faucet, w h i c h they felt was too suggestive of intercourse. Com-
panies also seek civil damages w h e n competitors malign them. New York
Times s.3 p. 10 (September 27, 1992). The New Yorker cancelled a t w o -
page Benneton ad w o r t h $73,000—a photo of an albino Zulu w o m a n
apparently being shunned by others—because it was inconsistent with
the feature story about Malcolm X. Previous New Yorker editors had
sometimes objected to ads. N e w York Times C13 (October 2, 1992).
93
N e w York TimesCI5 (November 1 4 , 1 9 8 9 ) , s.2 p.1 (December 8,1991),
13 (February 1 , 1992); Los Angeles Times F1 (January 17, 1992). Adver-
tisers pulled $500,000 out of a " L a w and O r d e r " episode about the
b o m b i n g of an abortion clinic and $350,000 from one about the assisted
suicide of an AIDS victim. In the first half of 1990/91 it had more pullouts
than any other network show, but the next year it was nominated for six
Emmys and w o n the National Board of Review's D W Griffith Award and
the ABA's Silver Gavel award. N o w shows can be cancelled after three
episodes. " Q u a n t u m Leap" offered advertisers a plot synopsis before-
hand and their money back if they were uncomfortable with it. Los
Angeles Times F1 (September 1, 1992).
In 1973, w h e n CBS reran an episode about the first abortion by a
leading television character (Beatrice Arthur as Maude), not a single
national sponsor bought ad time, and 39 affiliates refused the show.
Meredith Berlin, editor-at-large of Soap Opera Digest, said: "Writers will
fall all over themselves to avoid an abortion. Miscarriage is a convenient
out. So is falling d o w n stairs or off a horse. O r a hysterical pregnancy."
Ashley Abbott, the good girl in " T h e Young and the Reckless," had
perhaps the last abortion on a soap; she was punished by suffering a
78
Notes
b r e a k d o w n a n d being sent to an insane asylum. Linda B l o o d w o r t h -

Thomason, creator of "Designing W o m e n , " feared that " a b o r t i o n is
c o m i n g to such a head that w e may have to d o it. But it's tough w h e n
you're d o i n g a c o m e d y a n d people see that favorite character w e e k after
w e e k a n d remember w h a t happened to her." N e w York Times s.2 p.1
(May 3 1 , 1992).
94
Los Angeles Times D1 (December 2 8 , 1991), C1 (October 2, 1992); N e w
York Times C13 (October 2, 1992).
95
N e w York Times C 6 (April 6 , 1992).
96
N e w York Times 1 (December 2 1 , 1990).
The Media Image Coalition of Minorities and Women (including the
American Jewish Congress, Los Angeles Black Media Coalition, Nosotros
Inc., LA GLAAD, and the Association of Asian Pacific American Artists)
urged advertisers to boycott "Driving Miss Daisy," a 1992/93 CBS
television series spawned by the successful play and movie. The Coalition
objected to the stereotypfication of Hoke Colburn, who spoke in southern
Black dialect. Los Angeles Times F1 (August 18, 1992). Robert Guil-
laume, w h o played the African American chauffeur in all three media,
said: "It's one of the few times I've been able to watch my work without
ducking or putting my hands over my eyes." But the Coalition spokesper-
son derided the series as " a situation comedy about a situation that isn't
funny, just like the Holocaust is not inherently funny." When a women
friend called FDR a nigger lover in the pilot, Miss Daisy ordered her out
the house but Hoke said nothing. " H o k e is powerless to react or respond.
He hides his anger and holds it back." Guillaume replied: "if you're a 65-
year-old man in that time and you are called a nigger, is it historically true
that he could have said 'I'm out of here?' W e know that is not something
that happened a lot." Los Angeles Times F1 (August 20, 1992).
Some viewers are more equal than others. When Catholics were
outraged that singer Sinead O'Connor tore up the Pope's picture on
NBC's "Saturday Night Live," shouting "Fight the real enemy," the
manager of the Notre Dame student union implicitly threatened to pull
Notre Dame football games off the network. NBC vice president Curtis
Block quickly declared: "It goes without saying the NBC does not
condone something like that. . . . I was offended, the executive pro-
ducer. . . . likewise was offended and surprised." Los Angeles Times F1
(October 6, 1992).
97
New York Times A8 (March 19, 1992), A12 (August 19, 1992) (Americas
Watch "Dangerous Dialogue" report on repression of dissent by Miami
Cuban-American community). The Cuban American National Founda-
tion threatened to sue the Public Broadcasting System for its documentary
"Campaign for Cuba," which accurately stated that the Foundation had
accepted $780,000 from the National Endownment for Democracy and
contributed over $500,000 to the Free Cuba PAC Inc. New York Times A9
(October 13, 1992).
In South Africa, the ANC launched a boycott of the Eastern Province
79
Herald and Evening Post by burning old copies. ANC spokesman Phila
Nkayi said the papers were waging "malicious" attacks on the organisa-
tion. "The media is at liberty to criticise the ANC-led alliance, but we
could not take the vilification and bossy stance that appears to have been
adopted.. . ." Editor Derek Smith said the Herald would "not become an
ANC paper" or be dictated to. But on the first full day of the boycott the
newspapers' management approached the ANC for talks, and the South
African Union of Journalists branch also sought to negotiate. Weekly Mail
4 (July 31, 1992).
A week after the opening of "Minbo noOnna" (Woman Mob Fighter), a
film about yakuza (gangsters), director Juzo Itami was attacked by three
men in front of his house, who slashed him in the face, neck and hand.
New York Times A1 (June 15, 1992). One reporter for the Asahi news-
paper was murdered in 1987 and another seriously wounded. The Tokyo
Broadcasting System received 140,000 protests after it criticised the
Unification Church. The office of a magazine that criticised Kofuku no
Kagaku (Institute for Research in Human Happiness) was attacked. Los
Angeles Times H2 (October 13, 1992).
98
Los Angeles Times J1 (March 14, 1991).
At the 1992 Republican National Convention the leader of the Virginia
delegation organised a group of hecklers to follow NPR reporter Nina
Totenberg around the floor, interrupting her interviews by yelling "Nina,
Nina. Have you had an affair?" This was retaliation for another woman
reporter who had asked Bush about an affair. When Democratic Party
Chairman Ron Brown and other officials tried to hold a news conference
inside a Houston restaurant, 100 members of the Republican Youth
Coalition dirsupted it. The co-chairwoman of the Republican National
Committee congratulated them: "I want to tell you all that you have really
done wonderfully. You have really kept us in the news this week. I saw
you take on the other side's rally the other day and that was great." The
field director of the College Republican National Committee explained:
"If the Dems are going to come to the Republic National Committee [sic]
and try to steal media attention, they should expect a little confrontation."
New York Times A12 (August 21, 1992).
99
Jansen(1991).
1
Cr". Wolff (1968).
80
3. The Excesses of State Regulation
If civil libertarianism can neither avoid politics nor maximise free-

dom, the conventional alternative of state regulation inevitably
invites authoritarian excess. The history of laws against blasphemy,
defamation, pornography, obscenity, and hate speech hardly
inspires enthusiasm or encourages emulation. Law dichotomises
reality, rupturing continua and magnifying the importance of arbi-
trary boundaries. Its pigeonholes strip events of the context and
history that give them meaning. Law cannot deal with the irreducible
ambiguity of symbolic expression. Art accentuates ambiguity;
indeed, unambiguous literature, drama, dance, painting, or sculp-
ture is not art but agit-prop. Yet the qualities that justify art's
immunity from state intrusion are extraordinarily elusive. Law has
great difficulty attending to the speaker's identity and motive,
audience perception, and the capricious cultural environment—all
of which can transform the harm and moral quality of speech. The
liberal state can exercise power only through formal law, but
formality inflicts heavy costs on partipants and the state, slows the
response, and fosters procedural fetishism. The severity of state
sanctions can be justified only by consequentialist reasoning—
speech is punished not for what it is but for the actions it provokes.
Consequentialism is empirically problematic, however, whether
pornography is blamed for rape or hate speech for racial attacks.
And if consequences are the rationale for state regulation, why focus
on aberrant extremes rather than the manifold harms of daily life?
Legal regulation of speech often encourages evasion; even when
effective it constructs deviance, valorises evil, attracts attention, and
confers martyrdom. I will address these arguments in turn.
81
The Excesses of State Regulation
I. The Unhappy History of Regulation

The British government's response to hate speech is deeply discour-
aging. Although Britain has a long history of prejudice against
Catholics (especially Irish), Jews, and now people of colour, state
remedies were infrequent and ineffective prior to the 1965 Race
Relations Act.1 Imperial Fascist League leader Arnold Leese, who
applauded the rise of Hitler and insinuated that British Jews were
responsible for unsolved child murders, was acquitted of seditious
libel but convicted of public mischief. Yet he was not prosecuted for
repeating the statements after his release from prison. In 1947 James
Caunt wrote in a paper he edited:
[T]here is very little about which to rejoice greatly except the

pleasant fact that only a handful of Jews bespoil the population of
the Borough! . . . If British Jewry is suffering today from the
righteous wrath of British citizens, then they have only themselves
to blame for their passive inactivity. Violence may be the only way
to bring them to the sense of their responsibility to the country in
which they live.
A jury took just 13 minutes to acquit him of seditious libel. Yet

National Socialist Movement leader Colin Jordan was convicted
under the 1936 Public Order Act for declaring at a Trafalgar Square
meeting: "Hitler was right . . . our real enemies, the people we
should have fought, were not Hitler and the National Socialists of
Germany but world Jewry and its associates in this country."
Opening debate of what became the 1965 Act, the (Labour) Home
Secretary, Frank Soskice, revealed his government's ambivalence
toward regulating hate speech—sounding very much like German
Social Democrats equivocating about asylum today.
[C]riticism should be allowed, however jaundiced and one-sided

it may be. . . . Nobody can be prevented from arguing, for
example, that particular groups should be returned to their
country of origin because their presence in this country causes an
excessive strain on our social services. What is prohibited . . . is
the intentional fomentation of hatred of that group . . . because of
the origin of its members!,] by public abuse, however camou-
flaged as motivated by a sincere intention!,] dishonestly simu-
lated, to promote discussion of the public interest.2
82
The Unhappy History of Regulation
After its passage, Soskice cautioned that the Act was "designed to
deal with the more dangerous, persistent and insidious forms of
propaganda campaigns . . . which, over a period of time, engender
the hate which begets violence." Fascists immediately exploited a
loophole by establishing the Viking Book Club "for the study of
literature dealing with the Jewish Question and other racial problems
which it is not permissible to sell to the general public . . . ."
The first prosecution was directed at a 17-year-old white labourer
who stuck a Greater Britain Movement leaflet entitled "Blacks not
wanted here" on the door of MP Sid Bidwell and threw another
through his window, wrapped in a beer bottle—neither of which,
the court held, was "publication or distribution." A jury convicted
Colin Jordan, rejecting his claim that a pamphlet about "The Col-
oured Invasion" was only trying to inform the public about a grave
national problem. But there were almost as many successful pros-
ecutions of black power advocates, while sophisticated racists
evaded punishment.3 During debate over the Commonwealth Immi-
grants Act 1968, which denied entry to East African Asians holding
UK passports, the Racial Preservation Society journal Southern
News denounced the "dangers of race mixing," speculated about
genetic differences, and urged repatriation as a "humane solution."
It celebrated its acquittal by reprinting a "Souvenir Edition" defiantly
captioned "The Paper the Government Tried to Suppress."
One of the most troubling trials involved British National Party
chairman John Kingsley Read, who harangued 300 people:
Fellow racialists, fellow Britons, and fellow Whites, I have been

told I cannot refer to coloured immigrants. So you can forgive me
if I refer to niggers, wogs and coons. [Commenting on the murder
of Gurdip Singh Chagger, he added:] Last week in Southall, one
nigger stabbed another nigger. Very unfortunate. One down and a
million to go.
The first jury hung after two hours. On retrial, Read insisted his
epithets were a "jocular aside" and the numbers referred to immig-
ration, not murder. Instructing the jury, Judge McKinon mentioned
that his own public school nickname had been "nigger" and told a
story about another old boy, a Maharajah, who had greeted him by
that endearment years later during a chance encounter in Picadilly.
The law, he said,
does not contemplate reasoned argument directed to stemming
83
the flow of immigration, or even advocating the repatriation of

people who have come here from abroad . . . . It is claimed that
jobs will be lost, that, goodness knows, we have a million and a
half or more unemployed already and that all the immigrants are
going to do is to occupy the jobs that are needed by our local
population. These are matters upon which people are entitled to
hold and to declare strong views expressed in moderate terms. . .
. Were [the words "One down and a million to go"] threatening?
abusive? insulting? It is said that he insulted the dead. There is no
charge known to the law of insulting the dead . . . . [l]s there
anything that is pointed to that indicates that he was urging action
activated by hatred? . . . He is obviously a man who has had the
guts to come forward in the past and stand up in public for the
things that he believes in.
The obedient jury acquitted in ten minutes. Discharging Read,

McKinon added: "You have been rightly acquitted but in these days
and in these times it would be well if you were careful to use
moderate language. By all means propagate the views you may have
but try to avoid involving the sort of action which has been taken
against you. I wish you well."
Summing up the first decade under the Act, the Home Office
conceded that racists had learned to evade it; propaganda "tends to
be less blatantly bigoted, to disclaim any intention of stirring up
racial hatred, and to purport to make contribution to public educa-
tion and debate."4 The government responded by amending the law
to obviate the requirement of intent. The next prosecution should
have been an easy victory even under the old law. Two British
Movement members had ranted in the Warwick marketplace about
"wogs, coons, niggers, black bastards." "It was shocking that white
nurses should have to shave the lice ridden hair of these people."
"[A] nurse wiping froth off a coon's mouth and, as a result, dying of
rabies. That is what these black bastards are doing to us." The
defence chose the novel tactic of arguing that these views were so
extreme that "what was stirred up more than anything was sympathy
for the coloured people . . . ." An all-white jury acquitted under the
Act, though it convicted one speaker of words likely to cause a
breach of the peace. Suspending a six-month sentence, the judge
cautioned: "You have got to learn to curb what you say. It is not a
question of preventing people from expressing their proper opinions
but there is a way in which it can be properly expressed."5
Although juries convicted 15 of the 21 tried during the first four
84
The Unhappy History of Regulation
years of the amended law, penalties remained small fines and short
prison terms, usually suspended. Attorney General Samuel Silkin
QC, whose consent was required, declined to prosecute when
"enforcement will lead inevitably to law breaking on a scale out of
all proportion to that which is being penalised or to consequences so
unfair or so harmful as heavily to outweigh the harm done by the
breach itself."6 He struck the balance against prosecution when the
British Resistance Movement published a leaflet entitled "Jews
Bomb Themselves," mocking the 1980 terrorist bombing of a Paris
synagogue: "It is an old trick of the Jews to blow up their own
synagogue, machine gun their school buildings and desecrate their
cemeteries and daub them with swastikas . . . ." Nor was he moved
when a National Front member published a book of photographs
with captions like: "Asian thugs," "Black Savages," "Ape-Rape—
the wrong one is behind bars," "I'm a death camp survivor. I was
nearly exterminated 5, no six million times, in my life." If the victims
of hate speech were its only audience the Attorney General would
not act, even when the language clearly met the statutory require-
ments: "The Jew is an arch parasite . . . . Blacks, that only a few
months ago were Banana eating savages."
When the CRE urged that the law forbid "words which, having
regard to all circumstances, expose any racial group in Great Britain
to hatred, ridicule or contempt," the Home Affairs Committee
demurred, fearing that "an increase in the rate of successful prosecu-
tions . . . might create the impression among the public that the
sensibilities of ethnic minorities were being protected in a manner
not extended to other groups in society."7 The contemporaneous
Government Green Paper on Public Order agreed that punishing
opinions "would be totally inconsistent with a democratic society in
which—provided the manner of expression, and the circumstances,
do not provoke unacceptable consequences—political proposals,
however odious and undesirable, can be freely advocated."8
This dismal record illustrates many of the problems inherent in
state regulation of speech. It focused on extremes, implicitly con-
doning the myriad ways in which mundane discourse reproduces
status inequality. Style was more important than content to both
legislators and judges. Legal formalism equated black resistance
with white racism. The law misconstrued the relevance of the
audience by exculpating hatred directed at its targets or sympathetic
listeners. The ambiguity of speech facilitated evasion—some of the
most outrageous abuse was dismissed as self-defeating.9 The boun-
dary between legitimate political debate and proscribed vituperation
85
was arbitrary. Although motive is central, difficulties of proof led the

government to dispense with intent. Juries shared the government's
belief that penalties were excessive. Prosecution further dissemi-
nated hate speech, generated sympathy for the accused and resent-
ment against their victims, and left racists unrepentent.
//. Dichotomising Continua, Denying Ambiguity

The formal legal system dichotomises reality into what it expressly
condemns and what its tolerance implicitly approves. It does this in
part because criminal and civil sanctions are so harsh and legal
procedures so onerous that only clear moral judgments can justify
them. Tort liability, for instance, turns on whether or not the
defendant caused the plaintiff's injury, although science describes
causation in terms of continuously varying probabilities of popula-
tions of events. Causal actors have a duty to refrain from inflicting
particular emotional injuries—being forced to witness the death of a
spouse but not the death of a lover or being told of a spouse's
death—although the actual damage varies continuously. Law's arbi-
trary rupture of the continuities of experience becomes even more
troubling when the behaviour being regulated is speech. Just as
liberal abstention sends the unfortunate message that the state
condones the harms of speech, so criminalisation punishes beha-
viour that is unobjectionable or even praiseworthy while exonerat-
ing greater evils. Enforcement of American pornography laws
illustrates both pitfalls. The federal government entrapped an elderly
Nebraska farmer into buying a single copy of Boys Who Love Boys,
convicting him of a felony and costing him a job as a school bus
driver and the friendship of neighbours. At least four of the nearly
150 men convicted in this sting operation committed suicide.10 By
contrast, New York State, with a population of nearly 20 million,
made only 23 felony arrests during a recent six-year period. Two of
the even rarer convictions involved a Rochester man who gave
neighourhood children photographs of himself having sex with a
dog.11
Every attempt to dichotomise speech is fundamentally flawed.12
Gloria Steinem, who once equated Playboy with Mein Kampf,
sought to evoke the shade of Oliver Wendell Holmes by insisting on
the "clear and present difference" between pornography and
erotica.
86
Dichotomising Continua, Denying Ambiguity
Look at any photo or film of people making love; really making

love. The images may be diverse, but there is usually a sensuality
and touch and warmth, an acceptance of bodies and nerve
endings. There is always a spontaneous sense of people who are
there because they want to be, out of shared pleasure. Now look
at any depiction of sex in which there is clear force, or an unequal
power that spells coercion. It may be very blatant, with weapons
of torture or bondage, wounds and bruises, some clear humilia-
tion, or an adult's sexual power being used over a child. It may be
much more subtle: a physical attitude of conquerer and victim,
the use of race or class to imply the same thing, perhaps a very
unequal nudity, with one person exposed and vulnerable while
the other is clothed. In either case, there is no sense of equal
choice or equal power.13
How would she categorise Bernini's sculpture of "Apollo and

Daphne," or Shakespeare's "The Taming of the Shrew," or Manet's
"Dejeuner sur I'herbe"? Her definition would condemn any art,
literature, dance or drama realistically portraying our pervasive
sexualised inequality. Catherine MacKinnon would prohibit expres-
sion depicting the sexually explicit subordination of women. Like
most such proposals, however, this disregards both author intent and
audience response. Would it not proscribe works in which the
creator deliberately evokes moral condemnation, such as Bizet's
"Carmen," Tolstoi's "Anna Karenina," Hardy's "Tess of the d'Urber-
villes," or Bergman's "The Virgin Spring"? The British Advertising
Standards Authority makes equally arbitrary judgments in purporting
to distinguish the erotic from the sexually explicit. It censured
Goodmans Industries for posters promoting car audio systems by
posing amorous couples in the front seats of cars with the caption
"Britain's second favourite in-car entertainment." But when the
public complained about a Sun newspaper poster showing a woman
on a beach looking at a man in swimming trunks and saying "Is that a
Sun tucked up your shorts, or are you just pleased to see me?" the
Authority dismissed this as "representative of the editorial content of
The Sun."™
Mari Matsuda would punish a speaker who directs a persecutor-
ial, hateful and degrading message of racial inferiority against a
historically oppressed group.15 But she then carves out loopholes
that virtually give away the game. The exception for scientific
arguments would condone the racism of H.J. Eysenck, A.R. Jensen,
Richard Herrnstein, and William B. Shockley.16 Her tolerance of
87
satire could protect Andrew Dice Clay.17 Her exemption of

museums might permit a neo-Nazi display of Hitler memorabilia.18
As we will see below, Holocaust revisionists and black anti-Semites
have sought refuge in the "neutral reportage" she would immunise.
And the literary realism she would protect did not satisfy black critics
of William Styron's The Confessions of Nat Turner or feminists
incensed by Bret Easton Ellis's American Psycho.
Speakers often don the raiment of Art when threatened by state
regulation. A publisher justified disseminating the Marquis de Sade's
Juliette by claiming that "his works are considered by many academ-
ics and students of history, literature and philosophy to address
serious issues of personal liberty and freedom of expression."19 That
not only is tautological—every defiance of state regulation raises
"serious issues o f . . . freedom of expression"—but also offers carte
blanche to dress pornography in the trappings of art by hiring
reputable scriptwriters and directors, adding plot and character,
attending to "production values," and seeking historical
verisimilitude.20
In any case, aesthetic judgements do not close the enquiry. Some
artists assault their audience in an effort to demonstrate originality,
attract attention, and intensify response. The novelist and critic John
Gardner nicely captured this impulse.
The man who blows up grand pianos is howled at from every side,
"Fraud! Not art!" but what counts is that the crowd is there to
howl, though it may not be there next time. Something happens to
them as they watch the instrument blown up—some will even
admit it. They experience a shock of terrible metaphor—"Grand
pianos are in my way, the whole tradition is in my way, and you
are in my way: I can say nothing, do nothing, affirm nothing
because of the piano's intolerable high-tone creamy plinking,
which you fools adore; I will therefore destroy them, I will destroy
you all!21
Our century has had no shortage of those who aim to shock, from
Dada through performance art. In 1971 a British court found the
" O z " School Kids Issue obscene because it showed a naked Rupert
Bear having sex with a gigantic Gypsy Granny.22 At the Newcastle
festival twenty years later Karen Finley invited viewers to drink red
wine and spit on the American and British flags. Annie Sprinkle,
former prostitute and porn queen, performed "Sluts and Goddesses"
by stripping, douching, dancing, displaying her vagina, and gagging
88
realistically after simulating oral sex on a row of rubber phaliuses.23

That some art shocks does not elevate everything shocking into art.24
The invocation of art to justify the harms of speech merely shifts
debate from an arbitrary boundary to an ineffable essence. We
certainly can have no confidence in the judgements of contemporar-
ies. When Eduard Manet's "Olympia" was first exhibited Theophile
Gautier sneered: "[l]tcan be understood from no point of view, even
if you take it for what it is, a puny model stretched out on a sheet. . .
. Here there is nothing, we are sorry to say, but the desire to attract
attention at any price." The Salon jury rejected Manet's "Dejeuner
sur I'herbe," refusing to reconsider at the request of Napoleon III. 25
The Nazis equated expressionist portraiture with the physiognomy
of deformed mental patients, labelled Jewish art degenerate to justify
banning it, and launched a House of German Art and an annual
Great Exhibition.26 Most of what the Soviet Union lauded as socialist
realism remains of interest only to historians. These controversies
continue unabated. In 1977 a state legislator condemned the Cali-
fornia Arts Council for supporting a musician who performed under-
water to entertain migrating whales and composed a piece to
accompany kangeroo rats dancing in Death Valley.27 In 1992
Catalonia's greatest artist, Antoni Tapies, sculpted a 60-foot sock
with a hole in the heel as the centerpiece of the new National
Museum of Catalan Art. Although the government was furious, Oriol
Bohigas, a well-known architect, insisted: "It is Tapies's most impor-
tant work." 28
Artists resist state regulation not only to preserve their autonomy
but also because of art's irreducible ambiguity. Leonard Freed
declared: "The more ambiguous the photograph is, the better it is.
Otherwise it would be propaganda."29 John Gardner agreed: "Mo-
rality is infinitely complex, too complex to be knowable, and far too
complex to be reduced to any code, which is why it is suitable matter
for fiction, which deals in understanding, not knowledge."30 Mean-
ing depends on context, yet law decontextualises the determination
of guilt and liability.31 Although memory can aggravate or amelior-
ate the hurtfulness of speech, law takes a shallow view of history. It is
uninterested in the characteristics of the parties, their relationship, or
the environment within which they interact. It imposes an artificial
symmetry on the real asymmetries of social life. The film "White
Men Can't Jump," which unfavourably compared the character and
athletic prowess of a white basketball hustler with his black counter-
part, was a commercial and artistic success, but it would no longer
be acceptable to make a movie entitled "Women Can't Add." 32
89
How would the law handle a sexual harassment complaint brought

by Rudolphe against Emma Bovary or by Mildred Rodgers against
Phillip Carey for his obsessive pursuit in "Of Human Bondage"?33
Motive defines the moral content of speech but remains opaque to
outsiders—and sometimes to the speaker as well. 34 Law's contor-
tions in attributing motive produce some of its least satisfactory
performances: degrees of homicide, actual malice in tort, contrac-
tual meeting of the minds, undue influence on a testator, landlord or
employer discrimination, even legislative intent. The historical shift
from subjective to objective standards is an admission of failure.
Psychiatric resistance to forcing the nuances of medical diagnosis
into the legal dichotomy sane-insane should caution us against
obliterating the subtleties of literary and artistic production and
criticism by labelling a text pornography or hate speech. Whereas
mens rea usually aggravates or mitigates heinousness along a contin-
uum of culpability, the speaker's motive can render the contempt-
ible praiseworthy. Canadian authorities disregarded or
misunderstood motive when they banned the feminist documentary
"Not a Love Story" for presenting pornography in order to criticise
it.35 "Paris Is Burning" walked a fine line between sympathetic
portrayal of New York's transvestites and transsexuals and homo-
phobic voyeurism. In order to mobilise their co-religionists, British
Muslims reproduced, translated, and read aloud the most offensive
passages in The Satanic Verses. Most viewers who condemned the
racist speech of the Ku Klux Klan and the White Aryan Resistance
applauded the public television programme in which a panel of
academics analysed the prosecution of a white racist for killing an
Ethiopian immigrant in Portland, Oregon. But motives always are
mixed. On his talk show Geraldo Rivera not only paired the White
Aryan Resistance with CORE'S Roy Innis but also encouraged Innis
to assault the racist by shouting "Go ahead, Roy!," then made
further shows about the fistfight, and allegedly taped yet another
about Innis and the KKK to augment his audience during the
television rating sweeps.36 I cannot vouch for the purity of my own
motives in choosing a sensational topic for these lectures and spicing
it with racy examples.
Were legal regulation to take account of motive, even the
speaker's stated intent would be inconclusive. American Jews
accuse Philip Roth of fueling anti-Semitism by disseminating stereo-
types; feminists identify John Updike, Saul Bellow, and Arthur Miller
with their chauvinistic protagonists; Muslims heard Rushdie's voice
in every one of the fantastic creatures who populate the 547 pages of
90
The Satanic Verses.37 Each author might have echoed Bret Ellis's
defence of American Psycho.
I would think most Americans learn in junior high to differentiate

between the writer and the character he is writing about. . . .
Bateman is the monster. I am not on the side of that creep. . . .the
murder sequences are so over the top, so baroque in their vio-
lence, it seems hard to take them in a literal context. And there are
dozens more hints that direct the reader toward the realization that
for all the book's surface reality, it is still satirical, semi-comic
and—dare I say it?—playful in a way.
This did nothing to placate his critics, who despatched 13 death

threats, containing photographs with his eyes poked out and an axe
through his head. Los Angeles National Organization of Women
president Tammy Bruce reiterated her commitment to a boycott.
"This is not art. Mr. Ellis is a confused, sick young man with a deep
hatred of women who will do anything for a fast buck." 38 The
viewers who charged Spike Lee with anti-Semitism in the portrayal
of two Jewish nightclub owners in "Mo' Better Blues" were equally
dissatisfied with his retort: "Why is it that there can be no negative
Jewish characters in films . . . [yet] we have black pimps and black
drug dealers?"39 Such philistinism may explain Antoni Tapies's
refusal to "explain" his 60-foot sock: "I have always felt that works
of art are like delicate flowers: the more you handle them, the more
they are harmed. . . . I have made 7,000 works of art. I wonder how
far I would have gone if I had submitted each one to a
referendum."40
Authorship can profoundly shape reader response. When Doris
Lessing submitted a book manuscript under the pseudonym Jane
Somers her two regular British publishers rejected it. After Michael
Joseph published the book, no Lessing authority would read it and
no serious journal reviewed it.41 Salvador Dali and Andy Warhol
represent the opposite extreme, casually valorising the worthless by
appending their signatures.42 The speaker's identity similarly affects
the harmfulness of words. Subordinated peoples neutralise slurs
through banter within the contemned group, as when African Ameri-
cans "play the dozens." They deflate insults by appropriating them
as titles, as in the black rap group Niggaz With Attitude or the gay
activists in Queer Nation, who plastered Greenwich Village with
posters crying "Queers Be Ready" to protest the homicide prosecu-
tion of a gay man. Images that would be pornographic become
91
feminist erotica when crafted by women, as when Judy Chicago's

"Dinner Party" honoured 39 great women by decorating dinner
plates with vaginas.43 A Connecticut casino dressed cocktail wait-
resses as Pocahantas, with feathers in their hair and beaded mini-
skirts slit to the thigh. Imagine the outcy had it been owned by
Anglos ratherthan Pequot Indians.44 The difference between thegolli-
wogon the Robertson'sjam jar and a "Black Is Beautiful" doll depends
not just on the images but also on who produces them for whom.
Audiences can disagree utterly and unpredictably about the
meaning of a message. Sexual texts may be particularly open to
conflicting interpretations, exemplified by the feminist split over
lesbian sado-masochistic pornography, but political statements also
permit diametrically opposed readings. Anselm Kiefer, one of the
first post-war German artists to risk using Nazi symbols, published
photos of himself giving the Sieg Heil salute in a variety of Roman
amphitheatres, in a volume ambiguously entitled "Besetzungen"
(occupations). Germans initially saw him as a Nazi sympathiser and
have remained wary. But Americans, especially Jews, embraced
him as an anti-Nazi German, elevating him above Marc Chagall as
their favourite purveyor of Jewish themes.45 When the fall of the
Berlin Wall exposed Hitler's bunker the city's chief archaeologist
wanted to incorporate it into the new German Parliament being built
above the site: "It's an important and provocative memory, espe-
cially for people who will be working in the new ministry buildings.
It would remind them every day of how evil governments can
become." But at a public hearing one Berliner said: "This is a
continuity of history that I don't want. I'm all for honoring the victims
of Nazism, but this plan sounds like a way of honoring the
perpetrators."46
The relationship between speaker and audience can colour the
message. The Congregation for the Causes of Saints is said to be
considering canonising its first African American—a Haitian who
accompanied his impoverished master to New York after the late
eighteenth-century slave revolt, cared for and supported him even
though emancipated, and turned to good works after his master's
death, tending cholera victims, building an orphanage, and helping
the poor. Rev. Lawrence E. Lucas of the Resurrection Catholic
Church in Harlem was contemptuous: "The man was a perfect
creature of his times. He was a good boy, a namby-pamby, who kept
the place assigned to him." Princeton religion professor Albert
Raboteau was equally dismissive: "It calls out the sarcastic, 'Gee,
thanks for finding us a hero' response."47 A change in both speaker
92
and audience can render an otherwise offensive message merely

silly. Each year thousands of Germans dress up as Indians, Huns,
Vikings, and Africans for the Cologne pre-Lenten Karneval. Some
groups call themselves man-eaters, jungle brothers, and cannibals
and wear blackface. With typical Teutonic thoroughness one man
visits American Indian reservations every other year to buy artifacts
and learn more about the culture. "Indians . . . say 'You're Euro-
pean. Go be Vikings.' They think we're crazy. . . . Hey, I can't help
it. I just don't dream about being a Bavarian."48
Law is the construction of boundaries, which always are over- and
under-inclusive. But when the state regulates speech, every categor-
isation is a hard case, not just those at the edge. Bans against
pornography, hate speech, or blasphemy are forced to admit excep-
tions for politics, art, literature, and scholarship that are capable of
engulfing the rule. Aesthetic criteria are inescapably political. All
symbols are irreducibly ambiguous. Context, history, identity,
audience, relationship, and motive can invert the moral quality of
speech. But law decontextualises, aspires to universalism, and finds
motive hopelessly elusive.
///. Confused Consequentialism

Because utilitarianism is the dominant contemporary justification for
criminal justice—indeed, the foundation of the modern state—the
regulation of speech requires consequentialist arguments.49 Robin
Morgan gave the feminist campaign against pornography a central
slogan: "pornography is the theory, and rape the practice."50 The
first newsletter of Women Against Violence in Pornography and
Media cited convicted rapists' recollections of being aroused by
pornography to argue that "even the most banal pornography
objectifies women's bodies. An essential ingredient of much rape
and other forms of violence to women is the 'objectification' of the
woman." 51 Judith Bat-Ada contended: "Saturation with straight-
forward female sexual stimulus leads slowly but inevitably to the
need for, and the acceptance of, such things as child molestation,
incest, and sexual violence."52 All the empirical research actually
finds, however, is that exposure to violent images elicits aggresive
feelings, not acts; and sexualising violence has no independent
effect.53 Supporting bills pending in Massachusetts and the U.S.
Congress (despite the unconstitutionality of the Indianapolis ordi-
nance), Catherine MacKinnon argued:
93
It's for the woman whose husband comes home with a video, ties
her to the bed, makes her watch, and then forces her to do what
they did in the video. It's a civil rights law. It's not censorship. It
just makes pornographers responsible for the injuries they cause.
Leanne Katz, executive director of the National Coalition against

Censorship, disagreed: "It negates all that we know about the . . .
ambiguity of the human animal, and all that we love about the
complexity of visual images and the written word." 54 Some anti-
porn campaigners buttress fears of rape with solicitude for porno-
graphic actors, repeating atrocity stories about women actually
killed in snuff films. There is no evidence, however, that the
pornographic film industry is any riskier than mainstream studios
making horror movies, westerns, war stories, action films, or murder
mysteries.55 Furthermore, society glamorises many more dangerous
occupations, such as ballet dancer, athlete, and police or fire
officer.56 Nor does pornography necessarily degrade: some actors
are exhibitionists who enjoy performing sex in public to excite
others.57
Taking consequentialism seriously would require us to trace the
harmful effects back to the totality of causes, rather than contenting
ourselves with those that appear more susceptible to regulation but
may be less powerful. Because legal proscriptions can entail serious
penalties they must be framed narrowly, focusing on the aberrant
extreme: hard core pornography, neo-Nazi hate speech. Indeed, the
entire regulatory apparatus of the modern state is predicated on the
dubious strategy of seeking to compensate through intensity of
punishment for the impossibility of correcting more than a tiny
fraction of all deviance. But if the evils of pornography are objectifi-
cation and violence, surely the beauty industry is a far greater villain.
On a randomly chosen day the Los Angeles Times contained nine
advertisements for weight loss, filling more than three pages with
photos of women in sexually provocative poses and captions like:
"Lose Up to 3 Dress Sizes in 10 Weeks," "Body of the '90's," "Now
I can wear the clothes my skinny sister wears."58 A study of white
high school girls found only 22 per cent satisfied with their physical
appearance—not surprising, given that fashion models are 16-23
per cent thinner than the average woman. College students are avid
readers of women's magazines, of which Cosmopolitan has been the
most popular for 14 of the last 15 years. Almost half said the
magazines made them less confident, more than two-thirds felt
worse about their looks, and three-fifths said the magazines hurt
94
Confused Consequentialism
women. Although all were normal weight, four-fifths had dieted,

and 10 percent had had eating disorders. Half of all American
women say they would consider cosmetic surgery. There were
643,910 such operations in 1990, including 89,402 breast augmen-
tations and 109,080 liposuctions. Even (perhaps especially) women
whose bodies are envied or desired by millions—Cher, Mariel
Hemingway, and Jane Fonda—have had breast augmentations. As a
result, the American cosmetic surgery industry earns $300 million a
year, the cosmetics industry $20 billion, and the diet industry $33
billion.59 Advertising also reproduces racial subordination. African
American women use skin lighteners, which may be linked to
cancer. These have become popular in Africa, where they contain
much higher concentrations of the active ingredient, greatly increas-
ing the risks. One of the many illustrations of the impaired racial self-
image is the preference by darker adoptive parents for lighter
adopted children—a finding reported in Ebony magazine opposite
an ad for Vantex Skin Bleaching Creme.60
The consequentialist case against speech dates to the early post-
war decades, when critics blamed rising crime rates on television.61
But just as the critique of pornography implicates all advertising, so
the attack on media violence incriminates movies, comic books,
and much of literature, including the Bible, Shakespeare's histories
and tragedies, and Tolstoi's War and Peace. This debate has
acquired racial overtones as commentators have attributed the
violent response of some audiences to the content of films by African
American directors about inner-city life: Ernest Dickerson's "Juice,"
Mario Van Peebles's "New Jack City," and John Singleton's "Boyz N
the Hood." 62 "New Jack City" star Wesley Snipes regretted the
violence but disavowed responsibility: "This film is anti-drug, anti-
violence and anti-fratricide right across the board. If it was the film,
then why don't we have a melee at each of the 800 plus theaters
where it's showing?"63 The producers maintained:
Some of the films we have made attract black youths. What

happens when they get together is not the films' fault. They take
their beefs with them.
The media has begun a pre-release witch hunt with black films.
You see cameras setting up outside theaters waiting for violence to
happen. Sometimes, it's a self-fulfilling [prophecy].64
Just as African Americans have complained that black rappers are
95
accused of obscenity for saying no more than white performers, so

they can point to far more violent movies by Bruce Willis, Arnold
Schwarzenegger or Clint Eastwood.65 But some black filmmakers
may be guilty of false naivete. The poster advertising "Juice"
depicted four young black men with the caption: "Juice. Power.
Respect. How far will you go to get it?"66 An independent producer
who worked on marketing the film commented: "The vocabulary of
film and television entertainment is dominated by sex and violence.
To address real social issues in a marketable way, it is hard to avoid
the reality of that vocabulary."67 The writer and director of "Boyz N
the Hood" insisted that the trailer focus on violence: "I wanted that
action crowd." Had he promoted the film as a story about relation-
ships, no one would have seen it.68 The stakes are high: African
Americans are twice as large a proportion of movie-goers as they are
of the population.69
Scepticism about sweeping generalisations blaming violence on
the media does not preclude causation in specific instances. Using
stringent standards of causality the criminal law of conspiracy holds
speakers responsible for their words. Parents have sued when their
9-year-old daughter was raped with a soda bottle a few days after
television portrayed a rape with a plumber's helper, and when their
adolescent sons attempted or committed suicide after listening to
heavy metal recordings by Judas Priest and Ozzy Osbourne.70 The
Southern Poverty Law Center won a $7 million judgement against
the Alabama Ku Klux Klan on behalf of a black woman whose son
was lynched, and a $12.5 million award against Tom Metzger and
the White Aryan Resistance for the murder of an Ethiopian immigrant
by Portland, Oregon skinheads.71 The sons of a contract murder
victim won a $4.4 million judgement against Soldier of Fortune
magazine, through whose advertisement the killer had been hired.72
Yet the relationship between life and art usually is too complex to
reduce to unidirectional causality. At John Gotti's recent trial a taped
telephone conversation recorded the mobster saying: "He didn't rob
nothin'. You know why he is dying? He's gonna die because he
refused to come when I called." One prosecutor said Gotti was
copying Al Capone in "The Untouchables." A scriptwriter for
"Married to the Mob" based the protagonist, Tony (the Tiger) Russo,
partly on Gotti's performance at his 1986 racketeering trial. Dean
Stockwell, who played Russo, stayed in character off the set: "I
would get the most extraordinary reactions. Waiters, cabbies, they
would do anything for me; I was like a king." Salvatore Locascio, the
son of a Gotti co-defendant in the 1992 sequel, expressed outrage
96
Confused Consequentialism
when Judge I. Leo Glasser disqualified one of his father's lawyers:

"This is America; haven't they ever heard of the Bill of Rights? We
have a Bill of Rights in this country. It's right over there, on the wall.
Tell them to go over there and read it." One reporter was struck by
the resemblance to Rod Steiger playing Al Capone in the 1959
movie: "We have a constitution in this country. The Constitution—
ever heard of it? I suggest that when you go to your office you read
it." Joseph Colombo Sr., the capo di tutti capi, agreed to help film
"The Godfather" if some of his people were hired as extras and the
words "Cosa Nostra" never were mentioned. James Caan, who
played Sonny Corleone in the film, spent so much time hanging out
with Carmine (the Snake) Persico that undercover agents once
mistook him for the mobster. Henry Hill, a real gangster, whose
biography was the basis for Martin Scorsese's "Goodfellas," said
"the dress, the manner, the cockiness—a lot of it comes from the
movies." When he was growing up, the older neighbourhood
"wiseguys" "walked round like actors—it was like being a movie
star." He described the first time he had seen Gotti, 30 years earlier.
"John was at the card table" and suddenly started beating up a man.
"I mean there was blood splashing over the walls." Asked if he was
not confusing memory with a scene in "Goodfellas," Hill replied no,
it was much closer to "The Untouchables."73
Although there may be rare instances in which we can confidently
locate the genesis of action in expression, the relationship usually is
far more complex. An image may be stimulus, but it may also evoke
revulsion, represent fantasy, or offer catharsis. The attribution of
causality tends to disregard the speaker's moral tone. Life may
imitate art as often as art imitates life, but each is an improvisation, a
variation on the other. Were we to take consequentialism seriously,
we would have to accuse mainstream culture rather than scapegoat-
ing vulnerable targets on its fringe.
IV. Perverse Penalties

Many of the legal system's generic problems are exacerbated when it
regulates speech. Because formal procedures are costly—to the state
as well as the parties—law is mobilised only against egregious
offences.74 The British Attorney General refuses to prosecute most
complaints about race hatred, such as the Holocaust revisionist
pamphlet "Did Six Million Really Die?" or Wing Commander
Young's fulminations in "Deadlier than the H. Bomb": "Millions of
97
Negroes and Asiatics have been brought into Britain to pollute and
destroy our Celtic-Anglo-Saxon race by mongrelisation."75 The
severity of sanctions diverts attention away from the heinousness of
the crime and toward procedural niceties. American death penalty
litigation offers an extreme example; the electric chair, to paraphrase
Samuel Johnson, concentrates the mind wonderfully, but on the
wrong issues. Like prosecutors, juries find legal penalties dispropor-
tionate to the wrong and rarely convict.76 Because 1500 reports of
racial hatred in Austria between 1984 and 1992 produced only 21
convictions, the government has drastically reduced the minimum
sentence.77 Law's glacial pace distorts and diminishes the remedies
eventually awarded. Nearly five years after a professor allegedly
began to sexually harass a student the University of Washington
finally settled a complaint that had consumed hundreds of hours of
hearings in four separate proceedings.78
All regulation encourages evasion, but the very ambiguity of
speech that makes law such a crude response further facilitates
evasion. A gamut of poetic techniques is readily available to disguise
and multiply meanings: simile, metaphor, conceit, personification,
hyperbole, litotes, synecdoche, metonymy, paradox, and irony.
Effective advertising cleverly manipulates ambiguity to suggest what
it cannot or will not declare. A romantically out-of-focus photograph
of a couple embracing by a fountain iscaptioned: "The Art of French
Kissing. Pour two glasses of Martell Cognac: one for you and one for
someone you love. Then proceed to kiss in whatever manner pleases
you." 79 Similar devices can convey proscribed political messages.
When General Jaruzelski banned Solidarity, slogans appeared on
walls, pamphlets, and banners throughout Poland in the distinctive
script of Solidarnosc. Sympathisers of the PLO, ANC, IRA and other
outlawed groups express defiance by displaying the colours of their
organisations. Forbidden songs are given new words or the tunes
simply hummed. Chinese youths revive memories of Tiananmen
Square by wearing t-shirts bearing slogans like: "I'm bored" or "I'm
the emperor." One simply displayed a black cat, elliptically refer-
ring to an epigram by the discredited 1960s reformer Deng Xiao-
peng: "It doesn't matter if a cat is black or white. As long as it catches
mice, it's a good cat." 80
Commercial speech uses similar strategies to stymie regulation.
When Quebec outlawed any language but French on outdoor signs a
billboard advertising a self-storage operation in English sought pro-
tection as political speech by adding: "Before Bill 101, This Sign
98
Perverse Penalties
Was Legal. Vote to Make This Legal Again."81 In autumn 1991 a full-
page advertisement ran in major British newspapers:
This commercial has been banned from British television. As

usual, it all comes down to a question of taste. Voice over: "For
years we had a love affair. We thought it was over. But now
passions are soaring once again since we discovered the taste of
. . . 'I Can't Believe It's Not Butter!'. . . the new spread flavoured
with buttermilk for that fresh, butter-like taste. High in polyunsa-
turates, low in saturates . . . with virtually no cholesterol." Looks
innocent enough, doesn't it? Well, believe it or not, our commer-
cial's got some people—including a certain food lobby—very hot
under the collar.
The next day's variation partly obscured the still-legible word "but-
ter," noted that the product could be promoted in the United States,
and commented: "Now America is the land of free speech. If you
want to say 'I can't believe it's not butter!' you can come right out
and say so. . . . But not in Britain."82
When American television banned all tobacco advertising in
1971, Philip Morris initiated the Virginia Slims women's tennis
tournament and R.J. Reynolds launched the Winston Cup auto race.
They soon had many imitators: Vantage's Golf Scoreboard, Salem's
Pro-Sail races, Lucky Strike bowling competitions, Winston's rodeo,
Benson & Hedges ice skating, and Marlboro horse races. In 1988/
89, 22 of the 24 major league baseball stadiums displayed cigarette
advertisements in locations likely to be televised during games. By
sponsoring the 1986 World Cup in Mexico City, R.J. Reynolds was
able to erect four 20-foot signs next to the playing field, which were
seen by the 650 million television viewers.83 Philip Morris regained
access to television for the first time in nearly two decades by
subsidising the National Archives' bicentenary celebration of the Bill
of Rights. Seeking to identify the right to smoke and to advertise
cigarettes with civil rights, feminism, and artistic expression, it also
bought advertisements occupying two-thirds of a page in leading
American newspapers featuring the head and shoulders of Judith
Jamison, the black director of the Alvin Ailey American Dance
Theatre, accompanied by a quote skillfully chosen to imply an
analogy to smoking:
If anyone loses even a single right, we risk losing them all. . . . We

cannot assume that the individual rights spelled out so succinctly
99
in the Bill of Rights will always be ours to enjoy. We must keep a

watchful eye, a sharp mind, and most of all, a willingness to
ensure that everyone is afforded the same freedom.84
The producers of blasphemy, pornography, and hate speech are no

less inventive. Salman Rushdie's parody was sufficiently subtle to
escape most early reviewers; had he not named the protagonists after
historical characters his critique of Islam might have passed
unnoticed and certainly would have gained less notoriety. Pomogra-
phers portray sex as mutual and call it erotica. Novel technologies
offer new means of dissemination. When the French government
launched its electronic conferencing system on Minitel, more than
20 per cent of the messages were sexually charged. America Online
invites computer users to meet electronically in a series of public
rooms—"Naughty Girls," "Romance Connection," "Gay Room"—
and then adjourn to private rooms for confidential conversations;
participants can use faxes to transmit sexually explicit photographs.
Sierra On-Line offers an interactive version of the best-selling aduit
software program, Leisure Suit Larry, in which participants can
configure the appearance of their characters and engage in sexual
adventures with each other.85 Madonna clothed (or rather exposed)
her brand of striptease in the mantle of patriotism and civic duty by
giving rap performances urging young people to register and vote.
Wearing red panties, bra and combat boots and literally wrapping
herself in the flag, she incanted:
Dr. King, Malcolm X

Freedom of speech is as good as sex.
We need beauty, we need art

We need government with a heart.
Don't give up your freedom of speech.
Power to the people is in our reach.
Backed by two flag-waving male dancers in tight shorts and army

boots, who were paddling her, she warned: "If you don't vote,
you're going to get a spankie." Although a VFW spokesman
denounced this as "bordering] on desecration," Madonna's publi-
cist boasted that more than 10,000 college students had registered as
a result.86
Racists translate hate into pseudo-science, substituting regression
analyses for vulgarities. The Nation of Islam has published The
100
Perverse Penalties
Secret Relationship Between Blacks and Jews, which claims to

document Jewish responsibility for slavery in 1275 footnotes.87
Holocaust revisionists mimic the apparatus and objectivity of schol-
arship. Their deceptively misnamed Historical Review extols the
academic travesties of fellow travellers: "a truly comprehensive and
scholarly compendium of primary research that challenges all the
major orthodox 'Holocaust' claims," "hundreds of critical commen-
taries on the Nuremberg Trials by leading western military men,"
"personal systematic research that culminated in his well-docu-
mented refutation of the entire Holocaust story."88 Emulating David
Duke's sanitised racism, Colorado KKK head Shawn Slater ran for
city council in a Denver suburb on the slogan: "Equal rights for all;
special privileges for nobody." "I'm not a white supremacist," he
claimed, forbidding his followers to use racial epithets or wear Nazi
insignia. National leader Thomas Robb insisted that the Kian does
not hate blacks, it just loves whites.89 In a pamphlet misleadingly
titled "Jewish Tributes to Our Child Martyrs," Lady Jane Birdwood
used such "conciliatory tones" to repeat the blood libel that "Chris-
tian children . . . were crucified, tortured and bled to death all over
Europe in mediaeval times to satisfy Jewish religious rituals" that the
Attorney General refused to prosecute. Condemning the Talmud for
"incitements to hatred of gentiles in general and Christian people in
particular," which "are still a part of the catechism of Jewish belief
propounded in Rabbinical colleges the world over," Lady Birdwood
asked rhetorically: "Could these awful texts have prompted the child
murders?" She commended Jews for seeking Christian "forgiveness
and trust" and hoped that "the commemoration was but a first step
by decent Jews to eradicate the mephitic odours of anti-Christian
hatred which waft through the writings of their ancestral 'learned
sages' . . . . " A reader of this pamphlet would be surprised to
discover that the events she described as "an unprecedented display
of Jewish contrition and humility" for a "mass suicide of Jews"
actually were an apology by Christians for the massacre of hundreds
of Jews 800 years ago.
Commercial speakers have perfected the strategy of hiding their
profit motive behind a hypocritical attachment to principle. The
tobacco industry is notorious for pretending to defend freedom
rather than sell poison. In October 1991 it placed daily full-page
advertisements in many British papers, beginning with a quotation
attributed to St. Augustine: "Hear the Other Side."
When fundamental freedoms are at stake it's particularly vital to
101
hear the other side. . . . In a judgement delivered at the end of

July, a Canadian court ruled that there was no proven connection
between tobacco advertising and overall tobacco consumption.
And no proof that banning advertising reduces consumption. In
fact, the Court struck down Canada's tobacco advertising ban as
"a form of censorship and social engineering which is incompat-
ible with the very essence of a free and democratic society."
The ad neglected to mention that the judgement is on appeal. A

week later the industry raised the spectre of Puritan intolerance,
quoting Cromwell: "Not what they want but what is good for them"
and adding: "there's something inherently anti-democratic in
imposing upon people your view of what's best for them." A third ad
invoked Juvenal: "Let my will replace reasoned judgement" and
sought to inflame British resentment against Eurocrats: "That's not
fair or democratic. But that seems to be Brussels' view when it comes
to tobacco advertising."91
With considerably less sophistication, racists have presented
themselves as champions of free speech victimised by state oppres-
sion. We saw earlier how the National Socialist Party of America
shifted public debate from the hatefulness of its message to its
constitutional right to march in Skokie. Tom Metzger of the White
Aryan Resistance insists: "I believe everything I publish is protected
by the First Amendment."92 Justifying the invitation of Holocaust
revisionists to a conference, the head of a black Los Angeles group,
declared: "It's time we hear all sides of this thing of holocausts. And
that is what the 1 st Amendment is all about. . . ." 93 The revisionist
California Institute for Historical Review bought advertisements in a
number of university student newspapers under the heading "Com-
mittee for Open Debate on the Holocaust."94 Electoral politics also
offers a protected arena. IRA members otherwise silenced by British
television can speak as political candidates.95 Well before George
Bush's 1988 campaign ad featured a rape by a black prisoner on
weekend leave, the British National Party used elections to propa-
gate racism. A candidate for the Loughton, Essex local council
pictured a 75-year-old white woman "savagely beaten by two young
black thugs who raided her flat in Brixton." The Tower Hamlets
branch condemned "Asian racial violence directed at the white
community" and warned: "The Moslems are taking over our East
End." 96
If state regulation of speech were merely ineffective it might be a
harmless diversion. But punishment can be positively perverse. Civil
102
Perverse Penalties
litigation over defamation or invasion of privacy typically pits cele-

brities against the tabloid press in a battle each side both wins
(publicity and circulation) and loses (reputation, emotional distress,
and money).97 Just as women are raped twice—the second time by
defence counsel—so speech victims may suffer more from the
repetition, elaboration, proof, rebuttal, and publicity of the trial.
Indeed, only the legal regulation of speech reenacts the crime
verbatim, usually before a much larger audience. Bill Roache, who
played Ken Barlow on "Coronation Street" for 31 years, sued The
Sun for a centre-page article entitled "Boring Ken was girl-crazy
stud," which portrayed him as smug, boastful, wooden, lucky not to
have been fired, a joke to scriptwriters, and universally hated by the
cast. Roache testified: "I felt humiliated and so embarrassed that I
didn't want to see people or talk about it"—but of course he did both
in the courtroom. Although he had disregarded certain accusations
to spare his wife, newspapers covering the trial reported in salacious
detail his alleged one-night stand with the iate Pat Phoenix and his
"seduction" of Jennifer Moss on the floor of his house after a party.
Full of emotion, Roache reproached The Sun's counsel "for behav-
ing like The Sun. I didn't bring this [up] . . . and I don't see why I
should have to go through it." Awarded £50,000 and costs esti-
mated at £200,000, Roache complained "We've been through hell
and back." The Sun's legal officer was unrepentant: "We offered Bill
Roache £50,000 about a month ago. He could have had an apology
and could have had his costs paid. I think he has been through this
last week's ordeal . . . for little or no reason."98
Even when legal regulation does not court evasion or aggravate
harm it constructs and encourages deviance. Ever since the Edenic
myth we have known that prohibition arouses desire.99 Iran has
banned all videotapes except children's cartoons, and the Force to
Combat the Corruption of Society confiscated more than 20,000
unlawful tapes in Teheran in a seven-month period, but Iranians still
can buy anything, including hard-core porn.1 Regulation confers
moral salience. Skinheads flaunt swastikas; German youth sing
"Deutschland iiber Alles," wear Nazi insignias, and give the Sieg
Heil salute; the KKK dresses in white hoods and burns crosses—all
because the state response evidences public outrage. The editor of
the National Front Bulldog challenged the government to prosecute
him, warning that otherwise "we will print a special victory issue
. . . with even more racialist articles." True ideologues welcome
punishment as martyrdom, which can only enlarge their entourage.
After losing his house to satisfy a $12.5 million damage award for
103
inciting skinheads to murder a black immigrant, White Aryan Resis-

tance leader Tom Metzger vowed to continue his racist
propaganda.3
Punishment confers visibility.4 Frank Collin and his pitiful band of
neo-Nazis would have languished in obscurity had Skokie not tried
to stop them from "marching." When the KKK demonstrated at the
Colorado statehouse to vilify Martin Luther King's birthday as a "Day
of Infamy for America," 400 police had to protect the hundred
Klansmen from a thousand opponents, who fought the cops and
trashed nearby stores, producing extensive media coverage. The
state Klan leader welcomed the incident as "a million dollars worth
of publicity." Each weekend, when Klansmen drop The White
Patriot and other racist literature on residential doorsteps, "some-
body usually gets mad and makes a few calls. And bingo! We're
back on television."5 Sentenced to six months imprisonment for 18
counts of racist slander on the Stockholm Community radio
network, Ahmed Rami emulated Hitler's Mein Kampf by writing a
500-page book about his persecution, entitled "Jewish Witch-Trial
in Sweden."6 Jean-Marie Le Pen and the National Front gained
publicity and even sympathy during regional French elections when
demonstrators prevented their plane from landing, mayors banned
their gatherings, and police disrupted marches.7
Black rappers have capitalised on the repression of their outra-
geous lyrics. When 2 Live Crew were prosecuted for obscenity after
performing at a Florida nightclub, group leader Luther Campbell
used the trial to promote their next video, soon to be premiered on
MTV: "It's about how 2 Live Crew gets punished and sent to Cuba
and Castro is waiting for them." Sales of the album on which their
nightclub act was based had peaked at 1.2 million until bom-again
Miami lawyer Jack Thompson began a campaign against it, sending
copies of the lyrics to Florida Governor Bob Martinez and the sheriffs
of 65 counties. Sales promptly jumped to 2 million. Broward County
Sheriff Nick Navarro—nicknamed "Prime Time" for his frequent
media appearances—put undercover deputies on the case. The
rapper and the sheriff appeared on Geraldo Rivera's television talk
show, while Phil Donahue paired the rapper with the Christian
lawyer. 2 Live Crew responded with a new album, "Banned in the
USA," described as "a rap ode to the First Amendment."8 The lyrics
of Ice-T's "Cop Killer," recorded a year before the Rodney King
beating trial, seemed to foreshadow the Los Angeles riots: "I got my
12-gauge sawed off/I got my headlights turned off/I'm 'bout to bust
some shots off/I'm 'bout to dust some cops off." After the worst civil
104
Perverse Penalties
disturbance in twentieth-century American history the Combined

Law Enforcement Association of Texas, the Los Angeles Police
Protective League, and the Fraternal Order of Police declared a
boycott of the record. A Latina Los Angeles city councillor running
for Congress urged Time Warner to withdraw it and local radio
stations to stop playing it. The California Attorney General wrote to
the executives of 18 record chains. The Houston city council
denounced the lyrics. Three record store chains with more than a
thousand outlets pulled the song. Ice-T bristled: "What they're really
trying to do is shut down my platform. They do not want to let me be
able to speak to the masses. . . . I'm going to talk about this record
on the next record." Predictably, the campaign had the opposite
effect. Sales jumped 60 per cent in Los Angeles, 100 per cent in
Austin, San Antonio and Dallas, and 370 per cent in Houston; the
album climbed from 62nd to 49th on the charts, selling 330,000
copies in 17 weeks. Ice-T sold out a live performance in Los Angeles.
When he unexpectedly withdrew the song six weeks after the
controversy began, to prove he was not motivated by profits, there
was a run on the 150,000 unsold records. He continued to maintain
that "Cop Killer" "is not a call to murder police. This song is about
anger and the community and how people get that way."
V. Conclusion
Governmental bans on speech suffer the problems common to all
state regulation and some that are unique. Law dichotomises exper-
ience, rupturing its inherent continuities. Boundaries are arbitrary
and therefore indeterminate. It is impossible to distinguish unlawful
speech from the routine opportunism of politicians pandering to
popular prejudice: an Enoch Powell, Jean-Marie Le Pen, Patrick
Buchanan, David Duke, Dan Quayle, or George Bush emphasising
the "costs" of immigration, calling for "law and order," depicting
AIDS as divine retribution, attacking racial quotas, or extolling
family values. Legal distinctions elevate form over substance: scep-
tics may attack religious belief as long as they do not mock the
believer; filmmakers may exploit sex if they portray the behaviour as
mutual or add an artistic veneer; racists and anti-Semites can indulge
their hatred in the language of pseudo-science or history.
Legal efforts to regulate speech founder on the ineradicable
ambiguity of meaning. The significance and moral valence of sym-
bols vary radically with speaker and audience and can reverse
105
rapidly, even instantaneously, like the optical illusion that flips

between a vase and two profiled faces. Whereas circumstances only
aggravate or mitigate the heinousness of other crimes, they can
transform speech from abhorrent to commendable and vice versa.
Subordinated groups play with their stigmata in order to neutralise
them; lesbians enjoy erotica that would be pornography if produced
or consumed by men. Legal formalism aspires to a universalism that
must willfully ignore context, as illustrated by the prosecution of
British black power advocates under the 1965 Race Relations Act.
Yet law's attempt to frame exceptions encounters great difficulty in
dealing with black anti-Semitism, minority homophobia and mis-
ogyny, and female racism. Although the moral quality and hurtful-
ness of symbols depend on the creator's motive, this is singularly
difficult to discern. Author or critic may insist that extreme misogyny
turns into parody, as Bret Ellis protested about his novel American
Psycho and Henry Louis Gates Jr. said of 2 Live Crew. And even the
best intentions may only mitigate, not excuse. The equally pivotal
audience response is unpredictable, divided, and fickle. The history
of art, literature, politics, religion, morality, and even science
should inspire healthy scepticism about the durability of contempor-
ary judgements.
The severity of legal remedies can be justified only by exaggerat-
ing the consequences of speech, but consequentialist reasoning is
fatally flawed. Causation is complex and the responsibility of speech
unsubstantiated. All audiences actively engage in interpretation and
criticism—even young children seemingly mesmerised by television
cartoons. Preoccupation with the extremes—which alone provoke
sufficient outrage to mobilise the political support necessary for
prohibition—diverts attention from the quotidian—which inflicts far
greater harm. Hard-core porn and neo-Nazi ranting contribute
much less to reproducing attitudes toward race, ethnicity, gender,
and sexual orientation than do the mass media, advertising, popular
culture, political rhetoric, childrearing practice, education, and
religion. But legislators and judges openly refuse to confront modal
behaviour.
If the consequences of speech are too indeterminate to justify
punishment, the effects of punishment are positively perverse. The
severity of legal punishment, combined with uncertainty and dis-
agreement about the moral quality of speech, make prosecutors
reluctant to charge, juries unwilling to convict, and judges hesitant
to punish. Formal law diverts attention from the content of speech to
the procedures used to suppress it, delaying the outcome and
106
Conclusion
thereby distorting and diminishing the impact of legal remedies. The

ambiguity of symbols facilitates evasion, allowing speakers to cloak
their motives in the garb of art, science, or politics—forms that law's
literalism cannot penetrate. Regulation may fail most when it
appears to succeed. Because speech is the offence, a repeat perform-
ance at trial aggravates the injury. The greatest perversion, however,
is that law, far from silencing harmful speech, rather encourages,
valorises, and publicises it, transforming offender into victim and
offence into romantic defiance.
Notes
1
Except where otherwise noted, my source is Cordon (1982: 1-22). For
documentation of racial hatred, abuse, and violence, see Lawrence
(1987); Waller (1981/82); Hytner (1981); Gordon (1990a); Klug (1982;
1988); Hiro (1971); Tompson (1988); Bethnal Green (1978); Gilroy
(1987); Macdonald et al. (1989); Gifford et al. (1989); Brown (1984); Hall
(1985); CRE (1984; 1987; 1988a); GLC (1984a; 1984b; 1984c; 1984d;
1984e); Layton-Henry (1984); Pulle (1973). Scotland Yard recorded 3373
incidents of racial assault or abuse in London in 1991, 16 per cent above
the previous year. Civil rights groups reported 6459 in England and Wales
in 1990, up a third since 1988. New York Times (August 20, 1992). On
racial attacks throughout Europe, see European Parliament (1985);
Searchlight.
2
House of Commons Debates, vol. 711, col. 940 (May 3,1965), quoted in
Dickey (1968: 490).
3
The Times (December 22, 1966), rev'd, (1967) Q.B. 51 (GBM leaflet);
The Times (January 26, 1967) (Colin Jordan).
4
Home Office (1975).
5
Daily Telegraph (July 25, 1978).
6
Daily Telegraph (October 31, 1978).
7
Home Affairs Committee (1980).
8
Green Paper (1980).
9
We saw in the second chapter that Henry Louis Gates Jr. defended 2 Live
Crew as self-parody. Fiske (1989) has offered a similar reading of Madon-
na's sexual stereotypes.
w
Jacobsonv. U.S., 118 L.Ed.2d 174 (1992); New York TimessA p.8 (April
19, 1992).
11
New York Times s.4 p.4 (January 19, 1992).
12
On the history of blasphemy, see Jones (1980); Webster (1990).
13
Steinem (1980: 37); see also Longino (1980). On the difficulty of
bounding pornography, see Barthes (1976); Sontag (1982). For the
dismal history of the American attempt, see deGrazia (1992); on Britain,
see Barker (1984). Responding to criticism of rap lyrics, 67 record
companies took a full page ad citing examples of earlier bans: Cole
107
Porter's "Love for Sale" (1940), The Doors' "Unknown Soldier" (1968),
Neil Young (criticised by Vice President Spiro Agnew 1970), Bob Dylan
(banned 1971). Los Angeles Times F? (July 17, 1992). Sholem Asch's play
"God of Vengeance" was banned in New York in 1923. New York Times
s.2 p.6 (October 18, 1992). A Japanese court banned Nagisa Oshima's
"In the Realm of the Senses," although it could not define obscenity.
Oshima (1992); New York Review of Books 40 (October 8, 1992).
14
15
Matsuda (1989: 2357, 2367). How would she deal with a Hebrew
translation of Mein Kampft Shocken Books refused the project: "we
suffered too much as a result of this man and this book, and should not
perpetuate his ideas." So did Yad Vashem (the memorial to Holocaust
victims) because "it still is emotionally difficult." The translator, an
Austrian Jew who fled the Nazis and whose parents were killed in the
camps, persisted despite a dozen rejections. "It's a sad episode but a
historical fact, and the younger generations must know what really
happened and why. You have to know who your enemy is and what he
is." Akadamon ultimately printed 400 copies of an annotated version of
one-fifth of the original book, in plain black and white covers without
illustrations. New York Times B2 (August 5, 1992).
16
Eysenck (1971); Jensen (1969); Herrnstein (1971); U.S. News & World
Report (1965). For a critique of racist biology, see Gould (1981). Shock-
ley was a physicist who donated his sperm to a Nobel-prize winner sperm
bank and won a $1 damage award for defamation when his racist theories
were challenged. National Law Journal 6 (September 24, 1884), 8
(October 1, 1984).
At City University of New York, philosophy professor Michael Levin
has written articles for academic journals contending that "there is now
quite solid evidence that . . . the average black is significantly less
intelligent than the average white." Levin v. Harleston et al., SDNY 90
Civ 6123 (KC) (September 4, 1991); Rohde (1991). On the other side,
Black Studies chair Dr. Leonard Jeffries Jr. has called Europeans "ice
people"—materialistic and intent on domination—in contrast with the
humanistic "sun people" of African descent. He claims that extra mela-
nin gives blacks intellectual and physical advantages. Chronicle of
Higher Education A4-5 (September 25, 1991), A19 (November 6,1991),
A19 (February 5, 1992); New York Times A13 (April 20, 1990), A18
(March 27, 1992). Within the "Afrocentric" movement Michael Brad-
ley's The Iceman Inheritance: Prehistoric Sources of Western Man's
Racism, Sexism, and Aggression argues that whites are so vicious
because they are descended from brutish Neanderthals, of whom Jews
are the "purest" example. It was recently reissued with endorsements
from two members of the City University Africana Studies Department.
New York Times A13 (July 20, 1992) (op ed). Bradley purported to rely on
Carleton Coon, whose The Origin of Races (1962) has been exposed as
108
Notes
unscientific and wrong. New York Times 14 (August 29, 1992) (letter to
the Editor from Ashley Montagu, August 15).
How would Matsuda distinguish between The Satanic Verses and the
long tradition of debunking religious belief, e.g., Fox (1992); Wilson
(1992).
17
The Harvard Lampoon produced a parody of the May 1992 issue of the
conservative Dartmouth Review, substituting it for the real thing at
campus distribution points. A fictitious editorial writer apologised for the
Review's gaffe of quoting from Mein Kampf'm a 1991 issue while hailing
the Fuhrer's "rhetorical flair unsurpassed in German literature since
Nietzsche." A "Spring Fashion" section showed Hitler posing in the
woods in preppy attire. The Dartmouth administration refused the
Review's request to condemn the Harvard prank. New York Times B8
(May 13, 1992).
18
The Ku Klux Klan used to march openly on Long Island in the 1920s,
winning popularity contests at county fairs. The trophies it awarded
volunteer fire departments remained on display in the fire houses for 70
years. They disappeared only when black community groups sought to
integrate the departments in 1992. White firefighters were surprised at the
outrage their retention provoked. New York Times A13 (August 11,
1992).
19
Quoted in Edwards (1991). The language is strikingly similar to Rushdie's
open letter to Rajiv Gandhi, quoted in Chapter One.
2O
Kappeler(1986:83).
21
Gardner (1978: 170).
22
Guardian 27 (November 9 , 1 9 9 1 ) (the verdict was overturned because the
judge overreached in summing up).
23
Guardian 33 (October 10, 1991).
24
Pop star M a r k y Mark dedicated his recent b o o k to his penis and opened
with a frontispiece picturing him holding it. New York Times B2 (Sep-
tember 2 8 , 1992). M a d o n n a ' s M T V teaser for her single " E r o t i c a " a n d
$49.95 picture b o o k Sex s h o w e d her with eyes masked, dressed in
leather, being ridden like a horse; pulling the reins of bondage boys; and
in a lesbian love scene and a menage a trois—all shot in grainy black-and-
white reminiscent of snuff films. The " E r o t i c a " album comes in a " a d u l t "
version with a parental advisory sticker. The track " W h e r e Life Begins"
celebrates her pleasure in being orally gratified. Los Angeles Times F4
(October 5, 1992); N e w York Times s.2 p.28 (October 18, 1992).
25
Friedrich(1992).
26
Paintings bore titles like "Insults to German W o m a n h o o d " and "Nature
as Seen by Sick M i n d s . " Opening the 1937 exhibition in M u n i c h , Hitler
called for the imprisonment or sterilisation of artists w h o continued the
"practice of prehistoric art stutterings." New York Times B3 (March 5,
1992); The New Yorker 32 (October 5, 1992). See also Peter Cohen's
documentary movie " T h e Architecture of D o o m " reviewed in Los
Angeles Times F14 (March 27, 1992).
109
27
S v e n s o n ( 1 9 8 2 : 207).
28
New York Times B1 (March 24, 1992).
29
Fried (1991); Guardian 25 (November 2 1 , 1991). Sally Mann's photo-
graphs of her children (7, 10, and 12 years old) are a perfect example
(1992). They appear nude, poor, and abused but insist they enjoy posing
for her. A psychologist found them " w e l l adjusted and self-assured," Ms.
M a n n gave them a veto, which they exercised against some pictures:
" T h e y d o n ' t w a n t to be geeks or dweebs," she said, but "nudity doesn't
bother t h e m . " Some of the most troubling pictures—"The W e t B e d , "
"Jessie Bites"—are posed reconstructions. M a n n says she w o u l d stop if
she thought she were harming them. " I don't think of my children, and I
d o n ' t think anyone else should think of them, with any sexual thoughts. I
think c h i l d h o o d sexuality is an o x y m o r o n . " A Cardozo Law School
professor maintained: "There isn't the slightest question that what she's
doing is art . . . " But religious conservatives have sought to close her
shows, a n d a federal prosecutor warned her against exhibiting some
photos a n d urged her to look o u t for strangers w h o see them and
ingratiate themselves w i t h the family. N e w York Times Magazine 29
30
Gardner (1978: 135). A Stasi officer once shouted at the East German
writer Lutz Rathenow: " I forbid you to write poems with double mean-
ings! Also poems with triple meanings! W e have experts w h o can
decipher everything!" Kinzer (1992: 50).
Should the ambiguity of art protect Andres Serrano's "Piss Christ" (a
crucifix submerged in the artist's urine), "Stigmata" (a nude female with
white leather cuffs and bloodied hands), "Cabeza de Vaca" (a calf's head
on a pedestal but also the name of a 15th century Conquistador),
" H e a v e n and H e l l " (a cardinal turned away from a bloody nude w o m a n
whose hands are b o u n d and head is flung back), "Ejaculate in Trajectory"
(self-explanatory), a n d the " R e d River" series (close-ups of sanitary
pads)? Serrano " e x p l a i n s " : " I ' v e always had trouble seeing things as
black or white. I've always accepted that duality in myself. M y work is a
reflection of it." Lippard (1990).
31
Abel (1973).
32
A n American Indian recently entitled an article " W h i t e M e n Can't
D r u m , " complaining (humourously) about the appropriation of his peo-
ple's culture and symbols by the fringe of the men's movement that seeks
to recapture m a n h o o d in the wilderness. New York Times Magazine 30
(October 4, 1992).
33
Perhaps w i t h h u m o u r . A cartoon in the inaugural issue of The New Yorker
under the editorship of Tina B r o w n (formerly of The Tatler and Vanity Fair)
shows a m a n w a l k i n g b y a construction site, from w h i c h four w o m e n
workers taking a coffee break give w o l f whistles and yell catcalls like " Y o !
N i c e B u t t ! " " I think I'm in l o v e ! " and " L o o k i n g for me, Sweetie?" The
New Yorker 114 (October 5, 1992).
34
Ellen Burstyn and the entire cast of " S h i m a d a " protested that the critics
110
Notes
saw only the surface, literal aspects of the play. W e were shocked and
stunned that they had missed what the play was about, that it was
designed to stimulate questions, not give easy answers, to encourage
people to look at their o w n prejudice, the old wounds on both sides.
. . . please do not impugn our honor by calling us prejudiced when w e
employ our God-given gifts to tell our deepest truths about the moral
failure of prejudice.
N e w York Times A 1 8 (May 8, 1992) (letter to The Editor, April 26).
35
Lacombe (1988); King (1985); Callwood (1985).
36
Los Angeles Times F1 (February 5, 1992). In August, Rivera taped a Klan
rally in Wisconsin. W h e n Klansmen started calling him spic and dirty Jew
and throwing things he fought back and was arrested but secured his
release from jail in time to film the cross burning. Los Angeles Times A12
(August 17, 1992).
W h a t was the motive of Bill Buford (expatriate American author and
Cranta editor) in hanging out with British neo-Nazis and writing "objec-
tively" about their thuggery? Buford (1992a; 1992b). O r the Weekly Mail,
South Africa's prize-winning progressive paper, in publishing an article
entitled " T o o M a n y Tits, Not Enough Text" illustrated with four pictures of
topless w o m e n , ostensibly to criticise the government's hypocrisy in
banning the local porn magazine Scope while admitting its American
competitor Penthouse. Weekly Mail 6 (September 4 , 1992).
37
" H o w can one possibly accept that a writer could distance himself from
the words his characters speak? Indeed, h o w can he not be responsible for
his entire representation?" Bharucha (1990: 64). This commentator is an
Indian drama critic.
38
New York Times B1 (March 6, 1991); Edwards (1991).
39
Los Angeles Times F6 (February 26, 1992).
40
N e w York Times B1 (March 2 4 , 1992).
41
Lessing(1984: vii-xii); Kappeler (1986: 125-26).
42
80 years ago Marcel Duchamp " f o u n d " art, transforming ordinary objects
into "ready-mades" by appending his signature. In the overheated art
market of the 1980s, identity was the philosopher's stone. Salvador Dali's
lobster-claw telephone sold for $110,000 in 1988; one of Joseph Beuys's
100 identical felt suits for $75,360 in 1989; and in November 1991 Dan
Flavin's diagonal fluorescent light c o m m a n d e d $148,500 and Jeff Koons's
vacuum cleaners in plastic boxes $198,000. In February 1992 auction-
eers expected to get $ 5 0 - 6 0 , 0 0 0 for Willem de Kooning's five-hole privy
seat and $ 8 0 - 1 2 0 , 0 0 0 for Robert Gober's pair of urinals. New York Times
s.2 p.37 (February 23, 1992).
43
Kappeler (1986): 39) citing English (1980). See also Kensington Ladies'
Erotica Society (1984); Barbach (1984; 1986); Chester (1988); Scholder
& Silverberg (1991); Grace (1991); Kiss & Tell (1991); Shepherd (1992);
G o r d o n (1984).
In-group membership does not guarantee immunity from criticism.
W h e n the Israeli rock group Duralex Sedlex accepted an invitation to
111
Poland, hoping to play the song "Zyklon B " at Auschwitz to symbolise

Jewish survival, many Israelis protested. One Auschwitz survivor found
this " a desecration of the memory of the victims." New York Times B2
(August 5, 1992).
44
N e w York Times A8 (January 29,1992), s. 1 p. 15 (February 16,1992); Los
Angeles Times El (February 2 1 , 1992).
45
Flam (1992). The prestigious Documenta IX exhibit in Kassel removed
four of the five paintings by Filipino-American artist Manuel Ocampo
because they contained swastikas, although he denied advocating fas-
cism and claimed they were an ancient mystic symbol. Los Angeles
Times F8 (June 15,1992). Soon thereafter the Galerfa Otra Vez at a Latino
art centre in Los Angeles removed Ocampo's "Vade Retro"—a cartoon-
ish black man with gigantic genitals urinating o n the cross—from its
"Monster! Monster?" exhibit for the Columbus quincentennial. The
gallery refused Ocampo's offer to post a statement explaining his inten-
tions. Los Angeles Times F1 (October 10, 1992).
Two Columbia College seniors argued strongly that "Batman Returns"
was anti-Semitic. N e w York Times A17 (July 2, 1992) (op ed).
46
New York Times A5 (February 29, 1992); Los Angeles Times A3 (July 25,
1992).
47
New York Times s.1 p.1 (February 23, 1992).
48
Los Angeles Times E1 (January 28, 1992).
49
For consequentialist justifications for regulating hate speech, see Riesman
(1942); Delgado (1982); Matsuda (1989: 2327). When Goethe published
The Sorrows of Young Werther in 1774, a fictionalised account of his own
love triangle, some communities banned it, blaming it for several suicides
that followed. New York Times B1 (August 7, 1992).
Roger Coggan, director of Los Angeles Gay and Lesbian Community
Services, deplored the threefold increase in attacks on gays and lesbians
between 1989 and 1991 and blamed California Governor Pete Wilson's
veto of A B 1 0 1 , which w o u l d have outlawed employment discrimination
against gays and lesbians. "The veto . . . sends a message that gays and
lesbians are not entitled to basic government protection. It's a message
that fans the flames of gay-bashing and bigotry." Los Angeles Times B1
(January 23, 1992).
During his first bout as presidential candidate, Ross Perot followed the
dubious lead of Dan Quayle by attacking a "Doogie Hawser" episode in
w h i c h the eponymous character and his girlfriend, both 18, lost their
virginity. "Some 15-year-old girl that's been thinking about it hadn't done
it yet. 'Hell, Doogie's girl did it. It must be all right.' " N e w York Times A9
(June 8, 1992).
50
Morgan (1977: 169).
51
Russell and Lederer (1980: 24-26).
52
L e d e r e r ( 1 9 8 0 d : 122).
53
Childress (1991). It is more plausible that tolerating pornography in-
creases its prevalence. Porn stars are appearing in mainstream films (Traci
112
Notes
Lords in " C r y b a b y " ) and as fashion models (Jeff Stryker for Thierry
Mugler). M a d o n n a has persuaded model N a o m i Campbell and rap star
Vanilla Ice to pose for Sex, her erotic coffee table book. Comedian
Sandra Bernhard posed for Playboy. Vanessa Williams, the black 1984
Miss America w h o was forced to resign w h e n nude photos were p u b -
lished, made the cover of McCall's magazine. Even the notorious Koo
Stark appeared at Leo Castelli's table at the 35th anniversary party for his
trendy art gallery at Industria. New York Times B4 (May 1 1 , 1992). The
success of "Basic Instinct" has produced a rash of imitative erotic
thrillers: " C a g e d Fear," "Sunset H e a t , " "Fatal Instinct," " A n i m a l
Instincts," and " R e d Shoe Diaries." N e w York Times B5 (October 8,
1992). But w h e n hard-core porn star A m b e r Lynn participated in the
Youth AIDS Foundation of Los Angeles fund raiser, advisory board
members Tori Spelling ("Beverly Hills, 9 0 2 1 0 " ) and Corin Nemec
("Parker Lewis Can't Lose") discovered they had other engagements.
N e w York Times B2 (August 3 1 , 1992).
Violent behaviour a m o n g children is correlated with the number of
hours they w a t c h television but not w i t h programme content, suggesting
that the causal link may be deprivation of play or failure of parental
discipline. W i n n (1985); New York Times s.4 p. 16 (August 9, 1992)
(letter to The Editor by W i n n , July 31).
54
New York Times s.1 p. 10 (March 15, 1992).
55
The deaths in the filming of " T h e Twilight Z o n e " did not shut d o w n
television, or even end that show.
56
Burstyn (1985b); G o r d o n (1983); New York Times A 1 8 (August 12, 1992)
(letters to The Editor from t w o w o m e n doctors about the effect of
gymnastics on w o m e n : delay or suspension of menses, early osteoporo-
sis, stress fractures, and chronic pain).
57
Stoller (1991); L. Williams (1989); Delacoste & Alexander (1987). In both
D . H . Lawrence's Sons and Lovers and Philip Roth's Goodbye Columbus
lovemaking couples court discovery to heighten erotic pleasure. Clive
Seeker, 2 7 , and A m a n d a Broomfield, 2 5 , stripped naked and had sexual
intercourse in daylight on a roundabout in Frame, Somerset. Both said
they had dared the other. Seeker is the son of the former mayor of Frame.
Guardian 2 (November 2 2 , 1991).
W h a t should one make of San Francisco's " m o d e r n primitives," w h o
engage in " b o d y m o d i f i c a t i o n " or " b o d y p l a y , " subjecting themselves to
enormous pain for their o w n pleasure? Nikki Chandle explains: "Every
tattoo and every piercing signifies some pain I have experienced in my
life. Piercing is just like life. It hurts. It heals. A n d then y o u live w i t h it.
Forever." Christine S. adds: " I ' m a masochist, so I'm really into the pain of
it. W i t h piercing, w h e n the needle is going through, it's agonizing. You
get an incredible rush o f e n d o r p h i n s . You feel like God's daughter." At the
D N A lounge on lower Haight, "Fakir Musafar" (formerly Roland Loomis
of Aberdeen, South Dakota) hangs from hooks inserted in holes through
his nipples. M a r c h a n d (1992). Such activities are going mainstream.
113
Universal Studios in Florida is considering showcasing the Jim Rose

Circus sideshow at Halloween. Rose swallows razor blades, lies on a bed
of nails, and hammers spikes into his nose. Mr. Lifto hangs heavy objects
from his pierced nipples, while the Torture King puts pins through his; an
ageing dwarf feeds live slugs to the Sword Swallower, while Matt (The
Tube) Crowley drinks several quarts of beer, chocolate sauce and ketchup
through a tube in his nose and then regurgitates the mixture. Fans queue
for front-row seats to see the tears in Mr. Lifto's eyes. New York Times B4
(June 15, 1992); Los Angeles Times E1 (September 1, 1992); cf. Bogdan
(1988).
58
Los Angeles Times Kb, A 8 , A 1 0 , A 1 2 , A 1 4 , A 1 7 , A 1 8 , A 1 9 , A22 (March
25, 1991).
59
Implants enhance the attractiveness of breasts to men while eliminating
them as a site of female pleasure. W o l f (1991); Faludi (1991); N e w York
Times A1 (February 6, 1992); Los Angeles Times E1 (August 18, 1992);
254(5) The Nation 155 (February 10, 1992). To reduce sexual harass-
ment, w o m e n in the U.S. Navy have adopted the opposite strategy,
gaining weight, eschewing makeup, and wearing uniforms several sizes
too large to make themselves unattractive. Los Angeles Times A1 (Febru-
ary 1 0 , 1992). O n the role o f advertisements in constructing gender
images, see Goffman (1976); Steele (1985: 6 5 - 6 7 ) ; Goldman (1992).
Male bodies are being similarly fetishised. A Los Angeles bookstore
reported a 2 5 - 3 0 per cent increase in sales of health and fitness books to
men in 1 9 9 1 . Male celebrities in People magazine have waists under 30
inches. The head of the men's division at LA Models explained: " U l t i -
mately, we're selling sex, and w o m e n like to see men with nice bodies,
broad shoulders, and the V-shape." The proportion of cosmetic surgeries
performed on men has increased from 5 per cent a decade ago to 20 per
cent today. They include hair, calf, and pectoral implants, chest-hair
dying, and face patterning. Men's cosmetic sales n o w total $2.5 billion.
M o r e male anorexics a n d bulemics are seeking treatment. Glassner
(1993); Los Angeles Times E1 (August 7, 1992).
60
N e w York Times B7 (February 26, 1992); Los Angeles Times E1 (April 17,
1992).
61
Critics w h o should k n o w better repeat the calumny of the religious right
and politicians like Dan Quayle—that the media are to blame for most
contemporary social ills. M e d v e d (1992). A n article in the prestigious
Journal of the American Medical Association just reiterated the claim that
television causes violence, based o n correlations between the white
homicide rate a n d the introduction of television in the United States,
Canada, and South Africa! Centerall (1992); New York Times A12 (July
2 7 , 1992) (editorial). South Africa seems to take such nonsense seriously.
The SABC is cutting scenes from children's shows like " T h e Real Ghost-
busters," " B i o n i c Six" a n d " R o b o t e c h " because they contain occult,
satanic, and other "dubious signs and symbols." Examples include the
peace sign (broken cross or crow's foot), the Taoist yin-yang symbol, the
114
Notes
Egyptian symbol of life (Ankh), and the pentagram. The stimulus was a
recent tragedy: "a four-year-old boy in a Superman outfit shot his father
dead with a .38 revolver, shouting: 'Dad, I'm Robocop. You are under
arrest.' After the incident, he declared: 'Batman shot Daddy dead.' "
Weekly Mail 5 (September 18-24, 1992).
62
Los Angeles Times B6 (March 9, 1991); New York Times A10 (March 13,
1991).
Police attacked rapper Ice-T's "Cop Killer" (discussed below) as a
threat to their safety. That campaign was intensified when rapper Tupac
Amaru Shakur's "2Pacalypse Now" was found in the tape deck of a car
stolen by Ronald Ray Howard, a black 19-year-old Texan charged with
murdering Bill Davidson, a white state trooper who had pulled him over
after a high-speed chase. Howard had two prior convictions for car theft.
Shakur appeared in "Juice" and will appear in John Singleton's "Poetic
Justice." His mother was a member of the Black Panther Party and his
godfather is former Panther leader Elmer "Geronimo" Pratt. Shakur had
recently sued the City of Oakland after two policemen allegedly beat him
while arresting him for jaywalking. Shakur's record had sold 400,000
copies. Half a dozen of its songs described killing police—for instance,
"Soulja's Story":
Cops on my tail, so I bail till I dodge them,
They finally pull me over and I laugh,
Remember Rodney King
And I blast this punk ass
Now I got a murder case . . .
What the fuck would you do?
Drop them or let them drop you?
I choose droppin' the cop!
The president of the Combined Law Enforcement Association of Texas
declared: "If it's illegal to produce physical pollution, it ought to be illegal
to produce mental pollution." Davidson's widow Linda has sued Shakur
and Interscope Records (a Time Warner subsidiary), declaring: "There
isn't a doubt in my mind that my husband would be alive if Tupac hadn't
written those violent, anti-police songs and the companies involved
hadn't published and put them out on the street." Her lawyer said "our
goal is to punish Time Warner and wake up the executives who run the
music business." Col. Oliver North promised the help of his Freedom
Alliance: "This case provides us with a painfully vivid example of why
this kind of music is so dangerous." Dan Quayle chimed in with a call to
withdraw the record. Howard's lawyer also plans to use the record in the
penalty phase to argue for life imprisonment instead of death. But the
president of the Recording Industry Association of America warned that
any damage award "would not only restrict free speech in the future, it
would turn the concept of what we consider to be artistic freedom
completely on its head." Los Angeles Times A1 (September 17, 1992),
A12 (September 23, 1992), F1 (October 13, 1992).
115
63
New York Times 7 (April 13, 1991).
64
65
N e w York Times A 1 4 (February 4 , 1992). "Lethal Weapon 3 " earned
$140.9 million in the summer of 1992, the second highest gross, and
"Terminator 2 " was the highest grossing film the previous summer,
earning $183.1 million; both far outdistanced black films. Los Angeles
Times F1 (September 1, 1992).
66
N e w York Times B1 (January 2 2 , 1992).
67
New York Times A 1 4 (February 2 1 , 1 9 9 2 ) (letter to The Editor).
68
59
2 4 versus 12 per cent. New York Times A 1 4 (February 2 1 , 1992).
70
Olivia N. v. National Broadcasting Co., 126 Cal.App.3d 4 8 8 , 178
Cal.Rptr. 888 (1981), cert, denied, 458 U.S. 1108 (1982) (rape; liability
rejected o n First Amendment grounds); Waller v. Osbourne, 763 F.
Supp. 1144 ( M . D . Ga. 1991); McCollum v. CBS, Inc, 202 Cal.App.3d
9 8 9 , 2 4 9 Cal.Rptr. 187 (1988); New York Times B4 (August 3, 1992)
(suicide; case pending); B1 (September 23, 1992) (all three cases against
O z z y Osbourne dismissed). After Denise Barnes was assaulted she sued
members of the rap group Niggaz W i t h Attitude for $22.75 million for
giving interviews t o Rolling Stone and The Source in which they said:
" [ t ] h e bitch deserved i t " and w e " h o p e . . . it happens again." National
Law Journal 3 (January 2 7 , 1992) (suit dismissed). The family of an
adolescent w h o died of autoerotic asphyxiation sued Hustler for an
article entitled "Orgasm of D e a t h , " w h i c h was found at his feet. Herceg
v. Hustler Magazine Inc., 814 F.2d 1017 (5th Cir. 1987), cert, denied,
485 U.S. 959 (1988). The family of a youth w h o committed suicide sued
the publisher and manufacturer of the game Dungeons & Dragons.
Watters v. TSR, Inc., 715 F.Supp 819 ( W . D . Ky. 1989), aff'd, 904 F.2d
378 (6th Cir. 1990) (dismissed). Parents sued when their son was killed
by another youth w h o had just seen "The Warriors," a film about gangs.
Yakubowicz v. Paramount Pictures Corp., 404 Mass. 624, 536 N.E.2d
1067 (1989) (dismissed). Parents sued when their son accidentally
hanged himself after watching a professional stuntman perform a similar
trick o n " T h e Tonight S h o w . " DeFilippo v. NBC, 446 A.2d 1036 (R.I.
1982) (dismissed).
71
N e w York Times s.1 p. 10 (February 2 3 , 1992); 190 Searchlight 18 (April
1991).
72
New York Times A 1 2 (August 19, 1992). The jury originally awarded
$12.4 million. Another case against the magazine was settled out of
court, and a third was dismissed because the judge found the advertise-
ment's language, "high risk assignments," t o o ambiguous. Ellmann v.
Soldier of Fortune Magazine, Inc., 6 8 0 F.Supp. 863 (S.D. Tex. 1988).
California courts have held a radio station liable for encouraging teen-
agers to race around the San Fernando Valley in pursuit of a prize, in the
course of w h i c h another driver was killed. Weirumv. RKOGen. Inc., 15
C a l . 3 d 4 0 , 123 Cal. Rptr. 468 (1975).
116
Notes
In an ironic footnote to the Skokie case, a California court upheld an

information charging a Jewish Defense League member with solicitation
to murder by addressing a Los Angeles press conference five weeks
before the planned march and offering $500 to anyone "who kills,
maims, or seriously injures a member of the American Nazi Party."
People v. Rubin, 96 Cal. App. 3d 968, 158 Cal.Rptr. 488 (1979), cert,
denied, 449 U.S. 821 (1980).
73
New York Times B1 (February 21, 1992); Pileggi (1986). James Caan
appeared at the 1985 trial of Carmine Persico and publicly kissed him on
the cheek. "I would never deny that my friend is my friend. Where's the
morality in that?" In 1992 Caan pledged his house as collateral for the
release of Ronald A. Lorenzo, charged with cocaine trafficking, robber-
ies, and kidnappings. He had met Lorenzo 15 years earlier during the
filming of "Chapter Two" and now calls him his "best friend." Los
Angeles Times F1 (September 30, 1992). After Lorenzo was convicted, a
juror commented that it was "a little ironic, this guy in the 'Godfather'
movie testifying here." Los Angeles Times B1 (October 16, 1992). Caan
received favourable reviews for his latest role as the big-time gambler
who loses the girl in "Honeymoon in Vegas."
There are endless examples of post-modernist confusion between
image and "reality," including Quayle's attack on "Murphy Brown" and
Perot's on "Doogie Hawser." The cast of "L.A. Law" are invited to
address lawyers on the fine points of advocacy and legal secretaries on
sexual harassment in the office. Dana Carvey's impersonation of Bush on
"Saturday Night Live" led to an invitation to the White House and a
request by the President's speechwriter for hints about Bush's manner-
isms. New York Times s.2 p.20 (August 16, 1992). Seeking to publicise a
movie in the 1930s, a producer hired a $5 a day extra, dressed her in
black, and sent her to the statue of Rudolph Valentino in Hollywood,
telling the press she mourned his death every year. Enjoying the attention,
she returned the following year, only to encounter a rival. Now, almost
60 years later, several women still appear annually, each accusing the
others of seeking publicity; they sometimes fight, grabbing each other's
veils and bouquets. Los Angeles Times B1 (August 17, 1992). Ozzy
Osboume maintained: "All the stuff on stage, the craziness, it's all just a
role that I play, my work. The closest I ever came to witchcraft is a Ouija
board. And believe it or not, I can't even watch slash films." New York
Times B1 (September 23, 1992).
Viewers might have been forgiven some scepticism when Woody Allen
denied any similarities between his personal life and "Husbands and
Wives": "Movies are fiction. The plots of my movies don't have any
relationship to my life." Defending his relationship to Mia Farrow's
adopted daughter Soon-Yi Previn, Allen told Time: "The heart wants
what it wants. There's no logic to those things." In the film he says about
his relationship to Rain, a college student the same age as Soon-Yi, "my
heart does not know from logic." Conflating man and auteur, audiences
117
booed trailers for the movie in Los Angeles and N e w York. New York
Times B1 (August 3 1 , 1 9 9 2 ) , s.2 p.6 (September 6 , 1 9 9 2 ) , B1 (September
1 4 , 1 9 9 2 ) . Farrow then felt compelled to issue a press statement declaring
that her relationship with Allen had not broken d o w n before the movie
was completed, she knew nothing of his romance with Soon-Yi, and she
was not taking drugs during the shooting. " H e r behavior on screen is all
acting." Los Angeles Times F2 (September 2 2 , 1992). O n television
viewers' confusion of character and actor, see Gitlin (1986); N e w York
Times B1 (September 25, 1992).
74
O n the pervasiveness of racial slurs in ordinary speech, see Davies
(1982); van D i j k ( 1 9 8 7 ) ; Essed (1991).
75
102 Searchlight 3 (August 1990); G o r d o n (1990a: 34-35).
76
GLC(1984d:21).
77
New York Times A3 (January 24, 1992).
78
Chronicle of Higher Education A1 (October 3 1 , 1991).
79
" H o m e Design," N e w York Times Magazine pt.2 p. 7 (April 5, 1992); see
also Lee (1990: 61) (use of colour purple to evoke packaging of Silk Cut
cigarettes).
Appealing to a different audience, Van Halen's recent album was titled
"For Unlawful Carnal Knowledge."
Seeking verisimilitude, the serious play " M e l o d y Jones," set in a 1970s
N e w Jersey strip club, hired a real stripper. Stephanie Blake is proud of her
body—she works out every day—and her skill.
Nowadays, strippers c o m e out and dance one song, take off a piece of
clothing. The art is gone. So we're trying to bring that back—the teasing
part. . . . I'm k n o w n for being kind of an acrobat. It's good to have a
gimmick. I used to do one number where I took a bath in a big glass of
champagne.
Los Angeles Times F2 (August 2 9 , 1992).
80
New Statesman and Society 17 (October 4, 1991).
American family planning clinics responded to the Bush Administra-
tion's gag rule prohibiting them from using federal money to discuss
abortion by dividing the time of advisers between federal and state
support; if a w o m a n tested pregnant w h e n the counsellor was being paid
by the federal government, she was advised to return when the state was
paying salaries. Los Angeles Times A1 (October 2, 1992).
Ambiguity also can be used to repress. In South African treason trials
the state constantly tried to show similarities between innocuous beha-
viour and the political line of the banned A N C and SACP. Bruce Her-
schensohn, far-right California Republican candidate for the U.S. Senate,
reproduced in his autumn 1990 newsletter a picture of the recently
released Nelson Mandela raising his clenched fist at the London rock
concert in his honour and called it " t h e communist salute." Los Angeles
Times A3 (October 12, 1992). This news report was accompanied by a
photograph of Dan Quayle at a campaign appearance in Los Angeles in
autumn 1992—making the same gesture!
118
Notes
81
Los Angeles Times A1 (January 2 1 , 1992). W h e n the Children's Television
Act of 1990 required stations to increase the number of educational
programmes, they simply characterised whatever they were showing as
educational. W G N O (New Orleans) said of one cartoon: " G o o d doer
Bucky fights off the evil toads from aboard his ship. Issues of social
consciousness and responsibility are central themes of the p r o g r a m . " A
Durham (North Carolina) station said " S u p e r b o y " "presents G O O D as it
triumphs over EVIL." W D I V in Detroit said that "Super Mario Brothers"
taught self-confidence because " Y o Y o g i " captures the thieving cock-
roaches, thereby demonstrating the value of "using his head rather than
his muscles." The Bush Administration had opposed more precise lan-
guage as infringing the First Amendment. N e w York Times A] (September
30, 1992).
82
Guardian 5 (October 29, 1991), 7 (October 30, 1991).
Politicians are past masters at the insinuation that asserts by denying.
Mary Matalin, a leading publicist in the Bush campaign, declared that
Clinton was "evasive and slick. W e ' v e never said to the press that he's a
philandering, pot-smoking draft dodger." " T h e w a y you just did?" the
interviewer asked? " T h e way I just d i d , " she conceded. New York Times
A14 (August 5, 1992). The U.S. Treasurer accused Clinton of being a
"skirt chaser" and then apologised. Bush campaign chair Robert Mos-
bacher said that marital fidelity "should be one of the yardsticks" by
w h i c h candidates are measured" and then apologised. Both accusation
and apology served to spread the dirt. N e w York Times A7 (August 20,
1992).
83
New York Times s.4 p.5 (March 4 , 1990). The Marlboro logo is on
television during half the Grand Prix race and has appeared some 6000
times. New York Times A 1 6 (August 2 5 , 1992) (letter to The Editor,
August 7, reproving Mayor Dinkins for signing a 10-year contract to host
the Grand Prix after calling for removal of tobacco ads from sports
complexes).
84
Los Angeles Times A 1 7 (May 8, 1990).
In December 1989 Pepsi showed video clips of the Berlin Wall coming
d o w n , with its logo and the caption "Peace o n Earth." Benneton has
attained notoriety through its ambiguous advertisements featuring catas-
trophe and tragedy: a bombed-out car, Albanian refugees climbing an
overcrowded ship, and an Indian couple wading through flooded streets,
a young man dying of AIDS in his father's arms, a murdered Mafia victim
in a pool of b l o o d . New York Times s.2 p.33 (May 3, 1992).
85
New York Times s.4 p.5 (March 22, 1992).
86
New York Times 7 (October 20, 1992). M T V has used Aerosmith to
similar effect as part of its $1 million "Choose or Lose" campaign. Lead
guitarist Joe Perry shouts "Freedom is the right to use handcuffs for
friendly purposes . . . freedom to wear w h i p p e d cream as clothing,"
while he licks w h i p p e d cream off the chest of a blonde w o m a n . Two
other w o m e n wearing American flag suits hold the rim of a gigantic
119
c o n d o m while an off-camera voice intones: "Freedom to wear a rubber

all day—if necessary." Lead singer Steven Tyler adds: "Hey! Protect your
freedoms. Vote!" "Rock the Vote" during the N e w Hampshire primary
registered 10,000 young adults. A free concert in Seattle by grunge-rock
group Pearl Jam signed up 2400. N e w York Times Magazine 30 (October
11, 1992).
87
N e w York Times A13 (July 20, 1992).
88
185 Searchlight 1 7 - 1 9 (November 1990).
89
New York Times s.1 p. 10 (February 23, 1992).
90
182 Searchlight 3 (August 1990); 183 Searchlight 5 (September 1990).
91
Guardian 9 (October 14, 1991), 5 (October 23, 1991), 9 (October 28,
1991). During the 1992 Democratic National Convention an anti-abor-
tion activist stopped Clinton in the street and thrust a foetus in his face. If
this " s p e e c h " should be protected, what about the British artist w h o
made freeze-dried foetuses into earrings? The Young Unknowns Gallery
in London was fined £350 for displaying them. /?v. Gibson and Another
[1990] Criminal Law Review 738, [1991 ] Criminal Appeals Reports 341.
An appeal is pending before the European Commission for Human
Rights.
92
Bill Moyers's PBS documentary "Hate on Trial" (February 5, 1992).
93
Los Angeles Times B1 (January 3 1 , 1992).
94
New York Times A27 (December 11, 1991), A14 (December 30, 1991).
95
Lee (1990: 120).
96
179 Searchlight 7 (May 1990), 189 Searchlight 5 (March 1991).
97
See, e.g. Ernst & Lindey (1936); Dean (1953); Lewis (1992).
98
Guardian 1-2 (October 30, 1991), 2 (November 1, 1991), 1 (November
5, 1991).
99
Tobacco Institute campaigns ostensibly designed to discourage children
from smoking d o just the opposite. New York Times A13 (September 2,
1992).
1
New York Times 12 (March 28, 1992).
2
GLC(1984d:21).
3
Bill Moyers's PBS documentary "Hate on Trial" (February 5, 1992).
4
The Brooklyn Museum opened an exhibit entitled "Too Shocking to
Show," featuring artists censored by the NEA, including Holly Hughes
(whose performance art depicts female sexuality), Tim Miller (on gay
male sexuality), Scarlet O (whose masturbation caused the Franklin
Furnace performance space to lose its 1992/93 grant), and Saphire
(whose poem "Wild Thing," about race and sexuality, was called
blasphemous by Rev. Donald Wildmon). The museum director com-
mented: "We feel very strongly about freedom of artistic expression. The
issue of censorship is not going to go away. . . . it's a matter of standing
up and being counted." New York Times B8 (June 19, 1992). The exhibit
catalogue was published with an explanatory essay. Freedberg (1992).
Dan Quayle's attack on "Murphy Brown," already CBS's highest-rated
entertainment series, allowed the network to raise its price 114 per cent
120
Notes
to an average of $310,000 for a 30-second spot, the most expensive on

any regular network programme. Before the 1992/93 season began,
commercial time was virtually sold out through December. When writer
Diane English accepted her Emmy for the best comedy series she thanked
"the sponsors for hanging in there when it was getting really dangerous."
The admiration was mutual; the ad agency for her regular sponsor said: "I
love being associated with 'Murphy Brown.' . . . the controversy has
worked in a positive sense." New York Times C8 (September 17, 1992).
The hour-long premiere showed Murphy Brown watching Quayle criti-
cise her. 44 million people saw the episode—4 million more than
watched the Republican convention. Quayle was among them, accom-
panied by several single mothers. Newspapers carried pictures of Quayle
watching Murphy Brown watching Quayle talking about Murphy Brown.
5
Los Angeles Times A14 (January 21, 1992); New York Times s.1 p. 10
(February 23, 1992).
6
186 Searchlight 10 (December 1990).
7
New York Times A8 (March 10, 1992).
8
New York Times A1 (October 17,1990); Los Angeles Times A20 (October
20, 1990). When Custave Courbet's painting "Return From the Confer-
ence" was rejected by the Salon in 1863 he boasted: "I painted the
picture so it would be refused. I have succeeded. That way it will bring me
some money." Quoted in Barnes (1992: 3). When Howard Stern debuted
as disk jockey on KLSX-FM in 1991, 50 advertisers withdrew because he
attacked gays, women, blacks, Latinos, and the homeless and used
scatological humour. The FCC cited him for indecent broadcasting. A
year later he had become the most popular morning radio personality
among male listeners in New York, Philadelphia, Washington, and
Baltimore, and the advertisers had returned. Los Angeles Times F1 (July
30, 1992).
9
Los Angeles Times F1 (June 13, 1992), F1 (June 16, 1992), F1 (June 18,
1992), F1 (June 19, 1992), D1 (July 4, 1992), B3 (July 25, 1992), A1 (July
29, 1992), D1 (July 30, 1992); New York Times B1 (July 8, 1992). Ice-T
managed to keep the controversy alive. At a San Diego concert he read a
letter from the 1900 member San Diego Police Officers Association
denouncing him, stuffed it in his crotch, and sang the song defiantly while
a mostly white crowd yelled "Die, pig, die." Los Angeles Times A3
(October 1, 1992).
Shortly thereafter the New York State Sheriff's Association, which had
joined the campaign against "Cop Killer," sought to suppress a forth-
coming album by San Francisco rapper Paris, whose cover showed a man
with an automatic weapon about to ambush President Bush (the topic of
one song). The track "Coffee and Doughnuts and Death" included these
lyrics:
As an example so all the blue coats know
Ya get poached when ya fuck with black folk
121
. . . Black folk can't be nonviolent now.

I'd rather just lay ya down, spray ya down
Till justice come around
Cuz without it, there'll be no peace.
White House Press Secretary Marlin Fitzwater asked "appropriate legal
authorities to take a look at this case . . . " Los Angeles Times A33 (July 3,
1992).
122
4. Taking Sides
I began these lectures by analysing controversies over pornography,

hate speech, and blasphemy as struggles for respect between status
groups. Contemporary western societies respond by oscillating
between the extremes of liberalism and authoritarianism, uncritical
tolerance and perfectionist control, idolatry of the market and fealty
to the state. Liberalism demands faith that truth and justice will
triumph in the long run; but Keynes reminds us that in the long run
we will all be dead. Politicians court fickle publics by promising the
quick fix of more laws and heavier penalties. Both sides construct
moral panics. Liberals warn that any restraint on speech is a step
down the slippery slope toward fascist and communist totalitarian-
ism; governmental partisanship revives memories of state religion
and agitprop. Prohibitionists justify bans on pornography and hate
speech by raising the spectre of physical attacks on women and
racial, religious and sexual minorities. In the second and third
lectures I criticised both extremes: civil libertarianism cannot inform
a principled stance toward speech, yet state regulation inevitably
invites excesses and errors. This final lecture attempts the formidable
task of charting a path that reduces one harm of speech—the
reproduction of status inequality—while minimising the harm to
speech from state regulation. I begin by arguing the need to take
sides, drawing lessons from other particularistic experiments. I
briefly consider efforts to liberate and amplify silenced voices but
focus on responses to harmful speech. Although I do not claim to
have eliminated the inescapable tension between freedom and
authority, I am hopeful that modest steps to redress status inequality
will enlarge our vision of the just society and lead us toward it.
123
Taking Sides
I. The Evasions of Neutrality

Liberal political theory is enthralled by the chimera of neutrality,
hoping to avoid the responsibility of political choice by finding a
principled basis for the exercise of power. But the search is doomed
to fail and entails high costs. The "haves" come out ahead not only
in the pursuit of justice, the contest for power, and the competition
for wealth, but also in the struggle for respect.1 Authority that is
willfully blind to real inequality perpetuates and magnifies it. The
explosive growth of homelessness has rendered Anatole France's
century-old aphorism even more timely: "The law, in its majestic
equality, forbids the rich as well as the poor to sleep under bridges,
to beg in the streets, and to steal bread."2 Defending the denial of
political asylum against a charge of racism, British Home Secretary
Kenneth Baker offered an unwitting paraphrase: "Our policy is
colour blind. It applies to people wheresoever they come from,
whether it is Africa, Asia, or Eastern Europe."3 It clearly was
irrelevant that North Americans and West Europeans were not
clamouring at the gates. Baker's boss displayed greater candour.
Opposing changes in the inheritance tax, John Major declared: "I
want to see wealth cascading down the generations. We do not see
each generation starting out anew, with the past cut off and the
future ignored." For the same reason he supported educational
inequality.4
Daily experience reveals the myriad ways in which formal equali-
ty creates substantive inequality. Gender-blind allocation of toilets
in theatres produces much longer queues during the interval outside
the women's than the men's. When the Law Lords invalidated the
Fares Fair campaign and London Regional Transport terminated the
"Just a Ticket" scheme women suffered more than men because they
were more likely to travel by bus than underground and much less
likely to drive.5 Programmes intended to overcome class differences
may inadvertently exaggerate race and gender. When medical
condition is held constant among elderly Americans, whites receive
4—7 times as many heart bypasses as blacks and black women
almost 50 per cent more than black men.6 Among poor Americans
with kidney disease, whites are significantly more likely to obtain
transplants.7
Liberal theory rationalises the persistence of inequality under
conditions of political freedom as the outcome of individual
"choice." 8 But the state is not the only constraint on freedom, or
even the greatest, as the fall of communism vividly illustrates. In
124
The Evasions of Neutrality
Poland, a British entrepreneur offering "free" sporting activities to

pre-adolescent boys in exchange for participation in homosexual
pornography and prostitution found plenty of takers.9 Berlin's East
European community allegedly kidnaps or buys babies and young
children for adoption in the West, where fair-skinned merchandise
can fetch up to £24,600.10 Estonian prostitutes migrate to Finland
and Yugoslav to the Netherlands, while Poles are lured into Swedish
prostitution by fraudulent advertisements for marriage.11 Moscow
teenage girls' first choice of a career is "escorting" foreigners for
hard currency, i.e. becoming high-class call girls.12 Sasha Kazach-
kova, a Jewish emigre, exchanged her job as attendant in the men's
room of Moscow's National Hotel for one as attendant in the men's
room of New York's Laura Belle Supper Club.13 Despite their facade
of self-righteous prudery, the Reagan and Bush administrations'
market fetishism also stimulated sexual exploitation. Between 1987
and 1992 "quality" topless clubs multiplied from 800 to 1100,
becoming a $3 billion a year industry. Tara Obenauer, who dances
at the up-scale Stringfellows, postponed her entry to NYU Law
School because "the money here is just so good." Performers earn
up to $1000 a night in tips.14 "Choice" is even more illusory in the
third world. During 1991, 249 Nigerian "mules" were arrested at
Kennedy Airport for smuggling heroin by swallowing small amounts
wrapped in condoms, which they later excreted; those who escaped
detection (and long prison terms) earned 16 times their annual
incomes.15
Material need and greed do not exhaust the constraints of civil
society. Cultural hegemony is at least as powerful. The television
program "American Gladiators," featuring five men and five women
who fight challengers, appears on 156 stations nationwide. 15,000
people have auditioned for the chance to brawl in public. One
woman watches it regularly with her 4-year-old daughter because
she prefers its role models—"five women out there, kicking butt, just
like the men"—to the cartoon stereotypes of stupid women obse-
quiously following dominant men.16 The year after Princeton admit-
ted women, male undergraduates began "streaking" through town
to celebrate the first snowfall. A senior explained why she and other
women joined the event 16 years later: "My first thought was, here's
a male tradition. I not only wanted to be part of it, I wanted to try to
take it over. Running in the Nude Olympics is not wise, but it's fun."
The Women's Center and the Sexual Harassment and Assault Advis-
ing Resources and Education Office encouraged participation. But
Sandra N. Silverman, assistant dean of students, was appalled: "I
125
Taking Sides
can't think of a more ultimate vulnerability for women. I'm some-

what surprised that women feel so strongly about participating in a
men's event, rather than attempting to come up with an event that
addresses women's needs."17
If neutrality is willful blindness and individual choice is always
constrained, the responsibilities of power cannot be fulfilled by
simple deference to the oppressed. Contrary to Arnold Toynbee's
naive faith, they are not always morally superior. Quite the contrary,
subordinate people typically express their powerlessness by direct-
ing resentment away from the dominant, who are too remote or
frightening, to more vulnerable targets: rural Southern whites and
urban ethnics at African Americans, African Americans at Jews and
now Koreans, West European workers at immigrants, East Africans at
East Indians, Southeast Asians at Chinese. Middle class women cope
with the patriarchal division of labour by hiring working class
women, often women of colour, as housekeepers, thereby repro-
ducing class and racial inequality. Black men respond to racial
subordination by oppressing black women in popular music, blax-
ploitation films, and of course sexual and domestic behaviour. Black
women feel doubly degraded when black men enjoy white female
pornography—or even form romantic relationships with white
women. 18 And people of colour are not immune to homophobia.
When the GLC "Positive Images" campaign sought to increase
respect for gays and lesbians in schools in 1987, a spokesman for the
Haringey Black Pressure Group on Education retorted that "homo-
sexuality is something that has been introduced into our culture by
Europeans; it is an unnatural set of acts that tend toward genocide."
Some members joined with the neo-fascist New Patriotic Movement
under the banner "Gays=Aids=Death." 19
Some oppressed not only participate in the subordination of others
but also are complicit in their own, internalising and legitimating the
dominant rationalisations for privilege. If women did not support
Phyllis Schlafly's patriarchy the feminist movement would have
made greater progress.20 Clarence Thomas's racial self-hatred and
meritocratic apologetics echo those of other racial minorities who
have made it.21 Sometimes betrayal reflects overwhelming pressure.
After joining the Derbyshire police at 19, Shaun hid his homosexu-
ality for 17 years: "I called it the canteen culture. Heavy drinking,
womanising and doing all the things that heterosexual males are
expected to do." He married at 24, fathered two children, and
maintained the family facade, although his wife knew he was gay.
For seven years he was a vice squad detective, often entrapping
126
gay men into soliciting sex. "I knew what to look for and what sort of
places to investigate—that's possibly why I was so good." 22 For
other collaborators, however, the goad is pure ambition. As a
professor at San Francisco State University, S.I. Hayakawa helped
form the Faculty Renaissance Committee to combat campus rad-
icals. A grateful state chancellor recommended him as acting presi-
dent to then Governor Reagan, who responded with typical tact:
"Tell him if he takes the job, we'll forgive him Pearl Harbor." On his
first day in office Hayakawa crushed the students' strike by jumping
on their soundtruck and ripping out the loudspeaker wires. As
senator for California he opposed bilingual education and ballots as
"foolish and unnecessary" and sponsored a constitutional amend-
ment to make English the official language. Spared wartime intern-
ment (as a Canadian citizen), he called it "perhaps the best thing that
could have happened" to Japanese-Americans because it forced
them to assimilate. "I am proud to be a Japanese-American, but
when a small but vocal group demand a cash indemnity of $25,000
for those who went to relocation camps, my flesh crawls with shame
and embarrassment."23
Despite its professed loyalty to formal equality, collective neutral-
ity, and value agnosticism, the liberal state cannot avoid choices. If
one is free speech, another is abridging speech when the state feels
threatened. In December 1991 the Islamic Front won 189 out of 430
seats in the first free Algerian election in years and was expected to
win enough runoffs to gain a majority. Fundamentalists in Lebanon,
Sudan, Jordan and Yemen rejoiced. Demanding immediate segrega-
tion of the sexes in schools and workplaces and a ban on alcohol,
Mohammed Said told a huge crowd it was time Algerian women
went back to veils and stopped looking like "cheap merchandise
that is bought and sold." The Front proclaimed its intent to introduce
an Islamic state under the slogan: "No laws. No constitution. Only
the laws of God and the Koran." When the Algerian military nullified
the results and barred all demonstrations western nations breathed a
sigh of relief; none criticised this blatant suppression of democ-
racy.24 The day after a nearly successful coup in Venezuela an
association of retired military officers took full-page advertisements
in major newspapers, condemning the regime for corruption and
poor administration. President Carlos Andres Perez immediately
prohibited newspapers from publishing photographs of the plotters
or articles or advertisements suggesting that they enjoyed popular
support or military backing, and seized defiant papers. "We have
said, don't exalt the man who attempted the military coup." 25
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Taking Sides
Poland banned "Party X" of Canadian emigre businessman Stani-

staw Tyminski because its xenophobia and general lunacy were
embarrassing the fledgling democracy. Although the excuse was
10,000 forged signatures on electoral registration documents,
Tyminski claimed that similar abuses by other parties were over-
looked. Expelled from the country, his parting words were: "I don't
want to be in a Poland transformed into a Jewish colony." Of course,
almost all the Jews had been murdered half a century ago by the
Nazis, with the complicity of many Poles.26 Soon after succeeding
Gorbachev, Yeltsin outlawed the Communist Party. Such responses
are not limited to shaky third-world or ex-communist governments.
The U.S. Supreme Court refused to intervene when the Republican
Party prevented David Duke from running in its Florida and Georgia
presidential primaries.27
Forced to express preferences about speech, the liberal state
typically emphasises form over content. But the time, manner and
place restrictions that even First Amendment devotees accept inevi-
tably favour those who can comply and still be heard. As we have
seen, regulation often targets extremes, hoping that stylistic excess
will foment enough anger to generate a consensus for restraint. As
religious fervour declined, blasphemy laws punished only the worst
insults. As sexual taboos fell, only the portrayal of violent sex was
proscribed. Racism, anti-Semitism and homophobia are so perva-
sive that only the most virulent forms are regulated. As I argued in the
previous lecture, however, preoccupation with the extremes toler-
ates and appears to condone quotidian harms. In any case, outrage
is not a neutral quality. It varies with the audience, as even the U.S.
Supreme Court acknowledges in enforcing community standards of
decency.28 Furthermore, the very novelty that causes offence is an
essential aesthetic ingredient.29 In one of his most striking dances,
Merce Cunningham jumped into a plastic sack and propelled him-
self across the stage like a fish on land. He no longer performed it,
however, "because I was in it once."
Every artist should ask, "What is the point of doing what you
already know?" . . . Dance, like any work of art, is not interesting
unless it provokes you—where you say, "I never thought of that,"
and have some new experience. When I see dances where I can
perceive from the first five minutes what they're going to be, my
interest drops 50 per cent.30
Artists delight in shocking the bourgeoisie: Salvador Dali paints a
128
moustache on the Mona Lisa; Andres Serrano photographs a crucifix

submerged in his urine; Robert Mapplethorpe poses a man with a
broomstick up his anus; in a video shown after he had died of AIDS,
Freddie Mercury dressed in the royal crown and cape for a rendition
of "God Save the Queen."31 Yet artistic pretensions do not neces-
sarily justify the harms of expression. Helmut Newton photographs
sexually provocative nudes, often in sadomasochistic positions. "I
love vulgarity. I am very attracted by bad taste— it's a lot more
exciting than supposed good taste, which is nothing more than a
standardised way of looking at things."32 In his autobiography, John
Osborne boasted of his homophobic dislike of "poofs" and his
chauvinistic contempt for pretentious French, short Italians, provin-
cial Australians ("natives of a suspicious, benighted land"), and Jews
and Irish ("cold-hearted" races, whose abundant "sentimentality
. . . is the sugar-ornament of the hard of heart").33
Just as those without a presidential podium, religious pulpit,
media megaphone, or advertising budget must take to the streets and
shout in order to be heard, so political dissidents may have to use
guerrilla tactics to unsettle conventional beliefs or grab the attention
of listeners suffering from information overload. Anti-war activists
burn draft cards and flags, anti-abortion demonstrators display pick-
led fetuses, neo-Nazis flaunt swastikas, graffiti artists deface walls
and advertisements. Hoping "to revive the 'zap action' tactics of the
early women's liberation days," a group of performance artists got
into Life magazine by appearing at a conference at New York's Plaza
Hotel barefoot, chained together, wearing voluminous black mater-
nity garments padded to make them look pregnant, and accompa-
nied by others in black jumpsuits and shocking pink headbands
carrying a huge pink banner reading "Forced childbearing is a form
of slavery."34 Overshadowed by hundreds protesting the first Cali-
fornia execution in 25 years, two "good old boys" in a pickup truck
demonstrated for the death penalty with a poster showing the
condemned man and an "Alka-Cyanide" capsule being dropped
into a glass of sulfuric acid, above the caption: "Plop Plop Fizz Fizz,
Oh, What a relief it is!" 35
There is no escape from politics. Some messages should be
encouraged and others discouraged for what they say, not how they
say it. The task is made acutely painful by millenia of religious
intolerance, philistine censorship, and political and sexual repres-
sion. My goal is to reduce subordination based on gender, race,
ethnicity, religion, and sexual orientation. But that amorphous ideal
leaves difficult questions unanswered. If feminists campaign against
129
Taking Sides
pornography because it subordinates women, why should not the

religious right attack sexual permissiveness as subordinating
believers? How could we criticise Salman Rushdie while venerating
such notorious blasphemers as Moses, Socrates, Jesus, Luther, Gali-
leo, Darwin, and Freud? Or while tolerating protests against Sabba-
tarianism, religion in schools, or the sexism and homophobia of
denominations that refuse to ordain women or celebrate the union of
homosexuals? Cannot Catholics argue that advocacy of abortion,
contraception, and divorce subordinates them?36 When Sinead
O'Connor appeared on "Saturday Night Live," shouted "Fight the
real enemy," and tore up a photo of Pope John Paul II after singing
Bob Marley's "War," the California Chapter of the Catholic League
for Religious and Civil Rights declared: "Millions of Catholics in
California are incensed at this blatant defamation of the leader of the
Catholic Church . . . [and] this blatant hatred shown toward the
Catholic religion."37 Cannot Muslims say the same about critiques
of polygyny or patriarchy? Is Dan Quayle right that "Murphy Brown"
and the entire media elite diminish him by mocking his values? One
answer would be that he does not belong to "a historically
oppressed minority."38 But oppression is contingent, mutable, and
ambiguous. Could neo-Nazis argue that they have been oppressed
for almost half a century? Jews are historically oppressed but now
oppress Palestinians. Who is oppressing whom in Rwanda, Estonia,
Yugoslavia, Armenia or Azerbaijan? As I noted above, "historically
oppressed minorities" sometimes are complicit in their own oppres-
sion and collaborate in oppressing others. In the end we will have to
justify difficult prudential choices with full awareness of context,
history, identity, relationship, and motive.
//. Experiments in Particularism

Recognising that all forms of inequality—class, race, religion,
gender, and sexual orientation—outlast conscious discrimination,
liberals acknowledge an obligation to take remedial action favour-
ing victimised categories. Reconstruction sought to redress centuries
of American slavery. After World War II, West Germany paid
reparations to Holocaust victims, Japan to the countries it invaded,
and the United States to Japanese-American internees. The former
communist regimes are besieged by claims from those they deprived
of property or freedom.39
Yet liberal ideology has great difficulty reconciling solicitude for
130
Experiments in Particularism
victims with fidelity to universalism, as the British experience illus-

trates. In 1943, as Holocaust rumours were confirmed and local
fascists parroted Nazi anti-Semitism, the government considered
outlawing incitement to hatred against Jews (who were one percent
of the population). Home Secretary Herbert Morrison (a socialist
member of the coalition government) rejected the proposal because
"it would be contrary to public policy to single out one section of the
community for preferential treatment and protection . . . we must
maintain the principle that our law is no respecter of persons."40
Half a century later, some have grown more sensitive to past
injustice. The Labour Party allows constituencies to exclude male
candidates from short lists and has declared that women will be at
least 40 percent of the national executive by the mid-1990s.41
Embarrassed that only 23 of its 12,000 drivers are women, British
Rail advertises openings in women's magazines.42 Sometimes the
particularism is implicit. Among those charged with killing a spouse
or lover between 1982 and 1989, women were nearly twice as likely
as men to be charged with manslaughter rather than murder, four
times as likely to be acquitted or found unfit to plead, only two-thirds
as likely to be imprisoned, and sentenced to terms just over half as
long.43
Yet preferential treatment elicits strong resentment. After the
Metropolitan Police changed its height and weight requirements
because of their discriminatory effects—only 1.6 percent of officers
were black compared to 15 percent of London's population, and
none was Chinese—a majority of officers protested that they were
victims of race and sex prejudice.44 When Cambridge announced
an affirmative action plan affecting less than a dozen of its 10,000
undergraduates, Harrow headmaster Ian Beer condemned the
university for embarking "on a dangerous road of social engineer-
ing" and complained that "it is not the fault of Harrow boys that they
are well taught."45 The Bar Council narrowly voted to urge
chambers to offer five per cent of their vacant seats to minorities; and
Lord Mackay, noting that no High Court judges and only two circuit
judges are black, began monitoring the ethnicity of applicants for
silk. But the Master of the Rolls attacked a proposed judicial appoint-
ments commission. "Why," asked Lord Donaldson, "is there a right
number of barrister or solicitor judges or men or women judges?" He
simply recommended the best person for the job. 46
The United States, which embraced affirmative action earlier,
more explicitly, and with greater commitment, displays an equally
incoherent mix of rhetorical posturing and political struggle. The
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Taking Sides
Ninth Circuit rejected a constitutional challenge to reparations for

Japanese Americans by a man interned with his German-born
parents in Texas during World War II, noting that two-thirds of the
120,000 Japanese Americans detained without trial were citizens,
whereas virtually all the 14,426 German and Italian Americans
detained were aliens, each received an individual hearing, and they
constituted only about 10 percent of all European enemy aliens.
Sometimes the equivalences are patently absurd. Representative Ray
McGrath (R-LI) opposed participation by gay Irish-Americans in the
St. Patrick's Day parade "for the same reason I wouldn't want the Ku
Klux Klan in the Martin Luther King Day Parade."48
Affirmative action is most controversial in employment and edu-
cation, with the races splitting along predictable lines. Black youths
are almost 50 per cent more likely to believe that universities should
give "special consideration to minority students for enrollment,"
while whites are two and a half times more likely to feel that they
suffer discrimination in scholarships, jobs, and promotions.49 When
the Denver Police Department administered a preliminary examina-
tion to select 40 out of 892 applicants, the 86 per cent of whites and
91 per cent of Hispanics who failed were furious that all the black
examinees passed—clearly reflecting the fact that only 6 per cent of
the officers were black.50 The Bush Administration has outlawed the
practice of ranking candidates taking federal civil service examina-
tions within each ethnic group in order to equalise representation.51
It also banned race-exclusive university scholarships and then re-
scinded the ban under intense public pressure; but a constitutional
challenge to the practice is pending.52 A white high school student
wrote to the U.S. Department of Education to denounce "the most
overlooked travesty in our nation's colleges and universities: reverse
racial discrimination" when Duke University rejected her and
accepted a black classmate with what she claimed were lesser
credentials. The black woman responded: "I am so mad right now,
tears are streaming down my face. I'd like to think I was picked
because I was qualified and because I had a little bit more I could
offer to someone else."53 Conservative faculty are even more vitri-
olic. At a University of Michigan conference on "Deconstructing the
Left," David Horowitz pronounced that "affirmative action amounts
to racism pure and simple. It's exactly what's being dismantled in
South Africa." 54 When the Middle States Association of Colleges
and Schools, one of six regional accrediting bodies, deferred
approving Bernard M. Baruch College of CUNY for doing too little to
hire minority faculty and administrators or retain minority students
132
Experiments in Particularism
and threatened to disapprove Westminster Theological Seminary

unless it put women on its board of governors, the U.S. Secretary of
Education forced it to back down by delaying its own reauthorisa-
tion. An adviser to the Secretary denounced the Middle States
diversity standard as "taking a side" and "impos[ing] a moral or
political litmus test."55
Subordinated peoples increasingly reject integration as a strategy
of collective mobility in favour of protected spaces within which to
develop their distinctive strengths.56 Because this appears to re-
inforce or revive the very separation liberals have fought for more
than a century through coeducation and desegregation it causes
considerable unease. The British Muslim Education Co-ordinating
Committee advocates "separate educational institutions for male
and female pupils in accordance with the principles of Islam,"
although the government has refused to grant voluntary-aided status
to the several dozen Muslim schools.57 Such initiatives can attract
embarrassing support from conservative groups like Parental
Alliance for Choice in Education, the Social Affairs Unit, and the
Adam Smith Institute and even the racist National Front. Some
Muslims strongly disavow them. Southall Black Sisters denounced
the Labour Party for "abandon[ing] the principle of equality where
black women are concerned . . . [and] delivering] us into the hands
of male, conservative and religious forces within our communities,
who deny us the right to live as we please."58 In the United States the
ACLU vigorously challenged a Milwaukee plan to create elementary
and middle schools exclusively for black boys. The New York Civil
Liberties Union condemned a proposed New York high school,
which, though nominally open to all, would emphasise the exper-
ience and culture of black and Hispanic men and be located in a
largely minority neighbourhood. Dr. Kenneth B. Clark, the noted
black psychologist who had testified for the plaintiffs in the 1954
desegregation case, was appalled:
It's isolating these youngsters and telling them "You're different.

We're having this school because black males have more social
and crime problems than others." . . . This is an approach that
stigmatizes rather than educates.59
Feminists have defended girls' schools, pointing to the success of

their graduates and the tendency of teachers in coeducational
settings to favour boys and assign textbooks with sexual stereo-
types.60 A British scientist noted for discovering that the hypothala-
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Taking Sides
mus of gay men is half as large as that of heterosexuals has

established the West Hollywood Institute for Gay and Lesbian
Education (Whigle). A local gay activist who initiated the proposal
explained: "We need to unite and come together, developing our
culture. Once we've done that, we can integrate and become full
participants in a transformed society."61 Defenders of separatism
point to the vital role of homogeneous fraternities, sororities, and
religious organisations in easing the entry of Jews and Catholics into
American higher education a generation earlier.62 Yet all anti-
subordination strategies must expect to be attacked as particularistic
and resented by those whose privilege they threaten.
///. Equalising Voices

Respect is the latest prize in the unending struggle against subordina-
tion. The bourgeois revolution sought to free markets and equalise
access to political power. Workers demanded control over the
means of production but usually settled for token participation and a
larger slice of the pie. Resistance to patriarchy, racism, and homo-
phobia has had to repeat some of these contests, but it focuses on
new spheres: families, education, and culture. We might see this as
extending the social democratic project of material equality
(employment, housing, and health) to reproduction, the principal
battleground of post-industrial society. On this new field, antago-
nists in the cultural wars deploy proactive and reactive strategies,
prescribing the future and judging the past. Texts and curricula,
advertising, mass entertainment, news reporting, public rituals,
religion and high culture all transmit collective messages about
status; insults and sexual harassment are particular instances of
status degradation. The former act extensively, the latter intensively;
each reinforces the other.
Because all cultural phenomena are associated with particular
status groups, expression is inescapably partisan. The creators of
symbolic goods may rationalise their behaviour as the response to
hypostatised market forces; but some consumers always are more
equal than others, and supply shapes consumer demand while
purporting to satisfy it. Those who produce or sponsor records,
concerts, plays, exhibitions, movies, television, radio, and printed
matter also have a moral responsibility for their content, if not the
same as the creative artist's. Audiences are accountable for what
they patronise, which makes the boycott of creators, producers, and
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Equalising Voices
sponsors not just legitimate but obligatory. Invoking market failure,

the state and private philanthropy subsidise cultural production.
School teachers and university instructors consciously shape the
minds of future generations.
The belief that the existing distribution of cultural messages is
apolitical—just the way things are, indeed, the only way they could
be—epitomises Gramsci's notion of hegemony. A counter-hege-
monic strategy must encourage new voices to speak and secure them
a hearing. Its goal is to equalise cultural capital—access to and
position within symbolic space—through affirmative action in the
industries that produce and disseminate information and values.63
Some will condemn this as the dilution of standards, the contamina-
tion of art by politics. Yet the participation of silenced voices will
transform judgements about quality; and all art is inescapably
political.
Examples of cultural affirmative action abound.64 Schools encour-
age girls in science and maths and boys in cooking, postpone single-
sex sports, and resist the sexual division of labour, both among their
staff and in the career choices of their pupils.65 Women, racial,
ethnic and religious minorities, and gays and lesbians have sought
inclusion in the collective tradition transmitted by literature and
history courses in schools and universities, with mixed success.66
Media workers demand a hearing for excluded voices while fighting
stereotypes.67 When the "Committee for Open Debate on the
Holocaust" sought to disseminate its revisionist lies, student news-
papers at Harvard, Yale, Brown, Pennsylvania and USC refused to
sell them space. Rutgers ran the ad as an opinion column with a note
detailing its mendacity and offered to print other rebuttals.68 The
Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee persuaded a tele-
vision station in Detroit, which houses the country's largest Arab-
American community, not to rebroadcast "The Little Drummer
Boy," a 1968 children's show that stereotyped Arabs. The program-
ming director explained: "I think that this is a case where, in the
years since this show was made, we have become more aware of
some things we didn't see before."69 Public authorities face similar
choices. When the Labour-controlled Lancaster Council, which had
staged the Miss Great Britain beauty contest for decades, decided to
terminate it, the female chair of the arts and events committee
explained:
We were all so naive in our 20s and 30s, but when women started
going on to platforms to protest, I started thinking. Those women
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Taking Sides
changed ideas. We woke up and asked ourselves what were we

doing, spending time watching women being paraded like this?
And then it seemed bygone, outdated and boring. It didn't take a
revolution, it was dead and the audiences were gone.70
The success of publishing houses, magazines, and newspapers for

subordinated groups encourages mainstream competitors to appeal
to those audiences.71 Public platforms welcome new speakers. The
U.S. House of Representatives asked Imam Siraj Wahaj to give the
invocation in 1991; the Senate heard Imam Wallace D. Mohammed
do so the following year.72 The Brooklyn Historical Society has
organised exhibitions about black churches and black women,
Hispanic culture, and the Italian festival in Williamsburg.73 Entre-
preneurs have redesigned prosaic artifacts that powerfully shape
consciousness of relative worth. When Yla Eason's 3-year-old son
cried because he could not grow up to be master of the universe
since he was black, she began manufacturing dolls and action
figures with ethnically authentic features: Imani (a high-fashion
model) and Sun-Man (a Star Trek character). Although major toy-
makers initially rebuffed her approaches, they soon became inter-
ested in reaching the 34 per cent of children under 10 who are Black
or Hispanic.74 As these (and earlier) examples show, attacks on
racial subordination may perpetuate or even intensify gender stereo-
types. To counter these, Cathy Meredig designed an anatomically
correct doll, with a shorter neck, higher waist, and larger feet than
Barbie. Little girls did not notice the difference, but mothers
exclaimed: "Wow! a doll with hips and a waist!"75
IV. Addressing the Harms of Speech

At the same time that the hegemonic culture moulds what is said and
heard, profoundly affecting collective reputation, particular
exchanges enact status inequalities. In response, the struggle against
subordination seeks to sensitise speakers to the harm they cause.
Although civil libertarians may recoil from any interference with
speech, it is always constrained, as I argued in my second lecture.76
Speakers could be "free" of their social environment only if the
audience were absent or indifferent—which would render speech
pointless. Speakers always engage in dialogue with their audiences,
even when the latter are silent. In intimate settings, couples choose
their words with care, thinking and feeling much they never ver-
136
Addressing the Harms of Speech
balise; marriage counselling often focuses on problems of communi-

cation.78 Parents and teachers socialise children to address siblings
and friends without inflicting unnecessary hurt.79 Speech codes at
American and British universities have been condemned by conser-
vatives and invalidated by courts, but academic institutions could
not function if their members "freely" hurled racist slurs, homopho-
bic taunts, or sexist innuendoes at each other, or if pornography
covered the walls of the senior common room or the co-ed toilets of
residence halls. All performers—especially the most successful—
cultivate their audience. While writing The Last Chronicle of Barset
in the drawing room of Athenaeum, Anthony Trollope heard two
clergymen disparaging his characters, with particular animus toward
Mrs. Proudie. He declared "I will go home and kill her before the
week is over" and promptly did so.80 When 500 million people in
27 countries saw the premiere of Michael Jackson's video "Black or
White," many protested a scene showing him rubbing his pelvis and
unzipping his fly and another in which he smashed up cars.
Although he had already edited the tape for violence, Jackson
immediately agreed to cuts. "I've always tried to be a good role
model [a strange claim given his deliberately ambiguous sexual and
racial identity] . . . . I deeply regret any pain or hurt that the final
segments of Black or White has [sic] caused children, their parents
or any other viewers."81 When Americans and Japanese collabor-
ated on a television programme about World War II, a scene of
Chinese being shot in a ditch was narrated differently. The English
text read: "Japan's claim it was liberating China was ludicrous to
Americans, particularly when hundreds of thousands of Chinese
men, women and babies were murdered in what was called the
Rape of Nanking." The Japanese version did not mention Nanking,
saying rather: "in a totalitarian attempt to grab land and wealth, the
Japanese military had led the country into an eight-year war in
Manchuria and China."82
A. Measuring the Injury

Because the effect of speech on status is contextually specific, we
need a framework for analysing its harms in order to calibrate the
response. This section begins that task.
/. Speaker Identity Public officials purport to speak for the collec-

tivity, endowing their message with formal authority and apparent
consensus. Although James Watt, Reagan's first Secretary of the
Interior, could wreak havoc on the environment with impunity, he
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Taking Sides
was forced to resign after indelicately declaring that he had

appointed a Jew, a Negro, and a cripple to a committee. Political
candidates quickly learn that visibility brings responsibility. Ameri-
can Jews have never forgiven Jesse Jackson for calling New York
"Hymietown" during his 1988 Presidential campaign; Italian-Amer-
icans were similarly incensed by Bill Clinton's suggestion to Cen-
nifer Flowers that Mario Cuomo acted as though he had Mafia
connections.83 Celebrity gained through artistic, athletic, or entre-
preneurial prowess also enhances a speaker's impact. J. Peter Grace,
chairman and CEO of the chemicals conglomerate W.R. Grace &
Co. and director of Reagan's Private Sector Survey on Cost Control,
was forced to apologise when he praised Wisconsin's Republican
Governor Tommy G. Thompson by saying: "He doesn't have much
competition. Where I come from we have Cuomo the homo, and
then in New York City, we have Dinkins the pinkins."84 Recognising
that the disciplinary powers of police, prison warders, and teachers
add weight to their words, American courts uphold limits on their
speech, despite the First Amendment.85 Responsibility is diluted
when the speakers are collective: committee reports, mass entertain-
ment, demonstrations. Reputation also can undercut a message.
When Patrick Buchanan sought to revive his failing Presidential
campaign by maligning a public television programme about gay
black men, the response was strangely muted. An ActUp spokesman
explained: "Buchanan is just so vile it's almost redundant to say it."
Another activist added: "Buchanan . . . is not a new homophobe;
he's an established homophobe."86
2. Motive. Although motive is elusive, unstable, and opaque, it

has enormous influence on the effects of speech. Worse motives
always aggravate harm, although good motives may not prevent it—
as defamation law acknowledges. Students at Pierce College in Los
Angeles complained about an AIDS awareness poster showing HIV-
positive victims being bashed by bigots, losing weight, developing
cancer, and dying—even though it declared: "no disrespect is
intended by this depiction of human suffering."87 Advocates of state
regulation usually make exceptions for the good motives presumed
in scholarly inquiry, news reporting, art, or political debate. Yet
audience interpretation remains critical; because motive can be
feigned, the speaker's avowal is never conclusive. Ambiguity in-
creases the risk of discordant interpretations.
Context can invert motive totally: compare the 1937 Nazi exhibi-
tion of "Entartete Kunst" (Degenerate Art) with its reconstruction half
138
a century later in Los Angeles and Berlin.88 Blacks, especially

women, were insulted when white fraternity members put on black-
face, fright wigs, and padded breasts and buttocks for a skit in the
George Mason University student refectory. Did women feel equally
insulted when gay men calling themselves the West Hollywood
Cheerleaders marched in the eighth annual AIDS Walk Los Angeles
wearing mini-skirts, padded tops, and oversized wigs?89
3. Target. Abstract assaults on collectivities affect larger numbers,

while concrete insults to individuals inflict more intense harm.
Compare pornography with sexual harassment, blasphemy with
desecration of religious sites or disruption of rites, mass media
stereotyping with face-to-face taunts. The higher the target's status,
the less likely it is to be impaired. If unredressed, the harms of speech
cumulate, transforming tendentious allegation into unquestioned
stereotype, alerting speaker and audience to the victim's vulnerabili-
ty. Characteristics deemed volitional are more likely to seem fair
game: sexual orientation rather than gender, religion rather than
race.
4. Relationship between Speaker and Target. Group members

can use language that would be intolerable from outsiders. An image
that is erotic if created by and for lesbians becomes pornographic if
produced by or for men. Blacks distinguished sharply between Paul
Robeson's portrayal of Othello and Laurence Olivier's. Consider the
decision to cast Denzel Washington as Steve Biko and add Whoopi
Goldberg to the film version of "Serafina." Lenny Bruce made a
career out of telling anti-Semitic jokes to mostly Jewish audiences.
Eddie Murphy satirised Jesse Jackson on "Saturday Night Live."
Hanif Kureishi can make films about Pakistani immigrants and Spike
Lee about African Americans, Maxine Hong Kingston can write
about Chinese Americans and James Welsh about American Indians
in ways that outsiders cannot.90 Subordinated groups neutralise the
sting of epithets by domesticating them: one woman calling another
a "bitch," a black describing another as a "bad nigger," Larry
Kramer titling a play "Faggots." A publisher explained why he had
named his magazine NYQ: "The word queer started up as a way to
say it's not derogatory to be a homosexual. It is also a way of defining
yourself as a political person."91 Yet community membership can
intensify the sense betrayal when insiders address the outside world,
as shown by the response of Muslims to Salman Rushdie, Jews to
Philip Roth, and African American men to Alice Walker. The impact
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Taking Sides
of speech varies with the parties' relative status. Cheekiness in an

inferior can be reproved or ignored; contempt from a superior
reinforces subordination.
The interplay between speaker, target, and audience greatly
complicates meaning. David Hammons, a black artist, painted a
14x16 foot portrait of a white-skinned, blond, blue-eyed Jesse
Jackson, captioned "How Ya Like Me Now?" While white workers
were installing it, two black men attacked the painting with ham-
mers. The black curator defended the portrait as "an important
image that had to be seen, concentrated upon, talked about. . . .
contemporary art in general is not to be embraced or understood
upon immediate perusal." Jackson had the last word: "I understand
that it was an interpretation. I encourage artistic expression and full
artistic freedom. Sometimes art provokes. Sometimes it angers,
which is a measure of its success. Sometimes it inspires creativity.
Maybe the sledgehammers should have been on display too."
Contrast the Hammons incident with the response when a white
student at the School of the Art Institute of Chicago painted the
African American Mayor Harold Washington dressed in a frilly white
bra, panties, garter, and stockings, and called it "Mirth and Girth."
When it was displayed at a private show shortly after the mayor died
of a heart attack, three black Aldermen stormed into the Institute and
ordered the police to confiscate the painting, warning that it "in-
creased tensions in the African-American community to the point
where violence on the scale of the 1%0's West Side riots was
imminent."93
The history of a relationship can influence the interpretation of
new messages. Trust can increase tolerance, while prior injuries
rankle. The Crusades, colonialism, and the rancorous Middle East-
ern conflict coloured Muslim reaction to The Satanic Verses. Jewish
memories of the Holocaust underlay fear of the threatened Nazi
demonstration in Skokie as well as anger at Germany's failure to
nominate "Europa, Europa" for an Academy Award and its hospital-
ity to Austrian President Kurt Waldheim.94 Absent any prior relation-
ship, otherwise offensive speech may be risible. Anti-Semitism
thrives in Japan without an ostensible target. Den Fujita, an enor-
mously successful Osaka businessman whose books "The Jewish
Way of Doing Business" and "How to Blow the Rich Man's Bugle
Like the Jews Do" have sold millions of copies, claims to be a philo-
Semite. "I'm trying to do something good for the Jewish people.
Most Jewish people speak two or three different languages. They're
good at mathematics. The Japanese should learn from that. . . .
140
Business people in and out of Japan call me a 'Ginza Jew.' I am

satisfied with that." A board member of the Japanese-Israel Friend-
ship Association commented cryptically: "In Japan, there is no anti-
Semitism. But many Japanese accept this Nazi-style stereotype that
Jews control the world." 95
5. Style. Texts occupy a stylistic continuum from the clarity of

propaganda through the double entendres of advertising to the
irreducible ambiguity of art. Authors are not their protagonists nor
actors their characters, even if audiences and critics constantly
conflate the two. Echoing classical theories of the cathartic function
of tragedy, Bruno Bettelheim has argued that fairy tales must elicit
fear and anger if children are to work through those emotions.96
Messages vary from demotic to esoteric: compare tabloids with
scholarly journals, soap opera with literary criticism, television
commercials with modern poetry. The esoteric reaches fewer peo-
ple but claims greater authority.
6. Dissemination and Reception. Even if the medium is not the

message it may be equally important. Writing is more permanent
than speech but less immediate. With declining literacy, visual
images become more powerful than words and appear more truth-
ful. Still images can be consulted at will and displayed permanently,
but moving images offer greater verisimilitude. Direct interaction
increases emotional power, but reproduction allows the speaker to
address a larger audience. Live performances are unique and transit-
ory; recording allows repetition but may reduce impact. Cultures
imbue media with different weight: peoples of the book revere
writing; oral traditions respect rhetoric and story-telling. Environ-
ment may affect emotional tone: compare the intimacy of the
bedroom with the impersonality of the street. Spontaneity may be
excused, while deliberation aggravates: compare insults exchanged
after a road accident with premeditated affronts. A message express-
ing the hegemonic culture has greater influence than a frontal attack
on received wisdom. Group dynamics can reinforce or undermine
the message. Audiences may be critical or credulous, attentive or
distracted. We have developed a protective carapace against the
media's massive assault; all writers know how little their readers
absorb or retain. How much do you remember of the last five pages?
B. Encouraging Complaints
If speakers are to become more sensitive to the ways they reproduce
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Taking Sides
status inequality, somebody has to educate them. Those with the

greatest incentive are their victims. Yet the weakest link in all
regulatory processes is not detection, conviction, and sentencing (as
the media and politicans insist) but the failure of victims to com-
plain. Within any remedial system attrition is greatest at the early
stages: naming an experience as harmful, blaming another, and
claiming redress.97 Because such decisions are private and invisible,
inequality flourishes.98 These problems are compounded when the
injury is to dignity, not just property or person. Shame and guilt deter
rape and incest victims from reporting.99 A British study of sexual
harassment at work found that only 25 percent of victims com-
plained to a third party, and only 2 per cent took legal action.1
According to the National Cay and Lesbian Task Force, only one out
of six hate crimes reported to victim assistance groups in six major
American cities was communicated to the police.2 An even smaller
proportion of those targetted by racial hatred in Britain seek re-
dress—probably less than 5 per cent.3
Consciousness is the first obstacle and possibly the greatest.
Victims may have internalised the dominant culture so thoroughly
that they cannot feel the hurt or blame themselves. Women accept
male definitions of love, sex, and beauty. Gays and lesbians try to
pass. Ethnoreligious minorities assimilate, changing their customs,
language, accent, clothes, even skin, nose, eyes, and hair. The more
pervasive the affront, the harder it is to challenge. We should not be
surprised that dignitary harms go unrecognised when for decades
workers endured serious physical disabilities, such as lung impair-
ment from exposure to coal, cotton and asbestos. Even after victims
have acknowledged their injuries and externalised responsibility,
expressing anger can be a frightening admission of vulnerability and
dependence.4 Further publicity may aggravate dignitary wrongs: the
repetition of defamation or invasion of privacy, the humiliation of
rape and sexual harassment victims. William Kennedy Smith's law-
yer cast aspersions on the complainant's motives; although Mike
Tyson could have KO'd Desiree Washington with the back of his
hand, he claimed to have been overwhelmed by her superior brains
and education.5 Anita Hill was maligned as a woman scorned,
seeking revenge and celebrity. The separation of work and family,
impersonality of most interaction, privatisation and commercialisa-
tion of leisure, declining social significance of residential neighbour-
hoods, and increasing geographic mobility all encourage victims to
exit from conflict rather than voice grievances.6 The American
victims' rights movement has failed to involve complainants in
142
prosecuting offenders, despite the investment of considerable

resources. Even New Yorkers, notorious for aggressive self-
assertion, swallow most insults.8
Collective efforts are necessary to encourage subordinated peo-
ples to complain about the harms of speech. Although such partisan-
ship might seem to violate liberal theory, it is no different from state
intervention to remedy market failure (restrictive practices and con-
sumer protection laws), electoral failure (campaign financing rules),
and juridical failure (legal aid). The state has already assisted vulner-
able and reticent victims through institutions like the Freedmen's
Bureau (during Reconstruction), protective services for women and
children, and labour inspectorates.9 The Law Society's Accident
Legal Aid Scheme helps tort victims seek compensation, thereby
reducing the underrepresentation of women and the unwaged.10
South Yorkshire police have provided mobile telephones so that
racial and sexual harassment victims can summon assistance
quickly.11 The British Department of Education helpline for the
120,000 boarding school pupils received 10,000 calls in its first nine
months; over the next three months its successor received 2000
complaints about bullying, three-fourths of them from girls.12 Since
the state is unlikely to be a vigorous ally of speech victims, they must
seek support from other groups-the functional equivalent of trade
unions or the ad hoc aggregations of victims of drunk driving
accidents or mass torts.13 Because hurtful speech often occurs in a
private setting—home, residence hall, or office—the audience may
be non-existent or unsupportive. Other members of the subordi-
nated category—all of whom suffer status loss—represent the most
promising allies, another reason to defend such groups against
charges of separatism. Because most victimised groups are minori-
ties, they must form coalitions with other principled opponents of
subordination (political, religious, civil rights and civil liberties
groups).14
Victims also need norms that confirm their sense of violation,
enhance their feeling of empowerment, elicit audience sympathy,
and help legitimate the complaint in the offender's eyes. Despite the
complexity of the relationship between norm, morality, and action
no one could deny that laws against discrimination on grounds of
race, gender, age, and disability have had salutary consequences.
Successful complaints can have a cumulative effect. Like any beha-
viour, complaining is learned; visible rewards encourage the victim
to repeat and others to imitate.15 When a Chicago woman went on
television to describe the damages she won for being strip-searched
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Taking Sides
during a routine traffic citation—a humiliation long accepted as the

cost of driving in that city—many women telephoned the station
with similar stories.16 When Anita Hill testified before hundreds of
millions of viewers about her sexual harassment by Clarence Thom-
as, innumerable women felt their anger validated for the first time.17
In Hollywood, many who had accepted harassment as the occupa-
tional hazard of an industry that marketed sex have challenged it and
sued perpetrators.18
Such insubordination is more likely to be punished than rew-
arded, however. The same factors that discourage complaints also
render status victims particularly vulnerable to retaliation.19 An
English doctor who exploded at the male doctor with whom she
shared a surgery, shouting "I'm fed up with you brushing against me
and having my breasts touched and my bum touched as you go by,"
was ordered to pay £150,000 damages—the highest slander verdict
ever recorded—and an estimated £100,000 costs. The judge had
instructed the jury not to be miserly, referring to the just completed
Clarence Thomas hearings.20 When a black man was insulted and
assaulted in Norwich by white racists, the judge sentenced him and
his white rescuers to the same two-year prison sentence as the
assailants, declaring: "I can see no basis for differentiating between
you in the matter of penalty."21 It is essential, therefore, to protect
complainants against further victimisation.
C. Processing Disputes Informally

In what forum should speech victims complain, through what
procedures, and toward what end? State regulation should be
minimised for all the reasons I advanced earlier: procedural fetish-
ism, severity, formalism, inaccessibility, and delay. Instead, the
state should encourage the communities of civil society to redress
speech harms.22 What constitutes a self-regulating community will
vary across time and place, but possible locales include schools and
universities,23 workplaces,24 trade unions,25 residential neighbour-
hoods,26 libraries,27 shops, public transportation, voluntary associa-
tions, sports teams, political parties and movements, and religious
congregations. Only communities whose diversity reflects that of the
larger society can address the reproduction of status inequality. The
community has several obvious merits as a locus of struggle.
Because it constructs status, the community can alter it. Because
members are joined by significant social bonds, they can influence
each other through informal sanctions like gossip, cooperation and
obstruction, deference and contempt, inclusion and ostracism. By
144
enhancing civility, the redress of speech harms strengthens commu-

nity. The plurality of communities offers a safety valve for dissent;
those who cannot or will not offer the respect demanded in one
community can move to another. For the same reason, some social
spaces should remain unregulated by any community—a speech
frontier for the incurably disaffected.
Communities should regulate speech informally. A decade ago I
criticised informalism for simultaneously extending unwarranted
power to the state and false hope to the powerless.28 Informal
community responses to speech harms do just the opposite, exercis-
ing influence in situations where power is inappropriate and indiffer-
ence unacceptable. The ambiguity of symbols, nuances of meaning,
opacity of motive, and complexity of history and context—all of
which make the dichotomies of formal law an intolerably crude
instrument for regulating speech—are the essential grist for informal
processes, giving the parties space to negotiate. The process must be
initiated and controlled by the victim—not lawyers, police or pros-
ecutors—since a principal purpose is empowerment. Because vic-
tims belong to subordinated groups, they require support from
former victims, group members, and others. For the same reason,
any third party must also be partisan, openly acknowledging the
social asymmetries that formality hypocritically obscures. The goal
is substantive justice not procedural neutrality, status equality not
conflict resolution. Indeed, the purpose is to give voice to grievances
borne silently, hurts suffered mutely. For this reason the process
must be accessible and speedy, since it lacks the in terrorem effect of
loss of freedom or wealth. The process is the punishment.29 The
absence of coercive authority becomes an advantage, obviating the
procedural fetishism that distracts from the real issues. Informal
community responses are not limited to the lowest common deno-
minator of societal consensus; enclaves can prefigure a more inclu-
sive equality. Because the norms governing status relations are
inchoate and mutable, informalism legislates while adjudicating—a
conflation of roles that embarrassed legalists try to hide. The norms
that emerge from the experience of processing complaints empower
subsequent victims.
What do status victims want? Individuals want offenders to
acknowledge the harm and apologise. Groups want that personal
response to elevate collective status. The remedy must be speech,
not punishment or monetary compensation.30 Just as insults are
performative utterances, raising the speaker's status at the expense of
the victim's, so the only corrective is more speech. Even the First
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Taking Sides
Amendment denies protection to "fighting words"; what it fails to

recognise is that words do not just provoke fights, they are fights.
This theorisation avoids some of consequentialism's uncertainties
about the effects of speech and the efficacy of deterrence.
The goal is an institutionalised but informal conversation between
victim and offender.31 First the offender must be allowed to offer an
account, an alternative interpretation of ambiguous words and
impenetrable motives. To the extent that the victim honours this
account the wound may be salved.32 But few accounts are entirely
credible, and some are wholly implausible. Lingering resentment
must be mollified and persistent status inequality corrected by an
apology.
Unlike accounts, which are limited only by the speaker's imagina-
tion, apologies are highly structured ceremonies. In these degrada-
tion rituals offenders must affirm the norm, acknowledge its
violation, and accept responsibility. Such a social exchange of
respect can neutralise the insult.33 The offender owes, offers, or
gives an apology, thereby acknowledging moral inferiority; the
offended accepts it, thereby restoring the offender to a plane of
moral equality, or rejects it, preserving the moral imbalance. Thus
the victim not only initiates the remedial process but also controls its
outcome, becoming the arbiter of the offender's rehabilitation.
Police at a white suburban mall held two African American shoppers
at gunpoint: Gerald Early, a professor at Washington University, and
his wife Ida, vice-president of the St. Louis Junior League. When the
officer and police chief refused to apologise, a letter-writing cam-
paign and threatened commercial boycott prompted the mayor to
say: "1 very much regret that Prof, and Mrs. Gerald Early felt
uncomfortable and unwelcome . . . ." The Urban League re-
sponded: "That's no apology. [The mayor] could have simply said,
'We apologize to Professor Early and his family, not for their
uneasiness but for their treatment.' " 3 4 Like this failure to affirm the
norm and admit its violation, disavowal of responsibility can defeat
the apology. In recognition of Black History month John Cardinal
O'Connor declared in New York's St. Patrick's Cathedral: "If there is
one place in the whole world in which [racism] should not exist, it is
in the Holy Roman Catholic Church . . . . And yet we know in our
hearts, we know in our shame, that it continues to exist." But he
qualified this abasement by speaking of "bilateral racism" and
placing on blacks the burden of making Catholicism one church.35
In order to redefine status relations, an apology often is witnessed by
an audience, who independently judge its adequacy. The third party
146
might play this role—a truth-telling function similar to that of an

ombudsman.36 At a minimum, the audience for the apology must be
as large as that for the insult. To amplify its impact, French law
compels those convicted of racial hatred to pay substantial sums to
publish the retraction and apology repeatedly in several national
newspapers.37
There is unavoidable tension in this process since accounts seek to
disavow responsibility while apologies must embrace it. Unless they
are separated, the former can undermine the latter. Nixon character-
istically conflated the two in his resignation speech: "I regret deeply
any injuries that may have been done in the course of events that led
to this decision. I would say only that if some of my judgments were
wrong, and some were wrong, they were made in what I believed at
the time to be the best interest of the Nation." When it was disclosed
in 1992 that Elisabeth Noelle-Neumann, a German political scientist
visiting at the University of Chicago, had displayed anti-Semitism in
her dissertation and newspaper articles in the 1930s, she mixed
justification with apology:
Anyone who has dealt with texts written under a dictatorship

knows that certain phrases serve an alibi function and are a
necessity if one is to be able to write what is in fact prohibited. I am
terribly sorry if any hurt was caused by what I wrote 50 years ago. I
certainly can say that when I wrote that passage at the time, I had
no intention of doing any harm to the Jews.
The department chair was not satisfied: "Knowing what we know

about the Holocaust, there is no reason for her not to apologize. To
ask somebody who played a contributing role in the greatest crime of
the twentieth century to say 'I'm sorry' is not unreasonable."38
The realignment of status is highlighted when apologies are
exchanged between groups. Signing the bill authorising reparations
to Japanese Americans interned during World War II, President
Reagan declared: "No payment can make up for those lost years.
What is more important in this bill has less to do with property than
with honor. For here we admit wrong." When three young Japanese
radicals massacred Jews at Lod Airport in 1972 many ordinary
citizens visited the Israeli embassy in Tokyo to offer apologies, while
the Japanese ambassador said on Israeli television in halting
Hebrew: "Dear citizens of Israel, it is my wish to express my sorrow
and apologize for this terrible crime perpetrated by Japanese nation-
als" and then burst into tears. Sometimes no words may be
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Taking Sides
commensurate with the harm inflicted. In 1986 the moderator of the

United Church of Canada told a gathering of native Canadian elders:
We ask you to forgive us. In our zeal to tell you about Jesus Christ,
we were blind to your spirituality. We imposed our civilization on
you as a condition for accepting our gospel. As a result, we are
both poorer. . . . These are not just words. It is one of the most
important actions ever taken by the church.
"[T]he happiness felt in the council teepee was almost unbeliev-

able" according to the chairman of the church's National Native
Council. When the church's biennial General Council reconvened
in 1988, however, the All-Native Circle Conference acknowledged
the apology but refused to accept it.39
In the conversations just summarised the offender listens to the
victim's grievances, advances an account, and apologises. But what
about those who refuse to participate, proffer flimsy excuses and
hypocritical regrets, or repeat the offence? Some are emotionally or
ideologically committed, others motivated by political ambition or
greed. Communities can mobilise various forms of persuasion,
including publicity, withdrawal of privileges and benefits, and
ostracism. Universities have been particularly inventive. A male
student who called a female residence hall supervisor a "cunt" for
denying him entry without the requisite invitation was excluded
from women's residence halls for the rest of the semester and
ordered to perform 30 hours of community service.40 UCLA students
who sexually harassed women were required to establish programs
to educate fraternities about sexual harassment. Two white Harvard
Medical School students who aped Clarence Thomas and Anita Hill
by attending a party in blackface had to prepare a course on
medicine in a multi-ethnic society.41 Ultimately, however, no com-
munity can survive without the ability to expel incorrigibles.42
Schools and universities, employers, trade unions, and housing
estates all have done so.
This approach to the harms of speech leaves two intractable
problems: bad communities and extra-communal life. Many com-
munities are indifferent to status inequalities, and some affirm them.
Dominant religions oppose heterodoxy, religious conservatives con-
demn homosexuals, patriarchal communities repress women, and
white communities assert racial superiority. Yet this fear may be
exaggerated. The liberal consensus against discrimination has been
growing, if its strength diminishes as we move from race through
148
religion to gender and sexual orientation. Successful community

efforts to redress the harms of speech will broaden and deepen that
consensus, allowing the state to extend the expectation of equality,
as it has been doing since the Enlightenment. The second problem—
harmful speech that escapes communal regulation—seems less
troubling. Each nation will have to decide whether to tolerate it on
the margins—in Hyde Park, for instance, or the streets of Skokie. An
essential virtue of pluralistic regulation by partial overlapping com-
munities is that it allows everyone to hear many messages and speak
in several fora; those discontent with one community can join
another. As the regulatory jurisdiction expands, the consequences of
silencing dissent become more momentous. The case for suppress-
ing speech strengthens with its danger: where the harm to subordi-
nated groups is greatest, the audience receptive and growing, the
message least ambiguous, and the motive clearly evil. I support laws
against such harmful speech, if mainly because their mere enact-
ment elevates the status of those protected, but I would not expect
the inevitably compromised enforcement to play a major role in
redressing inequality. The real answer to both questions—bad com-
munities and communal interstices—is that there is no safe place, no
escape from politics to persuade communities of their error and
prudence to guide communities and states in exercising power.
There is no one best solution to the tension between freedom and
authority.
V. The Perils of Pluralistic Regulation

If communal efforts to redress status inequality are limited by
pluralism, their success also generates risks: backlash and trivialisa-
tion, the self-indulgence of identity politics, revolutionary excess,
and damage to civil libertarian bulwarks. Conservatives denigrate
the struggle for respect with the epithet "political correctness"—a
redundant tautology, since politics are omnipresent and all actors
believe theirs are correct.43 Dominant groups confound challenges
by concocting reverse atrocity stories that ridicule victims or trans-
mute them into oppressors. California kooks are a favourite target.
After Governor Wilson vetoed a bill outlawing employment dis-
crimination on the basis of sexual orientation, the Santa Cruz Body
Image Task Force proposed to prohibit discrimination based on
height, weight, and appearance. Although respectable jurisdictions
like Michigan and the District of Columbia had similar laws, the
149
Taking Sides
media quickly fixated on Cooper Hazen, recently fired as a psychiat-

ric aide for having a post in his pierced tongue, purple hair, five
earrings, and a nose ring; a short Mexican American lesbian who
complained of being "vertically challenged"; and Sara "Hell," who
wore black leather and a dangling skeleton earring and had tatooed
her shaven head to highlight a long lock of fuchsia hair.44 Similarly,
the Guardian had a field day when a Berkeley waitress refused to
serve breakfast to a man reading Playboy, generating irate phone
calls from male and female soft-porn fans, a boycott, and a "read-
in" at the diner, with free copies from the publisher.45
If the dominant trivialise the harm they inflict, the subordinate
abuse their moral leverage by playing identity politics, claiming
exclusive rights to speak for or about their group. Identity always has
been salient in electoral politics, as evidenced by the ethnic
machines of American cities, gerrymandering, and the gender gap.
Women recently defeated liberal men for the Democratic nomina-
tions for both California Senate seats. Although Gray Davis urged
voters not "to make their choice based . . . on a chromosome
count," the California vice-president of the National Women's
Political Caucus promoted Diane Feinstein, asserting: "A man can-
not speak for a woman in Congress." Barbara Boxer, the other victor,
declared: "The U.S. Senate needs a dose of reality, and that dose
comes in this package."46
Subordinated groups increasingly assert their claims to cultural
territory.47 Thirty years ago William Styron was condemned for
daring to write The Confessions of Nat Turner and Laurence Olivier
criticised for portraying Othello.48 By the 1990s only an Asian could
play the lead in "Miss Saigon." When Warner Brothers decided to
produce a biography of Malcolm X it hired Norman Jewison, the
white director of "A Soldier's Story," a highly acclaimed film about a
Southern black regiment during World War Two. After being
deluged with up to 100 protest letters a day the studio substituted
Spike Lee. Although Lee denied orchestrating the campaign, he
acknowledged: "I had problems with a white director directing this
film. Unless you are black, you do not know what it means to be a
black person in this country." Malcolm's former friends and associ-
ates would not have cooperated with a white director. "Most black
people are suspicious of white people and their motives. That's just
reality."49
Identity, however, is neither necessary nor sufficient for authen-
ticity. When white jazz critic Leonard Feather bet that black trum-
peter Roy Eldridge could not distinguish black and white musicians
150
The Perils of Pluralistic Regulation
on records, Eldridge did worse than chance. After Danny Santiago

won an Academy of Arts and Letters award for his moving portrayal
of Chicano life in the East Los Angeles barrio in his novel Famous All
Over Town, he embarrassed many admirers by revealing that he was
Daniel L. James, a 70-year-old jew educated at Andover and Yale.50
The Education of Little Tree, promoted as the true story of a 10-year-
old orphan who learned Indian ways from his Cherokee grand-
parents, sold 600,000 copies, won the American Booksellers
Association award for the title they most enjoyed selling, and was
displayed on gift tables in Indian reservations and assigned as
supplementary reading in Native American literature courses. Stu-
dios competed for the right to film it. Booklist praised its "natural
approach to life." In Tennessee, where the story was situated, the
Chattanooga Times called it "deeply felt." Declaring that it captured
a unique vision of native American culture, an Abnaki poet lauded it
as "one of the finest American autobiographies ever written" and
compared it to "a Cherokee basket, woven out of the materials given
by nature, simple and strong in its design, capable of carrying a great
deal." The New Mexican reviewer raved: "I have come on some-
thing that is good, so good I want to shout 'Read this! It's beautiful.
It's real.' " But it wasn't. The pseudonymous author Forrest Carter
actually was the late Asa Earl Carter, "a Ku Klux Klan terrorist, right-
wing radio announcer, home-grown American fascist and anti-
Semite, rabble-rousing demagogue and secret author of the famous
1963 speech" in which Alabama Governor George Wallace prom-
ised "Segregation now . . . Segregation tomorrow . . . Segregation
forever."51 If identity can be successfully feigned, biology does
not guarantee acceptance. When Julius Lester criticised James
Baldwin in 1988, 15 colleagues in the African American Studies
Department forced the University of Massachusetts to reassign
him to Judaic Studies. Many blacks repudiate conservatives like
Clarence Thomas or Thomas Sowell; many women disavow Phyllis
Schlafly.52
Like any political conflict, the struggle for equal status will foster
excesses. Some feminist critics of pornography have entered unholy
alliances with conservative moralists and religious prudes, threaten-
ing valuable art and literature as well as misogynist trash and
inhibiting sexual expression by women as well as men, homosexuals
as well as heterosexuals.53 As long as gendered power inequalities
persist, complaints against real sexual harassment may also inhibit
love. The fatwa against Salman Rushdie is a grave injustice to him
and a terrible blot on the reputation of Islam. Suspicion contami-
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Taking Sides
nates discourse across status boundaries. Fear of inflicting harm may

discourage research on genetic and biological differences, or inves-
tigation of the darker history of subordinated groups.54 Propaganda
may displace art. The unity necessary to struggle for enhanced status
may breed internal intolerance, painful separatism, and external
distrust.55
Abandonment of an absolutist civil libertarianism may deprive
citizens of weapons valuable in resisting state oppression. Yet efforts
to evade political responsibility by seeking refuge in illusory princi-
ple violate intellectual integrity. And it is unclear that communal or
even state regulation of speech that reproduces status inequality
encourages the suppression of religious or political dissent, intellec-
tual or artistic creativity. There is little evidence that either the public
or their officials tolerate speech they abhor because speech they
value is tolerated by those who abhor it.56
Let me conclude on a more positive note by stressing how far we
have come, how many forms of status degradation once taken for
granted have lost their legitimacy. Racist, anti-Semitic and sexist
slurs that pervaded polite discourse have been banished to the
margins of deviance. Crude media stereotypes now startle and shock
by their rarity. Hegemonic religion is yielding to pluralistic toler-
ance. Public disapproval is curtailing sexual harassment. The differ-
ently abled, long forced to beg or display their differences as
"freaks," have greater access to public life. Even homophobia is in
retreat. Communal regulation of harmful speech builds on these
small victories in the unending struggle for a more humane society.
Notes
1
Galanter(1974).
2
France (1927: ch.7).
3
4
5
GLC Women's Committee (nd: 5, 9).
6
All are eligible for Medicare. New York Times A14 (March 18, 1992).
7
All are eligible for Medicaid. Los Angeles Times A3 (January 31,1992).
8
Soon after California gassed its first convicted criminal in 25 years the
legislature authorised the lethal injection as an alternative. The news
headline read: "California Inmates Get Choice in Executions." New York
Times A7 (August 31, 1992).
9
10
Independent 10 (October 15, 1991).
11
152
Notes
12
New York Times A19 (January 25, 1991). A Moscow brokerage house
advertisement for women secretaries, 18-21 years old, told them to wear
a mini-skirt to the interview. An advertising firm seeking a receptionist
asked women to submit full-length photos, preferably in a bikini to
display their "full super-attractiveness." New York Times 13 (September
12, 1992) (oped).
13
New York Times B12 (December 11, 1991).
14
New York Times B1 (April 15, 1992).
15
New York Times 1 (February 15, 1992).
16
New York Times B1 (January 23, 1991).
17
New York Times s. 1 p.69 (December 15, 1991). Dalma Heyn's The Erotic
Silence of the American Wife (1992) was much ballyhooed as a call for
eliminating the double standard by ending monogamous fidelity for
women as well as men.
It's about time women gave voice to all their dimensions, including the
erotic, without shrinking in guilt. (Gail Sheehy)
Dalma Heyn has shown us a new reality and a tantalizing hint of the
future—and neither women nor marriage will ever be the same. (Gloria
Steinem)
Heyn reminds us . . . that women are sexual beings and that, for
women as well as men, sex is a fundamentally lawless creature, not
easily confined to a cage. (Barbara Ehrenreich)
Dalma Heyn exposes the lie that men, by nature, play around and
women, by nature, are monogamous. (Louise Bemikow)
New York Times B2 (June 17, 1992) (advertisement).
Male actors, singers, and athletes have always been sex objects.
Women law students comment on cute male professors in teaching
evaluations and bathroom graffiti. Now other male performers are seeking
to exploit their sexuality. EMI Classics promoted Tzimon Barto's "Chopin
Preludes" with publicity photos showing him without a shirt. The female
vice president of marketing explained: "What we are trying to do is
represent the artist as a whole person. Not only does he play the piano
beautifully, but he's also a body builder . . . " Trying to make a Swiss
harpist "a sex symbol of classical music," the company photographed
him in bed with his harp. The performer conceded: "we try to use the fact
that I'm young, that I do sports, I lift weights, whatever to catch the
attention of the people to listen." New York Times B4 (September 14,
1992).
18
Walker (1980); Teish (1980); Crenshaw (1991). Consider the reaction of
black men to Alice Walker's The Color Purple (both the novel and film), or
of the black women in Spike Lee's "Jungle Fever" to the interracial love
affair. See also Campbell (1992) and the reader response. New York
Times Magazine 12-13 (September 13, 1992) (letters to The Editor).
19
Mercer (1990: 4 5 ^ 9 ) .
20
Camille Paglia has cynically pursued an academic and media career by
attacking feminism. She recently wrote that "every w o m a n must take
153
Taking Sides
personal responsibility for her sexuality" and must be "cautious about

where she goes and with w h o m . " If raped, she "must accept the conse-
quences, a n d , through self-criticism, resolve never to make that mistake
again." Rape "does not destroy you forever. . . . It's like getting beaten
up. M e n get beat [sic] up all the t i m e . " Anita Hill is not a "feminist
heroine," and Clarence Thomas emerged from the hearings " w i t h vastly
increased stature." Paglia was "delighted that [William Kennedy] Smith
was a c q u i t t e d " of rape. (1992; see also 1990).
21
Stephen L. Carter (Yale Law School); Shelby Steele (San Jose State
University English department); Linda Chavez (Equal Employment
Opportunities Commission); Glenn C. Loury (Boston University eco-
nomics department); Thomas Sowell (Hoover Institute, economics);
Walter E. Williams (George Mason University economics department);
Randall Kennedy (Harvard Law School). See, e.g. Carter (1991).
22
Guardian 3 (November 2 1 , 1991).
23
Los Angeles Times A1 (February 28, 1992) (obituary).
24
New York Times sA p.3 (December 29, 1991), A4 (December 3 1 , 1991),
A3 (February 10, 1992). The government banned political activity in the
mosques and closed three independent daily newspapers for "endanger-
ing the nation's interest." N e w York Times A 1 6 (August 20, 1992).
25
N e w York Times A3 (February 10, 1992).
26
Guardian 6 (September 18, 1991), 6 (October 2 1 , 1991), 26 (November
2 2 , 1991).
27
New York Times A 1 0 (February 6, 1992), A 7 (February 25, 1992).
28
Repohistory, a group of 65 artists, installed 39 signs in lower Manhattan
w i t h the approval of the Department of Transportation. The one on
Maiden Lane showed a doll with an illustration of a hymen taken from a
medical textbook, explaining that the street got its name from the young
girls w h o did the laundry along a stream in the 17th century. A 40-year
old w o m a n said: "It's disgusting. Everyone's taste in art varies, but I just
think this particular thing is offensive to w o m e n . " New York Times A14
(August 2 7 , 1992).
29
Hughes (1980).
30
New York Times s.2 p. 10 (March 15, 1992).
31
If a charge of blasphemy against Islam has terrorised Salman Rushdie for
nearly four years, Gore Vidal's publisher has exulted in similar accusa-
tions against his novel Live from Golgotha (1992), reproducing them in
newspaper advertisements:
It's t o o funny to be condemned simply as a blasphemous novel that
should be added to the Vatican's Index of banned works and censored
by the b o o k police anywhere. Like it or not, its assault on the New
Testament prophets or their modern successors and o n religion in
general is in a bawdy and anti-hypocritical tradition that goes back to
Chaucer, Rabelais, Balzac and our o w n Sinclair Lewis. (Herbert Mit-
gang, New York Times)
Bracingly blasphemous. Vidal still hasn't gone respectable: Christians
154
Notes
and Jews, p.c. gays and uptight straights will all find plenty to offend
them. (Newsweek)
Despite every Rushdie-like blasphemy he can think of . . . what he
achieves is a serious argument about the birth and meaning of Christi-
anity. (Chicago Tribune)
I will not read the book, and I will not spend money on it. (Dr. Michael
Harty, Bishop of Killaloe)
New York Times B3 (September 23, 1992), B2 (September 24, 1992), B2
(October 2, 1992).
At the end of a rave review of "Glengarry Glen Ross," Vincent Canby
observed that the movie "which has been rated R . . . is stuffed with
language that is vile, obscene and gratuitously vulgar, which is its
method." New York Times B1 (September 30, 1992).
32
33
Osborne (1991), reviewed in Guardian 27 (October 3 1 , 1991).
34
Harvey (1984).
A Jersey City group (whose name the New York Times w o u l d not print
because it contained an obscenity) made a statue of Jesse Helms filled
with fertilizer (bullshit), gave it a mock trial for censorship, and smashed it
on the Capitol steps during an anti-censorship rally. They disrupted rush-
hour traffic by chaining a 46-foot banner of headless suits across Wall
Street to protest " t h e mindless omnipotence of corporate America." They
hung sculptural corpses named for art movements to street lights near
SoHo galleries to demonstrate that " a r t is d e a d . " They changed smiles
into grimaces and faces into skulls on 42 billboards before t w o members
were arrested. The Gannett Corporation, w h i c h o w n e d the billboards,
dropped the charges and gave the group its o w n to produce a message for
the W o m e n ' s Health Action Mobilization o n AIDS. Like Guerrilla Girls
(feminist artists w h o wear gorilla costumes to gallery openings to protest
male hegemony), they wear black c l o w n outfits t o accuse galleries o f
playing it safe. New York Times s.1 p.34 (April 26, 1992).
Robbie Conal's posters display Chief Justice William Rehnquist over
the caption " G a g M e W i t h a Coat Hanger" and the six male justices likely
to vote against abortion over the caption "Freedom of C h o i c e " in which
" o f " has been crossed out and replaced by " f r o m . " Guerrilla Matrons
mysteriously plaster them across Los Angeles, following a two-page guide
to "Guerrilla Etiquette and Postering Technique." Los Angeles Times E1
(June 9, 1992).
35
Los Angeles Times A 1 0 (April 2 3 , 1992). D u r i n g the Sixties w e shouted:
" H e y , Hey, LBJ/How many kids d i d y o u kill today?" W h e n Clarence
Thomas wrote an o p i n i o n shortly after his confirmation holding that the
repeated beating of a federal prisoner did not constitute cruel and unusual
punishment, the political cartoonist Conrad pictured h i m (and Justice
Scalia) beating a b o u n d , gagged, and manacled black prisoner w i t h their
gavels. Los Angeles Times B7 (March 3, 1992).
36
C o m m e n t i n g o n the proscription o f swearing in British family a n d
155
Taking Sides
children's television programmes, Ian Curteis said: "As a Christian, I find

the casual expletive 'Jesus' or 'Christ' momentarily sickening . . . . To
most ordinary people, sex remains a private, almost secret thing, verging
on the miraculous. A sudden crude blow to such feelings can produce
the same sort of shock as a religious based swear-word." Guardian 31
(October 2 8 , 1991). A survey by the Broadcasting Standards Council
ranked swear words from the least objectionable (blast—49 per cent
objected) to the most (piss—72 per cent objected). Guardian 2 (October
25, 1991).
W h e n George Bernard Shaw presented The Adventures of the Black
Girl in Her Search for God to Dame Laurentia McClachlan of Stanbrook
Abbey she was so upset that she broke off a long and valued friendship,
refusing to speak to him for a year, according to Hugh Whitemore's "The
Best of Friends" (an adaptation of their letters for theatre and television).
A . N . Wilson's Jesus (1992) seems to be provoking a similar storm more
than half a century later.
37
Los Angeles Times F1 (October 6, 1992). What about Francis Bacon's
portraits of Popes, some of them sitting on the toilet?
38
Matsuda (1989: 2357).
39
Hungary has declared its intent to compensate the victims of state
oppression, from the first law against Jews passed on March 11, 1939 to
the fall of communism o n October 23, 1989. N e w York Times A4 (May
14, 1992). The Jewish Restitution Organization (uniting eight groups)
plans to claim payment for schools, hospitals, synagogues, art, and ritual
objects seized by Nazis and communists, worth an estimated $10
billion. Los Angeles Times A 4 (August 4, 1992). Chief Moshood Kashi-
m a w o Abiola, a major Nigerian capitalist and close friend of the presi-
dent, is seeking reparations to Africans from all the countries involved in
the slave trade. New York Times A2 (August 10, 1992).
40
Morrison's permanent secretary, quoted in Lester (1987: 21).
41
New Statesman & Society 20 (October 4, 1991).
42
43
Guardian 7 (November 11, 1991). The Minnesota Supreme Court has
invalidated a criminal statute imposing heavier penalties for possession of
crack than powdered cocaine because almost all of those caught with
crack were black (96.6 percent), while most of those found with cocaine
were white (79.6 per cent). The state had not shown that crack was more
dangerous. N e w York Times 8 (December 14, 1991).
44
190 Searchlight! (April 1991); 187 Searchlights (January 1991) (sample
of 3000).
45
New York Times A4 (March 4 , 1991).
46
Guardian 2 (October 14, 1991) (Bar Council), 6 (September 19, 1991)
(Lord Chancellor), 5 (October 12, 1991) (Master of the Rolls).
47
Los Angeles Times A29 (March 28, 1992).
48
New York Times s.4 p.16 (March 22, 1992). In South Africa, which
certainly has as much experience as any country with de facto inequality,
156
Notes
a reviewer for the leading liberal weekly ridiculed the argument that
pornography degrades w o m e n by arguing that "hideous stereotyping of
nightclub owners, plumbers w h o leave their bodies lying out from under
the sink and newspaper boys w h o knock o n the door, also occurs."
Stober(1992).
49
N e w York Times A 1 0 (March 17, 1992) (margin of error +/-4%).
50
New York Times A8 (October 9, 1990).
51
N e w York Times 1 (December 14, 1991).
52
New York Times B16 (December 4 , 1991), A 7 (February 6, 1992);
Podbereskyv. Kirwan, 9 5 6 F.2d 52 (4th Cir. 1992), Only about 1500
minority students hold such scholarships, less than 0.03 per cent of the
5,200,000 university students receiving financial aid. Los Angeles Times
A5 (March 17, 1992). The Regents of the University of California recently
accepted a $500,000 bequest for scholarships for "very poor American
Caucasian" students, observing that the testator " w a s well-intentioned."
New York Times A11 (September 22, 1992). There are n o w enough
minority alumni at many universities to donate significant funds for
minority scholarships—$1.4 million at Syracuse University in the last
four years. New York Times A6 (August 3 1 , 1992).
53
Chronicle of Higher Education A38 (February 5, 1992). The U.S. Justice
Department's Office of Civil Rights has just required the UC Berkeley law
school to change its affirmative action admissions programme dramati-
cally. Los Angeles Times A1 (September 29, 1992); New York Times A15
India's half-century effort to alleviate religious, caste, and ethnic
inequalities has stimulated even more violent responses. In 1990 six
students in Haryana, Punjab and Andhra Pradesh committed suicide to
protest affirmative action for the scheduled castes and indigenous peo-
ples; there were three more attempts in N e w Delhi, and trains and cars
were attacked in Allahabad. New York Times A4 (October 9, 1990). See
generally Galanter (1984).
54
Chronicle of Higher Education A15 (November 27, 1991).
55
New York Times 1 (April 13, 1991); Chronicle of Higher Education A 2 4
(January 8, 1992), A 2 4 (February 12, 1992). The panel member was an
anti-feminist w o m a n philosophy professor, Christina Hoff Sommers.
56
University students w i t h physical disabilities enthusiastically supported
the creation of their o w n cultural centre. A counselor explained: " a
cultural center is saying w e have a culture w e w a n t to share. The culture
is part o f the disability that distinguishes us, the same as people of color
organize around their culture." O n e of the organisers, w h o is blind,
a d d e d : " F o r years w e have been asked t o live in this able-bodied w o r l d ,
trying to become able-bodied people. The idea here is, I'm proud of my
disability and I don't need to be fixed." New York Times s.1 p.45 (April
26, 1992).
57
Guardian 29 (November 5 , 1 9 9 1 ) . Since 1988 the Dutch government has
supported Islamic primary schools, w i t h single-sex physical education
157
Taking Sides
classes; Muslim leaders n o w have asked for separate secondary schools.

Los Angeles Times A1 (February 8, 1992). African American converts to
Islam increasingly are sending their children to private Muslim schools;
there are eight in the N e w York area and more than 60 nationwide. N e w
York Times A 1 4 (October 6, 1992).
58
183 Searchlight 7, 18 (September 1990), 182 Searchlight 4 (August
1990); Weeks (1990: 9 3 - 9 4 ) .
59
New York Times M 7 (January 10, 1991), s.1 p.15 (January 13,1991). The
very day the N e w York proposal was announced a front-page headline
declared: "South Africa Desegrates Some White Public Schools." N e w
York Times A1 (January 10, 1991). Detroit has established an all-male
primary school; although formally nonracial, more than 9 0 per cent of
Detroit schoolchildren are minority. New York Times A12 (March 1 ,
1991). Most "historically black" public universities want to retain that
identity. Hacker (1992: 154-58). Even in integrated institutions, some
minority instructors admit only minority students to their classes. New
York Times A 2 0 (January 2 9 , 1992) (Leonard Jeffries's African history
course at C U N Y ' s City College). Some whites have responded by estab-
lishing white student unions to defend their privileges and assert their
cultural superiority. Chronicle of Higher Education A37 (September 11,
1991).
60
Independent on Sunday 8 (November 3, 1991) (70 per cent of a sample of
successful w o m e n had attended girls' schools; but dubious methodo-
logy); Wellesley College Center for Research o n W o m e n (1992); N e w
York Times M (February 12, 1992); Los Angeles Times A] (February 12,
1992) (review of more than 1000 studies). A recent book, however,
suggested that w o m e n teachers in girls' schools may encourage obe-
dience, conformity, passivity, and niceness. Brown & Gilligan (1992).
61
Los Angeles TimesQ] (February 2 8 , 1 9 9 2 ) . The Lesbian Herstory Archives
in Brooklyn bars men from some files (in accordance with the donor's
wishes) a n d encourages them to send female researchers. 3(1) Ms.59
(July/August 1992).
62
Chronicle of Higher Education B1 (September 2 5 , 1991) (Prof. Troy
Duster, an African American sociologist at UC Berkeley).
63
Bourdieu (1991); Curran et al. (1986). Dutch and Danish experiments
w i t h schools and the mass media offer examples.
64
The developer of Colonial Village, a 640-unit condominium in Arlington,
Virginia, just outside the District of Columbia, has been fined $850,000
for using only white models in its ads from 1981 to 1986, in violation of
the 1968 Fair Housing Act. New York Times s. 1 p. 10 (May 17, 1992). A t
their annual conference, American Methodists adopted the first new
" B o o k of W o r s h i p " in 25 years. An optional prayer described G o d as "our
Mother and Father," " b a k e r w o m a n " leavening hopes, and giving "birth
to our w o r l d . " It included a Mexican Christmas eve service, many Native
American prayers, and a Korean rite. New York Times s.1 p. 14 (May 17,
1992). The co-chair of the Eleanor Roosevelt Monument Fund observed
158
Notes
that there are no statues of American w o m e n in N e w York City. A 3-foot

high statue of Gertrude Stein in Bryant Park (behind the Public Library)
will be the first; an 8-foot statue of Eleanor Roosevelt is planned for
Riverside Park. New York Times 14 (August 2 9 , 1 9 9 2 ) (letter to The Editor,
August 14). The N e w York City Board of Education adopted the "Children
of the Rainbow" curriculum guide for first grade, w h i c h urges teachers to
be "aware of varied family structures, including . . . gay or lesbian
parents . . . " New York Times s.4 p. 16 (September 27, 1992) (editorial).
Hurricanes, w h i c h used to be named exclusively after w o m e n , n o w
alternate between men's and women's names.
65
ILEA(1982).
66
Reinhold (1991); Bromwich (1992); Berman (1992); Aufderheide(1992);
Schlesinger (1992); Partisan Review (1991); New York Times s.1 p.65
(December 15, 1991).
67
Dickey and CPBF (1985) (Working G r o u p against Daily Mail Racism;
T U C ; National Union of Journalists Code of Conduct; Association of
Cinematograph, Television and Allied Technicians Code of Conduct);
GLC W o m e n ' s Committee (nda: 13) (London Transport Code of Condi-
tions of Acceptance of Advertising).
68
N e w York Times A 2 7 (December 1 1 , 1991), A 1 4 (December 30, 1991). I
question The Nation's judgement in accepting an advertisement from a
Los Angeles group called Positive Realism.
Gay to Straight. It Can Be Done? Sexuality derives from personality. Just
as you make personal changes in your life, so heterosexuality can
become a natural, self-fulfilling, joyous experience. How? You don't
need to be converted or insulted. Instead, you can use a proven, well
thought-out, positive and understanding approach. Any gay or bisexual
man or w o m a n can do it even if they've never experienced a heterosex-
ual desire. Many already have.
Although the editors timidly characterised these claims as "borderline
offensive," knew they w o u l d anger staff and readers, and worried that
"printing more ads with a similar message w o u l d change the nature of the
magazine and undermine the broad cultural values our editorial policy
seeks to advance," they concluded that the ad "does not seem fraudulent
to us . . . . Bad politics and w r o n g ideas are best challenged by good
politics and ideas, not censorship." 254(5) The Nation 148 (February 10,
1992). But that is just the question. Sometimes it is better to expose
homophobia, sometimes it is wiser to deny it further publicity. Calling the
latter decision censorship does not advance the ethical inquiry.
69
New York Times 47 (December 14, 1991). The Council of Islamic
Education, founded to combat stereotypes, objected to the statement in a
sixth-grade textbook that all Muslims are Bedouins w h o rub sand over
their faces before kneeling to pray to Allah. A seventh-grade text attrib-
utes a white face to the angel Gabriel (respected as God's messenger by
Muslims, Christians, and Jews). It uses a camel to symbolise Islam's
" m o m e n t in t i m e , " comparable to Spanish cartographers, Samurai war-
159
Taking Sides
riors, Austrian crusaders, a n d English printers. Los Angeles Times B4

(October 3, 1992).
70
71
New York Times A 1 , C9 (March 2, 1992) (gay press); N e w York Times
Magazine pt 2 p. 14 (April 5, 1992) (description of a lesbian couple w h o
collect and sell antiques). Ralph Lauren, which for years identified itself
w i t h upper-class Edwardian Enlgand, n o w is following Benneton in using
w o m e n , minorities, and inner city youths as models. N e w York Times B1
(September 14, 1992). Even in South Africa, the growing purchasing
p o w e r of the huge black majority is compelling producers to seek black
advertising agencies, which can appeal to that market. Herdbuoys, the
first such agency, had 12 million rand in billings within a year after its
April 1991 launch. New York Times s.3 p.3 (May 24, 1992).
But fewer than 10 per cent of American journalists are Black, Hispanic,
or Asian American. New York Times s.1 p.16(June28, 1992).
72
N e w York Times 9 (February 22, 1992).
73
New York Times s. 1. p.44 (December 1, 1991).
74
New York Times s.3 p. 12 (December 15, 1991). O n the ways in which
material culture expresses racism, see Dubin (1987).
75
Q u o t e d from the Washington Post in the (Johannesburg) Weekly Mail 12
(August 16, 1991). But progress is fitful. The anti-feminist backlash is
epitomised by Mattel's latest Barbie doll, whose recorded voice simpers:
" M a t h is h a r d ! "
76
I a m obviously seeing society as constructed of relationships among
otherwise incomplete beings rather than rights between autonomous
individuals. Cf. Gilligan (1982).
Los Angeles's Cardinal Roger M . M a h o n y issued a report on the mass
media in w h i c h he asserted: "Artistic freedom is essential to the creative
process. But a moment's reflection will convince [writers] that the
freedom they cherish cannot be separated from the moral order, the
demands of truth, a concern for the c o m m o n good or the well-being of
other p e o p l e . " If characters are "saying something with their bodies they
do not mean with their minds, hearts, and souls," he asked, "is the
picture honest about the inauthenticity, the inadequacy, the terrible
emptiness, the shallowness and the self-deception of such a one-dimen-
sional approach t o human sexuality?" Is violence " d e m a n d e d by the
story" and "presented as a desirable w a y to solve problems and resolve
conflict?" Are w o m e n portrayed as "possessing the same intrinsic dignity
as their male counterparts . . . ?" He was applauded by the president of
the Writers Guild o f America West, the senior vice president of Atlantic
Records (who was also chair of the Southern California ACLU), the vice
president of the Directors Guild of America, and the president of the
M o t i o n Picture Association of America. Los Angeles Times A1 (October
1, 1992).
77
In response to listener objections, NBC stopped using " d a r k y " and other
racially derogatory terms in the 1930s. As late as the 1950s, entertain-
160
Notes
ment programmes could not mention divorce. New York Times B4 (April
27, 1992).
A month after his first acquittal on charges of beating Rodney King,
Stacey C. Koon "wrote" a book about the LAPD, generously seasoned
with racial slurs. He referred to King as "Madingo" and George Holliday
(who shot the incriminating video) as "George of the Jungle". Once when
Koon repeatedly shot a black man his fellow officers joked that the man
would survive because blacks "are too dumb to go into shock." Koon
claimed he had become a "legend" for viciously kicking a Latino drug
suspect in the testicles. The new LAPD chief (an African American from
Philadelphia) quickly denounced the comments. When the book
appeared five months later all this material had been cut. Koon said "that
was part of the editing process. Those were just raw notes." Los Angeles
Times B1 (May 16, 1992), B3 (May 21, 1992), B3 (October 15, 1992).
Daryl F. Gates, the police chief who had just been forced into retirement,
made his debut on KFI's radio call-in show the same day that federal
prosecutors indicted the four LAPD officers for civil rights violations.
Gates exulted: "Just think, I don't have the restraints that I had before,
when I was Chief of Police. Now I can say almost anything I want to say."
He had not been noticeably reticent before. New York Times A8 (August
7, 1992).
78
Witness the extraordinary success of Deborah Tannen's books (1986;
1990).
79
Paley(1992).
80
Hall (1991), reviewed in The Guardian 25 (November 2 1 , 1991).
81
Observer 3 (November 17, 1991).
82
New York Times s. 1 p.26 (December 8, 1991).
83
N e w York Times A12 (January 29, 1992), A12 (January 30, 1992), A 1 9
(March 2 6 , 1992), A 1 4 (April 1 , 1992), A 1 7 (April 2, 1992), s.1 p. 14
(April 5, 1992). Jackson addressed the Jewish W o r l d Congress in Brussels
in July, urging the t w o groups to w o r k together against "scapegoating,
racism, anti-Semitism, polarization and violence." H e repudiated Louis
Farrakhan, retracted his earlier statement that Israel was " o c c u p y i n g the
birthplace of Jesus Christ," and apologised for " H y m i e t o w n . " The WJC
secretary general said: " H e condemned anti-Semitism 42 times in his
speech, 42 times. W h a t more do you want?" New York Times A1 (July 8,
1992); Los Angeles Times M (July 8, 1992).
84
Los Angeles Times A 2 0 (October 8, 1992).
85
Delgado (1982); Volokh (1992).
86
N e w York Times s.1 p.17 (March 8, 1992).
87
Los Angeles Times B1 (March 6, 1992).
88
New York Times B3 (March 5, 1992).
89
N e w York Times A12 (August 29, 1991); Chronicle of Higher Education
A1 (October 23, 1991); Los Angeles Times B1 (September 2 1 , 1992)
(AIDS march).
90
Richard West Jr., a Stanford law graduate and Cheyenne-Arapaho, the
161
Taking Sides
first director of the Smithsonian's National Museum of the American

Indian, declared: " N o other modern museum has so self-consciously
sought focused input of special concerns from a user population." 12 of
the 25 governing board members must be Indian. "We're part of the 'we,'
not the 'them.' " A pre-opening show in N e w York, "Pathways of
Tradition," was shaped by the recommendations of 28 "culturally based"
artists, religious leaders, educators, and museum administrators. New
York Times s.2 p.53 (September 13, 1992).
91
N e w York Times M (March 2, 1992).
Many African Americans have condemned Huckleberry Finn as racist,
deploring Mark Twain's use of the w o r d "nigger" (200 times) and urging
its exclusion from schools and libraries. N o w a white literature professor
has found an 1874 article in which Twain identified a 10-year-old black
boy as the inspiration for Huck's speech patterns. Henry Louis Gates Jr.,
an African American professor of literature at Harvard, commented:
" W h a t w e discover after all this time is that it is the black American
linguistic voice which forms the structuring principle of the great Ameri-
can novel, and that ain't b a d . " N e w York Times A1 (July 7, 1992); Fishkin
(1993).
92
New York Times B9 (December 1 , 1989), B2 (December 4 , 1989).
Evanston, Illinois, planned a public service announcement on television,
created free of charge by a Chicago advertising executive. It began with a
neo-Nazi giving the Sieg Heil salute while a voice over said "If they gave
a medal for killing black people, this gang would win a bronze" for 12
murders in the last decade. Then the hooded Ku Klux Klan appeared with
a torch while the voice over said: "This gang would win the silver" for 20
murders in the last three decades. Finally a young tattooed black man
wearing a baseball cap, cutoff shorts, heavy jewellery, and a tank top
appeared with sounds of gunfire in the distance while the voice over said
" B u t this gang w o u l d w i n the gold. If you're in a gang, you're not a
brother. You're a traitor." The screen showed 1300 murders in 1991
alone. A black city councillor condemned the ad, while the head of the
Police Department gang unit endorsed it. New York Times s.1 p. 10
(August 23, 1992).
93
A judge has since held that the Alderman violated the student's constitu-
tional rights and ordered the policemen to stand trial. New York Times A9
(August 12, 1992).
In Negrophobia, a black author wrote the story of a white teenager
transported to a world where the most bigoted stereotypes prevail. A
white artist designed the cover, showing a scantily clad white girl with the
shadow of an oversize black caricature peering over her shoulder. A
black w o m a n employee of the publisher was enraged: " i t gives credence
to the old stereotypes that too many people still believe." The publisher
had anticipated that "less h i p " readers might be "turned off" but con-
cluded that "this was an appropriate reflection of the parody in the book."
The author explained:
162
Notes
black people should start taking back these images from our iconogra-
phy that have been stolen and corrupted through the years by racists.
. . . You see these rap and hip-hop artists wearing tiny little braids just
like those stereotypical pickaninny pictures. But it's a statement of our
power instead of self-loathing. . . . It is subverting the perversion.
N e w York Times B3 (June 17, 1992); James (1992).
94
Germans were naively surprised by British anger at the proposed c o m m e -
moration of the 50th anniversary of the launching of the V-2 rocket.
Organisers claimed they were only honouring the "outstanding scientific
and technical achievement" of " t h e first step into space." The head of the
German Aerospace Trade Association, w h i c h sponsored the event, c o m -
plained that " t h e celebrations have unfortunately become the subject of
political discussions, which do not do justice to the scientific facts."
Winston Churchill (a Conservative M P and son of the wartime Prime
Minister) pronounced: "civilised nations do not celebrate weapons sys-
tems." To which the Munchner Merkur replied: "Some of those n o w
protesting stood by silently or applauded w h e n the Queen Mother
unveiled a monument to Sir Arthur Harris, w h o as head of the British
Bomber C o m m a n d in W o r l d War II was responsible for the reprehensible
bombardment of German cities and the deaths of hundreds of thousands
of civilians." N e w York Times A1 (September 29, 1992).
95
New York Times A7 (February 19, 1991), s.3 p.1 (March 22, 1992).
96
Bettelheim (1976). The South African Broadcasting Company thinks
differently. A report urging a ban on the occult concluded: " G o o d
children's stories try to help children to create an aversion to what is evil
(and to everything and everyone associated with it) and to appreciate and
strive after what is g o o d . " Weekly Mail 15 (September 18, 1992).
97
Felstiner et al. (1980-81). W h e n France passed a law against sexual
harassment (the toughest in Europe), a public opinion poll revealed that
20 per cent of French w o m e n w o u l d not consider themselves harassed if
asked to undress during a j o b interview, and 45 per cent w o u l d not if a
male superior asked them to spend a weekend discussing a requested
promotion. New York Times s.1 p. 10 (May 3, 1992).
98
Nader (1980); Harris et al. (1984); Abel (1985b); H e n s l e r e t a l . (1991);
Merry (1990); Yngvesson (1988); Mather & Yngvesson (1980-81); Baum-
gartner (1986); Engel (1987); Greenhouse (1986).
99
Russell & H o w a r d (1983); Bourque (1989). Extrapolating a study based on
telephone interviews with 4008 w o m e n , the National Victim Center and
the Medical University of South Carolina estimated that at least 12.1
million American w o m e n had been raped once, 61 per cent as minors;
683,000 adult w o m e n were raped in 1990; 70 per cent did not want their
families to find out; two-thirds were afraid of being blamed themselves.
This figure was five times the Justice Department estimate. New York
Times A14 (April 24, 1992). A Senate Judiciary Committee study esti-
mated that three out of four w o m e n w h o suffer spousal abuse do not
report it. The Surgeon General lists violence as the leading health risk
163
Taking Sides
among women 15-44 years old. Los Angeles Times A2 (October 3,

1992).
1
Independent on Sunday 2 (October 20, 1991). In the U.S. Navy 56 per
cent of women harassed did not report it. Los Angeles Times A1 (February
10, 1992). The Los Angeles Commission on the Status of Women found
that 37 per cent of city employees had been sexually harassed, compared
to the 25—30 per cent reported in national surveys. Only 9 per cent made
informal complaints and 5 per cent formal complaints. Within that group,
16 per cent found that coworkers and supervisors became unfriendly, 11
per cent suffered health problems, 5 per cent were transferred, and 4 per
cent said their job evaluations suffered. LosAngeles TimesM (September
23, 1992).
2
New York Times s.4 p.6 (November 24, 1991). Because these figures
included physical assaults the proportion of insults reported is even
lower.
3
2-5 per cent in Camden, Newham and Southwark. 193 Searchlightb (July
1991); Daily Telegraph (May 14, 1991); Independent (May 14, 1991). 5
per cent in Newham in 1987. Home Office (1989: para 15). A survey of a
single housing estate in Tower Hamlets disclosed 111 incidents in an
eight-month period of 1982, although the police recorded only 205 for
the entire borough. 72 of those respondents had called the police, who
recorded no incidents. When the Metropolitan Police required a report
every time a complainant alleged a racial motivation for a crime, the
monthly average increased almost tenfold, from 25 in 1981 to 219 in
1982. GLC (1984d: 4, 6, 33, 49). The Leeds Housing Department
increased complaints of racial harassment nearly fivefold by responding
promptly. Independent Commission (n.d.: 33-36).
4
Best & Andreasen (1977). The clearest example is spousal abuse.
5
Tyson also insinuated that Washington was after his money. In fact, an
intermediary offered her a million dollars to drop the charges. New York
Times B14 (January 31, 1992), A8 (March 16, 1992).
When the tabloid New York Post reported that a forthcoming book
accused Bush of spending the night with a female aide in the cottage of
the U.S. Ambassador to Switzerland in 1984, Clinton piously declared "I
don't think it has any place in this campaign"—thereby ensuring the
charge would be repeated. The Los Angeles Times ran a story about the
fact that there was insufficient evidence to warrant covering the allega-
tion! Los Angeles Times A20 (August 13, 1992).
6
Hirschmann(1970).
7
Heinz & Kerstetter (1979).
8
Moriarty (1975).
9
Bentley (1955); McFeely (1968); Crouch (1992).
10
Genn(1982).
11
12
Observer 7 (September 19, 1991); Guardian 2 (October 31, 1991).
13
Mothers Against Drunk Driving, Sisters Against Drunk Driving. See, e.g.
164
Notes
Ball (1986) (above-ground nuclear testing); Brodeur (1985) (asbestos);

Erikson (1976) (Buffalo Creek dam burst) Stern (1977) (Buffalo Creek);
Whiteside (1979) (dioxin); Levine 1982 (Love Canal); Gibbs (1982) (Love
Canal); Schuck (1987) (Agent Orange); Insight Team (1976) (thalido-
mide); Teff & Munro (1976) (thalidomide).
14
In the United States, the NAACP, Maldef, GLAAD, NOW, etc. In England
the Campaign Against Racism and Fascism and Searchlight. In France, the
Mouvement Contre le Racisme, I'Antisemitisme et pour le Paix (MRAP)
and the Ligue Internationale Contre Racisme et Antisemitisme (Lica).
14(1) Patterns of Prejudice (January 1980); 15(4) Patterns of Prejudice
(October 1981); G o r d o n (1982: 3 4 - 3 6 ) .
15
Curran (1978); Marks et al. (1974).
16
Felstiner et al. ( 1 9 8 0 - 8 1 : 643).
17
See Phelps & Winternitz (1992); Morrison (1992). 2100 cheering w o m e n
listened to Anita Hill speak six months later, chanting " W e Believe Anita
H i l l " and wearing buttons "Graduate of Thelma and Louise Finishing
School." The chair of the National Commission of W o r k i n g W o m e n said:
"This is one of those awakenings. It's like before, and w e feel powerful
again, and she did i t . " New York Times s.1 p.31 (April 26, 1992).
18
Guardian 29 (November 14, 1991); Los Angeles Times F4 (February 15,
1992). Complaints t o the Equal Employment Opportunities Commission
increased more than 50 per cent from the first half of the 1991 fiscal year
to the first half of the 1992 fiscal year. N e w York Times Al (July 1 3 , 1 9 9 2 ) .
19
O n retaliatory actions against complainants, see Canan & Pring (1988);
New York Times A17 (April 24, 1990) (consultant to campaign against
housing discrimination sued for libel). O n retaliation against whistle-
blowers, see New York Times A1 (March 22, 1991) (Dr Margot O'Toole,
w h o accused Dr Thereza Imanishi-Kari a n d Dr. David Baltimore of
scientific fraud); New York Times C1 (March 17,1992) (employee of arms
company m a y lose j o b a n d pension for informing US government o f
illegal sales); Guardian 7 (November 12, 1991) (teacher w h o exposed
sexual abuse himself accused of perversion).
20
Guardian 2 (October 22, 1991), 2 (October 23, 1991), 1 , 3 (October 26,
1991).
21
The Court of Appeals freed the three victims. Weekend Guardian 12
(October 1 2 - 1 3 , 1991).
22
T e u b n e r ( 1 9 8 2 ; 1988).
23
CRE (1988: 24) (Leeds schools); Observer 9 (September 2 2 , 1991)
(Gatehouse School, East London); Los Angeles Times B3 (March 1 9 ,
1992) (Occidental College, California); Chronicle of Higher Education
A35 (February 12, 1992) (Brown University, Emory University, UCLA,
Eastern Michigan University, University of Arizona, University o f O k l a -
h o m a , Harvard Medical School); Doev. Univ. of Michigan, 721 F.Supp
852 (E.D.Mich 1989); Fineman (1992); Rohde (1991); Gale ( 1 9 9 0 - 9 1 ;
1991).
24
Delgado ( 1 9 8 2 : 1 3 3 ) ; Leonard (1991); V o l o k h (1992). The Supreme Court
165
Taking Sides
will hear an appeal in Robinson v. Jacksonville Shipyards. New York

Times A11 (January 2 3 , 1991); Los Angeles Times A3 (September 2 4 ,
1991). England has no reservations about protecting workers from abuse.
Guardian 2 (November 14, 1991) (£20,000 to black Metropolitan police-
man abused by other police); 193 Searchlight 6 (July 1991) (£2000 to
construction worker whose boss called him "nigger," "black bastard"
and " m o n g r e l " merely to make him work harder).
25
Bethnal Green (1978: 88).
26
Tompson (1988: 125) (Newham Council); 194 Searchlight 6 (August
1991); 191 Searchlight 13 (May 1991) (Edinburgh); 194 Searchlight 6
(June 1991) CRE (1987: 27); FitzGerald (1989) (Hackney).
27
192 Searchlight 6 (June 1991).
28
Abel (1982). Others remain sceptical about the possibility of informalism
in western societies. Fitzpatrick (1992).
29
Feeley (1979), paraphrasing Marshall McLuhan.
30
Matsuda (1987). For a feminist critique of tort damages, see Bender
(1990a; 1990b).
Punishment can nullify the status degradation of apology by evoking
sympathy for the offender. After a N e w York Mets baseball player was
f o u n d nude in a van with a joint and a w o m a n not his wife he declared at
a press conference: " I wish to apologize publicly to my wife and
children, the Mets' ownership and management, my teammates, to all
M e t fans and t o baseball in general for my behavior in St. Petersburg."
But w h e n the Mets chairman denounced the behaviour as " b a d for
baseball's i m a g e " and fined the player $2000, audience outrage turned
to sympathy. The spokesman for the Japanese American Citizens League
sought t o prevent collective American guilt from turning into resentment
of the $20,000 compensation paid by the United States to every surviving
internee. M o n e y showed that the apology was "sincere," although it
" c o u l d not begin t o compensate a person for his or her lost freedom,
property, livelihood or the stigma of disloyalty." I have taken this and all
other otherwise unattributed examples of apology from Tavuchis (1991).
31
Cf. Habermas (1984).
32
Scott & Lyman (1968); Blumstein (1974).
33
Garfinkel (1956); Blum-Kulka et al. (1989); Schlenker & Darby (1981);
Darby & Schlenker (1982); Coulmas (1981).
Rep. Patricia Schroeder (D-Colo) has been a harsh critic of sexual
harassment in the military, most recently the Navy's 1991 Tailhook
Association convention, where many w o m e n were manhandled. When a
fighter-pilot party at the Miramar Naval Air Station unfurled a lewd sign
imputing that she engaged in oral sex, Admiral Frank B. Kelso 2 d , Chief of
Naval Operations, visited Schroeder's office to apologise even before she
heard of the incident. Vice Admiral Edwin Kohn Jr (Commander of Naval
Air Force in the Pacific) echoed the apology, saying he was "humiliated,
disgusted, frustrated." " W e are going to change . . . a decaying culture
that has proven more a n d more unproductive and unworthy." Los
166
Notes
Angeles Times A32 (July 3 , 1 9 9 2 ) ; N e w York Times A7 (July 3,1992). The

Tailhook chairman subsequently wrote the Acting Navy Secretary: " W e
apologize to the w o m e n involved, the Navy and the nation for our part in
what has become a source of embarrassment." Los Angeles Times A 2 6
(August 8, 1992).
W h e n Treasury Secretary Nicholas F. Brady said to an informal break-
fast meeting of reporters " W e have been told our workers . . . can't
compete with the Japs. . . " Reps. Robert T. Matsui (D-Calif)and Norman
Y. Mineta (D-Calif), both of w h o m had been interned during W o r l d War
II, called for his resignation. Matsui said: " I t really demonstrates the kind
of insularity of this Administration . . . " The Japanese Embassy also
complained. Brady responded: " A t no time did I intend to offend anyone.
If I d i d , I apologize." N e w York Times s.1 p. 16 (August 2, 1992).
34
N e w York Times s.1 p.24 (November 24, 1991).
35
New York Times A 9 (February 24, 1992).
36
Examples include the "Truth C o m m i s s i o n " established in El Salvador as
part of the peace negotiations endings its civil war, and Argentina's
investigation into the disappeared. Amnesty International (1987).
37
14(1) Patterns of Prejudice (January 1980); 15(4) Patterns of Prejudice
(October 1981); Gordon (1982: 3 4 - 3 6 ) . This extends the more c o m m o n
practice of retraction and apology for defamation.
38
New York Times B16 (November 28, 1991), 12 (December 28, 1991).
South African President F.W. de Klerk's recent statement was similarly
qualified and unsatisfactory:
For too long w e clung to a dream of separated nation-states, when it
was already clear that it could not succeed sufficiently. For that w e are
sorry.. . . Yes, w e have made mistakes. Yes, w e have often sinned and
w e don't deny this. But that w e were evil, malignant and mean—to that
we say " n o . "
Los Angeles Times A10 (October 10, 1992).
39
The man w h o pleaded guilty to kidnapping the president of Exxon
International, shooting him "accidentally," and locking him in a box,
where he died from a combination of blood loss, asphyxiation, dehy-
dration, and starvation, said he never intended to harm his victim, was
extremely remorseful, and wished to apologise to the w i d o w . N e w York
Times A 1 6 (September 16, 1992).
Japan refused to allow a visit by the American pilot w h o dropped one
of the atom bombs and sought absolution through an apology. It was not
required to respond to the following full-page advertisement by the
Peninsula Peace and Justice Center (California).
To the People of Japan, O n the Forty-Seventh Anniversary of the First
Use of Atomic Weapons.
W e citizens of the United States of America express our sorrow for the
suffering caused by the cruel and unnecessary bombings of Hiroshima
and Nagasaki. W e pledge to w o r k for the elimination of nuclear
167
Taking Sides
weapons. W e further pledge our efforts to end the continuing misuse of

technology for the destruction of life.
N e w York Times A11 (August 6, 1992).
The Soviet Union refused to acknowledge that Jews were the dominant
victims of the Babi Yar massacre. O n the 50th anniversary in October
1 9 9 1 , Ukrainian President Kravchuk apologised to Ukrainian Jews and
said other Ukrainians must accept "part of the blame." Aleksandr A.
Shlayen, director of the Babi Yar Center, was surprised and gratified. " H e
repented. He came to me personally and apologized. I was at a loss,
frankly speaking. W e aren't used to apologies." Shalyen made Kravchuk
an honourary member of the Center. New York Times A3 (August 27,
1992).
40
Los Angeles Times B3 (March 19, 1992).
41
Chronicle of Higher Education A35 (February 12,1992). Senator Larry E.
Craig (R-ld.) introduced an amendment to the Higher Education Bill
barring any college or university receiving federal funds (except religious
and military institutions) from punishing a student for constitutionally
protected speech. Chronicle of Higher Education A24 (February 19,
1992). The University of Wisconsin repealed its regulations concerning
hate speech in the wake of the Supreme Court's invalidation of the St. Paul
ordinance. New York Times A10 (September 14, 1992).
42
Shapiro (1976); Hine (1966); Houriet (1971); Carden (1971); Zablocki
(1971).
43
W h e n the Slovak Prime Minister cracked d o w n on media opposition, his
supporters quit the journalists union and formed Journalists for a Correct
Picture of Slovakia. N e w York Times s.1 p.7 (October 11, 1992).
For balanced collections on the debate, see Berman (1992); Aufder-
heide (1992); Partisan Review (1991). For the conservative case, see
Bloom (1987); Bennett (1984; 1988); Cheney (1988); d'Souza (1991a;
1991b); Kimball (1990); Presser (1991); Schlesinger (1992); Heterodoxy
(a foul-mouthed journal launched in 1992). For replies, see Diamond
(1991); Beers (1991); Tushnet (1992); Carby (1992); Denning (1992);
Garcia (1992); Scott (1992); Gates & Smith (1992). The antagonists are
n o w organised into the National Association of Scholars, on the right, and
Teachers for a Democratic Culture, on the left.
44
Los Angeles Times A3 (January 24, 1992); New York Times A8 (February
13, 1992). The owner of a d o w n t o w n Santa Cruz restaurant commented:
"If someone has 14 earrings in their ears and their nose—and w h o knows
where else—and spiky green hair and smells like a skunk, I don't know
w h y I have to hire t h e m . " The executive director of the Chamber of
Commerce warned that at least three businesses were considering leaving
because of publicity about the law. Los Angeles Times A3 (May 25,
1992).
45
Guardian 22 (September 17, 1991).
46
Los Angeles Times A3 (April 23, 1992).
47
The University of Massachusetts Daily Colleagian allocated an editor and
168
Notes
t w o pages a month to numerous constituencies: blacks, w o m e n , third

w o r l d , multicultural, Jewish, and lesbian-bisexual-gay. But when it failed
to publish an editorial condemning the Rodney King verdict, angry
students attacked the building, threatened a staff photographer, removed
the paper from newsstands, and called for a boycott of advertisers. The
demonstrators demanded a minority co-editor, an editorship for women
of colour, separate elections for minority editors, and seats on the
executive board. The editor-in-chief accepted all this, saying he had been
threatened with violence and mass resignations. N e w York Times B8
(May 27, 1992).
48
Styron (1967); Clarke (1968) (black criticism of Styron); Gates (1991).
49
Los Angeles Times F6 (April 23, 1992). A Canadian male critic reviewing
five exhibits of photographs of women by men questioned " w h y men are
suddenly so fascinated with these issues" and proceeded to attack each:
Chagnon's "positive images" imply that all is well, that women are
now being accepted as equals and that no further struggle is required.
it is unfortunate that Mitchell seems to have passed up an opportunity to
deal with how he felt about not seeing his kids during the day . . .
The Birth Report appears to be a celebration of white, middle-class,
heterosexual couples, a project that essentially maintains the status
quo.
Replacing out-dated and counter-productive cliches with new positive
ones still ultimately leaves you with prescriptions.
he is still using the porn images and perhaps to gain a certain degree of
attention and notoriety, still using the porn controversy.
The reviewer concluded disarmingly: " I don't want to imply that
'women's problems' should not be addressed by m e n . " Samuels (1985).
Indians on the Pine Ridge Lakota Reservation staged a four-month
protest against the white manager of radio station KILI, established by the
American Indian Movement in 1989 to preserve the Oglala Sioux lan-
guage and culture. He had lived on the reservation since 1975, was
married to a Lakota, and taught social science at the tribal college. Los
Angeles Times A5 (August 3 1 , 1992).
50
Santiago (1983). Nineteenth-century abolitionists wrote novels in the
form of "slave memoirs" in order to enhance their propaganda value.
Gates (1991). Such ventriloquism continues. The screenwriter for a 1971
film on ecology produced by the Southern Baptist Radio and Television
Commission had Chief Seattle tell his people in 1854: " I have seen a
thousand rotting buffaloes on the prairies left by the white man w h o shot
them from a passing train." Susan Jeffers repeated the phrase in her
children's book Brother Eagle, Sister Sky: A Message from Chief Seattle,
which reached fifth place on the New York Times Best Seller list and sold
250,000 copies in its first year. Told there were no bison within 600 miles
of Puget Sound and the railroad only reached it 15 years after Chief
169
Taking Sides
Seattle's death, she replied: "Basically, I don't know what he said—but I

do know that the Native American people lived this philosophy, and
that's what is important." Knowing that the speech was apocryphal,
organisers of the 1992 Earth Day celebration nevertheless performed it
after checking with some Indians. New York Times A1 (April 2 1 , 1992).
51
Carter (1990); Gates (1991). Rennard Strickland, a distinguished Ameri-
can Indian law professor, wrote the foreword to the 1990 reissue of the
1976 book.
52
Leon Higginbotham (1992), the most senior black judge on the U.S. Court
of Appeals, wrote a scathing open letter to Thomas after his confirmation,
w h i c h elicited thousands of requests for reprints, as well as support from
other prominent black legal academics like Lani Guinier of the University
of Pennsylvania and Derrick Bell of N e w York University. Los Angeles
Times M (February 14, 1992).
53
Katt Shea's "Poison I v y " infuriated most of the audience at the Seattle
International Festival of W o m e n Directors. At N e w York's Museum of
M o d e r n Art t w o months later "half the audience thought it should be seen
and talked about . . . the rest found it beneath consideration." Shea
commented:
I've been called a male-basher and a female-basher. At a screening,
one w o m a n said to m e , " H o w could y o u , as a w o m a n , write a
character like Ivy?" At that point I was really into saying, "You can't
censor art to be the way you want it depicted. Because pretty soon no
one can be bad. There can't be bad men. There can't be bad black
people.
N e w York Times s.2 p. 13 (May 3, 1992).
54
Research o n the possible biological basis of homosexuality, for instance.
The prestigious Proceedings of the National Academy of Science reported
that the structure connecting the left and right brain hemispheres, which
is larger in w o m e n then men, is larger still among homosexuals. A
spokesperson for the Gay and Lesbian Task Force in Washington wel-
c o m e d the finding: "This study supports our belief that nature created us
just the w a y w e are and that there is no reason to fix anything because
nothing is b r o k e n . " Gorski & Allen (1992); Los Angeles Times B1 (August
1, 1992). A t-shirt declaring "It's a brain t h i n g " quickly became popular
in the West H o l l y w o o d gay community. But some gay activists are
reluctant to stress such scientific findings, fearing they may be disproved.
A n d they d o little to influence the religious right. Los Angeles Times B1
(August 12, 1992).
The National Institutes of Health withdrew support for a conference on
"Genetic Factors in Crime: Findings, Uses and Implications" under attack
from black scholars and the Congressional Black Caucus. The deputy
director for extramural funding criticised the conference brochure for
touting "genetic research as offering the prospect of identifying indivi-
duals w h o may be predisposed to certain kinds of c o n d u c t . " "The N.I.H.
cannot c o n d o n e the unjustified leap to the conclusion that there is a
170
Notes
genetic predisposition to crime." He added disingenuously: "the sugges-

tion that this is political is offensive to the N.I.H. and personally offensive
to me as an African-American." The Secretary of the Department of
Health and Human Services, also African American, denied that the
National Institutes finance studies of the relationship between race and
crime or violence. "I have full confidence in the scientific and ethical
merit of the Public Health Service's research activities on the problem of
violence and pledge that these programs and their leadership are free of
any racial bias." The president of the Association of Black Psychologists
denounced the conference as "a blatant form of stereotyping and
racism." A spokesman for the University of Maryland, which had orga-
nised the conference, called this "political correctness in motion. The
University of Maryland has had conferences on racism and sexism, and
just having such a conference doesn't mean the university endorses
racism or sexism." In fact, the conference was to begin by critically
examining a 1970s fad—the extra Y chromosome—which was shown to
have nothing to do with criminality. And the conference prospectus stated
that any genetic markers probably would "have little specificity, sensiti-
vity or explanatory power: most people with the markers will not be
criminals" and "most criminals will not have the markers." New York
Times 1 (September 5, 1992), B5 (September 15, 1992), A18 (October 2,
1992) (letter to The Editor, September 24).
Consider the furor over Oscar Lewis (1961) on the culture of poverty,
Daniel Patrick Moynihan on dysfunctional families (Rainwater & Yancey,
1967), Hannah Arendt (1964) on Jewish passivity in the Holocaust, Fogel
and Engerman (1974) on living conditions under slavery, or Lawrence
Harrison (1992) on culture and inequality.
55
A black woman's criticism of black men for relationships with white
women (Campbell, 1992) provoked angry replies:
I happen to be a black woman who is tired of hearing other black
people's complaints about things like "racial mixing," which would be
construed as racist and offensive if uttered by white people.
I'm an African-American man who happened to fall in love with a
white woman. . . . I will not let the color of my skin limit my life's
possibilities.
The pain of being made to feel unattractive or "not good enough" as a
black woman because of our cultural definition of beauty . . . is not
justification enough for the dissemination of prejudicial stereotypes
. . . As one of those blond white women who was involved with a
black man for five years, I was neither "docile" nor "obedient."
My wife and I find that maintaining an "interracial" marriage in a
society as obsessed with race as the United States is hard enough. The
last thing we need is more divisive rhetoric.
New York Times Magazine 12-13 (September 13, 1992) (letters to The
Editor).
Israel's Law of the Return has raised awkward questions about who is a
171
Taking Sides
Jew. Although the country celebrated the airlift of Ethiopian Jews, ortho-
dox rabbis required Ethiopian men to undergo a ritual circumcision
before marrying and refused to recognise the religious authority of the
kessim (62 traditional elders). A spokesman for the Chief Rabbinate said:
"It is the same as with physicians from Russia who headed hospital
departments there but have to take tests here." Israel is more uncomfor-
table with the 50-100,000 Falash Mura, who converted to Christianity in
the nineteenth century; thus far it has admitted only a hundred, who have
a least one child in Israel. The 1300 members of the Black Hebrew
movement—African Americans claiming to_be one of the biblical tribes,
who settled in the Negev—were not admitted under the Law of the
Return, although they have just been given temporary resident status.
56
Sarat(1977).
172
Appendix
Lyrics from "The Buck". See page 36.
That's the only way to give her more than she wants,
Like a doggie-style, you get all that cunt.
Cause all men try real hard to do it,
To have her walking funny so we try to abuse it.
Bitches think a pussy can do it all,
So we try real hard just to bust the wall.
I'll break you down and dick you long.

Bust your pussy and break your backbone.
I'm gonna slay you, rough and painful,

You innocent bitch! Don't be shameful!
That dick will make a bitch act cute,

Suck my dick until you make it puke
Lick my ass up and down,

Lick it till your tongue turns doodoo brown.
175
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196
Index
Abortion Arts
family planning clinics, 118 censorship of, government regulation
government control of, 43 by, 46-47
television, portrayal of, 56, 78, 120 Ayatollah Khomeini, 15
Advertising
alcohol campaigns, 38, 62
Benetton, 119 Barnard Conference, 5
minorities, 160 Beauty contests, 135-136
pharmaceutical, 61 Billboard advertising, 57
restrictions on, 56 Body piercing, 113
smoking campaigns, 37, 60, 61, 62 Breast implants, 43, 95
speech, ambiguity of, 98
television, 56-57
Affirmative action, 131-132, 135, 157
CIA
AIDS
censorship, 40
censorship towards, 46 Car publications
"Magic" Johnson, 57, 74 censorship, businesses by, 73
Alcohol Censorship see also Freedom of Speech
advertising campaigns, 38 Chao, Stephen, 77
American Indians, 151, 169, 170 Child photography, 110
American Nazi Party, 9 Civil libertarianism see also Chapter 2
Malcolm Lambert, 9 theory of, 33-34
American Psycho, 91 Collective status
Anti semitism influence of, 23—24
art, context of, 92 Commercials see also Advertising
1936 Public Order Act, 82-83 censorship of, 78
British government reaction to, Communism
82-83 censorship of, 68
judicial reaction, 85 fall of, free market effect, 124-125
legal penalties, 97 outlawing of, 128
Art Consequentialism, 93-97
attempts to shock, 128-129 Cosmetic surgery
blasphemous, 110 men, 114
censorship, 120 Creation science, 53
"ready-mades", 111 Crime
state regulation, attempt to, 88-69 genetic predisposition towards, 171
197
Index
Cuban-American interests, 58, 79 Freedom of speech—cont.

private agreements to waive,
private freedom, 47-58
"Deep Throat', 6 publications, government regulation
Divorce of, 41-42
secrecy agreement, 44 regulation of, 38—44
Doctors schools, regulation of, 43
referrals, payments for, 72 state regulation, 38—44
Drugs university activities, 35-36
penalties for, 156 French law
racial hatred, penalty for, 147
Education
segregation, voluntary, 133-134, Hamlyn lectures
158 author, aims of, 1-3
Election campaigns, 50-51, 53, 54, 63, history, 1
65, 77, 80, 119, 150 Holocaust revisionists, 101
distortion of free speech, 102 Homosexuality
Endowments behavioural study, banning of, 46
universities, control of, 75 biological basis for, 170
Erotica denial of, 126, 159
pornography, differences in, 87 employment discrimination, 112
ethnic reaction, 126
Local Government Act 1988, clause
FBI
28,45
censorship, 41
military reaction to, 64
Feminism
schools, reaction to 66-67
actresses, exploitation of, 37
Huckleberry Finn, 162
pornography, reaction to, 4—5
Films ICE-T, 59
African American, reaction to, 95—96 "Cop Killer", banning of, 105, 115
restrictions on, 54—55 In the Spirit of Crazy Horse, 38
reviewers, censorship of, 73 "Informercials", 61
First Amendment, 6, 25, 28, 29, 102, Intellectual property rights, 48
128, 146 lawsuits, 70
Flag burning, 39 Interracial relationships, 171
Freedom Islamic Front, 127
private, illusion of, 47-58
Freedom of speech Jackson, Michael, 137
American flag, use of, 39 Jones case, 34-35
black popular music, effect of, 36 Judicial system
censorship, government departments censorship, 66
by, 40
communism, demise, effect of, King, Rodney, 161
49-50 KuKluxKlan, 103, 104, 109, 111
contractual prevention of, 43
costs of, 34 r 38 Law
film industry, 42 failure to regulate freedom of speech,
government, neutrality of, 44—47 86-93
law, failure to regulate, 86—93 regulate, inability to, 94
military censorship, 39—40 violence, causality, link, 96
penalties, legal, 97-105 Lawsuits
political donations, 50-51 media influence against, 116
198
Index
Legal aid Property rights, 48-49

restrictions on, 45 Publishing
Lesbian sex mafia, 5 blasphemous, 154
Libel actions, 103 market, regulation of, 52-53
Liberal political theory prizes, 52-53
failure of, 124-130
Libraries Quayle, Dan, 65
books, censorship of, 45
Racial hatred, 8-11
Mahfouz, Naguib Racism
The Satanic Verses, support of, 31 academic support, 108-109
Maxwell, Robert, 38 Commonwealth Immigrants Act
Media 1968, reaction to, 83-85
control of, 38-44 martyrdom, encouragement of,
effect on society, 114-115 103-104
fiction vs reality, 96-97, 117-118 pressure groups, censorship by, 79
moral responsibility of, 134-135 Rape
news, reporting of, 53-54 estimated, 163
political campaigns, 54 Rappers, 36, 59-60, 104
Military censorship, 39 Record companies
Movies see Films censorship, 59, 64
Recording contracts, 69
Religious dissent, 53
National Museum of the American see also The Satanic Verses
Indian, 162 Reparations, 132, 147
National Socialist Party of America, 9 Hungary in, 156
Frank Collin, 9 Rushdie, Salman, see 77ie Satanic Verses
Russia
Oppression communism, breakdown of, media
minorities, 126 effect, 71
Paglia, Camille, 153, 154 Satanic Verses, The, 11-22

Patents banning of, 12
gene fragments, 70 British Muslim reaction, 12-13
Politics Christian reaction to, 13-14
fundraising, 76 death threat, issue of, 15
media campaigns, 54, 72, 75-76 European Community, reaction to,
Political correctness 17
Barnard conference 1982, 5 media, reaction to, 15-16
'Political correctness', 149 politicians, reaction to, 17
Political donations, 50-51 publishers, reaction to, 18
Pornography, 4-8 Muslim march, 18-19
entrapment, 86 paperback, publication of, 22
legal battles, 5-8 political background, India, 11-12
Alexander family case, 5-8 Rushdie
mainstream, acceptance into, 113 Columbia University lecture,
media, 109 20-21
Russia, 50 conversion of, 19
software, 100 Scholarship
violence, link with, 93-94 dissemination of, 53
Preferential treatment, 131 minorities, 157
199
Index
Schools Speech—cont.
advertising in, 71 Victims of—cont.
censorship of books, 45 state intervention, 143
Science State regulation
donations towards, 51 art, attempt to, 88-89
publications, censorship of, 53, 65 excesses of, 90-93
state regulation over, 45^t6 freedom of speech, effect on, 38-47
Sex education history of, 82-66
censorship of, 41, 45—46 information, withholding of, 63-64
Sexism legal penalties, ineffectiveness of,
employment, 153, 163 97-105
Sex objects political campaigns, 63
men, 153 property rights, 48-58
Sexual harassment science over, 45^t6
reporting of, 164 threats against the state, 127-128
Skokie Status competition
Nazi march, 9-11 role of, 22-29
Smith, Kennedy William, 8, 23 speech, effect on, 25-26
Smoking Status victims, 144-149
advertising campaigns, 37 Strippers, 118
"Son of Sam" law, 49
South Africa Television
media, ANC reaction to, 79-80, 118 censorship, 68—69
President F W de Klerk, 167 real life events, 70
Speech see also Freedom of Speech Thomas, Clarence, 8, 23, 42, 75, 126,
apologies for, 146-148, 166-167, 155
168 Tobacco
communication through, 136-137 advertising of, 37, 99, 101-102, 119
communities, regulation by, 145 censorship, 40
complaints, encouraging, 141-144 Trump, Ivana, 44
dissemination, 141
effect on status, 137-141 Utilitarianism
freedom of, problems caused, 28-29 speech, effect on, 93
motive, 138-139
speaker identity, 137-138
V-2 Rocket
speaker & target, relationship
commemoration of, 163
between, 139-140
Victimisation, 141-144
status competition, effect on, 25-29
Voting, 100
style, 141
target, 139
utilitarianism, effect on, 93 Women's magazines
victims of, 142-144 influence of, 94
consciousness of, 142
crime, reporting of, 142 Yakuza, 80
200
Speech and Respect
By
Richard Abel
Professor of Law, University of California, Los Angeles
In Speech and Respect, based on the forty-fourth series of Hamlyn

Lectures, Professor Abel explores the fundamental contradiction
that speech, which makes us human and constructs society, also
can cause serious injury.
Speech is essential for effective democracy, economic productivity,
artistic creativity, scientific discovery and individual self-expression.
Yet women, people of colour and gays and lesbians have recently
protested against the harms it inflicts. Speech and Respect explores
this tension through examples of racism, pornography and "The
Satanic Verses". The author analyses the inevitable constraints
imposed on speech by both the State and private actors and
examines the arguments against State regulation. Speech and Respect
concludes with a plea for communal regulation of harmful speech
in the continuing struggle for a more humane society.
Extensive footnotes and a lengthy bibliography will be particularly

helpful in guiding readers to the American literature.
Speech and Respect will appeal not only to students of law, sociology
and politics but also to anyone with an interest in the contemporary
debate about the harms of speech.
Published under the auspices of

THE HAMLYN TRUST
1994
ISBN D-M21-5D2ZD-7
9 780421 502208 >

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THE

SPEECH & RESPECT

CANADA AND U.S.A.

Published under the auspices of

Printed by Thomson Litho Ltd.,

A CIP catalogue record for this book

ISBN 0 421 50210 X (H/b)

All rights reserved.

Professor Richard Abel

The Hamlyn Lectures vii

1. The Struggle for Respect 4

1949 Freedom under the Law

1950 The Inheritance of the Common Law

1951 The Rational Strength of English Law

1952 English Law and the Moral Law

1953 The Queen's Peace

1954 Executive Descretion and Judicial Control

1955 The Proof of Guilt

1956 Trial by Jury

1957 Protection from Power under English Law

1958 The Sanctity of Contracts in English Law

1959 Judge and Jurist in the Reign of Victoria

1960 The Common Law in India

1962 Lawyer and Litigant in England

1963 Crime and the Criminal Law

1964 Law and Lawyers in the United States

1965 New Law for a New World?

1966 Other People's Law

1967 The Contribution of English Law to South Africa Law;

1968 Justice in the Welfare State

1969 The British Tradition in Canadian Law

1970 The English Judge

1971 Punishment, Prison and the Public

1972 Labour and the Law

1973 Maladministration and its Remedies

1974 English Law—The New Dimension

1976 The National Insurance Commissioners

1978 Liberty, Law and Justice

1979 Social History and Law Reform

1980 Constitutional Fundamentals

1981 Intolerable Inquisition? Reflections on the Law of Tax

1982 The Quest for Security: Employees, Tenants, Wives

1983 Hamlyn Revisited: The British Legal System Today

1984 The Development of Consumer Law and Policy—Bold

1985 Law and Order

1986 The Fabric of English Civil Justice

1987 Pragmatism and Theory in English Law

1988 Justification and Excuse in the Criminal Law

1989 Protection of the Public - A New Challenge

1990 The United Kingdom and Human Rights

1991 Introducing a European Legal Order

1992 Speech & Respect

"The object of the charity is the furtherance by lectures or

The Trustees are to include the Vice-Chancellor of the University of

Professor J.A. Andrews, M.A., B.C.L.

February 1994 DESMOND GREER

The goal of the Hamlyn Trust is to educate "the Common People of

created the necessary atmosphere for mastering the anachronistic

I am going to begin these lectures with three stories, which illustrate

Sexual fascism means that . . . a few powerful men control our